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4/4/2024

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand and Acting Assistant Secretary for Terrori…

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric
Van Nostrand and Acting Assistant Secretary for Terrorist
Financing Anna Morris on the Price Cap on Russian Oil
April 4, 2024

As Prepared for Delivery

INT RODUCT ION
Itʼs an honor to be here today to discuss the price cap on Russian oil alongside our other
e orts to limit Putinʼs ability to finance his illegal war. Itʼs especially an honor to do so in India,
alongside our government and industry partners. As one of the most significant global
consumers of oil, we know that the Indian economy has much at stake in the Russian oil trade,
and has much at stake from the global supply disruptions that the price cap is designed to
avoid. The price capʼs goals are to limit Putinʼs revenue and maintain global oil supply—
essentially by creating a mechanism for India and other partners to access Russian oil at
discounted prices.
The price capʼs first year was a successful one by those standards: global oil markets
remained well-supplied while Russian oil traded at a significant discount to global oil. This
past summer and fall, we saw Russiaʼs investments in new infrastructure to sell oil outside the
price capʼs jurisdiction begin to bear fruit, and the discount on Russian oil narrowed. In
response, the United States and the Price Cap Coalition have reinvigorated our enforcement
e orts and focused on constraining Russiaʼs options to sell outside the price cap. Today, even
the Kremlin has acknowledged that these e orts are forcing Russia to sell at bigger discounts
to global consumers like India.
Adoption and successful implementation of such a novel policy is an important diplomatic
achievement, reflecting the unity of the Coalition opposed to Putinʼs war. Our engagement
with Indian partners—in the public and private sectors—was an essential part of the process
given Indiaʼs critical role in the global oil trade.
Today, we will review the inception of the price cap policy and the economics behind it. Then,
we will move into a discussion of how enforcement of the price cap has evolved and how we
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are continuing to support its success through expanded and targeted enforcement actions.

ORIGINS OF T HE PRICE CAP
Over two years have passed since Putin launched his illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The
United States and the global Coalition opposed to Russiaʼs war then faced an important
choice on how to address Russian oil exports, the Kremlinʼs most important revenue source.
Permitting an unrestricted Russian oil trade was and remains unacceptable: it would allow
Putin to profit from a price spike he created. However, taking steps to suddenly remove
Russian oil from the market—such as by banning the use of Coalition services in any Russian
oil trade—would risk spiking global oil prices further for the emerging economies most
dependent on imported energy.
The Coalition identified the price cap as the way to best navigate these risks. The price cap
has two goals: to limit Putinʼs oil profits and to maintain stable global oil supply. E ectively,
the price cap is designed to force Russia to continue selling its oil but for lower prices than it
could otherwise obtain.
The price cap leverages an important feature of global oil markets: G7 service providers (like
insurers and ship owners) are central to the Russian oil trade, even when the Coalition is not
the buyer. The price cap permits service providers in Coalition countries to support the Russian
oil trade only if the oil is sold at or below a specific cap. The price cap is designed to foster a
market in which Russia supplies energy at a heavily discounted price: maintaining
the volume of energy supplied, while minimizing Putinʼs profit earned from it.
In 2022, the price cap was met with considerable skepticism. But over the year following its
announcement, the United States and our international coalition were pleased with the
e ectiveness of the policy. We saw the Kremlinʼs tax revenue from oil drop more than 40
percent over the first nine months of 2023, compared to the same period a year earlier, and
we were gratified to see that the price cap worked in practice as well as in theory—that this
policy mechanism made it possible to stunt a major source of funding for Putinʼs war machine
was possible while also maintaining a stable energy supply to Europe and to emerging
markets. Emerging markets like India benefited from the discounted price of Russian oil
relative to global markets.

T HE PRICE CAPʼS SECOND PHASE
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In the second half of 2023, we observed Russian e orts to build up an infrastructure of ships,
insurers, and other maritime services with providers with opaque ownership structures and a
history of sanctions evasion activities: sometimes colloquially known as the “shadow fleet.”
Itʼs a standard feature of sanctions regimes that the target will invest to avoid the legal reach
of sanctions. Indeed, Russiaʼs investments diverted money from the battlefield: they were
forced to buy tankers rather than tanks. Nonetheless, the changing market conditions did
result in a narrowing of the discount on Russian oil, and they drove us to expand our approach
to enforcing and implementing the price cap regime.
Beginning in October 2023, the Coalition tightened enforcement of the price cap by 1)
imposing more stringent enforcement on oil trade using Coalition services and 2) increasing
the costs to the Kremlin of selling oil via the “shadow fleet.” For Treasuryʼs part, we began
and have continued to publicly sanction vessels involved in oil trade above the price cap.
The United States has designated vessel owners, shipping companies, and an oil trader that
used Coalition services to trade above the cap, as well as identified several of these
companiesʼ vessels as blocked property. We have designated obscure and opaque supply chain
intermediaries supporting Russiaʼs oil trade.
Our enforcement e orts continue:
On February 1, the U.S. Treasury issued a Price Cap Coalition Compliance and Enforcement
Alert directed at both government and industry stakeholders. This alert reflects our
commitment to support governments and industry stakeholders to comply with the cap.
The enforcement alert provides examples of specific evasion methods, and potential
mitigation measures. It also provides avenues to report suspected oil price cap breaches
to each of the Coalition members.
And on February 23, Treasury designated Joint Stock Company Sovcomflot, Russiaʼs stateowned shipping company and fleet operator, and publicly identified 14 of Sovcomflotʼs
crude oil tankers as blocked property. As Deputy Secretary Adeyemo said when these
designations were announced, this is part of our plan to increase the costs on Russia, but
do so in a responsible manner to mitigate risks to the broader market.

Since our enforcement push began four months ago, weʼre seeing strong indicators of the
success of this approach: Russian oil prices have fallen, even relative to global prices, which
reduced Putinʼs revenue. The discount on the loading price of Russian Urals oil moved from a
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low of $12-13 below world prices, to a peak of $18 in January 2024 and around $17-18 in
February, the latest month with data available.
Oil markets are complex, but for several months, market commentators and analysts—
including the International Energy Agency—have credited our enforcement actions with
hurting the Kremlinʼs budget. Quoting IEAʼs January 2024 Oil Market Report [1]: “Russian oil
export revenues lowest since June 2023: Crude price discounts to benchmarks for Urals have
deepened under pressure from the expanded US Treasury investigation into ships, their
owners and related traders that have transported Russian oil purchased above the G7 price
cap.”
Further, in January, Clear View Energy Partners also wrote: “Notwithstanding our usual
caveats regarding small sample sizes and energy data quality limitations, OFACʼs [Treasuryʼs
sanctions administration and enforcement arm] ramp-up of enforcement actions appears to
be achieving its stated goals: preserving Russian export flows while diminishing proceeds to
the Kremlin. Per Bloomberg ship-tracking data on a four-week moving average basis,
seaborne crude volumes have risen back towards mid-October levels[.] Meanwhile, Urals Brent di erentials appear to have widened—either a little, or materially, depending on the
data source used[.]”
Beyond this industry validation, even the Kremlinʼs own oil czar acknowledged that the
sanctions issued to enforce the price cap were forcing Russia to sell at lower prices. On
January 31, Bloomberg reported that “Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak told reporters
in Moscow that Russian prices have seen bigger reductions relative to global prices since the
most recent sanctions packages were brought into e ect at the end of last year.”
And, in addition to all this, Russian oil export volumes have remained stable in recent months.
The price cap is helping maintain a steady supply of energy to global consumers and
businesses.
Our e orts are bolstered by international support for these enforcement actions, like the
recent decision from private and publicly owned refineries to halt imports on Sovcomflot
ships.

CONCLUSION
We continue to monitor the price cap, and we acknowledge that oil markets are complex and
can be opaque. As we saw last summer, Russia will react to an e ective price cap by
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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy (P.D.O.) Eric Van Nostrand and Acting Assistant Secretary for Terrori…

continuing invest money to avoid our sanctions, requiring us to continue to adapt and
innovate in our strategy.
Weʼve seen evidence of Russiaʼs revenue losses – the discount between Brent and Urals, the
acknowledgement of the costs from their own political leadership, and their willingness make
substantial investments in a shadow fleet for the sole purpose of evasion of the price
cap. This has been achieved without significant losses to global oil supply.
The United States, together with the rest of the Coalition, will need to remain vigilant and
ensure that the policy, its implementation, and enforcement are deployed to inflict financial
burden on Russia and keep global energy markets stable.
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[1] IEA (2024), Oil Market Report - January 2024, IEA, Paris https://www.iea.org /reports/oil-market-report-january-2024

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