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2/23/2024

Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Council on Foreign Relations | U.S. Department …

Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at
the Council on Foreign Relations
February 23, 2024

As Prepared for Delivery
Thank you, Mike, for having me here today. While I wish I were here under di erent
circumstances, tomorrow, as you all know, marks the second anniversary of Russiaʼs illegal
invasion of Ukraine.
As the war stretches on, skeptics see Ukraineʼs endurance as a denial of reality, rather than a
show of bravery that continues to frustrate one of the worldʼs largest conventional armed
forces.
Letʼs be clear—this invasion has been a strategic failure for the Kremlin. Putin expected to
capture Kyiv in days. Instead, the Kremlin has deployed nearly its entire military and lost over
300,000 troops.[1] Putin wanted his invasion to divide global democracies, hoping weʼd all look
out for our own self-interest. Today, NATO is larger and more unified than when Russiaʼs
invasion began.
And in order to pay for this brutal war, the Kremlin is mortgaging the future of the Russian
people. Hundreds of thousands of Russians have fled the country. Foreign direct investment
has dried up, the ruble is weak, and the country is cut o from nearly every major financial
center around the world. While GDP is higher than projected, itʼs largely due to the 70 percent
increase in military spending, which has driven inflation higher and has taken the place of
critical investments in Russiaʼs people and future. For the first time in modern Russian history,
the 2024 budget allocates more to military expenditures than social policy.
Despite Russiaʼs challenges, conventional wisdom is that Ukraine lacks the capacity to
persevere and that our coalition is weakening. This is a narrative perpetrated by the Kremlin
and increasingly finding its way into the press. But it is false. The truth is Ukraine has the
ability to defeat Russia. And our alliance with Europe and the global coalition we have built
continues to withstand the test of time.

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Americaʼs history is filled with lessons on how to defeat tyrants that seek to redraw borders,
commit atrocities, and upend the global order. Cementing Russiaʼs failure requires us to use
diplomacy, sanctions, and export controls to deny the Kremlin access to the weapons and
goods they need to conduct their war of choice, as well as properly resource the brave
Ukrainian people to defend and preserve their democracy.

DISRUPT ING RUSSIA
Russia is more isolated from the global economy now than at any point since the end of the
Cold War. This is because our coalition is made up of countries that represent more than 50
percent of the global economy. The breath and durability of this coalition sends a strong
message to the Kremlin and any other regime that seeks to engage in unprovoked aggression
against a neighbor.
A key part of our strategy is ensuring Ukraine has the military and economic support needed
to defend itself and ensure that there is a country and economy le to defend, which I will
touch on shortly.
Before I turn to that, I want to discuss Treasuryʼs work using sanctions to make it harder for
the Kremlin to wage its war. Our sanctions have two goals: reduce the revenues the Kremlin
has to fuel its war of choice, and disrupt Russiaʼs ability to get the goods it needs to build the
weapons the Kremlin wants.
First, we are going a er the Kremlinʼs most lucrative source of revenue—energy. Russian
federal energy revenues dropped by about 40 percent in 2023, in large part due to our
coalitionʼs sanctions and the price cap regime that our coalition has placed on the Russian oil
trade using G7 services.
Unsurprisingly, the Kremlin is investing time and resources into evading the price cap. And in
response, we have further cracked down, enforcing and adjusting the price cap to make the
Kremlinʼs costs rise and profits fall. Recently, the Russian Deputy Prime Minister publicly
acknowledged the negative impact our crackdown has had on their revenues.[2]
Today, we will impose additional price cap sanctions that will increase Russiaʼs circumvention
costs, as well as reinforce our policy of reducing the Kremlinʼs revenue while permitting oil to
reach the market.
Second, we are making it harder for Russia to purchase the goods it needs to build weapons it
wants. This includes sanctioning companies in Russia and, importantly, in third countries that
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Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Council on Foreign Relations | U.S. Department …

support Russiaʼs military industrial complex.
As part of this e ort, today we announced a number of sanctions on Russian companies and
third-country providers that are on the front lines of the Kremlinʼs military industrial complex.
Places that were once advanced manufacturing and technology hubs at the forefront of
innovation—the kinds of places that could lead to good jobs and improved quality of life for
everyday Russians—are now geared towards war production and our actions will deny these
firms access to money and supplies.
We are making it harder for the Russian military to purchase what it needs to sustain its
domestic manufacturing e ort. President Biden recently signed an Executive Order with new
authorities, allowing us to send a simple message to companies and financial institutions
around the world: if you provide material support to Russiaʼs military we will come a er you
with every tool at our disposal. These firms have a choice: do business with Russiaʼs military
industrial complex or with countries that represent more than 50 percent of the global
economy.
As Russia scrambles to evade our sanctions, we know that the more intelligence, operational,
and financial resources they commit to evasion, the less they can commit to the battlefield.
We also know that despite the Kremlinʼs best e orts, our sanctions continue to have an
impact. Just this month, a Kremlin spokesman openly acknowledged the ways sanctions are
creating new roadblocks.[3] Thatʼs why as we mark another anniversary of this war, the Biden
Administration and our allies are committed to doubling down on our commitment to root
out sanctions evasion.

SUPPORT ING UKRAINE
At the same time, our e orts to curb Russiaʼs violence are only one part of the equation. As we
work to slow down Russiaʼs ability to produce weapons, we need to provide Ukraine with the
weapons they need to defend themselves. And as we provide them with weapons, we must
also ensure that Ukraine has the financial resources to keep the lights on and support their
basic economic needs. This is an integral, inseparable part of our strategy—our sanctions
alone are not su icient to carry Ukraine to victory.
Our partners all over the world have been steadfast in their support. The European Union took
an important step by agreeing to a €50 billion package of additional support for Ukraine.
Canada, Japan, and the United Kingdom have each committed billions of dollars. But
American leadership is essential to ensuring that Ukraine has the resources it needs.
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The Senate supplemental includes over $33 billion to invest in American companies and
workers to build weapons the Ukrainian people need to defend themselves. It also includes
$10 billion in economic assistance. Sustained economic assistance not only helps Ukraine
defend itself from attacks on its infrastructure and economy, it makes it clear to Russia—and
other belligerent actors—that the United States will stand with countries fighting for our
shared values. Our partners are stepping up to meet the challenge. We need to do our part.
And as we focus on providing Ukraine with short-term resources to defend its democracy,
President Biden believes it is essential the Kremlin pay for the damage they have done to
Ukraine. Early on in the invasion, President Biden and the other Leaders of our coalition made
the decision to immobilize Russiaʼs sovereign assets held in our jurisdictions. In December, G7
Leaders stated clearly that, "it is not [] for Russia to decide if or when it will pay for the
damage it has caused.” With this direction, we are actively looking for ways to use these
assets to support the Ukrainian people. Taking this step will increase pressure on Russia to
end its illegal war of aggression.
If Putin chooses to prolong this war, he should know that Ukraine will continue to have access
to the finances it needs for its people and its economy.

UNIT Y OF PURPOSE
A er two years, Putinʼs blatant violation of international law helped forge an unprecedented
show of strength in opposition to his aggression.
Together, our international coalition has responded to his barbarism with innovative,
collective countermeasures—like the price cap—that we would not have been able to do
alone.
Now the Kremlin continues to employ a strategy aimed at destroying Ukraineʼs will to fight.
But I remain hopeful because of brave Ukrainians like Roman Ratushnny.[4] In 2014, just 16years old, he joined thousands of protestors occupying the Maidan Square, demanding
democracy and an end to government corruption. Eight years later, still a young man, he
enlisted, ready to defend the fragile democracy he helped restore.
On the frontlines, Roman, prepared a will, writing like a man who already knew his fate: “Kyiv, I
died far from you, but I died for you.” Just two weeks a er writing those words, he was killed
in action.

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Remarks by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo at the Council on Foreign Relations | U.S. Department …

Roman Ratushnny understood the power of the values that bind the Ukrainian people with
democracies all over the world. He joined that sea of demonstrators in Kyiv, driven by the
same impulse that led people to march on Washington, bring a wall down in Berlin, and stand
up to apartheid in Johannesburg.
Roman Ratushnny and countless others that summoned that spirit of service and sacrifice did
not die in vain. As brave Ukrainians fight for their future, we must continue supporting them as
long as Russiaʼs aggression continues.
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[1] https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/12/politics/russia-troop-losses-us-intelligence-assessment/index.html
[2] US, EU Oil Sanctions Deepening Russian Crude Discounts, Novak Says - Bloomberg
[3] https://www.barrons.com/news/russia-admits-problems-with-china-payments-1d9e5887
[4] https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/02/world/roman-ratushnyy-ukraine-maidan-revolution-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

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