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10/8/2020

Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic
Council Geoeconomics Center
October 7, 2020

INTRODUCTION – TRANSATLANTIC POLICY RESPONSE TO
COVID-19
Thank you Julia. My thanks also to Steve Hadley for moderating the discussion.
Congratulations to the Atlantic Council on the opening of the Center for Geoeconomics.
Having spent time carefully looking at your goals, the Center is an extremely timely and
worthwhile undertaking.
More broadly, now more than ever, The Atlantic Council’s mission of fostering a strong
transatlantic relationship is important. COVID-19 has severely disrupted our economy and
way of life. As the world looks to the future, it is important that we not just re-start economic
growth, but that the right values guide us in a post-Covid world.
And that is why the transatlantic relationship is so important. It represents over forty percent
of the world’s GDP and nearly half of global personal consumption.[1] But it is about much
more than the economy. It is a community of values that we cherish, and live by, and are
prepared to defend. Our common belief in liberty and democracy makes this partnership a
cornerstone of world stability. I believe that the pandemic has only highlighted how
important our shared values are.
I would like to focus the first part of my remarks today on the response to the pandemic in
the United States and Europe, and then turn to several Transatlantic policy areas where
cooperation based on shared values is essential -- specifically investment security, crypto
currency, sanctions, and economic growth.

U.S. AND EU ECONOMIC RESPONSE
Beginning with the pandemic response, the United States and Europe each mounted
unprecedented economic programs. We moved quickly and boldly, dampening the
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Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

macroeconomic shock and laying the groundwork to support the recovery that is occurring
today, though there is of course much work to do.
Our experience so far demonstrates that we need not operate from identical playbooks to
work toward our shared goals of full employment and robust and inclusive growth.
In both the U.S. and Europe, fiscal policies provided support for households amid sharp
declines in employment and hours worked. This was achieved through a mix of
unemployment insurance and job retention programs, but with varying weights. The United
States relied more heavily on direct payments to households, including stimulus checks and
unemployment insurance, while also promoting job retention through the Paycheck
Protection Program. European policymakers focused on subsidizing company payrolls to
retain workers through a variety of short-time work programs, which had been used during
the global financial crisis, so were ready to be re-launched.
Ultimately, both U.S. and European fiscal policies have produced similar results. First, by
maintaining a base level of household consumption through the worst of the pandemic and
subsequently by unleashing pent-up consumer demand. Retail sales have rebounded to
above pre-pandemic levels, with both the U.S. and Europe at 104% of 2019 averages.[2]
Monetary policy tools have also played an instrumental role in the response. With shortterm interest rates constrained from below, asset purchase programs and lending facilities
remain the primary workhorses for both the Fed and the ECB. Both central banks have
increased their bond holdings at a record pace as well as expanded their loan books.
However, implementation of these programs di ers. The ECB’s targeted longer-term lending
operations o er low rate, long-duration loans to banks with built-in incentives to encourage
lending. The Fed has stood up a wide array of direct lending facilities, several of which
receive U.S. Treasury backing. While the specifics vary, the relative scale of operations is
strikingly similar. From mid-March through August, the Fed’s balance sheet has grown by 15
percentage points of GDP, over the same time, the ECB’s balance sheet swelled by 19
percentage points of GDP.[3]
Our strong responses have been mutually reinforcing, and as our economies recover, there
are four areas where transatlantic cooperation will be vital.

INVESTMENT SECURITY

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Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

The first is investment security. Prior to the pandemic, the United States and many of our
European partners were already collaborating on investment security. The pandemic has
only increased the sense of urgency. The vulnerability of companies to take-overs increases
in a crisis, and other countries are sensitive to this.
There has been a recent groundswell of action by our transatlantic partners to either
establish or update their investment review regimes. Many have reached out to us to benefit
from our expertise given our work through CFIUS. France, Germany, Italy, Finland, and Spain
already had investment review regimes, but have taken steps to further protect themselves.
Other European countries such as Norway and Poland have established new regimes. Still
others—like Ireland and the Czech Republic—are considering legislation.

Our competitors and adversaries will be relentless in their pursuit of cutting-edge
technologies. If the U.S. and Europe are unified on this issue, we can protect our values and
enhance national security, while embracing global growth.

CRYPTOCURRENCY
A second area where cooperation is critical is cryptocurrencies. Cryptocurrencies are a
fascinating topic because they have implications not only for private business, but also for a
number of activities the government is responsible for.
Consider for instance national security. One of the issues at the top of Treasury’s mind is that
digital currencies can potentially be used to evade existing legal frameworks—like those
governing anti-money laundering and the countering of terrorist financing. Treasury has
made it clear that the obligation to comply with U.S. laws is the same regardless of whether
a transaction is denominated in traditional fiat currency or digital currency. Existing laws
apply to digital assets in no uncertain terms.
However, even if we could be assured that the private sector is complying with the letter and
spirit of AML laws, there are important remaining concerns that government must consider,
such as a digital currency’s potential e ects on the monetary base and financial stability.
These are linked to a broader concern about what I will call governance. For instance, if a
decade from now there were a desire for a stablecoin to go from fully reserved to partially
reserved, or to shi its underlying mix of reserve currencies, this could alter money supply or
cause financial disruption. Would such a decision be made by a private governing
association? Or by a majority of coinholders? What if foreign actors had acquired a majority
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Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

of the coins? In any case, would important decisions about our economic system have been
taken out of the hands of government accountable to the people?
The speed and cost advantages of stablecoins are clear, and we of course value innovation
and e iciency. However, digital currencies are not simply a means of payment, but,
depending on their structure, can shi some functions traditionally performed by
government to the private sector. Therefore, policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic must
continue to work together to take a very hard look at these issues.

SANCTIONS
A third area where the U.S. and Europe must work closely together is holding bad actors
accountable. We have a joint obligation to ensure the financial system is not used to
undermine the freedoms we value so deeply.
To date, our e orts have made it more di icult for terrorists, criminals, and rogue regimes to
move money around the world, and teams from the U.S. and Europe are in frequent touch to
identify illicit activities. Through the hard work of both the United States and Europe at the
Financial Action Task Force, virtually all countries are subject to a rigorous peer review that
examines their ability to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing.
Another example of excellent cooperation is on Syria sanctions. In June of this year,
Treasury designated 24 individuals and entities in Syria. These designations reinforced
actions taken by the European Union to hold the Syrian regime accountable for their
mistreatment of the Syrian people. We will continue to work with our EU counterparts on
potential targets.
An even more recent example is the sanctions that the European Union, the United Kingdom,
Canada and the United States imposed last week on Belarussian o icials for rigging their
presidential election. These o icials can no longer easily access the international financial
system. We hope these actions will result in a change in behavior and lead to free and fair
elections soon, as well as make clear to others the cost of interfering in democratic
processes.
We also understand and share our European partners’ concerns about the impact of
sanctions on humanitarian assistance. Treasury has made it a top priority to ensure that our
sanctions do not impede COVID-19 relief. We have a long history of authorizations and

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Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

exemptions across our sanctions programs to ensure the flow of humanitarian assistance is
not interrupted.
On April 9, we reiterated this commitment in a statement that emphasized support for
COVID-19 related aid. But, we made sure to reinforce that this aid should occur through
legitimate and transparent channels. The pandemic has tested the global financial
environment, creating conditions ripe for money laundering, corruption, and fraud. We are
committed to ensuring that bad actors do not take advantage of this pandemic to enrich
themselves.

GROW TH
A final topic I would like to discuss is the importance of growth. We of course value strong
and broadly-distributed growth because of the opportunities and hope it creates for our
citizens. Liberty and self-determination are best realized in an environment with diverse and
widely available economic opportunities that enable people to pursue their dreams.
We have been very focused on this at Treasury, and I am proud of the progress we were able
to make before the world’s attention shi ed to the Coronavirus. In 2019 poverty rates hit an
all-time low, and real median household income grew to an all-time high at a record pace of
almost 7%, or more than $4000 in a single year.[4] The unemployment rate hit a five-decade
low, and all-time lows in unemployment were achieved for various minority groups including
African-Americans and Latinos and Hispanics.[5] Particularly notable was that wage growth
at the bottom decile of the income distribution hit an all-time high, and exceeded wage
growth for the top decile of the income distribution.[6]
But growth is not only valuable because it increases living standards, it is also a vitally
important safeguard of our shared values.
This is the case for several reasons.
First, a larger economy allows an increased ability to invest in the security programs which
do so much to safeguard our way of life. This includes military personnel and equipment,
intelligence services, and cutting-edge research. While this benefit of growth is easy to see, it
is too o en not part of the conversation.
Second, as countries around the world make relative choices about who their partners will
be, the faster we grow, the more attractive we are as partners. Growth means more
purchasing power and more influence in international standards setting. This is especially
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Remarks of Deputy Secretary Justin Muzinich at the Atlantic Council Geoeconomics Center | U.S. Department of the Tr…

important as the world adopts frontier technologies such as 5-G, AI, and quantum
computing. The larger our markets are, the more likely we will be able to set technology
standards that protect our shared values.
Third, maintaining the world’s leading economies allows us to shape global financial market
access. Increased economic growth makes our sanctions regimes more e ective and raises
the opportunity costs of malign activity, helping us deter bad actors and achieve our shared
foreign policy goals.
Finally, a strong economy is a testament to the benefits of our liberal democratic system and
a counterpoint to top-down, state-led approaches. Our sustained growth and prosperity has
been unmatched by competing economic systems. As other countries seek to achieve their
vision of world order, it is as important as ever to demonstrate that we can continue to
provide unparalleled and broadly distributed opportunity.

CONCLUSION
To conclude, let me return to what is front of mind today, the COVID 19 crisis. I have always
regarded public service as a privilege, and it has been a particular honor to be able to serve
in this moment of national reckoning. Crises can bring in to focus what is most important,
and in the case of the Transatlantic relationship, I hope it will do just that. Our shared values
have guided our response to the crisis, and we must focus on these as we look to create a
prosperous, free, and secure world. At times Europe and the U.S. will view individual policies
di erently, but on the scale of world a airs, these di erences are small compared to the
values we share. Let us remember what binds us together, as we work side-by-side to shape
a world of which future generations will be proud. Thank you.

[1] World Bank World Development Indicators. Note annual data for 2018 measured as sums
of US and EU-27 GDP and final household and NPISH consumption in nominal US dollars.
[2] Treasury sta calculations based on data from BEA/Haver Analytics (US) and
Eurostat/Haver Analytics (EU-27). Observations based on seasonally adjusted retail sales
volumes data for August 2020, indexed against 2019 averages.
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[3] Bloomberg
[4] Census Bureau, “Income and Poverty in the United States: 2019.” Accessed at
https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2020/demo/p60-270.html
[5] Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey, accessed at
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/LNS14000006 and
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/LNS14000009
[6] Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey, accessed at
https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpswktabs.htm

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