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NON-FAMILY ON Bureau BOYS RELIEF for Homeless Hen St* Louis, Missouri N O N - F A M I L Y ON BOYS R E L I E F 0 A Study of Non-Family Boys, Age 16 t o 2 1 , i n c l u s i v e , on r e l i e f i n S t . Louis p r i o r t o August 3 1 , 1933 BUREAU FOR ST. LOUIS, HOMELESS MEN MISSOURI Issued By Bureau for Homeless Men 204 a North Eighteenth St. St. Louis, Missouri May 1937 FOREWORD Why is a non-family boy? Whenever and wherever the problem of the older non-family boy is discussed, this question is soon asked. Why is a non-family boy nonfamily? What happened to his family? The usual answers are - death of the parents, broken homes due to domestic discordj desertion by the father and neglect by the mother. These and many other answers are given, but even while giving them, we know that our knowledge of the subject is shakey and that our answers are based on supposition, suspicion, and guesswork. It was to get an accurate answer to these and similar questions that the Bureau made this study of nonfamily boys on relief. The cases of all boys age 16 to 21 inclusive who applied for relief and whose cases wore closed prior to Aug. 31, 1933 were studied. 1,641 cases were includedj of these, 1,428 were given only a cursory examination while 213 were held out for more detailed analysis. Most of the report concerns these latter cases. A detailed schedule was made for all of them and tabulations made from the schedules. The closing date of Aug. 31, 1933 was chosen because it marks the date on which the division of responsibility between public and private agencies was made in St.Louis. All boys prior to that date were under the care of the private agency, the Bureau for Men, and the cases are in the files of the Bureau. We hope at a later date to make an additional study of those boys under care after August 1933, in both the private and public agencies so that the story will be complete. Much of the work of record reading and schedule making was done by two N.Y.A. students, Misses Ruth Armbruster and Anne Costello, graduates in social work, who were loaned by St. Louis University. G.M.G. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Part I. Part II. A General Study of All Boys Applying The Scope of the Study The Method Sample Schedule Age and Race Month of Application Records not Studied Transiency A Detailed Study of a SmalLer Group Why is a Non-Family Boy? Relatives Sources of Support Problems Presented Employment i1 - 1 :0 1 l 2 &: 4 5 6 8 Schooling Transiency Referrals by a Children's Ajgency Living Arrangements Time on Own Childhood Environment Length of Time in St. Louis Tenure of Cases Reason for Closing 11 15 17 18 20 22 24 25 25 25 26 27 27 30 32 A Summary of Findings 35 Age TABLES I II III IV Boys Studied, By Age & Race 4 Records Not Studied, By Reason & Race 7 Records Not Studied, By Reason & Age 9 Analysis of All Cases by Residence & Age 10 TABLE OF CONTENTS cont'd. V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV XVI XVII XVIII TABLES Why Non-Family Boys Are Non-Family Relatives of Non-Family Boys by Race Sources of Support by Race Problems Presented By Boys Prevailing Type of Work & Age Began Work By Race Age at Time of Application by Race School Grade Completed By Race Living Arrangements at Time of Application Time on Own Resources By Race Childhood Environment of Boys By Race Length of Time in St. Louis By Race States of Origin of Boy Immigrants by Race No. £ Length of Time Under Care By Race Reason for Closing Cases By Race Page 12 16 18 19 21 22 24 25 26 27 28 30 31 33 CHARTS I Applications by Race II Year of Arrival in City By Race 6 29 1. A STUDY OF NON-FAMILY BOYS, AGED 16 to 21 INCLUSIVE, ON RELIEF PRIOR TO AUG- 31, 1933 PART I. A General Study of All Boys Applying The Scope of the Study. As has been pointed out in the Foreword, the complete study covers all boys known to the Bureau and whose cases were closed prior to Aug. 31, 1933. That date marks the division of case load between the private and public agencies in St. Louis, all cases closed prior to that time remaining in the files of the private agency. While this would theoretically extend the time of the study from 1925 through two-thirds of 1933, in practice it covered only 1931, 1932, and 8 months of 1933, as only 7 cases were found dated prior to 1931. Except for a few items, all information was taken from the cases as of date of first application, the purpose of the study being to learn as much as possible regarding the condition of these boys when they first came to the agency. The case records of all boys who were 16 to 21 years of age, inclusive, at time of application were taken from the files and examined. This covered 1,641 case records, or about 9% of the total cases of all ages. It was found necessary to divide these again into two groups, one consisting of 213 records, or 13$, suitable for intensive study, and the other consisting of the remaining 87$, or 1,428 cases, which for various reasons (see "Reasons Not Studied") were not suitable for such an intensive examination. The Method. As the records were read they were divided into the two groups. In the last group, those not suitable for intensive study, tabulations of age at time of application, month of application, and the reason for no further study were made. In the smaller group for in- (Sample) BOYS' STUDY - B.H.M. Name Vo<- f A d d r e s s / , ? XX M *A l^<~a-<-t 5ah » Race /KAge / ^ B i r t h d . 3~6 Sf/ Opened Closed Place Jlio Reason. \lJL~ 2. 3V " 1936 - " 4. REL.Dead City t Out CI. Fa. _ ^_ Mo. Wl. ' Rel.'J.C.' School Case tio.3Vf^ Left *^ Grade Came t o C i t y 3 f F r o m >U^ With Pa.<jLjZlL Childhood Env. Urban Sm.Town<^Rural AT TIME OF APPLICATION Ch.Agc Pub Pr . Age Why. Released _Institution On Own /& (g ) How Sup. Bhy H.F. ^a. Fn.H. Wk' None Living con-Fam R.H.g<Fl.H Fo.H. Wk'_None_ C l e a r i n g s &./?.{£. Court Rec. Vi^>-*cg, t Data £rom To ,SUP. BY TShy Term... Bixth.J.C 3o .31. 3».^ Rel... 75" l V™! -l*4(Lt<l,l.j£«'«.<>V rime away iL&tC^-. Home l e f t Camp? tilth? Returned? EMPLOYMENT - N o n e _ Age began General type - Lab JS^'Cl. rype..af...for.k ...St., iHt»_ifl*a_ Eg....e;.....ip..rs Duration... K^ .../.« *^ 3. COMMENT. yh.f&L*!\ 1. 2. 3. 4. ?• 5. 7. 8. 9. 10. II. 12. J.3. 17. 18. 19. 20. £<£%. dbte*£ZL. Q*r£iLz. ..raOffljEMS PRESENraD 24. 25. 27. 29."' 30. 3_1_. 22. ; 23. 33. ' 34. '35." 36. 37. ..._... 39. 40. i'lv 44, 45. 46. MAXLM^.-* JjL&i.L &,<ki.t JLLSA.^.. I.See...RugselI....S.a.ge...Card)..., ...5.2.. .5.3, 54. '55. 56. 57. si'.' 60". 61. "63"; 66 46 .. ._ 69. 70. 71. _.. 4. tensive analysis, a schedule (see page 2&3) was filled out on each case and all tabulations were made from it. This was in no way a "sample study" as ail cases in the age classification were examined. Age and Race. As is to be expected in a group of this kind, we find the smallest number of boys in age 16 and increasing numbers up to age 19, the largest group. There were 140 boys age 16j 177 age 17j 338 age 18j and 363 age 19. Age 20 was about the same as 19 with 359, and 21 was considerably less with only 264. The large increase in the 18, 19, and 20 year age groups was principally due to the large numbers of whdte transient boys applying in 1932 and 1933. Table I. gives these figures and also the percent in each age group. TABLE I. BOYS STUDIED, BY AGS AND RACE Age All Age ..:.! " " " " Ages 16 17. 18 19 20 21 Totals Number ! Percent 1,641 } 100 8.5 140 | 177... S 20.5 338 1 22 363 { 22 359 S 16 264 S Race White j Negro 862 ! 779 90 j 50 117 1 60 207 | 131 198 j 165 174 | 185 76 1 188 % of the entire group were Negroes. Both the number and the percent of Negroes was smallest in the lower age groups, 50, or 16/£, in the 16 year level, and increased as the age increased, the largest being 188, or 71$,of the 21 year group. White boys, on the other hand, were lowest in the 16 and 21 year groups, 90 and 76 respectively, and highest in the 18 year group, 207, principally due to the large number of applications from white transient boys. Table I. gives these figures in 5. detail. Other points-, regarding race and age are brought out in later topical sections, but all the figures show that Negro boys applied for relief out of all proportion to their numbers in the total population of the city. Month of Application. While the study theoretically covers the entire period from 1925 to August, 1933, it actually covers only the 32 month period of 1931, 1932, and the first 8 months of 1933 as only 7 of the 1,247 cases (*) had an application date prior to 1931. 1932 was the heavy year in applications, 760 or 61$, of the boys applying during that year. This was an average of more than 63 per month. Seven-tenths of them were Negroes and three-tenths white. Only 105, or 8^fot an average of less than 9 per month, applied in 1931, and 375, 30$, or an average of 47 per month, during the 8 months of 1933. These proportions were approximately the same in those cases held for intensive review as in those discarded. A review of the figures as divided by race and month brings out the interesting fact that 536, or 78$, of the Negro boys applied during 1932. 58 applied in 1931 and 97 in 1933. The largest number in any month was 106 in August, 1932. 1933, on the other hand, was predominantly white, again because of the large number of white transients applying. 278 of the 375 applying in 1933, or 74$, were white boys. The largest number of white boys in any one month was 75 in June of 1933; other large months were 56 in May, and 59 in July of the same year. Chart I. portrays these various figures graphically. (*) Through error, information regarding the month of first application was not tabulated on 394 of the 1,428 cases not held for intensive study, so that this section deals with a total of 1,247 cases instead of the complete total of 1,$41. 6. Records Not Studied* When the entire group of records was examined, we found that only 213, or 13$, of them were suitable for intensive study. The other 87$, numbering 1,428 cases, were discarded for various reasons. 758, or 53$ of them, could not be used in this study of resident non-family boys because they were records on transients> 315, or 22$, could not be used because information in them was not sufficiently complete to enable them to be studiedj 159, or 11$, contained information that upon investigation had been found to be 7. 1 TABIiE I I . i RECORDS NOT STUDIED. BY REASON AND RACE All Races Reason Not Studied All Reasons i j Transiency i !Insufficient (Fictitious Information Information No. \ f White By Race Negro t Negro 1.428 100 764 664 46.5 758 53 639 119 16 315 22 55 260 83 159 11 15 144 91 138 10 42 96 70 56 4 13 45 80 1 jLiving with P a r e n t s or Wife i JNo r e l i e f Needed j 8. fictitious; 10$ were living with parents or a wife and were not typically non-family boys; 4$ were with more distant relatives or friends and had no real relief need, so that only brief records were set up on them. (See Table II.) Examining these cases from the viewpoint of race (Table II.) we find that while 46.5$ of the group were Negroes, only 16$ of the transient boys were of that race. The percent of Negroes in the other four classifications varied from 70$ for thoge living with parents to 91$ of those giving fictitious information at time of application. The "Insufficient Information" group was 83$ Negro and the "No Relief Needed" group was 80$ Negro. Table III., which analyses "allthe discarded cases by reason for discard and by age, also brings out some interesting facts. Approximately half of the transients were concentrated in the ages 18 and 19 and the other half were about equally divided between those younger and older. The other four groupsj those that were predominantly Negroes, show a steady increase each year up to age 21, age 16 being the lowest and age 21 the highest. Transiency. 46$ of all the boys included in the study were not residents of St. Louis (Table IV.). Dividing them by race, we find that 74$ of the white boys included were transients and only 15$ of the Negro boys. Dividing them by age we find a decreasing percentage of transiency as the age increases; 63$ of the 16 year old boys were transients and only 21$ of the 21 year old boys. The other age groups ranged between these two extremes. These figures indicate again that transiency was primarily a problem of young boys and of white persons. 9. TABLE III. RECORDS NOT STUDIED. BY REASON AND BY AGE All Aees Rv Aee Rrouns 18 i 19 20 16 17 1.428 130 155 292 314 302 235 Transiency 758 88 103 185 186 140 55 Insufficient Information 315 8 29 49 60 78 91 159 7 10 21 34 43 44 138 21 8 24 22 26 28 56 4 5 9 11 14 15 Reason Not Studied All Reasons , , Fictitious Information Living with Par. or Wife No Relief Needed 1 21 "• 10. TABLE- IV. AN. ANALYSIS;OF ALL CASES BY RESIDENCE . RACE. AND AGE Item £ Trans. Total Residents Transients 1.641 883 758 46 By Race - White 862 223 639 74 Negro 779 660 119 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 140 177 33B 363 359 264 52 74 153 177 219 209 88 63 58 55 51 39 21 All Cases By Age JS03 185 186 140 55 11. PART II. A DETAILED STUDY OF A SMALLER GROUP 213 of the 1,641 records included in the study concerned resident boys and also contained sufficient information to enable us to carry out a detailed study of the circumstances surrounding each one. A schedule, (See pages 2&3) was made out for each case and the information tabulated from the schedules. This section of the study is a report on those tabulations. Why Is a Non-Family Boy? Our principal purpose in making the study was to obtain an answer to this question. Why is a non-family boy? Because both parents.are dead? Yes. Because of a broken home? Yes. Because he ran away? Yes.— and the same answer to many other similar questions. But the real answer is that there is no simple explanation for the non-family condition. There arc almost as many explanations as there are boys, although we are able to place them in certain groups. (See Table V.) For example, 45 of the 213 boys were orphans, but only 18 of these were absolutely alone in the world. The other 27 had close relatives, but either could not or would not live with them. 19 could got no aid from relatives because of economic reasons; 6 had relatives who rofused to have anything to do with the boy; and 2 boys refused to have anything to do with relatives. (Lines 2 - 5 , Table V.) 45 boys were "non-family" because of incompatibility with parents or step-parents, but this group also shows a variety of conditioning circumstances. 18 of them had one parent dead and could not get along with the remaining one, generally the father. 12 left home because of friction with a step-parent, and 5 left because of friction with natural parents. 10 boys, on the other 12. TABLE V. WHY NON-FAMILY BOYS ARE NON-FAMILY Numb er of Cases Cause Total White Negro All Causes 213 98 115 l.Left home to work in city 4 30 26 2.Orphan-no locateable relatives ; 18 3 15 3. " -relatives cannot help 19 4 15 4. " -relatives refuse help 6 3 3 5. " -boy refuses to live with relatives 2 2 0 6.1 par. dead,incompatible with ! other 18 12 6 | 7.Incompatible with step-par. 12 12 0 j 8.Incompatible with both par. 5 4 1 • 9.Boy put out of home 10 9 1 llO.Par. sep.-no relatives can help 13 4 9 jll.Par. sep.-physically imp. to he lp 5 3 2 •12.Father deserted, mother dead 18 5 13 (13.Father des.-mother left city 7 2 5 il4.Father des.-mother immoral 3 2 1 (15.1 par-, dead-other in hospital 6 4 2 J16.1 par. dead-other in prison 2 1 1 117.1 par. dead-other with relative 3 5 1 4 Jl8.Removed from fam. by social ageiicy 4 3 1 jl9.Left city on trip-par. moved 3 1 2 |20.Parents left city 2 2 0 '21.Married - sep. economic reasons 3 2 1 22.With father on relief 22 15 7 13. hand, were put out of the home by their parent or parents. The distinction between this group and the other three is that in this one the fault seemed to lie with the boy rather than the parent. (Lines 6 - 9,TableVi) The largest single group was composed of 30 boys (Line 1, Table V.) who came to the city, leaving parents and family in some other city or town, to find work. 26 of this group were Negroes and 4 were white boys. Most of them came to St. Louis in 1928 or 1929 when jobs were plentiful, but now found themselves out of work and in need of relief. They were, of course, residents of St. Louis. 18 boys were in the "non-family" class because of the separation of their parents. In 13 cases, there were no relatives, either parents or others, in a position to be of any assistance to the boys and in the other 5 cases it was physically impossible for a parent to take the boy in, generally because of work which included room and board as part of the pay and which 4t seemed inadvisable to drop in order to have the boy with the parent. In several of these cases the present whereabouts of one or both parents were unknown. (Lines 10 and 11, Table V.) In 28 cases the home was originally broken by the desertion of the father and later happenings to the mother completed the boy's non-family status. In 18 of these cases, this later happening was the death of the mother, in 7 it was the departure of the mother from the city (which may or may not have happened immediately prior to the application for relief) and in 3 it was immorality of the mother which caused the final break between mother and son. (Lines 12 - 14, Table V.) Another group, 13 boys, came to the Bureau because of the death of one parent and a later happening to the 14. remaining one which completed the break-up of the family. (Lines 15 - 17, Table V.) Quite often this later breakup was only a temporary one, as, for example, the 6 boys who had no home because the remaining parent was in the hospital. In 2 cases the other parent had been sent to prison*, curiously enough, it was the mother in both cases. In 5 cases the parent was living with relatives who found it physically impossible to accommodate the boy as well. There were several other smaller groups which did not come under any of the above classifications. (Lines 18 - 22,Table V.) 4 boys - 3 white and 1 Negro - were removed from the home by a social agency for the welfare of the boy. This was generally done by the Juvenile Court and in every case happened several years prior to the time of application to the Bureau. 3 boys left the city on a "bumming trip" through the country and found on their return several months later that their family had moved and could not be located. In 2 cases the parents moved from the city and left the boy behind. Later, unemployment made it necessary for him to apply for relief. 3 boys were married, but separated for economic reasons. The last group of 22 boys were actually not "non-family" boys as they were still living with \heir fathers, but were under care at the Bureau, the non-family agency, because of a local relief policy which classed all "family groups" composed entirely of adult males as non-family men. Grouping the various causes as given in Table V. into broader classifications, we are able to make the following general "cause table" for the six largest classifications. 15. Totals Cause All Causes Orphans Incompatibility Left home to work Desertion Separationoof parents Death of one parent By Race White Negro No. 213 100 98 115 45 45 30 28 18 13 21 21 14 13 8 6 12 37 4 9 7 6 33 8 26 19 11 7 i Thus 83/£, or more than four-fifths of the boys, were non-family from some variation of one of these six general causes. A comparison of items in Table V. and the above table by race brings out at least one curious, but not surprising, point. Almost half (47 of 98) of the white boys are separated from parents or close relatives because of incompatibility or emotional conflict of various degrees, but only one-tenth of the Negro boys are separated for these reasons. The predominating factor with Negro boys seems to be economic; for example, 26 of them left home to better their economic condition in the city and 28 had relatives who were willing, but financially unable to assist them. Relatives. In connection with the discussion of why boys are "non-family" and of the closeness of their social ties with relatives, it is interesting to note the number of boys who have relatives of varying degrees of relationship and especially those who have close relatives living in the city. Figures regarding relatives are given in Table VI. 48 of the 213 boys, or almost one-fourth, were orphans, the proportion being much higher among the Negro than among the white boys. 68, or 32$, had both 16. TABLE VI. RELATIVES OF NON-FAMILY BOYS BY RACE All Boys "Wo. Rac e White Relatives & Location All Cases 213 100 98 Parents, both dead " both living " 1 living 48 68 97 23 32 45 13 32 53 Father, dead w in city " Out of city 85 74 54 40 35 25 33 46 19 Mother, dead " in city H out of city i 108 J 46 i 59 50 22 28 46 34 18 4 2 2 1 1st degree rel., in city 85 out of cittf 49 (1) 40 23 56 18 2nd degree rel., in city 89 " out of citj 46 42 26 34 25 Any relatives in city? 81 19 14 85 13 11 Wife, " in city out of city Yes No If Not, any out of city? No relatives at all 172 41 29 12 (1) Refers to brothers and sisters only (2) Includes grandparents, uncles, and aunts 17. parents living and 97, or 45$, had one parent living. In 85 cases, the father was deadj in 74 he was living in the city5 and in 54 he was living out of the city. In 108 cases the mother was dead* in 46 she was living in the cityj and in 59 she was living outside of the city. In many cases, although one or both parents were known to be living in St. Louis, their exact addresses were unknown. These figures do, however, show the degree to which family ties had been broken. This was true to a greater extent with the white boys than with the Negroes. 6 boys, all Negroes, were married but separated from their wives. In 4 cases the wife was in St. Louis. 85 boys, two-fifths of the entire group, had first degree relatives (brother and sister) living in the city and 49, or 23$, had first degree relatives outside of St. Louis. The figures on second degree relatives, including only grandparents, uncles, and aunt, were 89 in St. Louis and 46 outside. 172, or 81$, had relatives living in the city and of the remaining 41 who had no close relatives in the city, 29 had some living outside, so that only 12 of the 213 boys had no close relatives at all. 10 of these 12 were Negroes and 2 were white boys. These figures illustrate again our previous point that actual "non-family" boys are few and far between and that most of them are "non-family" because of social or emotional conflicts of various kinds. Sources of Support. Table Vll., dealing with sources of support for the boys from birth to time of first application, also throws some interesting light on their social and economic ties with relatives. 18. TABLE VII. SOURCES OF SUPPORT BY RACE ill Source Sources 'arents Jncles or aunts Triends Orphanage or agencies Brothers or sisters Grandparents bousins All Boys Wiite Race Negro 213 98 115 213 45 31 27 19 15 10 98 17 11 20 7 5 2 115 28 20 7 12 10 8 All boys at some time during their life were supported by one or both parents. The next largest groups were 45 of the 213 cared for by Uncles or Aunts, and 31 by Friends. 27 were supported at some period by an Orphanage or a Child-Caring Agency, 19 by Brothers or Sisters, 15 by Grandparents, and 10 by Cousins or more distant relatives. The relative importance of these various sources was about the sane fpr both Negro and white boys, except the support from Orphanages and Children*s Agencies * 20 of the 27 in this group were white boys. Less than two-thirds of the 213 boys included in the study received support from any source other than parents at any time prior to application for relief. Problems Presented. The prevalence of these same problems is further emphasized by Table VIII., with the number of cases in which certain problems, as listed on the statistical card form of the Russell Sage Foundation, appeared. The most "popular" problems, omitting unemployment, which appeared in 208 of the 213 cases, were 19. TABLE VIII. PROBLEMS PRESENTED BY BOYS* ]Mo. of Cases Description total finite Negro No. Total Cases 98 213 115 113 95 ! 208 1. Unemployment 2 3. Seasonal employment 2 8. Tuberculosis 5 2 3 11. Cardiac 1 12. Syphilis i 4 3 1 13. Gonorrhea 11 19 8 18. Malnutrition 1 ! l 2 20. Other chronic illness 1 1 5 21. " acute " 3 2 i 22. Need of dental care 1 l 23. Need of optical care 3 4 1 24. Blindness or sight impaired 1 3 1 25. Paralyzed or crippled 2 2 27. Other physical disability 5 3 8 30. Psychosis 2 2 33. Mental disorder suspected 1 1 34. " def. diagnosed 1 3 4 35. " " suspected 2 1 2 36. Alcoholism 2 1 3 38. Irreg. sex relationships 7 2 9 39. Personality problem 29 17 46 41. Att. producing conflict in fam. 32 25 7 44. Orphan 48 13 35 45. Inadequate parental care 97 56 41 51. Juvenile delinquency 28 18 10 6 ! 53. Imprisonment 1 5 55. Conflict with community 38 I 22 16 64 ! 45 56. Unfriendliness of relatives 19 57. Begging tendency 8 4 12.1 58. Irregular school attendance 5 ! 2 3 3i 60. Inability to read or write 1 2 63. Need for vocational adjustment 3 ! 2 1 64. Bad housing 4 j 2 2 66. Chronic drifter 23 ! 16 7 70. Enuresis 3 ! 3 2i 1 . 71. Masturbation 1 * Problems taken from Russell Sage Statitstical C ard i I 1 i i * 1 20. "Inadequate parental care" in 97 casesj "Unfriendliness of relatives" in 64 cases and "personality or behavior problems" in 46 cases. Others not quite so popular were (No.55) "attitude producing conflict with the community" appearing 38 timesj "juvenile delinquency" (no.51) 28 times, "chronic drifter" (no. 66) 23 times, and "begging tendency" (no. 57) 12 times. 9 boys were psychotic or had mental disorder or defectiveness diagnosed or suspected j 19 had gonorrhea and 4 syphilis* 5 had tuberculosis j and 10 were crippled or physically disabled. In all, 36 different problems were noted, averaging 3 l/3 problems per case. Employment. 46 of the 213 boys covered in this study had never worked prior to their application for relief. The proportion of white boys who had never worked was slightly higher than that for Negro boys. Of the 164 boys who had worked, 76 had generally had steady work* 55 had only intermittent jobsj and 33 had worked only at odd jobs. The proportion of white boys on steady work was also much higher than that for Negroes. Only 8 boys of the 164 had worked at clerical work. 7 of these were white and the other was a Negro. 17, 13 white and 4 Negroes, had skilled jobs, and the other 139 had worked only at laboring or unskilled types of work. A review of the jobs held, in connection with the ahove figures, shows that employment had always been a "catch-as-catch-can" proposition, taking any job that was available. In no case in either the skilled or clerical groups did we find where a boy had held two jobs of the same general type in similar industries. Most of the boys began work when 15, 16, and 17 years of age, 105 of the 164 boys starting during this three year period. 19 boys started work at age 14 and 11 when less than 14 years old. The youngest were a 21. TABLE IX. PREVAILING TYPE OF WORK AND AGE BEGAN WORK BY RACE All Boys Types of Work 213 98 115 49 25 24 164 73 91 Steady 76 46 30 Intermittent 55 ie 37 Odd jobs 33 9 24 Clerical 8 7 1 17 13 4 139 53 86 11 4 7 14 19 9 10 15 30 13 17 16 37 17 20 17 38 18 20 18 & ov<3r 21 9 12 8 3 5 All Cases A. Never worked All types B. C Skilled Unskilled D. By R ace Negro White Age bogan - Under 14 Not given 22. white boy who started selling newspapers when 12 years old, and a Negro boy who started as helper in a grocery store when 11. 21 boys were 18 or older when thoy found their first employment. These figures are given in Table IX. Age. Table X. shows the ages of the boys included in this study. The peak age for these resident boys is 20 as compared to 19 in the total group of 1,600 cases. This is largely because the transient boys, who wore included in the larger group, are younger than resident boys at time of application. The average age of the Negro boys was 19^- and of the white boys 18 2/3. TABLE X. AGE AT T H E OF APPLICATION BY RACE AEG All Ages 16 17 18 19 20 21 All Boys 213 10 22 46 49 57 29 Race White Negro 98 9 11 24 23 22 9 115 1 11 22 26 35 20 It is interesting to note the circumstances of the 10 boys who applied for relief when only 16 years of age. The following summary shows this for each cases1. Mother dead. With father and older brother on relief. Has worked for 1 year and held 3 jobs. 23. 2. Mother dead. Father deserted. With older brother on relief. 3. With father on relief. Mother in sanitarium diagnosis, paranoid-praecox. Has never worked. 4* Orphan. Lived with an aunt for last 5 years and 2 orphanages prior to that. Aunt cannot continue to keep him. Has worked for 1 year and held 3 jobs* 5. Mother dead* Father chronic alcoholic and takes no interest in the boy. Has worked for 1 year and held 2 jobs. 6. Mother dead. Boy cannot get along with father and stepmother. Has never worked* 7* Blind boy. Left with friends and was for blind* Ran away begging cm streets. home 4 years ago to live later sent to state school from school and was found Had never worked* 8* Parents separated several tines. With father on relief* Had never worked* 9* Mother dead. Father deserted* All relatives refused to help in any way* Classed as an "incorrigibl*rtboy. An older brother in same circumstances and also receiving relief. Had never worked. 10. Negro boy. Father dead and boy came to agency when mother was sent to tuberculosis Sanatorium. Has never worked* Only 3 of these 10 boys had ever worked and none of those 3 had held steady jobs. 4 of them were on relief with father or older brother, 1 was an orphan, 24. 1 had one parent dead, and the other in a sanitarium, 3 were non-family because of incompatibility with relatives and the other was the blind boy who had run away from school. These 10 cases show how difficult it is to classify "non-family" boys. Schooling. Table Xi. gives information regarding the schooling of the boys. It shows that 102 of the 213 finished the 8th grade, 49 of them being white boys and 53 Negroes, and that 10, 2 v/hite and 8 Negroes, finished high school. The average grade completed for the Negro boys was 7.1 and for the white boys 7.5. 5 boys, 4 Negroes and 1 white, were still attending school at time of application. TABLE XI. SCHOOL GRADE COMPLETED BY RACE Grade Completed All Grades None 1 to 4 5 to 8 9 to 12 College Not known All Boys 213. 2 17 136 44 3 11 White Negro 98 115 0 4 68 18 2 6 2 13 68 26 1 5 According to this table, only 47, or 22$, of these boys have gone beyond the eighth grade. FERA statistical reports regarding Youth on Relief* estimate that 41$ of the urban males, age 16 to 24, have gone beyond the eighth grade. This would seem to indicate that broken homes, family discord, and unsettled family conditions make it necessary for non-family boys to leave *FERA Research Bulletin, Series I, No. 16., Jan. 6, 1936 25. school earlier than is true of the general run of youth on relief. Transiency. The records of only 33 of the 213 boys showed any history of transiency prior to application. Many of these had only made one trip and only 23, 16 white and 7 Negroes, were classed as chronic drifters (see "Problems Presented"). None of them had ever been returned to St. Louis by a social agency. It should be remembered, however, that this study antedates the formation of the Federal Transient Bureau. Referrals by a Children's Agency. Only 6 boys were actually referred to the Bureau by a children's agency although 20 boys had received support from such an agency prior to application (see "Sources of Support"). All 6 of these were white boys. 2 were referred by a public agency and 4 by a private. Living Arrangements. Approximately half of the boys were living with a family, although not a part of it, at the time of application and one-third were living in rooming houses. 15$ had no home at all, although this condition had generally lasted for only a few days. 4 were living in a flop house and 3 were in foster homes. These figures are given in Table XII. TABLE XII. LIVING ARRANGEMENTS AT TIME OF APPLICATION Arrangement All types With a family Rooming house Flop house Foster home None Not given All Boys No. i 100 213 93 64 4 3 29 20 48.5 33 2 1.5 15 X Race White Negro 98 115 34 23 4 3 21 13 59 41 0 0 8 7 26. Time on Own. It was difficult to make an accurate count of the length of time a boy had been "on his own" prior to application. Many of them had been living with friends or relatives and had received much financial assistance, yet these friends had actually assumed little or no responsibility for the boys welfare. We finally decided that if the boy was wholly or principally selfsupporting and was assuming the responsibility for his own planning, then he was "on his ovm." 102 of the boys had never been dependent upon their own resources and 16 had been for only 1 or 2 months prior to application. On the other hand, 66 had been "on their own" for 2 years or more. These figures, and others in Table XIII. show that some of these boys were quite self-reliant, a fact which is more true of the Negro than of the white boys. TABLE TIME ON OWN RESOURCES Length of Period All periods None 1 - 2 months 3-4 5-6 " 1 year 2 years 3 years More than 3 years Not given I XIII. 1 BY RACE All Boys 213 102 16 5 4 9 17 12 37 11 Race White Negro 98 50 7 5 2 6 9 1 11 7 115 52 9 0 2 3 8 11 26 4 27. Childhood Environment. It would bo assumed that, since this study deals only with resident boys, the predominating environment during their childhood would be urbe.n, but this is not by any means the case. Only 61$ of the boys had an urban onvironmont during the formative yoars of their life. 31$ grew up in small towns and 8$ in rural territory. (See Table XIV.) TABLE XIV. CHILDHOOD ENVIRONMENT OF BOYS All Boys Environment All cases Urban Small town Rural No. 213 i 100 130 i 61 67 31 16 8 BY RACE White a Nogro No. i T No. 98 100 115 100 69 24 5 70 25 5 61 43 11 53 37 10 The white group had a higher percent urban, 70$, and were correspondiiTg lower from small town and rural territory, 25$ and 5$, respectively. The Negro group were slightly over half, 53$, urban, 3$ small town, and 10$ rural. Length of time in St. Louis. The comparatively small percentage of boys with an urban background is explained by the figures in Table XV., which shew that only 30$ of the boys had spent their life in St. Louis and only 4$ had been in the city more than 10 years. 28. TABLE XV. LENGTH OF TIME IN ST . LOUIS > i AH Boys BY RACE White Yrs. in City| No. Cum.yJ i No. ! Cum./£ All cases 213 100 ! 98 | 100 Life 63 43 ! 44 30 11 or more 34 43 13 ! 57 9-10 20 55 10 ! 67 7-8 16 62 6 i 73 5-6 20 72 8 ! 82 3-4 34 88 7 ! 89 |2 or less 23 99 8 i 97 iNot given 3 1 100 i 3 100 Ne^ro No. Cum./. 115 100 17 20 21 36 10 44 10 53 12 63 27 87 15 100 0 o of the white boys were native St.Louisans and 57$ had been hero more than 10 years. The figures for the Negro group wore far below the average, only 17$ having been here for life and 36$ for 10 years or more. 13$ of the Negroes and 8$ of the white boys had been here less than 3 years. Of the 95 Negroes who are not native St. Louisans, 44, or almost half, came to the city in the four year period from 1927 to 1930. (see Chart II.) 8 came in 1927, 12 in 1928, 14 in 1929 and 10 in 1930. Most of these boys came alone to find work in the city, leaving their parents and family in the rural district. 37 arrived before 1925, most of them in the immediate post-war period, coming with parents or relatives. The white group show no such decided trends. The largest number in any one year was 6 in 1925, while 5 each in 1928 and 1930. 24 arrived prior to 1925. 29. CHART II. Number of Boys YEAR OF ARRIVAL IN CITY BY RACE (1925 - 1932) 10 WHITE 5 ~..f :l 0 15 !•>! i 10 i Year »l i I** I X'25 «26 '27 '28 '29 NEGRO w a m A„M '30 '31 '32 30. Table XVI. gives still more information regarding those boys who have come to the city in recent years. Of the 49 white boys not born in St. Louis, 23 came here from out-state Missouri, 12 from Illinois and 14 from other states. The heavy immigration from Missouri was before 1925, only 8 having arrived since then. The same thing holds true of the other states as well. The heavy state in the Negro immigration was Mississippi, 28 of the 95 coming from there. The next highest were Arkansas with 22, and Missouri and Tennessee with 11 each. Illinois sent 7 and Alabama 4, with 12 coming from various other states. 16 of these 28 from Mississippi came in the 6 year period from 1926 to 1931, and 15 of the 22 from Arkansas between 1927 and 1932. 4 of the Missouri's 11 arrived in 1928. TABLE XVI. STATES OF ORIGIN OF BOY IMMIGRANTS BY RACE All States of Origin All states Missouri - St. Louis Out-state Illinois Arkansas Mississippi Tennessee Others Boys 213 63 34 19 25 29 11 32 Race White Negro 98 43 23 12 3 1 0 16 115 '20 11 7 22 28 .11 16 Tenure of Cases. All information discussed in previous sections has concerned conditions at time of, or prior to, application. We made no attempt to evaluate the agency's work or to account for any later changes in circumstances. The case records were, of course, read during the progress of the study, but this reading was 31. wholly for the purpose of determining the accuracy of the information given at the time of application. The only section of the schedule referring to information or happenings subsequent to application was the one calling for opening and closing dates of case records, and the reason for closing. TABLE XVII. NUMBER AND LENGTH OF TIME UNDER CARE BY RACE ' Total | A. No. of months* i Total cases 1 ! 12 ! 3 1 1 1 4 5 6 i | 7-9 10-12 13-18 | 19-24 ; 25 or more B. No. of times op ened One Two Three Four Five Total Average * First time only White 98 11 24 13 9 7 5 7 14 5 3 0 115 166 37 7 78 17 1 1 1 124 88 20 6 1 0 150 2 ' 1 274 1.29 — Negro 213 29 35 18 22 17 16 30 25 15 4 2 1.26 i 18 j 11 1 5 i 13 i io ; ii 23 ii ! i ! 10 1 2 1.30 , Information tabulated from this section of the schedule shows that contacts with the boys were generally of short duration (Table XVII), the average for the white boys being 6 months, and for the Negro boys 6.6 32. months. Almost half, 104 of the 213 cases, were under care for 4 months or less, and only 21 for more than one year. These figures refer to the first period of care only, later periods were generally for a still shorter time. 47 cases were opened 2 or more times, the average number of times for all cases being 1.29. The average for white boys was .1.26 and for Negro boys 1.30. 7 cases, 1 white and 6 Negro, were opened three times, 2 four times, and 1 five times. These figures indicate that Negro boys, by a slight margin, applied for relief oftener and stayed on relief for a longer time. Reason for Closing. The reasons for closing the cases throw some interesting sidelights on the results obtained. (Table XVIII) 116 of the 274 were closed because contact with the boy was lost. The next largest group was 42 for whom employment was secured. Relatives assumed responsibility for the boy in 59 cases but in 24 the relatives were receiving relief from a family agency. 14 were dropped from the rolls during the two financial crises in February and July, 1932, while 13 were sent to CCC Camps, 5 were in jail, and 4 were sent to school on scholarships. The most promising part of the report is that 59 boys were reunited with relatives and that 42 were self-supporting through employment. These two reasons account for almost two-fifths of the closings. 33. TABLE XVIII. REASONS FOR CLOSING CASES Reasons All reasons Lost contact Employment secured Relatives assumed responsibility Relatives (on relief) assumed responsibility Further relief refused (no funds) Sent to CCC In jail Sent to school Further relief refused (case work reasons) Joined army or navy Placed in working home Boy refused employment In hospital Referred to Juvenile Court Not given BY RACE Total White Negro 274 124 150 116 42 35 24 14 13 5 4 3 3 2 2 2 1 8 48 24 16 8 0 9 2 2 1 2 2 0 2 1 7 68 18 19 16 14 4 3 2 2 1 0 2 0 0 1 35. PAR? A SUMMARY Ill OF FINDINGS Why Non-Family? 45 boys were orphans, 45 were separated from their family because of incompatibility, 30 left home to work in the city, 28 were "non-family" because of desertion, 18 because' of separation of parents, 13 because of the death of one parent, and the other 39 for various other reasons. (See page 12) Relatives. Only 12 of the 213 boys had no close relatives. The others had relatives living in or out of St. Louis, although exact addresses were often unknown. (See page 16) Sources of Support. Less than two-thirds of the boys received support from any source other than parents prior to their application for relief. (See page 18) Problems Presented. The most prevalent problems were "Inadequate parental care", which appeared in 97 cases, "Unfriendliness of relatives", 64 times, "Personality or behavior problems", 46 times, "Attitude producing conflict with the community", 38 times, and "Juvenile delinquency", 28 times. In all, 36 different problems were noted, appearing at the rate of 3 l/3 for each case. (See page 19) Employment. 164 of the 213 hoys had worked prior to application. 8 of these had worked at clerical jobs, 17 at '''skilled" jobs and the other 139 at laboring work* Most boys began work when 15, 16, or 17 years of age. (See page 21) Age. 10 boys applied when only 16 years of age. The largest number, 57, were age 20. The average age of the Negro boys was 19^- and of the white 18 2/3. (See page 22) 36. Schooling. The average school grade completed was 7.1 for the Negro boys and 7.5 for the white boys. 5 boys were still attending school at time of application. (See page 24) Transiency. The records of only 33 of the 213 boys showed any history of transiency prior to application. 23 boys were classed as chronic transients. These 213 boys were all residents of St. Louis, however. 46$ of the entire group of 1,641 cases studied were not used for intensive study because the boys were not residents of St. louis. (See pages 8 and 25) Childhood Environment. Only 61$ of the boys had an urban environment during the formative years of their life. 31$ grew up in small towns and 8$ in rural territory. (See page 27) Length of time in St. Louis. Only 30$ of the 213 boys had spent their entire life in St. Louis and only 43$ had lived in the city more than 10 years. 44$ of the white boys were native St. Louisans and 17$ of the Negro boys. The heavy years of Negro immigration to the city were 1928, 1929, and 1930. There was no outstanding year of white immigration. (See pages 27 and 28) Tenure of Cases. White boys were under care for an average of 6 months and Negro boys 6.6 months, immediately following application. Cases on white boys were opened an average of 1.26 times and on Negro boys 1.30 times. Negro boys, by a slight margin, applied for relief oftener and stayed on relief for a longer time, (see page 30 and 31)