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5/20/2024

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric
Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics and Policy
Approaches
May 19, 2024

As Prepared for Delivery
It is a pleasure to be here today to discuss the economics of housing a ordability and the
Biden Administrationʼs approach. As Secretary Yellenʼs chief economist, my responsibility is to
consider the granular data underlying the structural challenges our economy faces and
identify lessons to inform the policymaking process. Today, Iʼll apply that lens to the housing
market. The pandemic radically changed the role that housing plays in Americansʼ lives and a
macroeconomic environment that has le renters and homeowners alike grappling with new
challenges. It is important to understand what the evidence is telling us as we work to deliver
on President Bidenʼs vision of a more a ordable housing market for the broadest range of
Americans.
I will o er three key conclusions:
First, the long-standing structural challenge of housing a ordability is both deep and
broad. Sixty percent of families making between $20,000 and $50,000 are spending more
than 30 percent of their income on housing expenses. And since 2000, typical housing
prices and rents have grown faster than incomes in nearly 90 percent of American
counties.
Second, our aging population has driven soaring household demand in recent decades,
and available housing supply has failed to catch up. We estimate that there are 4 to 6
million “missing” housing units relative to the age and housing profile of the population in
2000.
Third, the Administration has called on Congress to deliver more than $175 billion to help
expand U.S. household supply. At Treasury, we are supporting the construction of
a ordable rental housing through the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) and
enabling State and local governments to use funds from the American Rescue Plan to
construct a ordable housing.
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5/20/2024

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

Let me begin with some context. In the immediate response to the pandemic, economists
focused on maintaining demand to ensure our labor market and household incomes stayed
afloat. But three years into the recovery, labor markets are healthy and American demand
remains strong, even as inflation has fallen significantly. Today, the Administration is focused
on the supply side: expanding our economyʼs productive capacity to ensure our growth over
the medium and long term. Secretary Yellen has called this strategy “modern supply-side
economics,” recognizing that we can expand our ability to produce while addressing some of
our most important social challenges like climate change and income inequality. We have seen
this approach through landmark legislation like the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), the CHIPS
Act, and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. Each of these laws is designed to invest in our
long-term growth by expanding aggregate supply.
Housing is an essential component of aggregate supply. Stable housing that Americans can
comfortably a ord is an essential element of the American promise, and a baseline necessity.
A well-functioning housing market contributes to our medium- and long-run growth in several
ways. It allows workers to live closest to the high-quality jobs where they are most
productive, which is particularly important given the resurgence of American manufacturing.
Moreover, there is an abundance of evidence that stable housing provides benefits to children
that increase their future long-term success.
And yet, one does not need to be an economist to recognize that housing has become
increasingly una ordable. Over the last few decades, house prices and rents have risen more
than incomes, and those trends were exacerbated during the pandemic and as interest rates
rose. Moreover, the burden of higher housing costs are not equally shared. Black and Hispanic
households tend to spend a higher share of their income on housing expenses than white
households. Specifically, in 2022, 57 and 54 percent of renting households with a Black or
Hispanic head, respectively, spent more than 30 percent of their income on housing expenses,
as opposed to only 45 percent of renting households with a white head.[1] And almost 90
percent of families with annual incomes below $20,000 spend more than 30 percent of their
incomes on housing expenses. Sixty percent of families with incomes between $20,000 and
$50,000 do the same—these Americans are on the brink of being priced out of a basic human
need.
To a certain extent, housing costs are rising for a simple reason: housing supply has not kept
up with rising housing demand. But this is not a simple story of construction falling short of
population growth. In fact, the growth in the housing supply has slightly exceeded overall
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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

population growth. Rather, it is a demographic story: our countryʼs aging population has
driven overall housing demand to grow faster than the population, and the construction of
new housing supply has failed to catch up to that.
This dynamic has created a shortage of millions of housing units that has accumulated over
decades. Addressing a shortage of this magnitude will rely on strengthening Federal housing
policy—a priority for the Biden-Harris Administration—and, importantly, ongoing and
innovative work by State and local governments.

RISING HOUSING COSTS
Let us take a close look at the aggregate increases in housing costs we have all observed.
Since the turn of the century, both average rents and median home prices have risen faster
than overall inflation (as measured by the Consumer Price Index) and faster than median
household income.[2]
And in the three years a er the pandemic began, house prices experienced sharper increases
than during any other three-year period since 2000—even including the housing boom of the
mid-2000s. And since March 2020, average rents, as measured by the Consumer Price Index,
have risen over 20 percent, contributing to broader inflationary pressures.
These long-term trends are playing out across the country: although some places in the
United States have experienced greater housing cost increases than others, most areas have
experienced some. Housing costs rose in rural and urban areas, and for both single-family and
multi-family units.[3]
To underscore how widespread the growth of home prices and rents have been, we compared
median rent growth and median house price growth to median household income growth
within counties between 2000 to 2020. We found that:
Median house prices increased more than median income in 88% of counties, covering
95% of the population.
Median rents increased more than median income in 88% of counties, covering 97% of
the population.
Seeing such widespread evidence of home price and rent increases indicates that there is not
just a location-based mismatch between areas with more demand and areas with excess
supply—we have a nationwide challenge with respect to housing supply.

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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

HOUSING DEMAND AND SUPPLY
How did we get here? In the United States, the changing demographic characteristics of the
population are one major factor that have stoked soaring housing demand over the past few
decades, well in excess of the additional supply we constructed.
The share of the U.S. population aged 55 and over grew from 20 percent in 2000 to 30 percent
in 2023. Older people typically live in smaller households, so as the population ages, the
demand for homes rises. When the supply of homes is constrained, we do not necessarily see
an increase in housing demand through an increase in household formation. Instead, we
observe that young adults live longer in their parentsʼ houses, and more families and
roommates choose to share housing rather than set out on their own—reflecting a rising
number of “missing households.” Some of these missing households represent “unsatisfied
demand,” as they would have wished to start their own households if a ordable housing had
been available to them.
To quantify this e ect, Treasury economists compared the age distribution of the population
in 2000 and 2020. We estimated how many housing units would be demanded today if
Americans of a given age had the same probability of living on their own (or being the head of
a household) as they did in 2000. Our analysis found that total housing demand—which
includes our estimate of unsatisfied demand—grew by 26 percent (from 105 million to 133
million housing units) from 2000 to 2020. During this same period, the housing stock—or the
number of housing units counted by Census—only grew by 19 percent. Meanwhile, overall
population growth was only 17 percent. So the price pressures in housing have not arisen
because population has outpaced supply, but because housing demand, which accounts for
the age distribution of the population, has outpaced supply.
Our methodology measuring unsatisfied demand suggests that there is a current housing
shortage of 4 to 6 million units, relative to 20 years ago. Other forecasters, using other
methodologies, find shortages within the range of 2 to 7 million homes.

POLICY RESPONSE
Federal housing policy is crucial in addressing the shortage of safe and a ordable housing in
our country. Indeed, in its latest budget, the Biden Administration has called on Congress to
invest more than $175 billion to help grow housing supply. And as Deputy Secretary Adeyemo
recently wrote, Treasury is not waiting for Congress to act.
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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

First, Treasury is supporting the construction of a ordable rental housing across the United
States through the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, the largest source of financing for
a ordable housing in the country—building on important policy changes that enable the
creation of more financially stable, mixed-income LIHTC developments.
Second, Treasury enabled State and local governments to use money from the American
Rescue Plan to make investments in housing supply. The American Rescue Planʼs State and
Local Fiscal Recovery Funds (SLFRF) program is driving investments at every level of
government to create new and improve existing a ordable housing stock. The Treasury
Department has encouraged jurisdictions to use their SLFRF funds to support housing
stability and the construction and preservation of new a ordable housing. In the summer of
2022, the Department expanded the flexibility for recipients to use their SLFRF funds to invest
in long-term a ordable housing projects. In the approximately one year following that
announcement, governments increased their funds budgeted in this area by more than 50%.
In March, the Department updated the SLFRF guidance to enable states and localities with
remaining resources to use those funds on more eligible housing projects.
Third, through a new agreement with the Department of Housing and Urban Development
(HUD) announced in March, the Treasury Department is indefinitely extending the Federal
Financing Bankʼs (FFB) financing support for a risk-sharing initiative between HUD and State
and local housing finance agencies. This will dramatically lower the cost of capital for certain
low-risk housing developments. Prior iterations of this FFB program, which was restarted by
the Biden Administration in 2021, leveraged nearly $5 billion for the development or
substantial rehabilitation of 42,000 a ordable rental homes for low-income families, seniors,
and persons with disabilities. We estimate that tens of thousands of additional a ordable
homes will be created or preserved through this initiative over the next decade.
State and local governments also have an important role to play in housing policy. As many
economists have noted,[4] land use and zoning regulations can contribute to elevated
housing costs and have broader consequences for trends in inequality and productivity. As I
noted previously, the Administration is committed to providing incentives for State and local
governments to help reverse these trends.

CONCLUSION
There are no quick fixes to the long-standing structural decline in housing a ordability, but
the Administration is committed to doing all it can. It is driven by demographic changes and
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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand on Housing Affordability: Economics an…

has materialized across the entire country in recent decades, exacerbated by the pandemic.
That is why it is such an important focus for President Biden and Secretary Yellen. I am also
encouraged that there is a bipartisan acknowledgement of the importance of housing supply.
Understanding the economic forces at play—the wide geographical distribution of the longstanding a ordability challenge and the demographic shi s at the heart of rising housing
demand—is critical. The lessons I discussed today—that the challenge is geographically
broad and driven by our specific demographics—underscores the importance of Federal action
in partnership with State and local governments. Increasing the supply of housing can help
produce a similarly broad improvement, helping some of the most vulnerable Americans in
some of the most vulnerable parts of our country.
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[1] More Than 42 Million US Households Were Cost Burdened in 2022 | Joint Center for Housing Studies (harvard.edu)
[2] Average rent data from the Consumer Price Index. Median home price data from Census and U.S. Department of Housing and
Urban Development. Median household income from Census.
[3] For multi-family rental price index, see Freddie Mac. For single-family home price index, see S&P CoreLogic Case-Shiller Home
Price Index.
[4] E.g., Jason Furman, Barriers to Shared Growth: Land Use Regulation and Economic Rents

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(2015).

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