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3/2/2023

Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Ben Harris at the Argus Americas Crude Summit in Houston, Texas …

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Ben Harris
at the Argus Americas Crude Summit in Houston, Texas
February 16, 2023

As Prepared for Delivery
Original Motivations for Price Cap Policy
Thank you for having me here today. I will begin by discussing the motivations for the price
cap.
Since the onset of Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine, our coalition has remained unified in leveling
some of the broadest and most impactful sanctions in history – including through unanimous
support from all 27 EU member states for nine consecutive packages.
¬But Russiaʼs role as a massive supplier of global energy, and its dependence on energy
exports as a critical source of revenue, demanded that we devise a novel approach to
sanctions. Put simply, our challenge has been to deny Russia the revenue and military
equipment it needs while minimizing the global economic spillovers from this invasion.
To this end, we have been explicit about our two goals: (1) Cutting into the key source of
revenue Putin is using to fund his illegal war, and (2) Ensuring global energy markets remain
stable and well supplied by keeping Russian oil on the market and available at a discounted
rate. That e ort began with the price cap the G7 put in place starting with crude oil in
December.
With the price cap, we are creating clear incentives for key actors in global oil markets—
Russia, oil-importing countries, and market participants—to maintain the flow of Russian oil
but at discounted prices. The price cap helps achieve both goals at the same time.
We have been crystal clear from the start about our two goals. Success remains to be seen
and we continue to approach the implementation of this policy with humility. I cannot
emphasize this enough.

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Nevertheless, two months since the implementation of the crude price cap, we see Brent is
trading around $80 today while Russia, according to its own Ministry of Finance and public
reporting, is making less revenue from oil. Neither fact is up for debate or controversial.
The price capʼs operation depends on a vital element of the global oil trade: the maritime
services industry. Traders, brokers, and importers rely on these services to protect and finance
their trade, and vessel-owners rely on insurance to protect their ships. Almost all ports and
major canals require ships to carry protection and indemnity insurance. Companies based in
the G7 control around 90 percent of the market for relevant maritime insurance products and
reinsurance. The price cap works by creating an exception from restrictions on the use of
maritime services.
We are leaving Russia with no good options. Russia can sell into the price cap and keep its oil
flowing onto global markets, at lower prices for importers and with the benefit of best-inclass G7 services. Alternatively, Russia can rely on non-G7 service providers, which are limited
in scale, more expensive, and less reliable. Moreover, the price cap gives buyers extraordinary
leverage to negotiate down the price of Russian oil for purchases outside of the price cap.
What is o the table is the situation that benefitted Russia for much of 2022, where it created
a global crisis, sent energy prices soaring, and then profited from the higher revenue. That is
no longer an option.
Discussion of Crude Price Cap
In turning to the price cap on crude, which has been in place for a bit over two months, our
initial assessment that we have already seen progress toward our twin goals.
First, senior Russian economic o icials have openly acknowledged that the price cap is hurting
their ability to fund their war and prop up the Russian economy. Finance Minister Siluanov said
recently that the price cap is ballooning Russiaʼs budget deficit. This is forcing the Kremlin to
make tough choices between guns and butter – including how much they can devote to
funding their war. Analysts at Russiaʼs central bank have admitted that the price cap and EU
sanctions present “new economic shocks” that could “significantly reduce” Russiaʼs economic
activity.
Second, since December 5th, weʼve also seen positive signs that the price cap on crude oil is
supporting our second goal of promoting stable energy markets.
Many outside analysts feared that in the absence of a price cap on crude oil we could see
prices spike to as high as over $150 per barrel. Instead, weʼve seen global benchmarks like
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Remarks by Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Ben Harris at the Argus Americas Crude Summit in Houston, Texas …

Brent crude remain generally stable over the first month of implementation, and remain
meaningfully lower than when the price cap was announced.
Thatʼs because the crude price cap is designed to incentivize the flow of Russian oil onto
global energy markets at a steep discount – locking in levels far below the highs Russia saw
last spring and summer of over $100 per barrel. It takes Russiaʼs windfall profits o the table.
In fact, since the price cap was announced last summer, the price of Urals has steadily
declined. One report indicates that around a quarter of all shipments of Russian oil in recent
weeks have occurred in trades under the crude price cap. Russian exports have been
consistent, with roughly 3 million barrels per day delivered in January 2023. Russia has
continued producing crude oil, with loadings at their highest level since May 2022. Accordingly,
global energy prices have remained stable, contrary to widespread market expectations. Even
as Russia announced a crude oil production cut, global energy markets have remained stable
as markets have largely anticipated the cut. And despite Russiaʼs claims of boycotting the
Russian oil price cap, public reporting has shown that Russian seaborne oil has been shipped
via price cap-compliant tankers.
One lesson from the crude oil price cap was positive engagement with the energy, shipping,
and insurance industries. There was initial industry skepticism around the price cap policy, but
a er extensive engagement we created a policy and compliance system that has enabled the
policy to succeed.
The reported discount Russia is receiving on crude sold outside the cap has only gotten larger
since the imposition of the price cap, a fact we attribute to worldwide buyersʼ increased
bargaining power against Russian exporters.
To be clear, the Coalition itself is not importing from Russia or directly benefiting from its
lowered prices. Instead, the primary direct beneficiaries are emerging market and lower
income countries that are crude oil importers. Whether they are importing through the price
cap or using it as leverage, these nations receive drastically lower prices than they did in the
first few months a er Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine.
This policy has given emerging markets and countries in the developing world the leverage
they need to negotiate discounts on Russian oil, and supported global energy market stability
to avoid exacerbating inflation and food price increases.
Refined Product Process

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The Coalition implemented price caps Russian refined products on February 5th. Our
objectives remain the same: to further limit Putinʼs revenue while maintaining stable global
energy markets. We seek to accomplish that by locking in the deep discount Russian energy is
trading at relative to global benchmarks, while creating clear incentives for Russia to continue
exporting cheaper refined products.
However, the refined market has important di erences from the crude oil market that we
took into account.
First, the cap has two levels, to reflect the di erent prices of premium-to-crude products like
diesel and kerosene, and discount-to-crude products like fuel oil. The premium-to-crude cap is
set at $100 per barrel and the discount-to-crude cap is set at $45 per barrel. It would not have
been feasible to set caps on each product individually, and so our Coalition agreed to set caps
for these two groups.
Second, a di erent set of countries will be most a ected if the cost of refined products rises
in the absence of a price cap that promotes stable energy markets. While America is a net
diesel exporter, Europe, for example, relies on imports for more than 50% of its diesel
consumption. Even though the EU will phase out Russian refined product imports, the global
nature of markets means they will be a ected as well. Critically, Ukraine relies heavily on diesel
fuel to run the generators that play a key role in its power grid – particularly for vital services
like hospitals. It is of utmost importance that we design this policy to promote Ukraineʼs
access to a ordable energy.
Third, as you all know, refined product market dynamics are di erent from the crude oil
market. Seaborne refined product trade depends on specialized clean product tankers, which
are distinct from crude dirty tankers. Refined product and crude tanker fleets have very
di erent ownership patterns. Russian refined product exports carried on non-Coalition ships
represent a smaller share of Russian exports than the comparable figure on the crude side.
The EUʼs import ban on Russian refined products and the realignment of global product trade
add pressure on the shipping market as Russia replaces its exports to Europe with global
customers at further distances. We are already seeing these pressures materialize.
Implementation
A er the successful creation of three distinct price caps on Russian exports, we know tracking
and enforcement is a now a key part of implementation. And the global energy trade is
su iciently complex and diversified that successful implementation requires diligent work
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across the US government and the G7.
As we work to implement this new regime, I have an ask of market participants: that you
exhibit similar humility when speculating about successes and failures of the price cap.
To my knowledge. there is no hard data or conclusive evidence that supports speculation
about Russia evading the sanctions by using Coalition service providers and receiving abovethe-cap payments. This isnʼt to say that subversion wonʼt occur; we are clear eyed that Russia
will aggressively seek non-Western services to avoid the cap.
Our sanctions team and our partners will continue to meticulously monitor these trades and
ensure compliance with the price cap. And to be clear: we know our work is not over until
Russiaʼs illegal invasion of Ukraine has ended.

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