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4/19/2022

Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Peterson Institute for International Economics | U…

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at
the Peterson Institute for International Economics
April 18, 2022

As Prepared for Delivery
Thank you so much to Adam and the Peterson Institute for International Economics for
hosting me today. This weekʼs Spring Meetings of the IMF and World Bank come at a pivotal
moment for the international financial system and the global economy. Russiaʼs brutal and
unprovoked war in Ukraine has catalyzed the kind of coordinated and multilateral response
not seen since the terrorist attacks of September 11. The multilateral coalition President
Biden has helped assemble is animated by the idea that you cannot violate the sovereignty of
another country and continue to enjoy the privileges of integration into the global economy—
a position reflected in our swi and decisive actions to counter Russiaʼs aggression.
The e ects of our actions are already evident. Russiaʼs economy is expected to contract 10
percent or possibly more in 2022, their worst contraction since Russiaʼs economic crisis over
20 years ago.1 Russia has seen inflation spike, with the World Bank estimating inflation will
reach 22 percent over the course of the year.2 Analysts forecast that imports could fall as
much as 37 percent and that domestic demand could decline over 11 percent.3 The economic
crisis Russia faces will leave the Kremlin with fewer resources to prop up the Russian
economy, pursue its invasion in Ukraine, and project power in the future.
We have taken pains to mitigate the impact of our actions on the global economy. This
includes permitting energy market payments, as well as providing broad carveouts for
humanitarian, medical, and agricultural transactions. Despite our e orts, however, Russiaʼs
invasion of Ukraine, its disruption of shipping lanes, and other destabilizing activity is the
most significant headwind for the global economy since the initial pandemic-induced
economic shock in March of 2020.
It is against this backdrop that we gather this week. There have been few times in the last
century when the operations and details of the international financial system have been so
salient, especially during a military conflict. Today, I would like to share my thoughts on how
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Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Peterson Institute for International Economics | U…

we can continue to invest in a principled-based international financial system while also
denying its benefits to Russia.
In response to U.S. sanctions a er Russiaʼs 2014 invasion of Crimea, the Kremlin made the
strategic decision to attempt to reduce Russiaʼs dependence on the dollar and the U.S.
financial system. The Russian Central Bank moved $80 billion in assets outside of the United
States, made changes to its exchange rate regime, and built up its central bank reserves to
approximately $600 billion.4 Despite these attempts to reduce reliance on the U.S. financial
system prior to the invasion the dollar was used in more than 80 percent of Russian financial
institutionsʼ foreign exchange transactions.5
Yet the actions we have taken in response to Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine are less about the
centrality of the dollar and more about the impact of multilateral action. The financial
sanctions, trade restrictions, and export controls put in place against Russia are being
implemented by a coalition that includes more than 30 countries from around the globe who
represent more than fi y percent of the global economy, issuers of the worldʼs most widely
used convertible currencies, and producers of the worldʼs cutting-edge technologies.
The set of actions to constrain Russiaʼs Central Bank are a great example of the multilateral
approach President Biden and Secretary Yellen have taken. The vast majority of Russian
Central Bank assets were held outside the United States, which meant building a coalition
was essential to immobilize the Kremlinʼs reserves. The depth and breadth of this multilateral
coalition also strengthens our ability to enforce our sanctions. The leaders of the G-7 have
made clear that we will take decisive actions to stop countries, companies, and individuals
from helping Russia evade our sanctions. We expect these actors will choose to follow our
sanctions because the economic benefits of doing business with the countries in our coalition,
which represent more than half of the global economy, far outweigh the value of doing
business with Russiaʼs shrinking economy.
Russiaʼs actions do not only threaten the peace and stability of Europe. They are having a
global impact. As you know, Russia and Ukraine are major exporters of critical commodities.
Russiaʼs war of choice is disrupting supply chains, destroying Ukrainian crops, and creating
uncertainty for energy markets. While we can take steps in the United States and other
advanced economies to mitigate the impact of Russiaʼs invasion on our citizens, developing
economies are forced to pay a high cost for Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine as they face rising
food and energy prices. This is why Secretary Yellen plans this week to call on policy makers to
take steps to address the challenges Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine is creating for developing
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4/19/2022

Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Peterson Institute for International Economics | U…

economies around the world. We cannot allow Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine to further burden
countries still struggling to deal with a global pandemic.
Our ability to address Russiaʼs invasion, by using sanctions and providing support to those
negatively impacted, is only possible because of the investments we have made in the global
financial system. And the only way to ensure the system becomes stronger is by continuing to
invest in it. In the midst of World War II, a coalition of nations came together to do something
unprecedented. They sought to build a true system for international economic exchange, one
with rules that would promote fairness and shared global prosperity. While that system
certainly has had its challenges, the results it has delivered have been nothing short of
inspiring. For example, from 1955 to 2018, the global extreme poverty rate fell from about 50
percent to just 10 percent.6
The legacy of this e ort is why we are all here today—the institutions created to safeguard
this system and expand its scope by bringing new nations into this global economic coalition
include the IMF and World Bank. The IMF came into formal existence in December 1945 with 29
members. That number has expanded in waves to reach 190 today. We are all here this week
because we believe in the principles these institutions represent and the critical role economic
cooperation will continue to play in promoting global prosperity.
In the last few weeks, we have heard criticism from some quarters that the sanctions-based
response to Russiaʼs actions risks fracturing the international economy—that by
demonstrating the stark consequences of isolation from this system, we are encouraging our
adversaries to accelerate their e orts to build a separate one.
My takeaway is the opposite. That we have shown not only how indispensable this system is
and how costly it is to be excluded from it, but also the futility of trying to avoid it. Russiaʼs
e orts to insulate itself from sanctions have failed because of the strength of the financial
system we have collectively built. Like our predecessors who built the Bretton Woods system
during a moment of global conflict and crisis, now is the time to double down on our
investment in a shared financial architecture, capable of promoting shared prosperity and
holding rogue actors accountable.
Let me conclude with a few words about where we go from here. As long as Russiaʼs invasion
continues, our sanctions will continue. Even as we continue to pursue rigorous financial
sanctions against Russia and its key financial institutions, the next phase of our work will be
to take apart Russiaʼs war machine, piece by piece, by disrupting their military industrial
complex and its supply chains. Russiaʼs war against Ukraine has taken far longer than Russia
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Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Peterson Institute for International Economics | U…

anticipated, due in large part to the heroic e orts of the Ukrainian people and the support we
have provided. That delay means that Russiaʼs military will need to restock, resupply, and
rebuild. To stop that from happening, we are continuing our e orts to use sanctions and
export controls to deny Russia the critical inputs it needs, targeting key sectors like
aerospace, electronics, and others related to the defense sector.
As we work with this coalition to address Russiaʼs threat, now is the time to cement our
cooperation and reinvigorate the international economic coordination on which the 20th
century economy was built. If this conflict has taught us anything, it is that the dividends our
shared economic system pays come not only in the form of prosperity, but in the ability to
defend our most sacred principles when we need to most.
Thank you again. Adam, Iʼm looking forward to our discussion.

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1

https://www.worldbank.org /en/region/eca/publication/europe-and-central-asia-economic-

update
2

https://www.worldbank.org /en/region/eca/publication/europe-and-central-asia-economic-

update
3

Russia, J.P. Morgan Research (April 7, 2022)

4

https://cbr.ru/Collection/Collection/File/39685/2022-01_res_en.pdf

5

https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0608; data referenced:

https://www.bis.org /statistics/rpfx19_fx.pdf
6

https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org /sites/e20f2f1a-en/index.html?

itemId=/content/component/e20f2f1a-en#endnotea9z4

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