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10/16/2023

Remarks by Acting Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Eric Van Nostrand on the Second Phase of the Price Cap o…

Remarks by Acting Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Eric
Van Nostrand on the Second Phase of the Price Cap on Russian
Oil at the Brookings Institution
October 16, 2023

As Prepared for Delivery
Itʼs a pleasure to join this conversation. The Brookings Institution deserves special thanks for
its engagement on our e orts to address Putinʼs barbaric war, especially on the policy we will
discuss today. I am looking forward to speaking with you about the ongoing impact of the
price cap and to share the latest on our work to maintain its e ectiveness.
The price cap was born out of a response to Russiaʼs illegal and brutal invasion of Ukraine.
Though it is part of a broader sanctions response, it has two clearly defined goals. First, to
keep global energy markets well-supplied and avoid a price shock that would hurt the global
economy – particularly emerging markets – and benefit Putin through windfall profits on the
energy he was able to export. And second, to limit the Kremlinʼs ability to fund its illegal war in
Ukraine.
In December 2022, the G7 price cap coalition instituted a price cap on Russian crude oil
exports. In February, we instituted similar caps on refined energy exports. I outlined the
history and operation of the price caps in more detail in London last August.
The price cap has worked because the coalition controlled over 90 percent of the maritime
services and insurance needed to export oil globally at the time of the price capʼs launch, and
because attempts to build an alternative ecosystem are very costly. Global markets have
remained well supplied with oil, and Russia must choose between accepting a steep discount
(if they sell oil with G7 service providers under the cap) or incurring tremendous costs to build
a new ecosystem that operated without G7 services.
Our approach was precisely designed to force Russia to make hard choices. They could abide
by the cap that we set and sell energy at a considerable discount, or they could invest
massively in a shadow fleet. Such investments contribute to Russiaʼs growing fiscal deficit:
buying tankers makes it harder for the Kremlin to buy tanks.
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10/16/2023

Remarks by Acting Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Eric Van Nostrand on the Second Phase of the Price Cap o…

Ten months a er the implementation of the price cap on crude oil—and more than a year since
we announced the policy and markets began to anticipate its e ects—we can see that the
first phase of our approach has been successful.
Weʼve been gratified to see relative stability in energy prices. In the absence of the price cap,
some analysts predicted oil prices as high as $150 per barrel, which would have risked a global
recession.
We also know that Russian revenue from energy exports – the Kremlinʼs key source of revenue
– has declined 44% compared to last year, prompting public alarm from Russian economic
o icials. And because this figure doesnʼt account for the large expense Russia has incurred
trying to construct an alternative ecosystem of ships and services, the real economic toll for
the Kremlin is significantly higher. There are significant signs of pressure on Russian
government finance and on the Kremlinʼs ability to manage its economy. Deficits have
increased, their sovereign wealth fund is being drawn down, and the ruble has collapsed to
the extent that the Central Bank of Russia has had to drastically hike interest rates.
Russia has accepted a significant discount on oil sold under the cap, and also made a decision
to spend huge amounts of money on an alternative ecosystem to sell oil without G7
involvement. The costs associated with this avoidance keep stacking up: Putin has purchased
hundreds of new oil tankers for billions of dollars, and he faces elevated costs of insurance,
longer transport times to new importers, elevated capital expenditures on domestic oil wells
without G7 involvement, and reinvestments in ports that service non-G7 providers.
In response to Russiaʼs decision to build up its own ecosystem for the transportation of oil at
a significant cost to the Kremlin, we are now launching the second phase of our e ort which
will constrain Russiaʼs profits by increasing the costs associated with using non-G7 services.
Last week, the U.S. Treasury imposed sanctions on two entities and identified as blocked
property two vessels that used Coalition service providers while carrying Russian crude oil
above the Coalition-agreed price cap. This comes alongside other actions which underscore
our resolve to force Putin into di icult choices and increase the costs of his illegal war.
Also on Thursday, the G7 price cap coalition released a joint statement reiterating the risks of
violating price cap rules. The statement says that “in the normal course of business, Coalition
service providers may interact with market participants in other jurisdictions. Where we have
evidence that companies or persons have engaged in illicit or deceptive practices related to

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10/16/2023

Remarks by Acting Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Eric Van Nostrand on the Second Phase of the Price Cap o…

shipments of Russian-origin crude oil and petroleum products, we will respond in accordance
with the respective restrictive measures established by the Coalition Members.”
The Coalition is issuing a Maritime Safety Advisory to “promote responsible practices in the
maritime oil industry and enhance compliance with the price caps on crude oil and petroleum
products. By adopting the recommendations in the advisory and previous guidance
documents, industry stakeholders can reduce their exposure to possible risks associated with
recent developments in the maritime oil trade.”
These actions send a clear message that Russia will continue to be forced to face two costly
options—selling under the cap and spending more to operate outside the G7 nexus—and that
attempts to evade them will face a decisive and unified response.
Our goal of promoting stable global energy markets remains unchanged, and Russia can
continue to export energy products through either channel.
The Kremlin can abide by the price cap and continue to sell energy exports at significant
discounts from global benchmarks. Or it can choose to further build a costly alternative
ecosystem--drastically cutting into the profits Russia earns from each barrel of oil they
export.
Because of the actions we announced last week–and the actions in coming weeks and months
– those costs will continue to rise, and Russiaʼs ability to sustain its barbaric war will continue
to weaken.
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