Full text of Negro Migration During the War
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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace DIVISION OF ECONOMICS AND HISTORY JOHN BATES CLARK, DIRECTOR PRELIMINARY ECONOMIC STUDIES OF THE WAR EDITED BY D A V ID K IN L E Y Professor of Political Economy, University of Illinois Member of Committee of Research of the Endowment No. 16 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR BY EM M ETT J. SC O TT Secretary-Treasurer, Howard University, Washington, D .C . NEW YORK O XF O R D U N IV E R S IT Y PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 W est 32hd S m n LONDON. TORONTO. MELBOURNE. AND BOMBAY 1920 COPYRIGHT 1920 BY THE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 2 Jackson P lace , W ashington , D. C. E D IT O R ’S PR EFACE I think that no one more capable than Dr. Emmett J. Scott could have been found to present to the public a study on the subject o f this monograph. The topic is one o f great public importance, and the author is equipped for its treatment both by his wide knowledge o f the subject and his sympathy with the viewpoint o f his race. The problem o f negro labor, its diffusion and its adaptation to more numerous kinds o f work, are problems not only o f great public importance but o f great difficulty. Whatever views one may hold on the general subject o f race relations between the negroes and the whites in this country, there is no question that we can not reach safe conclusions without a full knowledge o f the facts as they appear to both o f the interested parties. For that reason this presentation by Dr. Scott is a welcome ad dition to our information on the subject. Sympathetically read it w ill. help the whites to understand better the negro viewpoint, and will help the negroes to appreciate perhaps more fully the difficulties which appear from the white viewpoint. This is a field in which Tennyson’s words are pre eminently true, that “ Knowledge comes, but wisdom lingers.” Yet we can not hope ever to attain the necessary wisdom ex cepting by an increasing fulness o f knowledge. Therefore I commend this study to every one who is interested in the ques tion for dispassionate reading and consideration. D hi a v id K in l e y . FO R E W O R D In the preparation o f this study I have had the encouragement and support o f Dr. Robert R. Moton, Principal o f the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, Alabama, who generously placed at my disposal the facilities o f the Institute’s Division o f Records and Research, directed by Mr. Monroe N. W ork, the editor o f the Negro Year Book. Mr. W ork has cooperated with me in the most thoroughgoing manner. I have also had the support o f the National League on Urban Conditions and particularly o f the Chicago branch o f which Dr. Robert E. Park is President a n d 'o f which Mr. T. Arnold Hill is Secre tary. Mr. Hill placed at my disposal his first assistant, Mr. Charles S. Johnson, graduate' student o f the University o f Chicago, to whom I am greatly indebted. I must also make acknowledgment o f my indebtedness to Dr. Carter G. Woodson, Director o f the Association for the Study o f Negro Life and History, Incorporated, Washington, D. C., for placing at my disposal the facilities o f his organization. The work o f investigation was divided up by assigning Mr. W ork to Alabama, Georgia and Florida; Mr. Johnson to Mis sissippi and to centers in Missouri, Illinois, Wisconsin and Indiana, while the eastern centers were assigned to Mr. T. Thomas Fortune, Trenton, New Jersey, a former editor o f the New York Age, and a publicist and investigator o f well known ability. It is upon the reports submitted by these investigators that this study rests. I can not speak too warmly o f the en thusiastic and painstaking care with which these men have labored to secure the essential facts with regard to the migration o f the negro people from the South. E m m e t t J. S c o t t . W a sh in g t o n , D . C., June 5,1919. CO N TEN TS CHAPTER FAGB I Introduction.................................................................. 3 II Causes o f the M igration .............................. i ............ 13 III Stimulation o f the M ovem en t.................................. 26 IV The Spread o f the M ovem en t.................................. 38 V The Call o f the Self-Sufficient N o r th ........................ 49 VI The Draining o f the Black B e l t ................................ 59 V II Efforts to Check the M ovem ent................................ 72 V III Effects o f the Movement on the S o u th ............... . . 86 IX The Situation in St. L o u is ......................................... * 95 X Chicago and Its E n v iro n s......................................... 102 XI The Situation at Points in the MiddleWest . . . . . . 119 X II The Situation at Points in the E a s t ....................... 134 X III Remedies for Relief by National Organizations .. 143 X IV Public Opinion Regarding the M ig ra tion ............... 152 Bibliography.............................................................. ... 175 Index .................................... ........................................ 185 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR C H APTER I Introduction Within the brief period o f three years following the outbreak o f the great war in Europe, more than four hundred thousand negroes suddenly moved north. In extent this movement is without parallel in American history, for it swept on thousands o f the blacks from remote regions o f the South, depopulated entire communities, drew upon the negro inhabitants o f practi cally every city o f the South, and spread from Florida to the western limits o f Texas. In character it was not without prece dent. In fact, it bears such a significant resemblance to the migration to Kansas in 1879 and the one to Arkansas and Texas in 1888 and 1889 that this o f 1916-1917 may be regarded as the same movement with intervals o f a number o f years. Strange as it might seem the migration o f 1879 first attracted general notice when the accusation was brought that it was a political scheme to transplant thousands o f negro voters from their disfranchisement in the South to States where their votes might swell the Republican majority. Just here may be found a striking analogy to one o f the current charges brought against the movement nearly forty years later. The congressional in quiry which is responsible for the discovery o f the fundamental causes o f the movement was occasioned by this charge and suc ceeded in proving its baselessness.1 The real causes o f the migration o f 1879 were not far to seek. The economic cause was the agricultural depression in the lower Mississippi Valley. But by far the most potent factor in effecting the movement was the treatment received by negroes at the hands o f the South. More specifically, as expressed by the leaders o f the movement and refugees themselves, they were a long series o f oppression, injustice and violence extending over 1 Congressional Record, 46th Cong., 2d sess., vol. X, p. 104. 3 4 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR a period o f fifteen years; the convict system by which the courts are permitted to inflict heavy fines for trivial offenses and the sheriff to hire the convicts to planters on the basis o f peonage; denial o f political rights; long continued persecution for political reasons; a system o f cheating by landlords and storekeepers which rendered it impossible for tenants to make a living, and the inadequacy o f school facilities.1 Sworn public documents show that nearly 3,500 persons, most o f whom were negroes, were killed between 1866 and 1879, and their murderers were never brought to trial or even arrested. Several massacres o f negroes occurred in the parishes o f Louisiana. Henry Adams, traveling throughout the State and taking note o f crime com mitted against negroes, said that 683 colored men were whipped, maimed or murdered within eleven years.* In the year 1879, therefore, thousands o f negroes from Mis sissippi, Louisiana, Texas, Alabama, Tennessee and North Caro lina moved to Kansas. Henry Adams o f Shreveport, Louisiana, an uneducated negro but a man o f extraordinary talent, organ ized that year a colonization council. He had been a soldier in the United States Army until 1869 when he returned to his home in Louisiana and found the condition o f negroes in tolerable. Together with a number o f other negroes he first formed a committee which in his own words was intended to “ look into affairs and see the true condition o f our race, to see whether it was possible we could stay under a people who held us in bondage or not.” This committee grew to the enor mous size o f five hundred members. One hundred and fifty o f these members were scattered throughout the South to live and work among the negroes and report their observations. These agents quickly reached the conclusion that the treatment the negroes received was generally unbearable.* Some o f the con ditions reported were that land rent was still high; that in the part o f the country where the committee was organized the people were still being whipped, some o f them by their former owners; that they were cheated out o f their crops and that in 1 Atlantic Monthly, L X IV , p. 222; Nation, X X V III, pp. 242, 386. * Williams, History o f the Negro Race, II, p. 375. * Atlantic Monthly, L X IV , p. 222. INTRODUCTION 5 some parts o f the country where they voted they were being shot. It was decided about 1877 that all hope and confidence that conditions could be changed should be abandoned. Members o f this committee felt that they could no longer remain in the South, and decided to leave even if they “ had to run away and go into the woods.” Membership in the council was solicited with the result that by 1878 there were ninety-eight thousand persons from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Texas be longing to the colonization council and ready to move.1 About the same time there was another conspicuous figure working in Tennessee— Benjamin or “ Pap ” Singleton, who styled himself the father o f the exodus. He began the work o f inducing negroes to move to the State o f Kansas about 1869, founded two colonies and carried a total o f 7,432 blacks from Tennessee. During this time he paid from his own pocket over $600 for circulars which he distributed throughout the southern States. “ The advantages o f living in a free State ” were the inducements offered.1 2 The movement spread as far east as North Carolina. There a similar movement was started in 1872 when there were dis tributed a number o f circulars from Nebraska telling o f the United States government and railroad lands which could be cheaply obtained. This brief excitement subsided, but was re vived again by reports o f thousands o f negroes leaving the other States o f the South for Kansas. Several hundred o f these migrants from North Carolina were persuaded en route to change their course and go to Indiana.3 Much excitement characterized the movement. One descrip tion o f this exodus says: . Homeless, penniless and in rags, these poor people were thronging the wharves o f St. Louis, crowding the steamers on the Mississippi River, hailing the passing steamers and imploring them for a passage to the land of freedom, where the rights of citizens are respected and honest toil rewarded by honest compensation. The newspapers were filled with accounts o f their 1 Williams, History o f the Negro Race, TI, p. 375. 2 W . L. Fleming, “ Pap Singleton, the Moses o f the Colored Exodus,” American Journal o f Sociology, chapter XV, pp. 61-82. 8 Congressional Record, Senate Reports, 693, part II, 46th Cong., 2d sess. 6 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR destitution, and the very air was burdened with the cry o f distress from a class o f American citizens flying from persecution which they could no longer endure. Their piteous tales o f outrage, suffering and wrong touched the hearts o f the more fortunate members o f their race in the North and West, and aid societies, designed to afford temporary relief and composed almost wholly o f colored people, were organized in Washington, St. Louis, Topeka and various other places.1 Men still living, who participated in this movement, tell o f the long straggling procession o f migrants, stretching to the length at times o f from tliree to five miles, crossing States on foot. Churches were opened all along the route to receive them. Songs were composed, some o f which still linger in the memory o f survivors. The hardships under which they made this journey are pathetic. Yet it is estimated that nearly 25,000 negroes left their homes for Kansas.2 The exodus during the W orld War, like both o f these, was fundamentally economic, though its roots were entangled in the entire social system o f the South. It was hailed as the “ Exodus to the Promised Land ” and characterized by the same frenzy and excitement. Unlike the Kansas movement, it had no con spicuous leaders o f the type o f the renowned “ Pap ” Singleton and Henry Adams. Apparently they were not needed. The great horde o f restless migrants swung loose from their acknowl edged leaders. The very pervasiveness o f the impulse to move at the first definite call o f the North was sufficient to stir up and carry away thousands before the excitement subsided. Despite the apparent suddenness o f this movement, all evi dence indicates that it is but the accentuation o f a process which has been going on for more than fifty years. So silently indeed has this shifting o f the negro population taken place that it has quite escaped popular attention. (Following the decennial revelation o f the census there is a momentary out burst o f dismay and apprehension at the manifest trend in the interstate migration o f negroes. Inquiries into the living stand ards o f selected groups o f negroes in large cities antedating the migration o f 1916-1917 have revealed from year to year an in1 American Journal o f Social Science, X I, pp. 22-35. * Ibid., p. 23. INTRODUCTION 7 creasing number o f persons o f southern birth whose length o f residence has been surprisingly short. The rapid increase in the negro population o f the cities o f the North bears eloquent testimony to this tendency. The total increase in the negro population between 1900 and 1910 was 11.2 per cent. In the past fifty years the northern movement has transferred about 4 per cent o f the entire negro population; and the movement has taken place in spite o f the negro’s economic handicap in the North. Within the same period Chicago increased her negro population 46.3 per cent and Columbus, Ohio, 55.3 per cent. This increase was wholly at the expense o f the South, for the rural communities o f the North are very sparsely populated with negroes and the increment accruing from surplus birth over deaths is almost negligible.1 When any attempt is made to estimate the volume o f this most recent movement, however, there is introduced a confusing element, for it can not definitely be separated from a process which has been in operation since emancipation. Another' diffi culty in obtaining reliable estimates is the distribution o f the colored population over the rural districts. It is next to im possible to estimate the numbers leaving the South even on the basis o f the numbers leaving the cities. The cities are merely concentration points and they are continually recruiting from the surrounding rural districts. It might be stated that 2,000 negroes left a certain city. As a matter o f fact, scarcely half that number were residents o f the city. The others had moved in because it was easier to leave for the North from a large city, and there was a greater likelihood o f securing free trans portation or traveling with a party o f friends. It is conserva tively stated, for example, that Birmingham, Alabama, lost 38,000 negroes. Yet within a period o f three months the negro population had assumed its usual proportions again.1 2 Prior to the present migration o f negroes, there was some what greater mobility on the part o f the white than on the part o f the negro population. As for example, according to 1 The Censuses of the United States. 2 Ibid. 8 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR the census o f 1910 o f 68,070,294 native whites, 10,366,735 or 15.2 per cent were living in some other division than that in which they were born. O f 9,746,043 native negroes reported by the census o f 1910, 963,153 or 9.9 per cent were living outside the division o f birth.1 Previous to the present migra tion, the south Atlantic and the east south central divisions were the only ones which had suffered a direct loss in population through the migration o f negroes.2 The census o f 1910 brought out the fact that there had been considerable migration from the North to the South, as well as from the South to the North, and from the East to the West. The number o f persons born in the North and living in the South (1,449,229) was not very different from the number born in the South and living in the North (1,527,107). The North, however, has contributed more than five times as many to the population o f the West as the South has. The number o f negroes bom in the South and living in the North in 1910 was 415.533, or a little over two-thirds o f the total number living in the North. O f the 9,109,153 negroes born in the South, 440.534, or 4.8 per cent, were, in 1910, living outside the South.3 The migration southward it will be noted, has been in recent years largely into the west south central division, while the migration northward has been more evenly distributed by divi sions, except that a comparatively small number from the South have gone into the New England States.4 The greater mobility o f whites than o f negroes is shown by the fact that in 1910, 15 per cent o f the whites and 10 per cent o f the negroes lived outside o f the States in which they were bom. This greater mobility o f the whites as compared with the negroes was due in a large measure to the lack o f oppor tunities for large numbers o f negroes to find employment in the sections outside the South. The W orld W ar changed these conditions and gave to the negroes o f the United States the same opportunities for occupations in practically every section 1 Vol. I, census o f 1910, Population, General Report and Analysis, p. 693. * Ibtd., p. 694. * Ibid., p. 698. 4 V ol. 1, 1910 census, Population, General Report and Analysis, p. 699. INTRODUCTION 9 o f the country, which had heretofore been enjoyed only by the whites. In 1900, 27,000 negroes born in the North lived in the South. In 1910, 41,000 negroes born in the North lived in the South. This indicated that there was beginning to be a considerable movement o f negroes from the North to the South because o f the greater opportunities in the South to find em ployment in teaching, medicine and business. The migration conditions brought about by the war have probably changed this to some extent. Previous to the W orld War, the States having the greatest gain from negro migration were Arkansas, 105,500, Pennsylvania, 85,000, Oklahoma, 85,000, Florida, 84,000, New York, 58,450 and Illinois, 57,500. The point brought out here indicates that because o f economic opportunities, Arkansas and Oklahoma, being contiguously situ ated in one section o f the South and Florida in another section o f the South, had received a greater migration o f negroes than any State in the North. Dr. William Oscar Scroggs o f Louisiana calls attention to the tendency o f negroes to move within the South, although, as he points out, this tendency is not as great as it is for the whites. On this he says: The negro shows a tendency, not only to move northward, but also to move about very freely within the South. In fact, the region registering the largest net gain o f negroes in 1910 from this interstate movement was the west south central division (Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas) which showed a gain from this source o f 194,658. The middle Atlantic division came second with a gain o f 186,384, and the east north central third with a gain o f 119,649. On the other hand, the south Atlantic States showed a loss o f 392,827, and the east south central States a loss o f 200,876 from interstate migration. While the negroes have shown this marked inclination toward interstate movement, they nevertheless exhibit this tendency in less degree than do the whites.1 The subjoined tables show the intersectional migration o f the negro population: 1 Scroggs, “ Interstate Migration o f Negro Population,” Journal o f Pohttcal Economy, December, 1917, p. 1040. 10 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR IN TERSECTIO NAL M IGRATION OF NEGROES (A s Reported by Census o f 1910) N um ber B orn in S pecified D ivisio n s a n d L iving I n T h ese D ivision s Number Living: Total Born in the Division Division United S ta te s........ New E n glan d ........ Middle Atlantic . . . East North Central West North Central South Atlantic . . . . East South Central West South Central Mountain ............... Pacific ..................... 9,746.043 37,799 212,145 173,226 196,116 4,487,313 2,844,598 1,777,242 7,342 8,262 N u m ber L iving Division United S ta te s........ New England . . . . . Middle Atlantic . . . East North Central West North Central South Atlantic . . . . East South Central West South Central Mountain ............... Pacific ..................... Within Division Total Living in the Division 9746,043 58,109 398,529 292,875 238,613 4,094,486 2,643722 1,971,900 20,571 27738 8,782,890 30,815 189,962 145,187 162,054 4,039,173 2,491,607 1,713,888 4,122 6,082 in Without Division 963,153 6,984 22,183 28,039 36,062 448,140 352,991 63,354 3,220 2,180 or O ut of Per Cent Liv ing Without the Division in Which Born 9.9 18.5 10.5 16.2 182 10.0 12.4 3.6 43.9 26.4 S pecified D ivision s Number Per Cent Number Living in Living in Born in and the Division Division Living in Born in Other Born in Other the Division Divisions Divisions 8782,890 30,815 189,962 145,187 162,054 4,039,173 2,491,607 1,713788 4,122 6,082 963,153 27294 208,567 147,688 76,559 55,313 152,115 258,012 16,449 21,156 9.9 47.0 52.3 50.4 32.1 1.4 5.8 13.1 80.0 77.7 11 INTRODUCTION M igration N orth to S o u t h , So u t h to N orth and E a st to W est Born in: State o f Birth not Total Reported Race and Section Native or Born in of Residence Population Outlying The North The South The West Posses sions, etc. All Races United States ........ 78,456,380 46,179,002 29,010,255 The N o r t h .......... 44,390,371 42,526,162 1,527,107 The S o u th .......... 28,649,319 1,449,229 27,079,282 403,866 5,416,690 2,203,611 The W e s t ........... 2,906,162 124,001 38,230 2,743,931 360,961 213,101 82,578 65,282 White United States ........ 68,386,412 45,488,942 19,814,860 The N o r t h .......... 43,319,193 41,891,353 1,110,245 The S o u th ......... 19,821,249 1,407,262 18,326,236 378,379 The W e s t ........... 5,245,970 2,190,327 2,766,492 116,939 34,523 2,615,030 316,118 200,656 53,228 62,234 15.604 2,295 2,412 10,897 41,381 11,325 28,750 1,306 Negro United States ........ The N o r t h .......... The S o u th ......... The W e s t ........... 9,787,424 999,451 8,738,858 49,115 621,286 570,298 39,077 11,911 9,109,153 415,533 8,668,619 25,001 12 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR N et M igration E astw ard a n d W estward N orthw ard an d S ou th w ard an d Population, 1910 White Section Total Total O f For O f Na eign or tive Par Mixed entage Parent age Negro Born east and living west o f the Mis sissippi River . . . 5,276,879 4,941,529 3,846,940 1,094,589 331,031 Born west and living east o f the Mis 684,773 616,939 417,541 199,398 63,671 sissippi River . . . Net migration west ward across the Mississippi River 4,592,106 4,324,590 3,429,399 Born North and liv ing South ......... 1,449,229 1,407,262 1,156,122 Born South and liv ing North ......... 1,527,107 1,110245 944,572 Net migration south ward ................... Net migration north ward .................. 297,017 77,878 211,550 895,191 267,360 All Other 4,319 4,163 156 39.077 2,890 165.673 415.533 1,329 251,140 1,561 85,467 376,456 C H A P TE R II Causes of the Migration It seems particularly desirable in any study o f the causes o f the movement to get beneath the usual phraseology on the sub ject and find, if possible, the basis o f the dissatisfaction, and the social, political and economic forces supporting it. It seems that most o f the causes alleged were present in every section o f the South, but frequently in a different order o f importance. The testimony o f the migrants themselves or o f the leading white and colored men o f the South was in general agreement. The chief points o f disagreement were as to which causes were fundamental. The frequency with which the same causes were given by different groups is an evidence o f their reality. A most striking feature o f the northern migration was its individualism. This factor after all, however, was economic. The motives prompting the thousands o f negroes were not always the same, not even in the case o f close neighbors. As a means o f making intelligible these complicating factors it is necessary to watch the process as it affected the several migrants. The economic motive stands among the foremost reasons for the decision o f the group to leave the South. There are several ways o f arriving at a conclusion regarding the economic forces. These factors might, for example, be determined by the amount o f unemployment or the extent o f poverty in a community as registered by the prosperity. These facts are important, but may or may not account wholly for individual action. Except in a few localities o f the South there was no actual misery and starvation. Nor is it evident that those who left would have perished from want had they remained. Discontent be came more manifest as comparisons were made between the existing state o f things at home and a much better state o f things elsewhere. It is possible to note in the appeals o f the 13 14 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR letters a suggestion o f a desire simply to improve their living standards so long as there was an opportunity. In the case o f some there is expressed a praiseworthy providence for their families; and in others may be found an index to the pov erty and hopelessness o f their home communities. In this type o f migration the old order is strangely reversed. Large num bers o f negroes have frequently moved around from State to State and even within the States o f the South in search o f more remunerative employment A movement to the West or even about in the South could have proceeded from the same cause, as in the case o f the migration to Arkansas and Oklahoma. Among the immediate economic causes o f the migration were the labor depression in the South in 1914 and 1915 and the large decrease in foreign immigration resulting from the W orld War. Then came the cotton boll weevil in the summers o f 1915 and 1916, greatly damaging the cotton crop over consid erable area, largely in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and Florida, and threatening greatly to unsettle farming con ditions in the year 1917.1 There followed then the cotton price demoralization and the low price o f this product during subse quent years. The unusual floods during the summer o f 1915 over large sections in practically the same States further aggra vated the situation. The negroes, moreover, were generally dis satisfied because o f the continued low wages which obtained in the South in spite o f the increasing cost o f living. Finally, there was a decided decrease in foreign immigration. The re sult was a great demand in the North for the labor o f the negro at wages such as he had never received.1 2 T o understand further the situation in the South at the be ginning o f the migration and just prior to it, attention should be directed to the fact that the practice o f mortgaging the cotton crop before it is produced made sudden reversals— an inevitable result o f such misfortune as followed the boll weevil and the floods. Thousands o f landlords were forced to dismiss their tenants and close the commissaries from which came the 1 New York Times, September 5, 9, 28, 1916. 2 Ibid., October 18, 28; November 5, 7, 12, 15; December 4, 9, 1916. CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 15 daily rations. Some planters in Alabama and Mississippi ad vised their tenants to leave and even assisted them. The banks and merchants refused to extend credit when cotton was no longer to be had as a security. A s a consequence, a great num ber o f tenants were left without productive work, money or credit. A host o f idle persons thrown suddenly on the labor market could have no other effect than to create an excess in the cities to which they flocked, make laborers easily replaceable, and consequently reduce wages. A southern paper in comment ing on this situation declared “ there is nothing for this excess population to do. These people must live on the workers, making the workers poorer . . . if there is a tap that will draw off the idle population, that will be a good thing for the cities at least.” 1 The circumstances o f unemployment which contributed so largely to the restless mood in some sections o f the South was due primarily to a lack o f sufficient capital to support labor during the lean seasons. This meant, o f course, that the cotton pests and storms that played havoc with whole sections rendered helpless all classes o f the population. The usual method o f han dling labor, especially on the cotton plantations, was for the planter to maintain his hands from the commissary during the fall and early winter in order that they might be convenient for the starting and cultivation o f a new crop. But with their last year’s crop lost, their credit gone and the prospects o f a new crop very shadowy, there was left no other course but to dismiss the people whom they could not support. For a long time southern farmers had been importuned to adopt a more diversified method o f farming to offset the effects o f unexpected misfortune in the cotton industry and to preserve the value o f the soil. Following the ravages o f the boll weevil, the idea gained wide application. The cotton acreage was cut down and other crops substituted. The cultivation o f cotton requires about five times as many laborers as the cultivation o f com and the work is fairly continuous for a few employes throughout the year. Additional unemployment for negro ten1 Work, Report on Negro Migration from Alabama. 16 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR ant farmers was an expected result o f this diversification. The greatest immediate disadvantage to negro planters and small farmers resulting from the failure o f the cotton crops was the lack o f money and credit to sustain them while the corn and velvet beans were being grown. It was for like reasons impracticable to attempt to raise stock, for there was no means o f making a beginning, as a certain amount o f capital was prerequisite. Despite the fact that food prices began to rise with the war, wages advanced very slowly. In 1915, wages o f farm laborers in the South averaged around 75 cents a day. In the towns the principal opportunities for employment were in the oil mills, lumber mills, cotton compresses, railroad shops and domestic service. In the mills and shops the average o f wages ranged from $1 to $1.50 a day. The wages o f such skilled laborers as carpenters and bricklayers ranged from $2 to $3.50 a day. In domestic service women received from $1.50 to $3 per week and board. Men in domestic service received on an average o f $5 a week.1 In spite o f these conditions in the South it might appear strange that not until fifty years after the privilege was granted negroes to go where they pleased did they begin to make a sudden rush for the northern States. Stranger still does it seem that, despite the fairly general agreement among southern negroes that the North affords greater personal liberty, is less prejudiced to individuals because o f the color o f their skins, grants to negroes something nearer to open handed justice, participation in the government, wider privileges and freer associations, there should be in 1910 scarcely more than one-tenth o f the negro population where these reputed advantages are. The North has been looked upon as the “ Promised Land,” the “ Ark o f Safety,” the “ House o f Refuge ” for all these years. A com mon reason recently advanced by the majority o f southern negroes for the abandonment o f their homes was the desire to escape from the oppressive social system o f their section. W hy have they not escaped before? The answer lies in the very hard 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 17 fact that, though the North afforded larger privileges, it would not support negroes. It was the operation o f an inexorable economic law, confused with a multitude o f social factors, that pushed them back to the soil o f the South despite their manifest desire to leave it. None o f the causes was more effective than that o f the opportunity to earn a better living. Wages offered in the North were double and treble those received in the South. Women who received $2.50 a week in domestic service could earn from $2.10 to $2.50 a day and men receiving $1.10 and $1.25 a day could earn from $2.50 to $3.75 a day in the various industries in the North.1 An intensive study o f the migration to Pitts1 Attractive advertisements appeared in negro newspapers with wide cir culation in the South. These are from the Chicago Defender. “ Wanted— 10 molders. Must be experienced. $4.50 to $5.50 per day. Write B. F. R. Defender Office” “ Wanted—25 girls for dishwashing. Salary $7 a week and board. John R. Thompson, Restaurant, 314 South State Street. Call between 7 and 8 a.m. Ask for Mr. Brown.” “ Wanted—25 young men as bus boys and porters. Salary $8 per week and board. John R. Thompson, Restaurant, 314 South State Street. Call between 7 and 8 a.m. Ask for Mr. Brown.” “ Molders wanted. Good pay, good working conditions. Firms supply cottages for married men. Apply T. L. Jefferson, 3439 State Street. “ Ten families and 50 men wanted at once for permanent work in the Connecticut tobacco fields. Good wages. Inquire National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 2303 Seventh Avenue, New York City, New York.” “ Molders wanted. A large manufacturing concern, ninety miles from Chicago, is in need o f experienced molders. Wages from $3 to $5.50. Extra for overtime. Transportation from Chicago only. Apply Chicago League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. T. Arnold Hill, Executive Secretary, 3719 State Street, Chicago.” “ Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent opportunity to learn trades, paying good money. Start $2.50—$2.75 per day. Extra for overtime. Transportation advanced from Chicago only. Apply Chicago League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 3719 South State Street. Chicago.” “ Experienced machinists, foundrymen, pattern makers wanted, for perma nent work in Massachusetts. Apply National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 2303 7th Ave., New York City.” “ 3,000 laborers to work on railroad. Factory hires all race help. More positions open than men for them.” “ Men wanted at once. Good steady employment for colored. Thirty and 39Yz cents per hour. Weekly payments. Good warm sanitary quarters free. Best commissary privileges. Towns o f Newark and Jersey City. Fifteen minutes by car line offer cheap and suitable homes for men with families. For out of town parties o f ten or more cheap transportation will be arranged. Only reliable men who stay on their job are wanted. Apply 18 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR burgh, made by Mr. Abraham Epstein, gives an idea o f the difference in wages paid in the North and the South. His findings may be quoted: “ The great mass o f workers get higher wages here than in the places from which they come. Fifty-six per cent received less than two dollars a day in the South, while only five per cent received such wages in Pittsburgh.” Sixtytwo per cent received between $2 and $3 per day in Pittsburgh as compared with 25 per cent in the South, and 28 per cent received between $3 and $3.60 in this city as compared with four per cent in the South. The inability to educate their children properly because o f the inadequacy o f school facilities was another cause which has been universally given for leaving the South.1 The basis for this frequently voiced complaint is well set forth in the study o f Negro Education by Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones.2 or write Butterworth Judson Corporation, Box 273, Newark, New Jersey, or Daniel T. Brantley, 315 West 119th Street, New York City.” “ $3.60 per day can be made in a steel foundry in Minnesota, by strong, healthy, steady men. Open only to men living in Chicago. Apply in person. Chicago League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 3719 South State Street, Chicago, Illinois.” 1 An investigator in Mississippi reports the follow ing: The school population is 60 per cent colored. There are seven white and two colored schools. The average salaries paid to white assistant teachers is $75 per month. The average salaries paid to colored assistant teachers is $32.50 per month. The average number o f pupils taught by white is 30 and the average number taught by colored is 100. In the county there are no agricultural high schools or in fact high schools o f any kind. The whites in the same county have an agricultural high school o f “ magnificent proportions” and “ excellent facilities,” a literary high school and about ten consolidated schools. Negroes complain that the authorities are building white schools in com munities where the negro population is five times as great. When they first sought to establish these consolidated schools, there was a provision that every one must pay taxes to support them. Negroes who were required to pay large taxes refused because they were denied the benefits o f the schools. A law was passed with the provision that the majority o f qualified electors in a county supervisor’s district might secure one o f these schools on peti tion to the Board o f Supervisors and with the understanding that they would pay taxes. But negroes are not qualified electors and consequently have no schools. In Liberty Grove the white school goes to the twelfth grade, with courses also in music. Automobiles bring the children to school and carry them back. The negro school in the same community has only one teacher getting $25 per month and teaching over 200 children. There are two large negro denominational schools, Jackson College and Campbell College which serve to supplement the public schools provided by the city. 2 Jones, Negro Education, vol. II, pp. 14, 15, Bulletin, 1916, No. 30 o f the United States Bureau o f Education. CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 19 The inadequacy o f the elementary school system for colored children is indicated both by the comparisons o f public appropriations already given and by the fact that the attendance in both public and private schools is only 58.1 per cent of the children six to fourteen years o f age. The average length o f the public school term is less than five months in practically all o f the southern States. Most o f the school buildings, especially those in the rural districts, are in wretched condition. There is little supervision and little effort to improve the schools or adapt their efforts to the needs o f the community. The reports o f the State Departments o f Georgia and Alabama indicate that 70 per cent o f the colored teachers have third grade or temporary certificates, representing a preparation less than that usually given in the first eight elementary grades. Investigations made by super visors o f colored schools in other States indicate that the percentage o f poorly prepared colored teachers is almost as high in the other southern States. The supervisor o f white elementary rural schools in one o f the States recently wrote concerning negro schools: “ I never visit one o f these (negro) schools without feeling that we are wasting a large part o f this money and are neglecting a great opportunity. The negro schoolhouses are miserable beyond all description. They are usually without comfort, equip ment, proper lighting or sanitation. Nearly all o f the negroes o f school age in the district are crowded into these miserable structures during the short term which the school runs. Most o f the teachers are absolutely untrained and have been given certificates by the county board, not because they have passed the examination, but because it is necessary to have some kind o f negro teacher. Among the negro rural schools which I have visited, I have found only one in which the highest class knew the multiplication table.” The treatment which the negroes received at the hands o f the courts and the guardians o f the peace constituted another cause o f the migration. Negroes largely distrust the courts and have to depend on the influence o f their aristocratic white friends. When a white man assaults a negro he is not pun ished. When a white man kills a negro he is usually freed without extended legal proceedings, but the rule as laid down by the southern judge is usually that when a negro kills a white man, whether or not in self-defense, the negro must die. Negro witnesses count for nothing except when testifying against members o f their own race. The testimony o f a white man is conclusive in every instance. In no State o f the South can a negro woman get a verdict for seduction, nor in most cases enter a suit against a white man; nor, where a white man is concerned, is the law o f consent made to apply to a negro girl. 20 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR It will be said, however, that such drastic action is not gen eral in the South; but throughout the Black Belt the negroes suffer from arrests and impositions for petty offenses which make their lives sometimes miserable. The large number o f negroes owning automobiles is a source o f many conflicts. Many col lisions, possibly avoidable, have resulted in wresting from the negroes concerned excessive damages which go to increase the returns o f the courts. For example, the chauffeur o f one o f the most influential negroes in Mississippi collided with a white man’s car. Although there was sufficient evidence to exonerate the chauffeur concerned, the owner o f the vehicle was forced to pay damages and sell his car.1 In the Birmingham district o f Alabama a striking discrimi nation is made in the arrests for failure to pay the street tax. Mr. Henry L. Bad ham, President o f the Bessemer Coal, Iron and Land Company, said in commenting on the causes o f the migration: I do not blame the negroes for going away from Birmingham. The treatment that these unfortunate negroes are receiving from the police is enough to make them desire to depart. The newspapers have printed articles about the departure o f the laborers from Birmingham. On one page there is a story to the effect that something should be done to prevent the exodus o f the negroes to other cities. And then on the same page there appears a little paragraph stating that negroes were arrested for failure to pay $2.50 street tax. The injustice o f arresting these negroes for the inability to have $2.50 ready to turn over into the coffers o f the city is obvious. While they have been taken into custody, despite their protests that they merely have not a sufficient amount o f money with which to meet the demand, you do not see that white men are arrested for the failure to pay the tax. There is no gainsaying the fact that there are thousands o f men walking the streets who have not paid a similar sum into the treasury o f the city. The negroes ought to get a square deal. When he is without funds, you can not blame him for that. The city police ought to be more reliable, or at least show no favoritism.2 The fee system in the courts o f the South is one o f the most effective causes o f the migration. The employers o f labor fought this system for eight years and finally got it abolished in Jefferson county, Alabama. Under this system the sheriff 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. 2 Montgomery Advertiser. CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 21 received a fee for feeding all prisoners. The greater the num ber o f prisoners, the greater would be the income for the sheriff's office. As a result, it became customary in Jefferson county, Alabama, to arrest negroes in large numbers. Deputy sheriffs would go out to mining camps where there were large numbers o f laborers and bring back fifty or more negroes at a time. This condition became unbearable both to the employer and to the employe. Calling attention to the evil o f this fee system, Dr. W . H. Oates, State Prison Inspector, said in his annual report for 1 9 1 4 :1 The vile, pernicious, pervading fee system beggars description and my vocabulary is inadequate to describe its deleterious and baneful effects. It increases in the management o f our jails greed for the almighty dollar. Prisoners are arrested because o f the dollar and, shame to say, are fre quently kept in captivity for months in steel cages for no other reason than the almighty dollar. During the fiscal year ending September 30, 1917, Jefferson county had 6,000 prisoners as follows: In jail at the beginning o f the year................................... 328 Incarcerated during the year: White men ................................ 1,289 Negro men ................................ 3,636 White women .......................... 118 Negro women .......................... 969 Total .............................. 6,340 The fee bill, according to the sheriff's annual report o f this department was $37,688.90. As the law provided that for each prisoner the sheriff shall receive 30 cents a day for feed ing, and as a matter o f fact the sheriff fed them for 10 cents a day, it is clear that he made a net profit o f $25,125.94 during one fiscal year or at the same rate for his term o f four years, $100,503.76.2 Another frequent complaint was directed against the accom modations for travel. It generally happens that the cars are crowded because the amount o f space allotted is insufficient, and 1 Annual Report o f the Prison Inspector o f Alabama, 1914. 2 Report of the Sheriff o f Jefferson County, Alabama, 1917. 22 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR negroes as a dass are denied accommodation in sleeping and dining cars. Usually there is but one toilet for both sexes and the waiting rooms at stations are cut off, unclean and insani tary. Then there are numerous petty offenses, which in themsdves appear trifling, but which are spoken o f as being on the whole considerably annoying. White men are permitted to come into the negroes’ part o f the coach and entertain the conductor, newsboy and flagman, all o f whom usually make their headquar ters there. The drunkards, the insane and other undesirables are forced into this comparment among negro women who have to listen to oaths and vulgar utterances. In stopping at some points, the trains halt the negro car in muddy and abominably disagreeable places; the rudeness and incivility o f the public servants are ever apparent, and at the stations the negroes must wait at a separate window until every white passenger has pur chased a ticket before he is waited on, although he may be de layed long enough to miss the train. Both whites and negroes in mentioning the reasons for the movement generally give lynching as one o f the most important causes and state that the fear o f the mob has greatly accelerated the exodus. Negroes in Florida gave as their reason for going north the horrible lynchings in Tennessee. The white press in Georgia maintained that lynchings were driving the negroes in large numbers from that State. A careful study o f the movement, however, shows that bad treatment by representa tives o f the law caused almost as many negroes to leave the South as lynchings, for, whereas lynchings were more or less sporadic, persecutions and mistreatment by representatives o f the law were trials which all negroes had continually to bear and from which they were anxious to escape.1 Many o f these causes then have their origin on the one hand in the attitude which the South assumes toward the negro as expressed in law and public opinion, and on the other hand in the feeling o f the negro toward the South because o f the treatment given him. A ’ negro educator o f Mississippi sought to explain the situation, saying: 1Work and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World W ar . CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 23 Many white men of high intellectual ability and keen discernment have mistaken the negroes* silence for contentment, his facial expression for satisfaction at prevailing conditions, and his songs and jovial air for happi ness.1 But this is not always so. These are his methods o f bearing trouble and keeping his soul sweet under seeming wrongs. In the absence of a spokesman or means of communication with the whites over imagined grievances, he has brightened his countenance, smiled and sung to ease his mind. In the midst o f it all he is unable to harmonize with the practices of daily life the teachings of the Bible which the white Christian placed in his hands. He finds it difficult to harmonize the fatherhood o f God and the brotherhood o f man, and his faith is put to the test in the Providence which enslaved his ancestors, corrupted his blood and placed upon him stigmas more damaging than to be a leper or convict by making his color a badge o f infamy and his preordained social position at the bottom o f human society. So firmly has his status been fixed by this Providence that neither moral worth, fidelity to trust, love of home, loyalty to country, or faith in God can raise him to human recognition. When he remembers that he has been the beast o f burden o f southern civilization and the foundation o f its luxuriant ease, when he rehearses to his children that he was the South’s sole dependence when his master was away repelling hostile armies, and how he worked by day and guarded his unprotected mistress and her children at night, or accompanied his master to the swamps o f Virginia and the Carolinas and bound up his wounds or brought his maimed or dead body home on his shoulders, these children can not understand the attitude o f the South toward them. They do not understand why they have not been educated to efficiency and employed to the best interest o f the South. They do not understand why they have not been given better living conditions, a more equitable division o f funds appro priated for the education o f the youth, nor provisions made for their higher or professional training, or why so much prejudice is engendered in the practice o f these professions among their own people. They do not under stand why they have been made to toil at starvation wages and to pay heavy fines and suffer long prison sentences for stealing food and clothing. They do not understand why no estimate is placed upon negro virtue and the full rights o f citizenship are denied to negroes o f education, character and worth. If some mysterious Providence has ordained that they support themselves and employers by farming, they do not understand why they are deprived o f agricultural schools. They do not see why mere prejudice would prevent them from obtaining a square deal when contending for the 1 Mr. Charles S. Johnson reports the following from Mississippi: “ The police o f most of the cities are rough and indiscriminate in their treatment o f negroes. At the depot during the summer, on several occa sions, negro porters were severely beaten by policemen for trivial reasons. This, it was said, started a stream o f young men that cleaned the town o f porters. “ Fee constables made their living from arresting negroes, indiscriminately, on trivial charges. A white man, to whom a prominent negro physician had gone for advice on a case concerning his arrest on a charge o f having no lights on his automobile, said, * If I were a negro, I would rather appear before a Russian court than come before a court here for trial.’ ” 24 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR possessions o f life, liberty and property. They do not understand why they are not protected from petty peace officers in search o f fees and from mobs while in the hands o f officers o f the law. Finally, they do not under stand why there is so little genuine sympathy and brotherhood between them and the only people they know—the people whose language and cus toms they use, under whose laws they live, whose Bible they read, whose God they serve. These thoughts possessed the negroes* mind when, twelve months ago, the boll weevil and rains destroyed the crops in the South and the European war was calling foreigners from field and factory in the North.1 One should bear in mind that the two generations o f negroes living in the South are affected differently by the measures o f control o f the whites, and in many cases respond differently to treatment received. The older generation o f whites and blacks avoided much friction by a sort o f mutual understanding. The children o f colored and white parents come less frequently into friendly contact and find it difficult to live together on the terms accepted by their fathers. Negro parents appreciate this situation but, although admitting that they can tolerate the position to which they are assigned, they do not welcome such an arrangement for their children. F or this reason they are not reluctant to send their sons away from home. Should the children remain there, they live in a state o f anxiety for their safety. They would not have them grow up as they, en compassed by restraints, and the young men themselves appear to entertain toward the prevailing system a more aggressive hostility. A woman o f color in Greenville, Mississippi, for example, had a son in a northern State and was afraid to invite him home to pay a visit because, as she stated, “ for him to accept the same abuses to which we, his parents, are accustomed, would make him much less than the man we would have him be.” Another negro, a physician, the “ Nestor ” o f his profession, having practiced in his State over thirty-five years, said: Sir, I can’t expect my son to accept the treatment under which I have been brought up. My length o f residence here and the number o f friends whom I know o f the older and more aristocratic type o f whites will protect 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. CAUSES OF THE MIGRATION 25 me, but as for him, there is no friendship. Now, as for me, there is no reason why I should leave. I am making as much money as I could anywhere else and all o f the white people respect me. But I am just one out o f a thousand. The younger men have neither my contact nor influence. A lawyer o f remarkable talent formerly o f Mississippi, now living with his children in Chicago, who had felt keenly this humiliation and recognized it as one o f the motives behind his change o f residence, thus stated the situation: One peculiar phase o f the white southern prejudice is that no matter how well liked or popular a colored man be in any community, his son does not share that popularity unless he enters a field o f endeavor dis tinctly lower in the scale than that occupied by his parent. My experience goes both ways on this subject. My stepfather was a dearly beloved colored man o f the old school, but when he sent me off to Oberlin College I returned to find that the community in which I had been beloved as a boy in attendance at the rude country school looked at me askance. It took twenty years to overcome the handicap of attempting to occupy a higher sphere than that to which the community thought it right to assign me. My experiences were repeated by my son. He was a well liked boy by the best people in a city o f about twenty-five thousand, because he was my son and was polite and agreeable. When he went to a nearby Mississippi college and worked in his summer vacations in a local industrial plant, they still thought well o f him, but when it was learned that he was being gradu ated at Oberlin College, and his picture appeared in a college year book, among others, my intimate white friends wanted to know the necessity for so much education and, with a shrug o f the shoulder, they let all mention of him drop, as if he had offended the most sacred laws o f the community. This spirit appeared so marked that I did not have him come back to visit his mother and me during the summer vacation. I have seen the same spirit in many instances. No man can explain why it is, but it is so.1 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. C H A P T E R III Stimulation of the Movement It is not surprising that the exodus grew so contagious when viewed in the light o f the numerous factors which played a part in influencing its extension. Considering the temper o f the South and its attitude toward any attempt to reduce its labor supply, it is readily apparent that leaders who openly encour aged the exodus would be in personal danger. There were, o f course, some few who did venture to voice their belief in it, but they were in most cases speedily silenced. A Methodist minister was sent to jail because he was said to have been en ticing laborers to go north and work for a New York firm, which would give employment to fifty o f his people. The tactics adopted by influential persons who favored the movement, there fore, were o f necessity covert and very much guarded. One o f the chief stimuli was discussion. The very fact that negroes were leaving in large numbers was a disturbing factor. The talk in the barber shops and grocery stores where men were wont to assemble soon began to take the form o f reasons for leaving. There it was the custom to review all the instances o f mistreatment and injustice which fell to the lot o f the negro in the South. It was here also that letters from the North were read and fresh news on the exodus was first given out. In Hattiesburg, Mississippi, it was stated that for a while there was no subject o f discussion but the migration. “ The packing houses in Chicago for a while seemed to be everything,” said one negro. “ Y ou could not rest in your bed at night for Chicago.” Chicago came to be so common a word that they began to call it “ Chi.” Men went down to talk with the Chicago porters on the Gulf and Ship Island Railroad which ran 26 STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 27 through the town. They asked questions about the weather in Chicago. The report was that it was the same as in Hattiesburg.1 In every circle the advisability o f leaving was debated. In the churches the pastors, seeing their flocks leaving, at first attempted to dissuade them.- The people refused to come to church. In the church meetings there were verbal clashes on the matter o f the attitude toward the migration. Some few had been careful enough to go north and investigate for themselves and friends. A man learned o f the North through a friend whose relatives wrote him from that section. He, thereupon, decided to pay a visit of two weeks, going in August. The attitude o f the North overwhelmed him. At Fulton, Kentucky, while he was on the train a white man was sitting in front o f him. He wanted to ask him a question but hesitated fearing that he would be rebuffed. He finally addressed the stranger, who answered him courteously and kindly, calling his attention to other points o f interest in the North. At Gary, Indiana, he met a gentleman who said he had been mayor o f Gary for seven years. He described the Gary school system and prom ised him an education for his children. He was assured em ployment at $4 a day for eight hours’ work.1 2 A still more powerful, though insidious factor, was the work o f public speakers who hid their intentions behind their unique: method o f presentation. In a lecture on the question o f migra tion a speaker, who is a widely known character, made these remarks: So many o f my folks are leaving that I thought I'd go up and see whether or not they had made a mistake. I found thousands o f old friends up there making more money than they'd ever made in their lives. I said to one woman in Chicago, ‘‘ Well, Sister ------, I see you're here.” “ Yes, Brother ------, I'm here, thank the Lord.” “ Do you find it any colder up here than it was in Mississippi?” “ Did I understand you correctly to say cold ? Honey, I mean it’s cold. It is some cold.” “ But you expect to return, don't y o u ? ” “ Don’t play with me, chile. What am I going to return for? I should say not. Up here you see when I come out on the street I walk on nice smooth pavements. Down home I got to walk home through the mud. Up here at nights it don't matter much about coming 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 Ibid. 28 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR home from church. Down home on my street there ain’t a single lamp post. And say, honey, I got a bath tub! ” 1 He related the instance o f his visit to an automobile plant where he was met at the door by a “ stalwart, handsome, sixfooter as black as midnight.” He asked his companion the name o f this “ potentate.” He was told that this man was an experienced machinist. Every car that passed out o f that plant must have his O. K. He added further that his salary was something like $100 a week and that the incident showed the unlimited chance for expansion in the North. When he began to enumerate some o f the positions which “ men o f the race” were holding, the audience became enthusiastic beyond control. One man in the audience, who had been to Detroit, could restrain himself no longer and stood up to inform the audience that there were also colored street car conductors and motormen and that he had seen them with his own eyes. The speaker paid no attention to this interruption and the audience appeared not to notice it, but began to exchange reports among themselves. The speaker added that he had found negroes in the North, well dressed and looking like men— for the first time in their lives—-men who were simply “ bums ” at home. In excusing the indisposition o f some negroes toward work, he said, “ H ow in the world can you expect a man to work faith fully all day long for fifty cents? ” * Am ong the important stimuli were the rumors in circulation. When a community is wrought up, it is less difficult to believe remarkable tales. T o persons beyond the influence o f this ex citement it is somewhat difficult to conceive how the rumor that the Germans were on their way through Texas to take the southern States could have been believed. And yet it is re ported that this extravagant fiction was taken seriously in some quarters. On the outskirts o f Meridian, Mississippi, a band o f gypsies was encamped. The rumor gained circulation that the Indians were coming back to retake their land lost years ago. It was further rumored that the United States Government 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. * Ibid. STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 29 was beginning a scheme to transport all negroes from the South to break up the Black Belt. Passed from mouth to mouth, un restrainedly these reports became verities. It was further asserted on the word and honor “ o f one in position to know ” that the Chicago packing houses needed and would get fifty thousand negroes before the end o f the year. One explanation o f the belief that the South was overrun with labor agents was the fact that every strange face came to be recognized as a man from the North looking for laborers. If he denied it, they simply thought he was concealing his iden tity from the police, and if he said nothing, his silence was re garded as sufficient affirmation. Hundreds o f disappointments are to be traced to the rumor that a train would leave on a certain date. Hundreds would come to the station prepared to leave and, when no agent appeared, purchased their own tickets. The questions o f wages and privileges were grossly featured. Some men, on being questioned, supposed that it was possible for every common laborer to receive from $4 to $10 a day, and that $50 a week was not an unusual wage. The strength o f this belief has been remarked by several social agencies in the North which attempted to supply the immigrants with work. The actual wages paid, though much in excess o f those they had been receiving, were often disappointing. Similarly in the mat ter o f privilege and “ rights” it was later revealed that un bounded liberty was not to be found in the North. The singular cases o f misconduct, against which the more sober minded preached, possibly had their root in the beautiful and one-sided pictures o f the North which came to the South. The Chicago Defender, a weekly negro newspaper, with its pronounced radical utterances, its criticism o f the South, its policy o f retaliation, etc., contributed greatly to the exodus.1 1 Some o f the material prepared by the Defender for consumption in the South was as follows: “ Turn a deaf ear.to everybody. You see they are not lifting their laws to help you, are they? Have they stopped their Jim Crow cars? Can you buy a Pullman sleeper where you wish? Will they give you a square deal in court yet? When a girl is sent to prison she becomes the mistress o f the guards and others in authority, and women prisoners are put on the streets to work—something they don’t do to a white woman. And our leaders 30 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Its influence can be imagined when, after reading the southern white papers with only occasional references to the negroes which might be called commendable and numerous articles which were for the most part distasteful, negroes could read the things they wanted to hear most, expressed in a manner in which they would not dare express them. It voiced the unexpressed thoughts o f many and made accusations for which they themselves would have been severely handled. Freud’s theory o f the suppressed wish finds a happy illustration in this rage over the Chicago De fender. Expressed in terms o f figures, the circulation o f the paper at the beginning o f the movement was something like 50,000. In 1918 it had grown to 125,000. It had a large cir culation in Mississippi and the supply was usually bought up on the first day o f its arrival. Copies were passed around until worn out. One prominent negro asserted that “ negroes grab the Defender like a hungry mule grabs fodder.” In Gulfport, Mississippi, a man was regarded “ intelligent ” if he read the Defender. It was said that in Laurel, Mississippi, old men who did not know how to read would buy it because it was regarded as precious. It was this paper that named the exodus “ The Great Northern Drive,” and set the date May 15th, announced the arrivals and took responsibility fo r inducing “ the poor brethren ” from the South. It was accused o f ruining Hattiesburg, Mississippi, by promoting this rush to the North. The sale o f this paper was, therefore, forbidden in several towns in the South. A correspondent said: “ W hite people are paying more attention to the race in order to keep them in the South, but the Chicago Defender has emblazoned upon their minds ‘ Bound for the Promised Land.’ ” will tell you the South is the best place for you. Turn a deaf ear to the scoundrel, and let him stay. Above all, see to it that that jumping-jack preacher is left in the South, for he means you no good here in the N orth.. . . Once upon a time we permitted other people to think for us— today we are thinking and acting for ourselves, with the result that our ‘ friends ’ are getting alarmed at our progress. W e’d like to oblige these unselfish ( ? ) souls and remain slaves in the South; but to other sections o f the country we have said, as the song goes, ‘ I hear you calling me,’ and have boarded the train, singing, ‘ Good-bye, Dixie Land.’ ” STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 31 In answer to the warnings o f the South against the rigors of the northern winters, the Defender said: To die from the bite o f frost is far more glorious than at the hands o f a mob. I beg you, my brother, to leave the benighted land. You are a free man. Show the world that you will not let false leaders lead you. Your neck has been in the yoke. Will you continue to keep it there because some “ white folks* nigger * wants you to ? Leave for all quarters of the globe. Get out * o f the South. Your being there in the numbers in which you are gives the southern politician too strong a hold on your progress. . . . So much has been said through the white papers in the South abeut the members o f the race freezing to death in the North. They freeze to death down South when they don*t take care o f themselves. There is no reason for any human being staying in the Southland on this bugaboo handed out by the white press.1 If you can freeze to death in the North and be free, why freeze to death in the South and be a slave, where your mother, sister and daughter are raped and burned at the stake; where your father, brother and sons are treated with contempt and hung to a pole, riddled with bullets at the least mention that he does not like the way he is treated. Come North then, all you folks, both good and bad. If you don’t behave yourselves up here, the jails will certainly make you wish you had. For the hard-working man there is plenty o f work—if you really want it. The Defender says come.1 2 1 The following clippings are taken from these white papers: “ Aged Negro Frozen to Death—Albany, Ga., February 8. ‘‘ Yesterday the dead body o f Peter Crowder, an old negro, was found in an out-of-the-way place where he had been frozen to death during the recent cold snap "-— Macon Telegraph. “ Dies from Exposure—Spartanburg, S. C., February 6. “ Marshall Jackson, a negro man, who lived on fhe farm o f J. T. Harris near Campobello, Sunday night froze to death.”—South Carolina State. “ Negro Frozen to Death in Fireless Gretna Hut. “ Coldest weather in the last four years claimed a victim Friday night, when Archie Williams, a negro, was frozen to death in his bed in a little hut in the outskirts o f Gretna.” —New Orleans Item, February 4. “ Negro Woman Frozen to Death Monday. “ Harriet Tolbert, an aged negro woman, was frozen to death in her home at 18 Garibaldi Street early Monday morning during the severe cold.” — Atlanta Constitution, February 6. 2 Articles such as the following kept alive the spirit o f the exodus: “ Tampa, Florida, January 19. J. T. King, supposed to be a race leader, is using his wits to get on the good side o f the white people by calling a meeting to urge our people not to migrate north. King has been termed a ‘ good nigger * by his pernicious activity on the emigration question. Re ports have been received here that all who have gone north are at work and pleased with the splendid conditions in the North. It is known here that in the North there is a scarcity o f labor; mills and factories are open to them. People are not paying any attention to King and are packing and ready to travel north to the ‘ promised land.* * ’ “ Jackson, Miss., March 23. J. H. Thomas, Birmingham, Alabama, Browns ville Colony, has been here several weeks and is very much pleased with 32 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR The idea that the South is a bad place, unfit for the habitation o f colored folk, was duly emphasized. Conditions most dis tasteful to negroes were exaggerated and given first prominence. In this the Defender had a clear field, for the local colored newspapers dared not make such unrestrained utterances.1 In the North. He is working at the Pullman Shops, making twice as much as he did at home. Mr. Thomas says the ‘ exodus' will be greater later on in the year, that he did not find four feet o f snow or would freeze to death. He lives at 346 East Thirty-fifth St.” “ Huntsville, Alabama, January 19. Fifteen families, all members o f the race, left here today for Pittsburgh, Pa., where they will take positions as butlers and maids, getting sixty to seventy-five dollars a month against fifteen and twenty paid here. Most o f them claim that they have letters from their friends who went early and made good saying that there was plenty o f work, and this field o f labor is short owing to the vast amount o f men having gone to Europe and not returned.” “ Shreveport, La., April 13. The Business Men's League held a meeting here and the white daily papers reported that it was for the purpose o f discouraging people from going north. The meeting had no such object. On the other hand, members o f the race claim that on May 15th they will be found leaving with the great northern drive.” “ The northern invasion has already started, much earlier than predicted. Many members o f the race refused to wait until spring. They have started despite the snow and cold. Last week thirty-one came here from Hatties burg, Mississippi, and said they intended to stay. They were well clothed, having heavy overcoats and rubber overshoes.” “ Memphis, Tenn., June 1. Your correspondent took a walk to Central station Saturday night just to see what was going on, and to his surprise and delight, he saw gathered there between 1,500 and 2,000 race men and women. Number 4, due to leave for Chicago at 8:00 o'clock, was held up twenty minutes so that those people who hadn't purchased tickets might be taken aboard. It was necessary to add two additional eighty-foot steel coaches to the Chicago train in order to accommodate the race people, and at the lowest calculation there were more than 1,200 taken aboard.” “ St. Louis, Mo., May 11. The Defender propaganda to leave sections of the South where they find conditions intolerable is receiving a hearty response. A communication was received by a Defender representative last week from Houston, Texas, asking for information relative to conditions in this city and the writer stated a number o f persons were planning to leave Houston for this city later on. The information was promptly and cheerfully given.” “ Tallulah, La., January 19. This time it’s a professor. Heretofore it has been the preachers who have been paid by the white men o f the South to tell our people that the North is no place for them. A bigger lie never was uttered. But now it is a professor. He is licking the white man’s hand to hold a little $35 job as a backwoods school teacher. He got his name in the papers (white) as ‘ good nigger.’ Just because this ‘ would-be pro fessor’ has been making speeches, asking that our people remain here and be treated like dogs, they are starting a crusade north, and by Easter there will not be one left to tell the tale.” 1 “ Forest City, Ark., February 16. David B. Smith (white) is on trial for life for the brutal murder o f a member of the race, W. H. Win ford, who refused to be whipped like others. This white man had the habit of making his ‘ slave’ submit to this sort o f punishment and when Win ford STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 33 fact, reading the Chicago Defender provided a very good sub stitute for the knowledge which comes through travel. It had the advantage o f bringing the North to them. Without fear o f exaggeration it is safe to say its policy was successful in inciting thousands o f restless negroes to venture north, where they were assured o f its protection and the championship of their cause. There are in Chicago migrants who attribute their pres ence in the North to its encouraging pictures o f relief from conditions at home with which they became more and more dissatisfied, as they read. The setting o f a definite date was another stimulus. The great northern drive was scheduled to begin May 15, 1917. This date, or the week following, singularly corresponds with the date o f the heaviest rush to the North, the periods o f greatest temporary congestion and the awakening o f the North to the presence o f their guests. Letters to the Chicago Defender and to the social agencies in the North informed them that they were preparing to come in the great drive. One o f many such letters received is presented. April 24, 1917. M r. R . S. A bbott, Editor, the Chicago Defender, Sir: I have been reading the Defender for one year or more, and last February I read about the great northern drive to take place May 15, on Thursday, and now I can hear so many people speaking o f an excursion to the North on the 15th o f May for $3. My husband is in the North already working, and he wants us to come up in May, so I want to know if it is true about the excursion. I am getting ready and, oh, so many others also, and we want to know is that true so we can be in the drive. So please answer at once. W e are getting ready. Yours, This was perhaps the most popular date, but there were others, o f which August 15 was one. Usually the dates set were for Wednesday and Saturday nights, following pay days. refused to stand for it, he was whipped to death with a ‘ black snake* whip. The trial o f Smith is attracting very little attention. As a matter o f fact, the white people here think nothing o f it as the dead man is a ‘ nigger/ This very act, coupled with other recent outrages that have been heaped upon our people, are causing thousands to leave, not waiting for the great spring movement in May.” 34 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Personal appeals in the form o f letters have a recognized weight in influencing action. The United States mail was about the most active and efficient labor agent. The manner in which the first negroes left made great opportunities for letter writing. It is to be remembered that the departure o f one person was re garded always in the light o f an experiment. The understanding existed between a man and his friends that he would honestly inform them o f conditions in the North. Letters were passed around and read before large groups. A woman from Hatties burg is accredited with having sent back a letter which enticed away over 200 persons. A tailor who had settled in a town o f white people in the West wrote a letter which was read in a church. It explained the advantages o f the free schools open to all, and the privilege to ride and to go where one pleases. The reading o f the letter brought forth long and loud applause. A man who had left home, writes back to his friend yet un decided : Mike, old boy, I was promoted on the first o f the month. I was made first assistant to the head carpenter. When he is out o f place I take every thing in charge and was raised to $95 per month. You know I know my stuff. What's the news generally around H ’burg? I should have been here twenty years ago. I just begin to feel like a man. It's a great deal o f pleasure in knowing that you have got some privileges. My children are going to the same school with the whites and I don't have to humble to no one. I have registered. Will vote the next election and there isn't any ‘ yes, sir, and no, sir.* It's all yes and no, and no, Sam, and Bill. The man has long since been joined by his friend. The pastor o f a Hattiesburg church received a letter from one o f his members with the extravagant assertion that the people whose funerals he had preached were in Chicago (mean ing Heaven) because they were good Christians. T o give as surance on the question o f weather migrants in the North would mention the fact that they were writing with their coats off. A fact which strengthened the belief in the almost incredible wages offered in the North was the money sent back to the families in the South. A man whose wife had preceded him wrote that she was making $3.50 a day in charge o f a bluing works in Chicago, and actually sent home $15 every two weeks. STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 35 Another man wrote that he was in Gary working at his trade making sometimes as much as $7 a day. He sent home $30 every two weeks. Fully one-half, or perhaps even more of those who left, did so at the solicitation o f friends through correspondence.1 Despite the restraints on loose talk in encouragement of the exodus, there were other means o f keeping the subject alive. One method, o f course, was the circulation o f literature from the North. One o f the most novel schemes was that o f a negro dentist in a southern town who had printed on the reverse side o f his business cards quotations from rather positive asser tions by northerners on the migration.2 The northern press 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 “ There is no class o f people and no ethical question that will not feel the effects o f the war. The negroes o f this country who go to France to fight, or who replace workingmen who go as soldiers will demand, and justly so, full American rights. The United States can not stand before the world as the champion o f freedom and democracy and continue to burn men alive and lynch them without fair trial. The National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People calls upon this country to ‘ clear her conscience before she can fight for the world’s good,’ by abolishing lynching and ceasing all oppression o f negroes. This is a national problem and more particularly one o f the South. In Europe there are practically no race distinctions. A negro can mix with white folk as an equal, just as a Spaniard, for example, does here; even intermarriage is not regarded as miscegenation. The race problem here is a different matter, however, as even the more intelligent negroes themselves will acknowledge. The negro should be assured all the protection and rights that go with American citizenship, but in this is not involved intermarriage or social equality.”— Leslie*s Illustrated Weekly, October 13, 1917. “ The foreign laborer has been called home to bear arms for his country. The daily death toll and waste and the recently enacted immigration law make it certain that he will not soon return in great numbers. As a result a large market exists for the negro laborer in localities in which he would have been considered an impudent trespasser had he attempted to enter a few years ago. The history of the world from the days o f Moses to the present shows that where one race has been subjugated, oppressed or proscribed by another and exists in large numbers, permanent relief has come in one or two ways—amalgamation or migration. The thought of amalgamation is not to be entertained. If conditions in the South for the colored man are to be permanently improved, many o f those who now live there should migrate and scatter throughout the North, East and West. I believe the present opportunity providential.”—Hon. John C. Ashbury, Phila delphia Bar. “ This is the psychological moment to say to the American white govern ment from every pulpit and platform and through every newspaper, ‘ Yes, we are loyal and patriotic. Boston Common, Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, Fort Pillow, Appomattox, San Juan Hill and Carrizal will testify to our loyalty. While we love our flag and country, we do not believe in fighting for the protection o f commerce on the high seas until the powers that be give us at least some verbal assurance that the property and lives of the members 36 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR early welcomed the much needed negro laborers to the North and leaders o f thought in that section began to upbraid the South for its antagonistic attitude towards the welfare o f the negroes, who at last had learned to seek a more congenial home. A stronger influence than this, though not quite so frequent, was the returned migrant who was a living example o f the prosperity o f the North. It was a frequent complaint that these men were as effective as labor agents in urging negro laborers to go north. There are reported numerous instances o f men who came to visit their families and returned with thirty to forty men. It has been suspected, and with a strong sugges tion o f truth, that many o f these were supplied with funds for the trip by the northern firms which employed them. A woman whose daughter had gone north had been talking o f her daugh ter’s success. The reports were so opposite to the record o f the girl at home that they were not taken seriously. Soon, how ever, the daughter came home with apparently unlimited money and beautiful clothes, and carried her mother back with her. This was sufficient. It was remarked afterwards: “ I f she can make $2.50 a day as lazy as she was, I know I can make $4.” 1 The labor agents were a very important factor in stimulating the movement. The number at work in the South appears to have been greatly exaggerated. Agents were more active in large cities where their presence was not so conspicuous. It was difficult to discover because o f the very guarded manner in which they worked. One, for example, would walk briskly down the street through a group o f negroes and, without turno f our race are going to be protected on land from Maine to Mississippi.' Let us have the courage to say to the white American people, ‘ Give us the same rights which you enjoy, and then we will fight by your side with all o f our might for every international right on land and sea/ If this kind o f talk is not loyalty, then I am disloyal; if this is not patriotism, then I am unpatriotic; if this is treason, then I am a traitor. It is not that I love Caesar less, but these black Romans more, who have been true to the flag for two hundred and fifty years. It is infinitely more disgraceful and outrageous to.hang and burn colored men, boys and women without a trial m the times o f peace than it is for Germans in times o f war to blow up ships loaded with mules and molasses.”—Reverend A. Clayton Powell, New York, N. Y. 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. STIMULATION OF THE MOVEMENT 37 ing his head, would say in a low tone, “ Anybody want to go to Chicago, see me.” That was sufficient. Many persons were found to remark frequently on the strange silence which negroes cn masse managed to maintain concerning the movement o f the agents. A white man remarked that it was the first time there had ever happened anything about which he could not get full information from some negro. Agents were reported, at one time or another, in every section from which the migrants went. When the vigilance o f the authorities restricted their activities they began working through the mails. Many sections were flooded with letters from the North to persons whose names had been obtained from migrants in the North or through a quiet canvass o f the community by unobstructed solicitors.1 Poems on the migration were also strong stimuli. In some instances arrests o f persons circulating them were made. A bit o f poetry which received widespread popularity was one called “ Bound for the Promised Land.” It was said that this piece o f poetry was responsible for much trouble. The Chicago Defender reported on June 1, 1917, that five young men were arraigned before Judge John E. Schwartz o f Savannah, Georgia, for reading poetry. The police contended that they were in citing riot in the city and over Georgia. Tw o o f the men were sent for thirty days to Brown Farm, a place not fit for human beings. Tom Amaca was arrested for having “ Bound for the Promised Land,” a poem which had been recently published in the Defender. J. N. Chisholm and A. P. Walker were arrested there because they were said to be the instigators.2 Another very popular poem widely circulated was entitled “ Farewell! W e’re Good and Gone.” It was said that this poem influenced thousands to go. Other poems on the migration were “ North ward Bound,” “ The Land o f Hope ” and “ Negro Migration ” and “ The Reason W hy.” 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. 2 Ibid. C H A P TE R IV The Spread of the Movement In the first communities visited by representatives o f northern capital, their offers created unprecedented commotion. Drivers and teamsters left their wagons standing in the street. Workers, returning home, scrambled aboard the trains for the North without notifying their employers or their families. The crowds that blackened the pool rooms and “ hangouts ” faded away as the trains continued to leave. W ild rumors about the North crept into circulation and received unquestioning credence. Songs about Pennsylvania, the spontaneous expression o f anxi ety and jo y over the sudden revelation o f a new world, floated about on the lips o f the children. Homes were thrown on the market and sold at ruinously low prices. It was observed that the beginnings in each new community exhibited the same characteristics. This is due in part to a pretty universal state o f unrest among negroes throughout the South. Although the first State entered by representatives o f northern capital was Florida, their efforts were not confined to that commonwealth. And again, although the Pennsylvania and Erie Railroads were the first to import negroes in large numbers, they were not alone in the field very long. The steel mills o f the East and the railroads o f the West soon followed— each selecting States from which egress was easy and con venient. The authorities o f the cities o f Florida, when they began to engage themselves in the suppression o f recruiting agents, succeeded in scattering them to other fields where their mere presence, preceded as it was by the news o f their mission in the South, was sufficient to attract, first, all o f the landless labor, then to loosen the steady workman wedded to the soil, and finally to carry away the best o f the working classes. Quite naturally southeastern Georgia was the second district to feel 38 THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT 39 the drain o f the exodus. These workers were carried into Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey for the maintenance work o f the roads. North Carolina was next entered; then finally Virginia which had been sending many negroes into New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey for a number o f years.1 Numerous illustrations show the popular state o f mind at the beginning, when every one was feverish. Men would loudly decry the folly o f breaking up their homes, the result o f years o f unrelenting toil, and venturing into the unknown North, and within less than twenty-four hours, would leave themselves. A good citizen would talk with another about the apparent in sanity o f those negroes who had “ contracted the northern fever.” They would condemn their acts with their strongest words. Hardly before another day could pass, one o f the two would disappear, having imitated the recklessness o f the very people he had so recently condemned. One man in telling o f how they acted, asserts “ You could see a man today and he would be calling the people who were leaving all kinds o f names; he could even beat you when it came to calling them fools for going north. The next day when you met him he wouldn’t talk so loud and the next day he wouldn’t let you see him. That would be the last o f him, because, unless you went to the depot, you wouldn’t see him again. Whenever I saw them shying off from me, I always knew what they had up their sleeves.” It was “ just naturally fashionable ” to leave for the North. A man would make up his mind to go and proceed forthwith to persuade his friends. If they refused, they no longer had any interests in common. In talking with a man who had persistently refused to leave, he declared that he had lost practically every friend he had, simply because he did not agree with them on “ the northern question.” For the pastors o f churches it was a most trying ordeal. They must watch their congregations melt away and could say nothing. If they spoke in favor o f the movement, they were in danger o f a clash with the authorities. If they 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Florida. 40 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR discouraged it, they were accused o f being bought up to hold negroes in bondage. If a pastor attempted to persuade negroes to stay, his congregation and his collection would be cut down and in some cases his resignation demanded. In some o f the smaller communities the pastors settled this difficulty by follow ing their flock, as was the case o f three who left Hattiesburg, Mississippi, following their congregations. Tw o lumber com panies in Mississippi employed a negro to lecture for the purpose o f discouraging the exodus. He was handsomely paid, but he was unheeded. Even now he is held in contempt by his former friends. The devout and religious saw God in the movement. It was inspired, they said, else why could so many thousand negroes all be obsessed at once with the same impulse. There were set afloat rumors that a great calamity was about to befall the Southland. In Georgia and Alabama, hundreds believed that God had cursed the land when he sent droughts and floods and destructive pests to visit them. The number o f negroes needed in the North was counted in millions; the wages offered were fabulous and the letters that came from the vanguard painted pictures o f a land o f plenty. From some communities a small group would leave, promising to inform those behind o f the actual state o f affairs. For a week or more there would follow a tense period o f “ watchful waiting ” and never ending anxiety, when Anally there would arrive a card bearing the terse report “ Everything pritty,” or “ Home ain’t nothing like this.” On this assurance, a reckless disposition o f household effects would follow.1 The towns quite naturally were the flrst to feel the effect. There, the pass rider— the labor agent— could move about more freely. People lived in closer contact and news circulated more rapidly; the papers came in regularly and the negroes themselves could see those leaving. On market days when the country folk reached town they got their flrst impulse from the commotion. Young country boys failed to return to quiet isolation, and sturdy sensible farmers whose whole lives had been spent on 1W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT 41 the farm, could not resist the temptation. As they returned they informed their neighbors, saying: “ They are leaving town by the thousands,” or “ Man, colored folks are leaving in droves for the North.” There are cases o f men who left their fields half plowed and journeyed to the city and thence to the North. In other communities, the beginning would be a timid dribble to the larger cities or directly to the North.1 The state o f mind o f the community under the influence o f the first effects o f the “ fever ” is illustrated in authenticated ac counts o f persons who witnessed the exodus from different cities: The most interesting thing is how these people left. They were selling out everything they had or in a manner giving it away; selling their homes, mules, horses, cows, and everything about them but their trunks. All around in the country, people who were so old they could not very well get about were leaving. Some left with six to eight very small children and babies half clothed, no shoes on their feet, hungry, not anything to eat and not even a cent over their train fare. Some would go to the station and wait there three or four days for an agent who was carrying them on passes. Others o f this city would go in clubs o f fifty and a hundred at a time in order to get reduced rates. They usually left on Wednesday and Saturday nights. One Wednesday night I went to the station to see a friend o f mine who was leaving. I could not get in the station, there were so many people turning like bees in a hive. Officers would go up and down the tracks trying to keep the people back. One old lady and man had gotten on the train. They were patting their feet and singing and a man standing nearby asked, “ Uncle, where are you goin g ?” The old man replied, “ Well, son, I’m gwine to the promised land.” 2 1 1 The Chicago Defender, 1916, 1917. 2 “ Whether he knew what he was going for or not,” says one, “ he did not take time to consider. The slogan was ‘ going north/ Some never questioned the whys or wherefores but went; led as if, by some mysterious unseen hand which was compelling them on, they just couldn’t stay. One old negro when asked why he was leaving, replied: ‘ I don’t know why or where I'm going, but I'm on my way.’ The northern fever was just simply contagious; they couldn’t help themselves. So far as I know, and I think I am about right, this fever started in and around the vicinity o f Bessemer, Alabama. One little village, especially, there was owmed by a white man from my home who had gone there the year before carrying some negroes with him. The negroes started leaving this village so fast that he wouldn’t allow any more tickets to be sold in this village, but the negroes only scoffed at this. They left the plantations at night and went to other villages for tickets. The fever had now begun and, like all other contagious diseases, it soon spread. 1 arrived home on May 4 and found my native town all in a bustle. Now, what was it all about? The next club for the North was leaving on May 18. The second-hand furniture store and junk shop were practically overflowing. People were selling out valuable furniture such as whole bedroom sets for only $2. One family that I knew myself sold a 42 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR “ When the laboring man got paid off,” said a Jackson, Mis sissippi, man, “ he bought himself a suit of overalls and a paper valise and disappeared.” Even the young married women refused to wait any longer than the time required to save rail road fare. It’s strange that when a negro got a notion to leave and he could not sell or give away, he simply locked up his house and left the key with his neighbor. Families with $1,000 worth o f furniture have been known to sell it for $150. A’ negro in Jackson was buying a $1,000 house, on which he had paid $700. When the “ fever ” struck the town, he sold it for $100 and left. There was related this instance o f a number o f negro laborers: On a plantation in south Georgia, where fifteen or more families were farming as tenants, there had been a great deal o f confusion and suffering among the people because o f the lack o f sufficient food and clothing. There were the Joneses, a family o f nine, the Harrisons, a family of ten, and the Battles, a family o f six. N o family on the place had an allowance o f more than $25 per month for food and clothing. When this allowance gave out, nothing could be gotten until the next month and the tenants dared not leave their farms to work elsewhere. The owner o f this plantation lived in town ten miles away and only visited the farm about once a week. Much to his surprise, on one o f his weekly visits, he found all the homes and farms deserted except one. On that were two old men, Uncle Ben and Uncle Joe, who had been left behind because they were unable to secure passes. Uncle Ben and Uncle Joe sorrowfully told the landlord all that had beautiful expensive home for only $100. Tn fact people almost gave away their houses and furnishings. Finally, the night for the club to leave came and the crowds at the train were so large that the policemen had to just force them back in order to allow the people to get on and off. After the train was filled with as many people as it could hold, the old engine gave one or two puffs and pulled out, bound for the promised land.” “ A very close neighbor o f ours,” says one, “ left for the North. He had a very small family. He left because his youngest son, who had been north a few months, came home with a considerable amount o f money which he had saved while on his trip. The father made haste and sold all he had. His son got him a pass. He said it was far better for him to be in the North where he could stand up like a man and demand his rights; so he is there. His daughter Mary remained at home for some time after the family had gone. She finally wrote her father to send her a pass, which he did. She had a small boy that was given her. She was not able to take him and care for him as she would like. Her next door neighbor, a very fine woman who had no children, wanted a child so Mary gave it to her. T o secure better wages and more freedom his oldest son went to East St. Louis and remained there until June. Then he left for Chicago. This family sold their chickens and rented their cattle to some o f the people ui that community.” —W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT 43 happened, emphasizing the fact that they were the only ones who had remained loyal to him. Then they told him their needs. The landlord, thinking that the old negroes were so faithful, rewarded them with a good sum o f money and left with the assurance that they would see to the crops being worked. No sooner had the landlord left than these old men with grips packed and with the money they had received, boarded the train to join their companions in the North.1 As an example o f the irresistible force which characterized the movement, one old negro made the remark: “ I sorter wanted to go myself. I didn’t know just where I wanted to go. I just wanted to git away with the rest o f them.” A woman in speak ing o f the torture o f solitude which she experienced after the first wave passed over her town, said: “ Y ou could go out on the street and count on your fingers all the colored people you saw during the entire day. Now and then a disconsolate look ing Italian storekeeper would come out in the street, look up and down and walk back. It was a sad looking place, and so quiet it gave you the shivers.” 2 In the heat o f the excitement families left carrying members dangerously ill. There is reported one interesting ease o f a family with one o f its members sick with pneumonia. As soon as the woman was able to sit up, she was carried away. At St. Louis it was found necessary to stop because o f her con dition. Finding that she could not recover, they proceeded to Chicago, where she died. Several o f the migrants have seen fit to make heroes o f themselves by declining to return to the South even on the advice o f a physician. Thus, a certain min ister is said to have refused to be sent home when his physician had told him there was a possible chance for recovery in his home in the South. He said that he preferred to die and be buried in the North. By the summer o f 1916, the exodus from Florida had grown to such ungovernable bounds that the more stable classes o f negroes became unsettled. A body, representing the influential colored citizens o f the State, wrote the editor o f the New York A g e : 8 1 W ork and Johnson, Report on the Migration during the World War. 2 Ibid. 8 The New York Age, August 16, 1916. 44 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR J acksonville , F l a ., August 10, 1916. To the Editor o f the A g e : To be brief, I beg to state that the ( ------------) o f this city, in a regular meeting, voted last Monday that I write your paper asking advice on the subject o f migration which is large and really alarming to the people of this State, for thousands o f people (colored) are leaving this State, going to Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland and New Jersey, where it is stated they are wanted as laborers in various pursuits. In your mind and to your knowledge, do you think it is the best thing for them to do, and are they bettering condition financially,morally and religiously; even in man hood, citizenship, etc. O u r ------------ has been asked by the white and colored people here to speak in an advisory way, but we decided to remain silent until we can hear from reliable sources in the North and East, and you have been designated as one o f the best. So to speak, our city isin a tur moil—in suspense. You have doubtless heard o f the great exodus o f negroes to the North, and we presume you have given it some thought, and even investigated it. Please give the benefit o f your findings and reasons for your conclusion. Thanking you in advance for a prompt and full reply to the correspond ing secretary, Yours truly, Corresponding Secretary. Caught up in the wave o f enthusiasm that swept over the South, these migrants could not resist the impulse to leave. The economic loss resulting from their reckless departure expressed in terms o f dollars and cents is another story, and probably can never be even approximately estimated. What seems o f most interest here is that they were in the frame o f mind for leaving. They left as though they were fleeing some curse; they were willing to make almost any sacrifice to obtain a railroad ticket and they left with the intention o f staying. What has been described, o f course, can not be construed to apply to every one who left. There were those o f the business and professional classes who were promoted by other motives than those which impelled the masses o f migrants. There were, for example, migrants who in the South had held positions o f rela tively high standing by virtue o f the fact that there do exist two institutional standards, the white and the black. Measured by the requirements o f the latter, they stood high in the respect o f the community, but when removed to the North they suffered in the rank o f their occupation. A college president or even THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT 45 a school teacher had little opportunity in their respective fields in the North. They had, therefore, migrated because deserted by their neighbors they were left with a prospect o f a diminishing social importance. Professional men followed their practice. In Chicago there are at least six lawyers from Mississippi, with practically the same clientele. A t the height o f the exodus, one o f these came to Chicago and secured admission to the bar in order that he might be in a position to move quickly if his practice were too severely cut down. Several physicians o f the State have re marked that they would now be in the East or the North if reciprocity with the State o f Mississippi were possible.1 Busi ness men have been reported to have moved North for the sole purpose o f collecting debts. Others are cooler and more calcu lating in preparing to leave. One pharmacist, for instance, plans to move within the next five years. It is true that some o f those who came in the movement would have come even if no one else had decided to migrate. The influence o f the general state o f mind, however, on the great majority is o f most con cern in determining the forces behind the exodus. Possibly the numbers to leave the South would have been considerably smaller had there not been existent so universal a readiness to respond to a call in almost any direction. The causes o f this state o f mind are stated elsewhere. What is im portant here is the behavior o f the persons leaving which ex erted such a compelling influence on their neighbors. The ac tions are illustrative not only o f the contagion o f the movement, but o f the fundamental emotions o f the negroes who formed the exodus. Thus it was, for example, that the movement was called the “ exodus ” from its suggestive resemblance to the flight o f the Israelites from Egypt, The Promised Land, Cross ing over Jordan (the Ohio R iver), and Beulah Land. At times demonstrations took on a rather spectacular aspect, as when a party o f 147 from Hattiesburg, Mississippi, while crossing the Ohio River, held solemn ceremonies. These migrants knelt down and prayed; the men stopped their watches and, amid 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 46 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR tears o f joy, sang the familiar songs o f deliverance, “ I done come out o f the Land o f Egypt with the good news.” The songs following in order were “ Beulah Land ” and “ Dwelling in Beulah Land.” One woman o f the party declared that she could detect an actual difference in the atmosphere beyond the Ohio River, explaining that it was much lighter and that she could get her breath more easily.1 The general direction o f the spread o f the movement was from east to west. While efforts were being made to check the exodus from Florida, the good citizens o f Texas were first beginning to note a stir o f unrest in their sections. On the other hand, the march o f the boll weevil, that stripped the cotton fields o f the South, was from west to east. Where there was wide unemployment, depression and poverty as a result o f the great floods in Alabama, the cutting down o f the cane area in Louisiana, the boll weevil in Mississippi, there were to be found thousands who needed no other inducement save the prospect o f a good job. Indeed, it is alleged by some negroes that the myriads o f labor agents who were said to be operating in the South were creatures o f the imagination o f an affrighted Southland; that but few were actually offering positions in the North; but their success was due to the overpowering desire on the part o f the negroes to go.2 In September o f 1916 a Georgia correspondent o f the Atlanta Constitution wrote: F or the past two or three weeks I have been receiving two or more letters daily from people in all sections o f Georgia asking my advice as to the advisability o f the colored people leaving the State in large numbers, as they have been leaving for the past six months. I think it is a mistake for our people to sell and practically give their earnings o f years just on a hearsay that they will be given larger salaries and great advantages in some other part o f the country. It will be remembered that the State o f South Carolina was not immediately affected. It was not until the discussions bear ing on the negro’ s insecurity and economic state, which accom1 Johnson. Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 Work, Report on the Migration from Alabama. THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT 47 panied the exodus in justification o f it, had begun to be em phasized as the cause o f the movement that a great exodus took place in the State. The principal occasion here was the unfortunate lynching o f Anthony Crawford. A negro news paper with a correspondent in Abbeville said: The lynching o f Anthony Crawford has caused men and women o f this State to get up and bodily leave it. The lynching o f Mr. Crawford was unwarranted and uncalled for and his treatment was such a disgrace that respectable people are leaving daily. When they begin to leave in the next few weeks like they have planned, this section will go almost into hysterics as some sections of Georgia and Alabama are doing because they are leaving for the North to better their industrial condition. Crawford is said to have been worth $100,000 in property. His wife and five sons have been ordered to leave. W ord comes that neighbors are beginning to leave and the number the first o f the week reached 1,000. The cry now is—“ Go north, where there is some humanity, some justice and fairness.” White people have accelerated the movement for the race to move, north. This, however, accounts principally for the spread o f the movement as accomplished by northern capital which, hitting the South in spots, made it possible for a wider dissemination o f knowledge concerning the North, and actually placed in the North persons with numerous personal connections at home. The husbands and fathers who preceded their families could and did command that they follow, and they in turn influenced their neighbors. It appears that those who came on free trans portation were largely men who had no permanent interests or who could afford to venture into strange fields. This indis criminate method o f many o f the transporting agencies un doubtedly made it possible for a great number o f indigent and thriftless negroes simply to change the scene o f their inaction. Yet it is unquestionably true that quite a large proportion o f those who went North in this fashion were men honestly seek ing remunerative employment, or persons who left through sheer desperation. In the second stage o f the movement the club organizations, special parties and chartered cars did most per haps to depopulate little communities and drain the towns and cities. This is easily to be accounted for. The free trains, carrying 48 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR mainly men, were uncertain. They were operated for brief periods in towns, but were in such ill favor with the police that passengers were not safe. The clubs or special parties were worked up by a leader, who was often a woman o f influence. She sought her friends and a convenient date was appointed Arrangements could also be made with friends in the North to receive them. The effectiveness o f this method is seen in the fact that neighbor was soliciting neighbor and friend per suading friend. Women in some o f the northern cities, join ing these clubs, assert that no persuasion was needed; that if a family found that it could .not leave with the first groups, it felt desolate and willing to resort to any extremes and sacrifices to get the necessary fare. One woman in a little town in Mississippi, from which over half o f the negro population had dribbled away, said: “ I f I stay here any longer, I’ll go wild. Every time I go home I have to pass house after house o f all m y friends who are in the North and prospering. I’ve been trying to hold on here and keep my little property. There ain’t enough people here I now know to give me a decent burial.” CHAPTER V The Call of the Self-Sufficient North A surviving custom o f servitude has consigned the mass o f negroes to the lower pursuits o f labor. Even at this it would be possible to live, for there would be work. In the North, however, such employment has been monopolized by foreign immigrants clearing Ellis Island at the rate o f more than a million a year. The usurpation here brought no clash, for the number o f negroes in the North scarcely equalled a year’s immi gration. From the ranks o f unskilled labor, accordingly, they were effectively debarred, being used occasionally, and to their own detriment, as strike breakers and forced to receive smaller wages and to make more enemies. From the field o f skilled labor they have been similarly debarred by the labor unions. . The labor unions have felt that they had a good case against the negro workman. The complaints most commonly made are that he could be too easily used as a strike breaker and that he lacked interest in the trade union movement. As a matter o f fact, both are true. An explanation o f this attitude at the same time brings out another barrier opposed by the North to the free access o f negroes to trades. Considerable wavering has characterized the attitude o f the trade unions toward negro labor. The complexity o f their organization makes it difficult to place any responsibility directly for their shortcomings. The fact remains, however, that despite the declaration o f the con stitution o f the federated body that no distinction shall be made on account o f sex, color or creed, negroes have been systemati cally debarred from membership in a great number o f labor bodies. Even where there has been no express prohibition in the constitution o f local organizations the disposition to exclude them has been just as effective. Refused membership, they have easily become strike breakers. The indifference on the part o f 49 50 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR negroes to the labor movement, however, may well be attributed also to ignorance o f its benefits. In a number o f cases sep arate organizations have been granted them. W ith the foreign immigration silently crowding him back into the South, the labor unions, the prejudices o f his white fellow workman and the paucity o f his number making him ineffective as a competitor, driving him from the door o f the factory and workshop, the negro workman, whatever his quali fications, was prior to 1914 forced to enter the field o f domestic service in the North and farming in the South. The conditions o f livelihood in both sections kept him rigidly restricted to this limited economic sphere. In 1910 the total number o f negroes ten years o f age and over gainfully occupied in the United States was 5,192,535 or 71 per cent o f the total number o f negroes ten years o f age and over. O f this number 2,848,258 or 55.2 per cent were farmers and 1,122,182 or 21.4 per cent were domestic servants. Out o f nearly five hundred occupations listed in the census o f 1910 three-fourths o f the negro working popu lation were limited to two. In the manufacturing and mechani cal pursuits throughout the entire United States there were em ployed scarcely a half million or 12.1 per cent of the working population. Statistics o f labor conditions in certain northern cities sup port this conclusion. In New York City in 1910, o f the negroes ten years o f age and over gainfully occupied there were 33,110 males and 26,352 females. O f the males there were engaged in domestic and personal service 16,724 or 47.6 per cent o f the total number o f males. O f the 26,352 females there were in domestic service 24,647 or 93.5 per cent o f the total number. In the occupations which require any degree o f skill and utilize the training o f acquired trades, the percentage was exceedingly low. F or example, in the manufacturing and mechanical pur suits where there were the benefits o f labor organizations and higher pay, there were but 4,504 negro males, or 13.6 per cent o f the total number gainfully employed. The per cent o f col ored women in this line was considerably less. Taken together with the 1,993 dressmakers working outside o f factories it was THE CALL OF THE SELF-SUFFICIENT NORTH 51 but 8.3 per cent o f the total number o f females. This line o f work, however, as all who are familiar with the manner in which it is done will recognize, is but another form o f domestic service. Exclusive o f this number the per cent drops to a figure a trifle over one per cent. Chicago, as another typical northern city, shows practically the same limitations on negro labor. In 1910 there were gain fully employed in this city 27,317 negroes. O f this total 61.8 per cent were engaged in domestic service. The negro women, o f course, contributed a larger share to this proportion, theirs being 83.8 per cent o f the females ten years o f age and over gainfully employed. In the manufacturing and mechanical pur suits there were engaged 3,466 males and 1,038 females, or 18.7 and 1.1 per cent respectively.1 Detroit, viewed in the light o f its tremendous increase, shows some o f the widest differences. In 1910 there were 3,310 negroes o f working age profitably employed. O f this number there were but 410 males and 74 females engaged in the manu facturing and mechanical pursuits. Forty-six o f the total female working population were engaged in domestic service. Limited to a few occupations, the negroes naturally encountered there intense competition with the usual result o f low wages and numerous other abuses. Whenever they entered new fields, as for instance those designated by the census as trade and trans portation, they were generally compelled to accept wages below the standard to obtain such employment. There appears to have been a slow but steady progress throughout the North toward the accession o f negroes to new lines o f occupation. This change was forced, unquestionably, by the necessity for seeking new fields even at an economic loss. From the lines o f work in which negroes for a long time have held unquestioned prestige, the competition o f other nationalities has removed them. It is difficult now to find a barber shop operated by a negro in the business district o f any northern city. The most dangerous competitor o f the negro in northern industry has been the immigrant, who, unconscious o f his subtle 1 These facts appear in the United States Census Reports. 52 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR inhibition on the negro’s industrial development, crowded him out o f employment in the North and fairly well succeeded in holding him in the South. After fifty years o f European immi gration the foreign born increased from two million to over thirteen million and only five per cent o f them have settled in the South. Indeed, the yearly increase in foreign immigration equalled the entire negro population o f the North. The competition in the North has, therefore, been in con sequence bitter and unrelenting. Swedes and Germans have replaced negroes in some cities as janitors. Austrians, French men and Germans have ousted them from the hotels, and Greeks have almost monopolized the bootblacking business. The decline in the domestic service quota o f the working negro population, when there has been a decline, seems to have been forced. The figures o f the United States census strengthen the belief that the W orld W ar has accomplished one o f two things: It has either hastened the process o f opening up larger fields or it has pre vented a serious economic situation which doubtless would have followed the complete supplanting o f negroes by foreigners in practically all lines. Before the war the immigration o f foreigners from Europe was proceeding at the enormous rate o f over a million a year. This influx was so completely checked by the war that the margin o f arrivals over departures for the first three years following the beginning o f hostilities was the smallest in fifty years. The following is a statement taken from reports o f the Bureau o f Foreign Immigration. IM M IGRATION SINCE 1913 Year 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 Number ....................................................................................... 1,197,892 ...................................................................................... 1,218,480 ....................................................................................... 326,700 ......... 298,826 ....................................................................................... 295,403 The decrease o f over 900,000 immigrants, on whom the in dustries o f the North depended, caused a grave situation. It must be remembered also that o f the 295,403 arrivals in 1917, THE CALL OF THE SELF-SUFFICIENT NORTH 53 there were included 32,346 English, 24,405 French and 13,350 Scotch who furnish but a small quota o f the laboring classes. There were also 16,438 Mexicans who came over the border, and who, for the most part, live and work in the Southwest. The type o f immigration which kept prime the labor market o f the North and Northwest came in through Ellis Island. O f these, Mr. Frederick C. Howe, Commissioner o f Immigration, said that “ only enough have come to balance those who have left.” He adds further that “ As a result, there has been a great shortage o f labor in many o f our industrial sections that may last as long as the war.” With the establishment o f new industries to meet the needs o f the war, the erection o f munitions plants for the manufacture o f war materials and the enlargement o f already existing indus tries to meet the abnormally large demand for materials here and in Europe, there came a shifting in the existing labor supply in the North. There was a rush to the higher paid positions in the munitions plants. This, together with the ad vancement o f the white men to higher positions nearly depleted the ranks o f common labor. The companies employing foreign labor for railroad construction work and in the steel mills o f Pennsylvania, the tobacco fields o f Connecticut, the packing houses, foundries and automobile plants o f the Northwest, found it imperative to seek for labor in home fields. The Department o f Labor, in the effort to relieve this shortage, through its em ployment service, at first assisted the migration northward. It later withdrew its assistance when its attention was called to the growing magnitude o f the movement and its possible effect on the South. Deserted by the Department o f Labor, certain northern em ployers undertook to translate their desires into action in 1915, when the anxieties o f the New England tobacco planters were felt in the New York labor market. These planters at first rushed to New York and promiscuously gathered up 200 girls o f the worst type, who straightway proceeded to demoralize Hart ford. The blunder was speedily detected and the employers came back to New York, seeking some agency which might 54 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR assist them in the solution o f their problem. Importuned for help, the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes supplied these planters with respectable southern blacks who met this unusual demand for labor in Connecticut. Later, more over, it appeared that on the threshold o f an unusually promis ing year the Poles, Lithuanians and Czechs, formerly employed in the fields, were dwindling in number and there was not at hand the usual supply from which their workers were recruited. A' large number o f these foreigners had been called back to their fatherland to engage in the W orld War. In January o f 1916, therefore, the tobacco growers o f Con necticut met in conference to give this question serious consider ation. Mr. Floyd, the Manager o f the Continental Tobacco Cor poration, offered a solution for this difficult problem through the further importation o f negro labor. The response to this suggestion was not immediate, because New England had never had large experience with negro labor. An intense interest in the experiment, however, was aroused through a number o f men with connections in the South. It was decided that the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, with headquarters in New York City, should further assist in secur ing laborers. Because o f the seasonal character o f the work, an effort was made to get students from the southern schools by advancing transportation. The New York News, a negro weekly, says o f this conference: Thus was born, right in the heart o f Yankee Land, the first significant move to supplant foreign labor with native labor, a step which has resulted in one o f the biggest upheavals in the North incident to the European war, which has already been a boon to the colored American, improving his economic status and putting thousands o f dollars into his pockets.1 The employers o f the North felt justified in bringing about a more equitable distribution o f the available labor supply in America. Discussing the labor situation before a conference in New York, Mr. E. J. Traily, Jr., o f the Erie Railroad said: The Erie Railroad has employed a large number o f the negro migrants and we are still in need o f more because o f the abnormal state o f labor 1 The New York News. THE CALL OF THE SELF-SUFFICIENT NORTH 55 conditions in this part o f the country. It is altogether unfair that the southern States should enforce laws prohibiting the moving o f labor from their borders, when there are railroads all over this country that would pay good wages to these laborers. I know o f one railroad company last year, which never had a colored man in the service, that was offering large wages and scouring every place for colored help. At the same time the South had and still has a surplus o f colored labor and would not permit it to be moved. These conditions actually exist, and I know it. I am interested in this thing not alone from the personal side o f it, but due to the fact o f my association with the Erie Railroad. I believe that the best thing that this body can do, in my judgment, is to pass resolutions demanding that the United States Emigration Bureau carry out the act passed by Congress empowering the Labor Department to place unoccupied men o f other parts o f the country where labor is needed.1 Early in the summer o f 1916, the Pennsylvania and Erie Railroads promiscuously picked up trainloads o f negroes from Jacksonville, St. Augustine and Pensacola, Florida. They were at first grouped in camps. The promise o f a long free ride to the North met with instant favor, and wild excitement en sued as the news circulated. Carloads o f negroes began to pour, into Pennsylvania. When they had once touched northern soil and discovered that still higher wages were being offered by other concerns, many deserted the companies responsible for their presence in the North. Some drifted to the steel works o f the same State; others left for points nearby. Letters written home brought news o f still more enticing fields, and succeeded in stimulating the movement. O f the 12,000 negroes brought into Pennsylvania by the Pennsylvania Railroad, less than 2,000 remained with the company.2 It will no doubt be interesting to know exactly where these negroes settled in the North. For the purpose o f understanding this distribution the North may well be divided according to the two main lines followed by the migrants in leaving the South. The South and middle Atlantic States sent the majority o f their migrants directly up the Atlantic coast while the south central States fed the Northwest. There is, o f course, no hard line o f separation for these two streams. Laborers were sought 1 New York Age, January 30, 1917; Christian Recorder, Philadelphia, Feb ruary 2, 1917. * Ibid. 56 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR in fields most accessible to the centers o f industry, but individual choice as displayed in the extent o f voluntary migration carried them everywhere. The New England States, which were probably the first to attract this labor, were Connecticut and Massachusetts. The tobacco fields o f Connecticut with Hartford as a center received the first negro laborers as mentioned above. Before a year had passed there were over 3,000 southern negroes in the city o f Hartford. Massachusetts had its new war plants which served as an attraction. Holyoke received considerable adver tisement through the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, and as a result secured a number directly from the South. Boston, which has always stood as a symbol o f hope for those who sought relief from southern conditions, has not, however, at any time afforded any great variety o f occu pations for the peasant class o f negroes. The receptions staged by the negro leaders o f that city were stimulated apparently more by the sentimental causes o f the movement than any other consideration. Although there existed in Boston, the type o f industries which required great numbers o f men, barriers pre vented negroes in large numbers from entering them and as a result there was no great influx o f migrants from the South. The places mentioned above are, o f course, only those which received large numbers. Scattered all over this section o f the country were thousands o f individuals who, seeking more profit able employment, broke loose from the crowd congregating at favorite points. New Y ork State with New York City as its center has received a considerable number. New York City, however, has been principally a rerouting point. In fact, many o f those who subsequently went to New England first went to New York City. The State o f New York recruited its labor here. There came to New Y ork probably no less than 75,000 negroes, a large portion o f whom stopped in New York City, although Albany, Poughkeepsie, Buffalo and smaller cities re ceived their share. New Jersey, because o f the great number o f its industrial plants, was rapidly filled. Newark alone augmented its colored THE CALL OF THE SELF-SUFFICIENT NORTH 57 population within a little over a year by one hundred per cent. The attractions in this State were the munitions plants, brick yards and wire factories. The principal cities here that might be mentioned are Newark, Trenton and Jersey City, although the migration to the last two cities hardly compares in volume to that o f Newark. Delaware, bordering New Jersey, received a few.1 Washington, the Capital City and the gateway to the North, already containing the largest negro population o f any city in the country was in the path o f the migration and had its increase o f population accelerated by the war. A considerable number o f southern negroes found work there, principally in domestic service. Pennsylvania, the first northern State to begin wholesale importation o f labor from the South, is the seat o f the country’ s largest steel plants and is the terminal o f three o f the country’s greatest railroad systems. Pittsburgh received perhaps the largest number; Philadelphia and Harris burg followed in order. The numerous little industrial centers dotting the State fed from the supply furnished by the railroads.2 The migration to the Northwest was more extensive. Ohio, the State o f vital historical association for negroes, was gener ously visited. Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati, Akron and Youngstown were popular centers. The coal mines, factories and iron works were most in need o f men, and obtained them without any great difficulty. Indiana, still probably remembered as the delicate spot in the inquiry following a similar migration thirty-nine years ago, with its very highly developed industries caught the flood proceeding up the Mississippi valley. Indianap olis was a popular point although not a satisfactory one for the migrants, who pretty generally left it for better fields. Gary and Indiana Harbor, more properly satellite cities o f Chicago, developed an almost entirely new negro population. Missouri, a border State, has one city with a considerably augmented negro population. The size o f the new population o f St. Louis can be accounted for by the fact that geographically it is the first city o f the North. East St. Louis, recently made 1 Fortune, Report on Negro Migration to the East. * Ibid. 58 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR notorious by the reception which it accorded its newcomers, is surrounded by a number o f satellite towns, all o f which made bids for labor from the South and received it. Not a few negro laborers went to Kansas City from which many were re routed to other points. Nebraska received a large number o f migrants as a direct result o f self-advertisement. Omaha was the city which invited them and received the bulk o f immigra tion to that State. Illinois, the one State known throughout the South because o f Chicago, received probably the heaviest quota o f any. Located as it is in the center o f industry for the Middle West and known to negroes as a “ fair ” State, it received through Chicago as many at least as the entire State o f Pennsylvania. Chicago is the center o f a cluster o f industrial towns. It has served as a point o f distribution through its numerous employment agencies for the territory northwest and northeast. Michigan has one large city, Detroit, which has recently increased its population one hundred per cent because o f its number o f highly developed industries which have supplied employment for its rapidly in creasing population.1 The eastern cities which made efforts through various means to augment their labor supply were Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Newark, New York City and Hartford. It is manifestly im possible to get reliable figures on the volume o f increase in the negro population o f any o f these cities. All that is available is in the form o f estimates which can not be too confidently relied upon. Estimates based on the average number o f arrivals from the South per day, the increase in the school population and the opinions o f social agencies which have engaged them selves in adjusting the newcomers to their new homes appear to agree in the main. 1 These estimates are based upon the reports o f investigators sent to make a study o f the condition o f the migrants. C H APTER V I The Draining of the Black Belt In order better to understand the migration movement, a special study o f it was made for five adjoining States, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, from which came more than half o f all migrants. The negro population o f these five States was 4,115,299, which was almost half o f the negro population o f the South. In the particular sections o f these States where the migration was the heaviest, the one crop sys tem, cotton, was general. As a result o f the cotton price demor alization resulting from the war, the labor depression, the rav ages o f the cotton boll weevil, and in some regions unusual floods, as already stated, there was in this section o f the South an exceptionally large amount o f surplus labor. The several trunk line railroads directly connecting this section with the northern industrial centers made the transportation o f this labor an easy matter. In 1915, the labor depression in Georgia was critical and work at remunerative wages was scarce. In Atlanta strong pressure was brought to bear to have the negroes employed in cleaning the streets replaced by whites who were out o f work. It was reported that the organized charities o f Macon, in dealing with the question o f the unemployed, urged whites employing negroes to discharge the blacks and hire whites. Mr. Bridges Smith, the mayor o f the city, bitterly opposed this suggestion. When the 1915 cotton crop began to ripen it was proposed to compel the unemployed negroes in the towns to go to the fields and pick cotton. Commenting editorially on this, the Atlanta Constitution said: The problem o f the unemployed in Albany, Georgia, is being dealt with practically. All negroes who have not regular employment are offered it in the cotton fields, the immense crop requiring more labor than the 59 60 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR plantations ordinarily have. If the unemployed refuse the opportunity, the order " move on ” and out o f the community is given by the chief o f police, and the order must be obeyed. Though the government is taking up very systematically the problem o f the unemployed, its solving will be slow, and the government aid for a long time will have to be supplementary to work in this direction, initiated in communities, municipalities and States, where the problem o f the unemployed is usually complex.1 In the course o f time, when the negroes did leave, they departed in such large numbers that their going caused alarm. Because they left at night the number o f negroes going north from the immediate vicinity was not generally realized. One night nearly fifty o f Tifton boarded northbound passenger trains, which already carried, it is said, some three hundred negroes. Labor agents had been very active in that section all fall, but so cleverly had they done their work that officers had not been able to get a line on them. For several weeks, the daily exodus, it is said, had ranged from ten to twenty-five.2 Columbus was an assembling point for migrants going from east Alabama and west Georgia. Railroad tickets would be bought from local stations to Columbus, and there the tickets o r transportation for the North, mainly to Chicago, would be secured. Americus was in many respects similarly affected, having had many o f its important industries thereby paralyzed. Albany, a railroad center, became another assembling point for migrants from another area. Although difficulties would be experienced in leaving the smaller places directly for the North, it was easy to purchase a ticket to Albany and later depart from that town. The result was that Albany was the point o f de parture for several thousand negroes, o f whom a very large percentage did not come from the towns or Dougherty county in which Albany is situated.* 1 Atlanta Constitution, August 28, 1915. 2 Ibid., December 13, 1916. 8 A leading colored physician o f Albany in commenting on the exodus said: “ A considerable number went from town and county. The number was not near so great, however, as from other counties.” He was o f the opinion that not more than eight or ten families had left. He said that his practice had not been affected. Individuals came in from other sections and took the place o f those who went away. He was o f the opinion that the fever was about over. This was due to the shortage o f labor created by the draft, the increase in wages and better treatment, particularly the THE DRAINING OF THE BLACK BELT 61 A negro minister, well acquainted with the situation in south west Georgia, was o f the opinion that the greatest number had gone from Thomas and Mitchell counties and the towns o f Pelham and Thomasville. Valdosta, with a population o f about 8,000 equally divided between the races became a clearing house for many migrants from southern Georgia. The pastor o f one o f the leading churches said that he lost twenty per cent o f his members. The industrial insurance companies reported a twenty per cent loss in membership.1 Waycross,2 a railroad center in latter. Tenants on plantations were receiving better treatment than they formerly received. Some plantation owners as an inducement to their tenants were furnishing each with a cow and a sow. Farm labor which was formerly paid $8 to $12 per month, now received from $20 to $30 per month. He said he knew o f one plantation owner who was paying his hands $1.25 per day. This doctor said he was reliably informed that many negroes had left Lee and Calhoun counties and the whites had to go in the fields and plow. As a result o f the exodus, the white and colored men of Albany had got closer together. He had recently been elected a member o f the Albany Chamber o f Commerce, and he understood that about twelve colored men had been invited to become members o f the Chamber to assist in working for the development of the county. One o f the colored druggists in Georgia said that Albany was a central point, and that a great many came from Cuthbert, Arlington, Leary and Calhoun, Early and Miller counties to Albany as a starting point for the North. Many went from Albany to Chicago and Philadelphia, but he was of the opinion that the largest number had gone to New Jersey. Migration has been affected by the draft and new opportunities opening up in the South. He said that whites became alarmed and called a meeting and invited some colored persons to consult with them.—Work, Report on Migration from Georgia. 1 “ The migration of negroes from this city to the North set in again this week, after a comparative lull of two months. A party o f twelve left here yesterday for Jersey City, while twenty others are expected to leave shortly. Many women are going with the men, in some cases leaving their children. Stories of suffering from cold, brought back by negroes during this winter, checked the movement considerably. Several hundred negroes will leave here this spring.”—Atlanta Constitution, March 26, 1917. 2 A report from there, in the Savannah Morning News, o f December 3, 1916, said: “ Hundreds of negroes in this section recently have been fleeced by white men posing as agents of large employment bureaus and industrial companies in the eastern States. The most recent instance o f the easy marks is reported from Coffee county, but it is in line with what has been happening in other counties. The so-called agent collects a registration fee, giving in return for the money, usually one or two dollars, a card which is said to entitle the bearer to a position at such and such a plant. The negroes get on the train on the date specified, the agent meeting them at the station. He tells them he will have a party ticket for the entire number and to tell the conductor to collect their fares from him. The negroes o f course leave home for the point where they think they will be given work, and apparently are a happy lot. But when ticket collecting time comes there is another story to tell. “ Thirty-seven negroes the other day boarded a northbound train at Douglas for Pittsburgh. The agent was on hand to check each one and 62 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR the wire grass section o f the State, with a population o f 7,700 whites and 6,700 negroes, suffered greatly from the migration. Hundreds o f negroes in this section were induced by the em ployment bureaus and industrial companies in eastern States to abandon their homes. From Brunswick, one o f the two prin cipal seaports in Georgia, went 1,000 negroes, the chief occu pation o f whom was stevedoring. Savannah, another important seaport on the south Atlantic coast, with a population o f about 70,000, saw the migration attain unusually large proportions, so as to cause almost a panic and to lead to drastic measures to check it. The migration was from all sections o f Florida. The heaviest movements were from west Florida, from Tampa and Jackson ville. Capitola early reported that a considerable number o f negroes left that vicinity, some going north, a few to Jack sonville and others to south Florida to work on the truck farms and in the phosphate mines. A large number o f them migrated from Tallahassee to Connecticut to work in the tobacco fields. Owing to the depredations o f the boll weevil, many others went north. Most o f the migration in west Florida, however, was rural as there are very few large towns in that section. Yet, although they had no such assembling points as there were in other parts o f the South, about thirty or thirty-five per cent o f the labor left. In north central Florida near Apalachicola fifteen or twenty per cent o f the labor left. In middle Florida around Ocala and Gainesville probably twenty to twenty-five per cent o f the laborers left, chiefly because o f the low wages. The stretch o f territory between Pensacola and Jacksonville was said to be one o f the most neglected sections in the South, the migration being largely o f farm tenants with a considerable number o f farm owners. There were cases o f the migration o f a whole community including the pastor o f the church.1 then he got aboard, or so the negroes thought. A few miles from Douglas the conductor found he had thirty-seven ticketless passengers And none o f the negroes had the Money to pay the fare to Pittsburgh. The train was stopped, and the negroes returned home, wiser and vowing they were ‘ done with leaving home.’ Quite a number o f negroes have come to Waycross to meet agents and go north. Before coming .here the negroes o f course had contributed.” 1 W ork, Report on the Migration from Florida. THE DRAINING OF THE BLACK BELT 63 Live Oak, a small town in Sewanee county, experienced the same upheaval, losing a large proportion o f its colored popula tion. Dunnelon, a small town in the southern part o f Marion county, soon found itself in the same situation. Lakeland, in Polk county, lost about one-third o f its negroes. Not less than one-fourth of. the black population o f Orlando was swept into this movement. Probably half o f the negroes o f Palatka, Miami and De Land, migrated as indicated by schools and churches, the membership o f which decreased one-half. From 3,000 to 5.000 negroes migrated from Tampa and Hillsboro county. Jacksonville, the largest city in Florida, with a population o f about 35,000 negroes, lost about 6,000 or 8,000 o f its own black population and served as an assembling point for 14,000 or 15.000 others who went to the North.1 By September, 1916, the movement in Alabama was well under way. In Selma there was made the complaint that a new scheme was being used to entice negroes away. Instead o f ad vertising in Alabama papers, the schemes o f the labor agents were proclaimed through papers published in other States and circulated in Alabama. As a result there was a steady migration o f negroes from Alabama to the North and to points in Tennes see and Arkansas where conditions were more inviting and wages higher. Estimates appear to indicate, however, that Ala bama, through the migration, lost a larger proportion o f her negro population than did any one o f the other southern States.2 From Eufaula in the eastern part o f the State it was re ported in September that trains leaving there on Sundays in 1916 were packed with negroes going north, that hundreds left, joining crowds from Clayton, Clio and Ozark. There seemed to be a “ free ride ” every Sunday and many were giving up lucrative positions there to go. The majority o f these negroes, however, went from the country where they had had a dis astrous experience with the crops o f the year 1916 on account o f the July floods.8 By October the exodus from Dallas county 1 Work, Report on the Migration front Florida. 2 Work, Report on the Migration from Alabama. 3 Montgomery ( Alabama) Advertiser, September 27, 1916. 64 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR had reached such alarming proportions that farmers and business men were devising means to stop it. Bullock county, with a working population o f 15,000 negroes, lost about one-third and in addition about 1,500 non-workers. The reports o f churches as to the loss o f membership at certain points justify this conclusion. Hardly any o f the churches escaped without a serious loss and the percentage in most cases Was from twenty-five to seventy per cent.1 It seemed that these intolerable conditions did not obtain in Union Springs. A c cording to persons living in Kingston, the wealthiest and the most prosperous negroes o f the district migrated. In October, 1916, some o f the first large groups left Mobile, Alabama, for the Northwest. The report says: “ T w o trainloads o f negroes were sent over the Louisville and Nashville Railroad to work in the railroad yards and on the tracks in the West. Thousands more are expected to leave during the next month.” As soon as the exodus got well under way, Birmingham be came one o f the chief assembling points in the South for the migrants and was one o f the chief stations on the way north. Thousands came from the flood and boll weevil districts to Birmingham. The records o f the negro industrial insurance companies showed the effects o f the migration both from and to Birmingham. The Atlanta Mutual Insurance Company lost 500 o f its members and added 2,000. Its debit for November, 1916, was $502.25; for November, 1917, it was $740. The business o f the Union Central Relief Association was greatly affected by the migration. The company in 1916 lost heavily. In 1917 it cleared some money. The State o f Mississippi, with a larger percentage o f negroes than any other State in the Union, naturally lost a large num ber o f its working population. There has been in progress 1 The investigator had been in Union Springs on a Saturday before there was a migration. The crowds on the streets were so great that it was difficult for one to pass. On Saturday, November 17, 1917, the investigator was again in Union Springs. It was an ideal autumn day. Good crops had been made in the county. Especially high prices were being paid for all sorts o f farm produce. The market season was on. Court was in session. The streets, however, had about the crowds to be found on some days, other than Saturday, before the migration began. THE DRAINING OF THE BLACK BELT 65 for a number o f years a movement from the hill counties o f the State o f Mississippi to the Delta, and from the Delta to Arkan sas. The interstate migration has resulted from the land poverty o f the hill country and from intimidation o f the “ poor whites ” particularly in Amite, Lincoln, Franklin and Wilkinson counties. In 1908 when the floods and boll weevil worked such general havoc in the southwestern corner o f the State, labor agents from the Delta went down and carried away thousands o f fam ilies. It is estimated that more than 8,000 negroes left Adams county during the first two years o f the boll weevil period. Census figures for 1910 show that the southwestern counties suffered a loss o f 18,000 negroes. The migration o f recent years to adjacent States has been principally to Arkansas.1 Jackson, the capital o f Mississippi, seriously felt the migra tion. The majority o f the “ lower middle class ” o f negroes, twenty-five per cent o f the business men and fully one-third o f the professional men left the city— in all between 2,000 and 5,000. Tw o o f the largest churches lost their pastors and about 200 o f each o f their memberships. Other churches suffered a decrease o f forty per cent in their communicants. Two-thirds o f the remaining families in Jackson are part families with rel atives who have recently migrated to the North. For years the negroes o f Greenville have been unsettled and dissatisfied to the extent o f leaving. Negroes came from Leland to Greenville to start for the North. This condition has ob tained there ever since the W orld’s Fair in Chicago, when families first learned to go to that section whenever oppor tunities for establishment were offered them. Although the negroes from Greenville are usually prosperous, during this exodus they have mortgaged their property or placed it in the hands o f friends on leaving for the North. Statistics indicate 1 The reasons back o f this, as obtained from migrants themselves, are that, except in the town o f Mound Bayou, negroes have not been encouraged to own property or rent, but to work on shares; in Arkansas it is possible to buy good land cheaply and on reasonable terms; inducements are offered by Arkansas in the form of better treatment and schools; there are no such ‘ excessive" taxes as are required in the Mississippi Delta to protect them from the overflows; the boll weevil has not yet seriously affected that State, and a small farmer may be fairly independent in Arkansas. 66 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR that in the early part o f the movement at least 1,000 left the immediate vicinity o f Greenville and since that time others have continued to go in large numbers.1 Greenwood, with a population evenly balanced between the white and black, had passed through the unusual crisis o f bad crops and the invasion o f the boll weevil. The migration from this point, therefore, was at first a relief to the city rather than a loss. The negroes, in the beginning, therefore, moved into the Delta and out to Arkansas until the call for laborers in the North. The migration from this point to the North reached its height in the winter and spring o f 1916 and 1917. The migrants would say that they were going to Memphis, but when you next heard from them, they would be in Chicago, St. Louis or Detroit. The police at the Illinois Central depot had been handling men roughly. When they were rude to one, ten or twelve left. Young men usually left on night trains. Next day their friends would say, “ Ten left last night,” or, “ Twelve left last night” In this manner the stream started. Friends would notify others o f the time and place o f special trains. The type o f negro leaving is indicated in the decline in the church mem bership. Over 300 o f those who left were actively connected with some church. During the summer o f 1917, 100 houses 1 The lumber mills and the local corporations provide a great part o f the work for laborers in the city. Wages last year ranged from $125 to $1.50 a day. Wages at present are $1.75 and $2 a day. Cotton picking last year brought 60 and 75 cents a hundred; at present $2 is paid for every hundred pounds picked. The city has enacted “ move o n ” lawsintending to get rid o f drones. The police, it is said, could not distinguish drones from “ all negroes.” It was further complained that the police deputies and sheriffs are too free with the use o f their clubs and guns when a negro is involved. It was related that D r .------, practising 47 years in Greenville, Mississippi, was driving his buggy in a crowded street on circus day when he was com manded by a policeman to drive to one side and let a man pass. He replied that he could not because he himself was jammed. He was commanded again and then dragged from the buggy, clubbed and haledinto the police court and fined. The officer who arrested him swore that he had given frequent trouble, which was untrue according to reliable testimony and his own statement. This incident is also told: A policeman's friend needed a cook. The policeman drove by a negro home and, seeing a woman on the porch, told her to get in the buggy. No questions were permitted. She was carried to his friend’s home and told to work. The woman prepared one meal and left the city for the North.— Johnson. Report on the Migration from Mississippi. THE DRAINING OF THE BLACK BELT 67 stood vacant in the town and over 300 were abandoned in the McShein addition. As the crops were gathered people moved in from the country, from the southern part o f the State and from the “ hills ” generally to take the places o f those who had left for the North. There was no concerted movement from Clarksdale, a town with a population o f about 400 whites and 600 blacks; but families appeared to slip away because o f the restlessness and uneasiness in evidence everywhere. From the rural district around there was considerable migration to Arkansas, but con siderable numbers were influenced to leave for Buffalo and Chicago. Mound Bayou lost some o f its population also to Arkansas and the North, as they could buy land cheaper in the former and find more lucrative employment in the latter. Natchez did not suffer a serious loss o f population until the invasion o f the boll weevil and the floods. Hattiesburg, a large lumber center, was at the beginning o f the exodus, almost depopulated. Some o f the first migrants went to Pennsylvania but the larger number went to Chicago. It became a rallying point for many negroes who assembled there ostensibly to go to New Orleans, at which place they easily provided for their transportation to Chicago and other points in the North. From Laurel in Jones county, a large sawmill district, it is estimated that between 4,000 and 5,000 negroes moved north. About 3,000 left Meridian for Chicago, St. Louis, Detroit and Pittsburgh. Indianola, a town with a num ber o f negro independent enterprises, also became upset by this movement, losing a considerable number o f progressive families. Gulfport, a coast town a short distance from New Orleans, lost about one-third o f its negro population. About 45 families left Bobo for Arkansas, and 15 families went to the North. Johnstown, Mississippi, lost 150 o f its 400 negroes.1 The owners o f turpentine industries and lumber plants in southeastern Mississippi were especially affected by the exodus. In Hinds, Copiah, Lincoln, Rankin, Newton and Lake counties, many white residents rather than suffer their crops to be lost, •Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 68 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR worked in the fields. It was reported that numbers o f these whites were leaving for the Delta and for Kentucky, Tennessee and Arkansas. Firms there attempted to look in the North that they might send for the negroes whom they had pre viously employed, promising them an advance in wages. A t the same, time the Illinois Central Railroad was carrying from New Orleans and other parts o f Louisiana thousands into Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. At the Illinois Central Railroad station in that city, the agent had been having his hands full taking names o f colored laborers wanting and waiting to go North. About the first o f April, 1917, there came also the reports from New Orleans that 300 negro laborers left there on the Southern Pacific steamer for New York, and 500 more left later on another o f the same company’s steamships bound also for New York, it was said, to work for the company. Thousands thus left for the North and West and East, the number reaching over 1,200. It is an interesting fact that this migration from the South followed the path marked out by the Underground Railroad o f antebellum days. Negroes from the rural districts moved first to the nearest village or town, then to the city. On the plantations it was not regarded safe to arrange for transporta tion to the North through receiving and sending letters. On the other hand, in the towns and cities there was more security in meeting labor agents. The result o f it was that cities like New Orleans, Birmingham, Jacksonville, Savannah and Mem phis became concentration points. From these cities migrants were rerouted along the lines most in favor. The principal difference between this course and the Under ground Railroad was that in the later movement the southern most States contributed the largest numbers. This perhaps is due in part to the selection o f Florida and Georgia by the first concerns offering the inducement o f free transportation, and at the same time it accounts for the very general and intimate knowledge o f the movement by the people in States through which they were forced to pass. In Hattiesburg, Mississippi, for example, the first intimation o f a great movement o f negroes THE DRAINING OF THE BLACK BELT 69 to the North came through reports that thousands o f negroes were leaving Florida for the North. T o the negroes o f Florida, South Carolina, Virginia and Georgia the North means Penn sylvania, New Jersey, New York and New England. The route is more direct, and it is this section o f the northern expanse o f the United States that gets widest advertisement through tourists, and passengers and porters on the Atlantic coast steamers. The northern newspapers with the greatest circula tion are from Pennsylvania and New York, and the New York colored weeklies are widely read. Reports from all o f these south Atlantic States indicate that comparatively few persons ventured into the Northwest when a better known country lay before them. The Pennsylvania Railroad, one o f the first to import laborers . in large numbers, reports that o f the 12,000 persons brought to Pennsylvania over its road, all but 2,000 were from Florida and Georgia. The tendency was to continue along the first definite path. Each member o f the vanguard controlled a small group o f friends at home, if only the members o f his immediate family. Letters sent back, representing that section o f the North and giving directions concerning the route best known, easily influenced the next groups to join their friends rather than explore new fields. In fact, it is evident throughout the move ment that the most congested points in the North when the migration reached its height, were those favorite cities to which the first group had gone.1 An intensive study o f a group o f 77 families from the South, selected at random in Chicago, showed but one family from Florida and no representation at all from North and South Carolina. A tabulation o f figures and facts from 500 applications for work by the Chicago League on Urban Conditions among Negroes gives but a few persons from North Carolina, twelve from South Carolina and one from Virginia. The largest number, 102t came from Georgia. Applicants for work in New York from the south Atlantic States are overwhelming.2 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 Ibid. 70 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR For the east and west south central States, the Northwest was more accessible and better known. St. Louis and Cin cinnati are the nearest northern cities to the South and excur sions have frequently been run there from New Orleans, through the State o f Mississippi. There are in St. Louis, as in other more northern cities, little communities o f negroes from the different sections o f the South. The mail order and clothing houses o f Chicago have advertised this city throughout the South. The convenience o f transportation makes the Northwest a popular destination for migrants from Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas and Tennessee. The Illinois Central Railroad runs directly to New Orleans through Tennessee and Mississippi. There were other incidental factors which determined the course o f the movement Free trains from different sections broke new paths by overcoming the obstacles o f funds for trans portation. N o questions were asked o f the passengers, and, in some instances, as many as were disposed to leave were carried. When once they had advanced beyond the Mason and Dixon line, many fearing that fees for transportation would be de ducted from subsequent pay, if they were in the employ o f the parties who, as they understood, were advancing their fares, deserted the train at almost any point that looked attractive. Employment could be easily secured and at good wages. Many o f these unexpected and premature destinations became the nucleuses for small colonies whose growth was stimulated and assisted by the United States postal service. W h e re M ig r a n t s w ent Where M ig r a n t s Cam e f r o m W h ere M ig ra tio n W as //e a s ie s t C H A P T E R V II Efforts to Check the Movement ■ The departure o f the first negroes usually elicited no concern from the authorities. It was assumed that their actions were merely expressions o f the negro’ s “ love for travel,” and that they would soon return. When, however, they did not return and hosts o f others followed, the white South became deeply concerned and endeavored to check the movement. Throughout the exodus drastic legislation and force were employed. In Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi and Georgia laws were passed in an effort to suppress the activities o f labor agents. Licenses were made prohibitively high; labor agents were arrested and heavily fined. In some cases their coming was penalized to prohibit their operations entirely and they frequently suffered physical injury. In Florida labor recruiting early assumed a serious aspect. Precaution was, therefore, taken to impede the progress o f the work o f labor agents among negroes, at first by moral suasion and then by actual force. The cities and towns o f this State enacted measures requiring a very high license o f labor agents, imposing in case o f failure to comply with these regulations, a penalty o f imprisonment. For example, in Tampa when these operations were brought to the attention o f the authorities, Joe Robinson, a negro officer, was detailed to investigate the matter. He discovered that one Joyce and another negro named Alex Reeves were implicated in the movement. These men were charged with having collected $7 from each o f several hundred negroes who wanted to go to Pennsylvania. A meet ing among the negroes o f Tampa was then held to secure pledges o f assistance for the negro officer, then making an effort to prevent the exodus. Being under the impression that the ig norant members o f their race were being imposed upon by 72 EFFORTS*TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 73 agents from without, many o f these leading negroes pledged themselves to assist in the suppression o f it.1 In Jacksonville, where the labor agents flourished, the City Council passed an ordinance requiring that migration agents should pay $1,000 license to recruit labor sent out o f the State under penalty o f $600 fine and 60 days in jail. Several police detectives were assigned the task o f arresting those who were said to be spreading false reports among negroes there to the effect that special trains were ready on various specified dates to take them to points in the North. When, therefore, large crowds o f negroes gathered near the Union Depot in Jack sonville, awaiting the so-called special train, they were handled rather roughly by the police when it was shown that they had not purchased tickets and there was no one to vouch for their transportation. The same condition with respect to the apparent necessity for prohibitive measures obtained in Georgia. The local gov ernments early took action to prevent the drain o f the labor population to northern States through the operation o f labor agents. It was soon observed, however, that these agents worked out their schemes so clandestinely that it was impossible to check the movement by such measures. Fearing that the general unrest among the negroes o f the city and the efforts that were being put forth on the part o f the authorities to keep them from being transported from Macon to the North, might result in a riot with which the city authorities would not be able to cope, Chief o f Police George S. Riley recommended to the civil service commission that forty magazine rifles be purchased for the police department.2 At that time the police had only their pistols and clubs. It was said that surliness then existed among certain negroes and the police wanted to be able to cope with any situation that might arise. The City Council, there after, raised the license fee for labor agents to $25,000, requir ing also that such an agent be recommended by ten local min isters, ten manufacturers and twenty-five business men. The 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Florida. * Atlantic Constitution, November 1, 1916. 74 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING W E WAR police o f Macon were very active in running down labor agents violating this law. Americus was honeycombed and carefully watched and searched for persons inducing negroes to migrate, as there was a large exodus o f negroes from this city to the tobacco fields o f Connecticut. Negroes attempting to leave were arrested and held to see if by legal measures they could be deterred from going North. The officers in charge o f this raid were armed with State warrants charging misdemeanors and assisted by a formidable array o f policemen and deputy sheriffs. Negroes were roughly taken from the trains and crowded into the prisons to await trial for these so-called misdemeanors. Although the majority o f them were set free after their trains had left the city, the leaders in most cases suffered humiliation at the hands o f the officers o f the law.1 A t Thomasville, a white man and a negro were arrested, charged with the usual crime o f being labor agents. Much ex citement followed. Fearing serious results, the colored ministers o f this city endeavored to stop the exodus. A committee o f their most prominent citizens met with the mayor and discussed the matter freely. They arranged for a large mass meeting o f white and colored citizens who undertook to cooperate in bring ing the exodus to an end. The white citizens o f Waycross ex perienced the same trouble with labor agents, but had much difficulty in finding out exactly who they were and how they contrived to make such inroads on the population.1 2 The situation became more critical in Savannah, one o f the largest assembling points for migrants in the South. When the loss o f labor became so serious and ordinary efforts to check it failed, more drastic measures were resorted to. On the thir teenth o f August, for example, when there spread through the city the rumor that two special trains would leave for the North, there followed great commotion among the negroes, who, already much disturbed by the agitation for and against the movement, were easily induced to start for the North. When, at about five 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Georgia. 2 Ibid. EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 75 o ’clock that morning, 2,000 negroes assembled at the station for this purpose, the county police, augmented by a detachment o f city officers, appeared at the station and attempted to clear the tracks; but the crowd being so large the officers finally found their task impossible, for as they would clear one section o f the tracks the crowd would surge to another. The crowd was extremely orderly and good natured and the two arrests that were made were for minor offenses. As these trains failed to move according to orders, over 300 o f this group paid their own fares and proceeded to the North.1 A few days later Savannah reached a crisis in the labor move ment agitation, when over 100 negroes were placed under arrest at the Union Depot and sent to the police barracks. Several patrol wagon loads o f police arrived at the station and imme diately a cordon was formed by the police around all negroes in the lobby and every exit from the station was guarded. By this unusual sight many persons were attracted to the station and excitement ran high. Many negroes were arrested with a view to finding out the leaders o f the movement, but upon failure to discover the facts in the case the lieutenant in charge ordered the men in custody to be incarcerated on charges o f loitering. T o show how groundless these charges were, one need but to note the character o f some o f the persons arrested. Four carpenters from Lumpkin, Georgia, had just arrived and were waiting for a contractor for whom they had agreed to work a short distance from the city. Another young man entered the station to purchase a ticket to Burroughs, Georgia, to see rela tives, but he was not only incarcerated but had to give a bond o f $100 for his appearance next morning. Another young man, working for the Pullman Company, entered the depot to cash a check for $11 when he was arrested, sent to jail and searched. Still another, a middle-aged man o f most pleasing appearance, had just arrived from Jacksonville, Florida, and was waiting in the station until the time to proceed by boat that afternoon to New York. On one occasion, J. H. Butler, manager o f the 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Georgia. 76 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Savannah Tribune, a negro newspaper, was arrested charged with violation o f the city and State law o f sending labor out o f the city. H e was obliged to give bond o f $400 to appear in court the next day. At the same time seventeen college boys who were waiting at a New Y ork steamer dock were also appre hended. The trial o f the men before the recorder proved farcical, not a single one o f the hundred or more prisoners being required to testify. A fter the chief o f the detective force and several police lieutenants had testified, Recorder Schwartz ordered the men all released, but not before he had taken occasion to upbraid the police force for the unnecessarily large number o f arrests.1 Alabama was equally alive to the need to suppress the migra tion propaganda among negroes. T o this end the Montgomery City Commission on September 19, 1916, passed an ordinance to the effect that any person who would entice, persuade or influence any laborer or other person to leave the city o f Mont gomery for the purpose o f being employed at any other place as a laborer must on conviction be fined not less than one nor more than one hundred dollars, or may be sentenced to hard labor for the city, for not more than six months, one or both in the discretion o f the court The other ordinance provided that any person, firm or corporation who published, printed or wrote or delivered or distributed or posted or caused to be published, printed or written or delivered or distributed or posted, any advertisement, letter, newspaper, pamphlet, hand bill or other writing, for the purpose o f enticing, persuading or influencing any laborer or other person to leave the city o f Montgomery for the purpose o f being employed at any other place as a laborer must on conviction be fined not less than one hundred dollars, or may be sentenced to hard labor for the city for not more than six months, one or both in the dis cretion o f the court. Labor agents and other leaders both white and black were arrested throughout the State in accordance with the usual custom o f preferring technical charges.* The treatment of the movement in Mississippi was no ex 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Georgia. * W ork, Report on the Migration from Alabama. EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 77 ception to the rule. At Jackson, the “ pass riders/' as they were called, were so molested by the police that they were finally driven from the town. In the same town the citizens were reported to have forced the railroads to discontinue the use o f passes on the threat o f damaging their interests and influencing decisions in court cases. Negroes were secretly enticed away, however, after they had been dispersed from the railway sta tions and imprisoned when in the act o f boarding the trains. The police interfered at one time with negroes leaving, espe cially when it was suspected that they were leaving on passes. T o circumvent this, negroes would go two or three stations below Jackson where there were no policemen and board the trains. It was the unanimous opinion o f whites and blacks who observed the almost frantic efforts to leave the town, that any attempt to hinder by intimidation or by making it difficult to leave, simply served to make them more determined to leave.1 At Greenville, Mississippi, trains were stopped. Negroes were dragged therefrom and others were prevented from boarding them. Strangers were searched for evidence that might con vict them as labor agents. It is also reported that local authori ties were reprimanded for interfering with interstate commerce. At Greenwood there was much complaint against the brutality o f the police, whose efforts to intimidate negroes carried them beyond bounds. A chartered car carrying fifty men and women was sidetracked at Brookhaven for three days. The man con ducting the passengers was arrested, but when no charge was brought against him, he was released.1 2 A Hattiesburg, Mississippi, ticket agent attempted on the ad vice o f citizens to interfere with negroes leaving by refusing to sell tickets. Some one called the attention o f the general superintendent to the matter. Thereafter the man was courteous and even assisted the migrants. Police arrested one or two men at the station, and, according to one o f the men, made the crowd so angry that they swore they would not stop until all had gone. There are cited further instances o f letters to plan 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 Ibid. 78 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR tation hands which were detained and telegrams which were delayed. A t Meridian, Mississippi, a trainload o f negroes en route to the North was held up by the chief o f police on a technical charge. It is said that the United States marshal arrested him and placed him under heavy bond for delaying the train. The federal authorities were importuned to stop the movement. They withdrew the assistance o f the Employment Department, but admitted that they could not stop the interstate migration.1 One remarked, however, “ It will scarcely be possible, to make a sectional issue o f these Columbus convictions, as the charge o f ‘ enticing away o f labor ’ in that country is aimed at certain Arkansas planters who carried away several carloads o f negroes to work on their places, leaving the Mississippi employers with out the labor to gather or grow their crops. It can not, there fore, be interpreted as an attempt to keep the negro in semi slavery in the South and prevent him from going to work at better wages in the northern munition factories; it is only an effort to protect Mississippi employers from Arkansas planters.” 2 The alarm felt over the exodus prompted the mayor o f New Orleans to telegraph the president o f the Illinois Central Rail road, asking that his road stop carrying negroes to the North. The latter replied that he had viewed with much concern the heavy exodus o f negro labor from the South during the past year, and, because o f his very important interest in that section, it was not to his advantage to encourage it, but as common carriers, they could not refuse to sell tickets or to provide the necessary transportation. It seemed to him that as long as their friends and kinsmen who had preceded them to the North and East were receiving a high scale o f wages, the South would have to look for continued movement.* , A fter having enforced these drastic measures without securing satisfactory results, and having seen that any attempt to hold the negroes by force resulted apparently in an increased deter mination to leave, there was resort to the policy o f frightening 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 2 Times Picayune, New Orleans, October 1, 1916. 3 Work, Report on the Migration from Louisiana. EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 79 the negroes away from the North by circulating rumors as to the misfortunes to be experienced there. Negroes were then warned against the rigors o f the northern winter and the death rate from pneumonia and tuberculosis. Social workers in the North reported frequent cases o f men with simple colds who actually believed that they had developed “ consumption.” Speakers who wished to discourage the exodus reported “ exact ” figures on the death rate o f the migrants in the North that were astounding. As, for example, it was said by one Reverend Mr. Parks that there were 2,000 o f them sick in Philadelphia. The editor o f a leading white paper in Jackson, Mississippi, made the remark that he feared that the result o f the first winter’s experience in the North would prove serious to the South, in so far as it would remove the bugbear o f the northern climate. The returned migrants were encouraged to speak in disparagement o f the North and to give wide publicity to their utterances, emphasizing incidents o f suffering reported through the press. When such efforts as these failed, however, the disconcerted planters and business men o f the South resorted to another plan. Reconciliation and persuasion were tried. Meetings were held and speakers were secured and advised what to say. In cities and communities where contact on this plane had been ^infrequent, it was a bit difficult to approach the subject. The press of Georgia gave much space to the discussion o f the movement and what ought to be done to stop it. The consensus o f opinion o f the white papers in the State was that the negro had not been fairly treated, and that better treatment would be one o f the most effective means o f checking the migration. Mob violence, it was pointed out, was one o f the chief causes o f the exodus.1 The Tifton (Georgia) Gasette commenting on the causes said: They have allowed negroes to be lynched, five at a time, on nothing stronger than suspicion; they have allowed whole sections to be depopulated o f them (notably in several north Georgia counties) ; they have allowed 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 80 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR them to be whitecapped and to be whipped, and their homes burned, with only the weakest and most spasmodic efforts to apprehend or punish those guilty—when any efforts were made at all. Loss o f much o f the State’s . best labor is one o f the prices Georgia is paying for unchecked mob activity against negroes often charged only with ordinary crimes. Current dis patches from Albany, Georgia, in the center o f the section apparently most affected, and where efforts are being made to stop the exodus by spreading correct information among the negroes, say that the heaviest migration o f negroes has been from those counties in which there have been the worst outbreaks against negroes. It is developed by investigation that where there have been lynchings, the negroes have been most eager to believe what the emigration agents have told them o f plots for the removal or extermination o f the race. Comparatively few negroes have left Dougherty county, which is considered significant in view o f the fact that this is one o f the counties in southwest Georgia in which a lynching has never occurred. A t Thomasville, Georgia, a mass meeting o f colored citizens o f the town with many from the country was held at the court house and addresses were made by several prominent white men, as well as by several colored with a view to taking some steps in regard to the exodus o f negroes from this section to the North and West. The whole sentiment o f the meeting was very amicable, the negroes applauding enthusiastically the speeches o f the white men and the advice given by them. Reso lutions were drawn up by a committee expressing the desire that the people o f the two races continue to live together as they have done l.i the past and that steps be taken to adjust any difference between them.1 A fter a conference o f three days at Waycross, Georgia, the negroes came to a decision as to the best manner in which to present their cause to the white people with a view to securing their cooperation towards the improvement o f conditions in the South to make that section more habitable. “ There are four things o f which our people complain,” they said, “ and this conference urges our white friends to secure for us these things with all possible speed. First, more protection at the hands o f the law. W e ask that the law o f the State, made and enforced by white men, should be made to apply with exact justice to both races. W e have no sympathy for criminals, but we ask that the innocent shall be protected to the fullest 1 Atlanta Constitution, June 1, 1917. EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 81 extent o f the law. Second, that more liberal provisions be made for the education o f our people.” They commended Governor Dorsey for his courageous recommendation in his inaugural address that an agricultural school should be established for negroes in some center in southern Georgia, and asked their friends everywhere to urge the members o f the legislature from the various counties to put Governor Dorsey's noble sentiments into law. These memorialists felt, too, that as far as possible, wages should be in keeping with the cost o f living, and that the white people generally should take an interest in the general welfare o f the negroes.1 Tuskegee Institute was also quick to offer a remedy for the migration. In the latter part o f September, 1916, the institu tion made a strong effort to persuade the negro farmers to remain on the land instead o f going to the cities. Conferences were held with the bankers o f Tuskegee and with many planters o f Macon county and a method o f dealing with the situation was worked out. This method embraced a number o f helpful suggestions as to how to solve their many perplexing problems.2 1 1. D. Davis served as president o f the conference and J. B. Ellis as secretary. Former Superior Court Judge T. A. Parker and V. L. Stanton, president o f the Chamber o f Commerce, were among the prominent white people who attended. It was the sense o f the conference that the colored people as a rafce should do all in their power in the present crisis to assist the government and, above all else, to help themselves by conserving food. The president o f the conference said the colored people had to work harder than ever before with so many problems confronting their country. “ It is no time for loafing,” he said, “ we must work early and late, and make our work count/—Savannah Morning News, July 18, 1917. 2 The suggestions were: to encourage the farmer to plant peanuts, soy beans, velvet beans and cotton as cash crops; to create a cash market for such crops named above as at present have no cash market; to encourage tenants to grow fall and winter gardens and to plant at least five acres o f oats to the plow, seed being furnished when necessary; to stipulate, in making tenant contracts for another year, that cotton stalks be plowed under in the fall, that special methods of combating the boll weevil be used. T o advance no more than $25 to the plow, and, in every case possible, to refrain from any advance; to encourage land holders to rent land for part of the crops grown; to urge the exercise of leniency on unpaid notes and mortgages due from thrifty and industrious farmers so as to give them a chance to recover from the boll weevil conditions and storm losses; to create a market lasting all year for such crops as hay, cow-peas, sweet potatoes, poultry and live stock; to urge everybody to build fences and make pastures so as to grow more live stock and to produce more nearly all o f the supplies used on the farm ; to carry on a food campaign in the country, devoting the first Sunday in October to the work o f urging the people to plant gardens and sow oats, and to organize a Farmers’ Loan Association in Macon 82 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR A t the twenty-sixth annual negro conference at Tuskegee In stitute, the institution took that occasion to send through certain declarations a message to the negroes o f the South. These decla rations recited the distress and suffering impelling the negroes to migrate, expressing the appreciation o f the necessity to do something to better their condition by embracing the new oppor tunities offered them in the North. On the other hand, this in stitution felt that there were many permanent opportunities for the masses o f the colored people in the South, which is now entering upon a great era o f development. Among these are the millions o f acres o f land yet to be cultivated, cities to be built, railroads to be extended and mines to be worked. These memorialists considered it o f still greater importance to the negro that in the South they have acquired land, buildings, etc., valued at about five hundred million dollars. The negroes were, therefore, urged to stay on the soil which they owned. Addressing a word to the white people o f the South, the con ference said that the disposition o f so many o f the blacks to leave is not because they do not love the Southland but because they believe that in the North they will not only have more opportunity to get more money but that they will get better treatment, better protection under the law and better school facilities for their children. The conference urged, therefore, that the southern white people avail themselves o f their greatest opportunity to cooperate with the blacks in the various com munities and have a thordbgh understanding as to working for the common welfare o f all. The delegates believed that the time had come for the best element o f the whites and blacks to unite to protect the interests o f both races to the end that more effective work may be done in the upbuilding o f a greater South.1 In the same way the people o f Mississippi soon discovered that any attempt forcibly to hold negroes resulted apparently in an increased determination to leave. N or was it sufficient county to work with the Farmers’ Loan Bank being established by the United States Government. 1 Report o f the Twenty-sixth Annual Negro Conference at Tuskesee Institute. * EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 83 to warn the negroes against the rigors o f the northern winter and the death rate from pneumonia and tuberculosis. In Green wood, Mississippi, the difficulty was circumvented by using the Red Cross and the food conservation meetings as a forum for the discussion o f the movement. This was the first time that the negroes and whites o f Greenwood had met to discuss matters o f mutual welfare. Bishop W . P. Thirkield o f New Orleans addressed a body o f negroes and whites on the movement. He suggested that whites get representative colored persons together and find the cause. H e also suggested a remedy through better treatment, more wages and more cooperation between the races. Negro ministers stated that they were offered sums o f money by bankers, planters and merchants to speak in discouragement o f the movement. Some spoke, and others, by far the greater number, seem to have remained neutral.1 It was found necessary to increase wages from ten to twentyfive per cent and in some cases as much as 100 per cent to hold labor. The reasons for migration given by negroes were sought. In almost all cases the chief complaint was about treat ment. An effort was made to meet this by calling conferences and by giving publicity to the launching o f a campaign to make unfair settlements and other such grievances unpopular. Thus, in Bolivar county, Mississippi, a meeting was called, ostensibly to look after the economic welfare o f the Delta country, but in reality to develop sonle plan for holding labor. A subcom mittee o f seventeen men was appointed to look into the labor situation. There were twelve white men and five negroes. The subcommittee met and reported to the body that the present labor shortage was due to the migration, and that the migration was due to a feeling o f insecurity before the law, the unrestrained action o f mobs, unfair methods o f yearly settlement on farms and inadequate school facilities. As a result o f the report, it was agreed to make an appropriation o f $25,000 towards an agricultural high school, as a step towards showing an interest in the negroes o f Bolivar county and thus give them reasons for remaining. A campaign was started to make unpopular 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 84 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR the practice among fanners of robbing negroes of the returns from their labor, and a general effort was made by a few of the leading men behind the movement to create “ a better feel ing ” between the races.1 Wide publicity was given to the experiment in plantation government, and the policy was accepted by a number of planters as opportunistic action. Thus, one Mr. Abbott of Natchez, Mississippi, told the planters of his section that good treatment, adequate and sympathetic oversight are the important factors in any effort to hold labor. He made a trip to his farm every week, endeavoring to educate his tenants in modes of right living. Every man on his place had a bank account and was apparently satisfied. This example was presented with the state ment that where these methods had been used, few had left. One planter purchased twenty-eight Ford automobiles to sell on easy'terms to his tenants with the hope of contenting them. The newspapers published numerous letters from southern negro leaders urging negroes to consider well their step, assert ing that the South is the best place for them and that the southern white man knows them and will in consequence be more lenient with their shortcomings. The papers further urged an increase in wages and better treatment. Wherever possible, there were published articles which pointed to the material pros perity of negroes in the South. For example, a writer of Green ville, said of negroes’ loyalty in 1917: The prosperity as well as the patriotism o f the negro farmer has been shown in the purchase o f Liberty Bonds in the Delta. Many colored farm laborers subscribed for bonds. Every family on the place o f Planter C. D. Walcott, near Hollandale, took a bond, while one negro, Boley Cox, a renter, bought bonds to the amount o f $1,000 and gave his check for the total amount out o f the savings o f this year from his crop and still has cotton to sell. There are negro families on Delta plantations making more money this year than the salary o f the governor o f the State. When migrants could be induced to talk freely, they com plained also against the treatment in the courts. Some of the cities consequently are known to have suspended their raids 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. EFFORTS TO CHECK THE MOVEMENT 85 and arrests on petty charges. In some instances the attempts at pacification reached almost incredible bounds. For example, a negro missed connection with his train through the fault o f the railroad. His white frie'nd advised him to bring suit. This he did and urged as his principal grievance that he was stranded in a strange town and was forced to sleep in quarters wholly at the mercy o f bed bugs. It is said that he was awarded damages to the extent o f $800. A Jackson, Mississippi, daily paper that had been running a column o f humorous incidents about negroes taken from the daily court sessions, which was very distasteful to the colored people o f the city, discontinued it. Such methods as these have been the only ones to prove effective in bringing about an appreciable stem in the tide. With the advent o f the United States Government constructing cantonments and establishing manufacturing plants in the South, the millions thus diverted to that section have caused such an increase in wages that the movement has been decidedly checked. C H A P TE R V III Effects of the Movement on the South The first changes wrought by this migration were unusually startling. Homes found themselves without servants, factories could not operate because o f the lack o f labor, farmers were unable to secure laborers to harvest their crops. Streets in towns and cities once crowded assumed the aspect o f deserted thorough fares, houses in congested districts became empty, churches, lodges and societies suffered such a large loss o f membership that they had to close up or undergo reorganization. Probably the most striking change was the unusual increase in wages. The wages for common labor in Thomasville, Georgia, increased almost certainly 100 per cent. In Valdosta there was a general increase in the town and county o f about 50 per cent, in Brunswick and Savannah the same condition obtained. The common laborer who had formerly received 80 cents a day earned thereafter $1.50 to $1.75. Farm hands working for from $10 to $15 per month were advanced to $20 or $35 per month. Brick masons who had received 50 cents per hour thereafter earned 6216 cents and 70 cents per hour. In Savan nah common laborers paid as high as $2 per day were advanced to $3. A t the sugar refinery the rates were for women, 15 to 22 cents per hour, men, 22 to 30 cents per hour. In the more skilled lines o f work, the wages were for carpenters, $4 to $3 per day, painters, $2.50 to $4 per day, and bricklayers $4 to $5 per day. The increase in the Birmingham district may be studied as a type o f the changes effected in the industrial centers o f the South, as Birmingham is a great coal mining center and, With the exception o f Pittsburgh, is the greatest iron ore dis trict in the United States. On November 6, 1917, the average daily wage earnings o f forty-five men was $5.49. On Novem86 EFFECTS OF THE MOVEMENT ON THE SOUTH 87 ber 10, 1917, the average for seventy-five men was $5.30. One man was earning $10 a day, two $9 to $10 a day, five $8 to $9, six $7» to $8, ten $6 to $7, fourteen $5 to $6, thirty-two $4 to $5, nine $3 to $4, and six under $3. In the other coal and iron ore sections the earnings had been similarly increased.1 In Mississippi, largely a farming section, wages did not in crease to the extent that they did in Alabama, but some increase was necessary to induce the negroes to remain on the planta tions and towns to keep the industries going. In Greenville wages increased at first about ten per cent but this did not suffice to stop the migration, for, because o f the scarcity o f labor, factories and stores had to employ white porters, drug gists had to deliver their own packages and firms had to resort to employing negro women. On the farms much of the crop was lost on account o f the scarcity o f labor. In Greenwood wages o f common laborers increased from $1 and $1.25 to $1.75 per day. Clarksdale was also compelled to offer laborers more remuneration. Vicksburg found it necessary to increase the wages o f negroes from $1.25 to $2 per day. There were laborers on steamboats who received $75 to $100 per month. At Leland 500 to 1,000 men received $1.75 per day. The oil mills o f Indianola raised the wages o f the negroes from $1.50 to $2 per day. At Laurel the average daily wage was raised from $1.35 to $1.65, the maximum wage being $2. Wages increased at Meridian from 90 cents and $1.25 to $1.50 and $1.75 per day. The wholesale houses increased the compensa tion o f their employes from $10 to $12 per week. From $1.10 in Hattiesburg the daily wage was raised to $1.75 and $2 per day. Wages in Jackson increased from $1 and $1.25 to $1.35 and $1.50 per day. In Natchez there was an increase o f 25 per cent. On the whole, throughout the State there was an increase o f from 10 to 30 per cent and in some instances o f as much as 100 per cent.1 2 Throughout the South there was not only a change in policy as to the method o f stopping the migration o f the blacks to 1 Work, Report on the Migration from Alabama. 2 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 88 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR the North, but a change in the economic policy o f the South. Southern business men and planters soon found out that it was impossible to treat the negro as a serf and began to deal with him as an actual employe entitled to his share o f the returns from his labor. It was evident that it would be very much better to have the negroes as coworkers in a common cause than to have them abandon their occupations in the South, leav•ing their employers no opportunity to secure to themselves ade quate income to keep them above want. A more difficult change o f attitude was that o f the labor unions. They had for years been antagonistic to the negroes and had begun to drive them from many o f the higher pursuits o f labor which they had even from the days o f slavery monopo lized. The skilled negro laborer has gradually seen his chances grow less and less as the labor organizations have invaded the South. In the end, however, the trade unions have been com pelled to yield, although complete economic freedom o f the negro in the South is still a matter o f prospect. There was, too, a decided change in the attitude o f the whole race toward the blacks. The white people could be more easily reached, and very soon there was brought about a better under standing between the races. Cities gave attention to the im provement o f the sanitary condition o f the negro sections, which had so long been neglected; negroes were invited to take part in the clean-up week; the Women’s Health League called special meetings o f colored women, conferred with them and urged them to organize community clubs. Committees o f leading negroes dared to take up with their employers the questions o f better accommodations and better treatment o f negro labor. Members o f these committees went before -chambers o f commerce to set forth their claims. Others dared boldly to explain to them that the negroes were leaving the South because they had not been given the treatment which should be accorded men. Instead o f expressing their indignation at such efforts on the part o f the negroes, the whites listened to them attentively. Accordingly, joint meetings o f the whites and blacks were held to hear frank statements o f the case from speakers o f both EFFECTS OF THE MOVEMENT ON THE SOUTH 89 races. One of the most interesting o f these meetings was the one held in Birmingham, Alabama. The negroes addressing the audience frankly declared that it was impossible to bring back from the North the migrants who were making good there, but that the immediate problem requiring solution was how to hold in the South those who had not gone. These negroes made it clear that it was impossible for negro leaders through the pulpit and press to check the movement, but that only through a change in the attitude o f the whites to the blacks could the latter be made to feel that the Southland is safe for them. Here we see the coming to pass o f a thing long desired by those interested in the welfare o f the South and long rejected by those who have always prized the peculiar interest o f one race more highly than the welfare o f all. White men, for the first time, were talking on the streets with negroes just as white men talk with each other. The merchants gave their negro patrons more attention and consideration. A' prominent white man said, “ I have never seen such changes as have come about within the last four months. I know o f white men and negroes who have not dared to speak to one another on the streets to converse freely.,, The suspension o f harsh treatment was so marked in some places that few negroes neglected to mention it. In Greenwood and Jackson, Mississippi, the police were in structed to curtail their practices o f beating negroes. Several court cases in which negroes were involved terminated favorably for them. There followed directly after the exodus an attempt at more even handed justice, or at least some conciliatory meas ures were adopted. The authorities at Laurel, Mississippi, were cautioned to treat negroes better, so as to prevent their leaving. There is cited the case o f a negro arrested on an ambiguous charge. He was assigned to the county chain gang and put to work on the roads. At this time the treatment in the courts was being urged by negroes as a reason for leaving. This negro’ s case was discussed. He was sent back from the county roads alone for a shovel. He did not return; and his feturn was not expected.1 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. 90 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Conferences o f negroes and whites in Mississippi emphasized the necessity o f cooperation between the races for their common good. The whites said, to quote a negro laborer, “ W e must just get together.” A negro said: “ The dominant race is just a bit less dominant at present.” “ W e are getting more con sideration and appreciation,” said another. From another quar ter came the remark that “ instead o f the old proverbial accu sation— shiftless and unreliable— negro labor is being heralded as ‘ the only dependable labor extant, etc.’ ” 1 A general re view o f the results made it clear that there was a disposition on the part o f the white population to give some measure o f those benefits, the denial o f which was alleged as the cause o f the exodus. For those who remained conditions were much more tolerable, although there appeared to persist a feeling o f apprehension that these concessions would be retracted as soon as normal times returned. Some were o f the opinion that the exodus was o f more assistance to those negroes who stayed be hind than to those who went away. A s a matter o f fact, the white people in the South began to direct attention to serious work o f reconstruction to make that section inviting to the negro. Bolivar county, Mississippi, as a direct result o f the recommendation o f the labor committee, made an appropriation o f $25,000 toward an agricultural high school, the first o f its kind in the State. The school boards o f Coahoma and Adams counties have appointed Jeanes Founda tion Supervisors and, in Coahoma county, promised a farm demonstration agent. They also made repairs on the school buildings in towns, and prominent whites have expressed a willingness to duplicate every dollar negroes raise for rural school improvements. A large planter in the Big Creek neigh borhood has raised, together with his tenants, $1,000 for schools and the superintendent o f schools has gone over the county urging planters to give land for negro schools. T w o other large planters, whose tenants number into the hundreds, have made repairs on the schoolhouses on their plantations. The Mississippi Council o f Defense passed a resolution calling upon the State 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration from Mississippi. EFFECTS OF THE MOVEMENT ON THE SOUTH 91 to put a farm demonstrator and home economics agent to work in rural communities to make living conditions better in the effort to induce the people to stay. This upheaval in the South, according to an investigator, will be helpful to all. The decrease in the black population in those communities where the negroes outnumber the whites will remove the fear o f negro domination. Many o f the expensive precautions which the southern people have taken to keep the negroes down, much o f the terrorism incited to restrain the blacks from self-assertion will no longer be considered necessary; for, having the excess in numbers on their side, the whites will finally rest assured that the negroes may be encouraged without any apprehension that they may develop enough power to subjugate or embarrass their former masters. The negroes, too, are very much in demand in the South and the intelli gent whites will gladly give them larger opportunities to attach them to that section, knowing that the blacks, once conscious o f their power to move freely throughout the country wherever they may improve their condition, will never endure hardships like those formerly inflicted upon the race. The South is already learning that the negro is the most desirable labor for that section, that the persecution o f negroes not only drives them out but makes the employment o f labor such a problem that the South will not be an attractive section for capital. It will, therefore, be considered the duty of business men to secure protection to the negroes lest their ill treatment force them to migrate to the extent o f bringing about a stagnation o f business. The exodus has driven home the truth that the prosperity o f the South is at the mercy of the negro. Dependent on cheap labor, which the bull dozing whites will not readily furnish, the wealthy southerners must finally reach the position o f regarding themselves and the negroes as having a community o f interests which each must promote. “ Nature itself in those States,” Douglass said, “ came to the rescue o f the negro. He had labor, the South wanted it, and must have it or perish. Since he was free he could then give it, or withhold it ; use it where he was, or take it elsewhere, as he pleased. His labor made him a slave and his labor could, if he would, make him free, comfortable and independent. It is more to him than either fire, sword, ballot boxes or bayonets. It touches the heart o f the South through its pocket.” Knowing that the negro has this silent weapon to be used against his employer or the community, the South is already giving the race better educational facilities, better railway accommodations, and will eventually, if the advocacy o f certain southern newspapers be heeded, grant them political privileges. Wages in the South, therefore, have risen even in the extreme southwestern States, where there is an opportunity to import Mexican labor. Reduced to this extremity, the southern aristocrats have begun to lose some of their race prejudice, which has not hitherto yielded to reason or philanthropy. 92 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Southern men are telling their neighbors that their section must abandon the policy o f treating the negroes as a problem and construct a program for recognition rather than for repression. Meetings are, therefore, being held to find out what the negroes want and what may be done to keep them contented. They are told that the negro must be elevated, not exploited; that to make the South what it must needs be, the cooperation o f all is needed to train and equip the men o f all races for efficiency. The aim of all then must be to reform or get rid o f the unfair proprietors who do not give their tenants a fair division o f the returns from their labor. To this end the best whites and blacks are urged to come together to find a working basis for a systematic effort in the interest o f all.1 Another evidence o f the beneficent effects o f the decrease in the population in the Black Belt o f the South is the interest now almost generally manifested in the improvement o f the negro quarters in southern cities. For a number o f years science has made an appeal in behalf o f the thoroughly clean city, knowing that since the germ does not draw the color line, a city can not be kept clean as long as a substantial portion o f its citizens are crowded into one o f its oldest and least desirable parts, neglected by the city and avoided by the whites. Doing now what science has hitherto failed to accomplish, this peculiar economic need o f the negro in the South has brought about unusual changes in the appearance o f southern cities. Darkened portions o f ur ban districts have been lighted; streets in need o f improvement have been paved; the water, light and gas systems have been extended to negro quarters and play grounds and parks have been provided for their amusement. N o less important has been the effect o f the migration on the southern land tenure and the credit system, the very heart o f the trouble in that section. For generations the negroes have borne it grievously that it has been difficult to obtain land for cultivation other than by paying exorbitant rents or giving their landlords an unusually large share o f the crops. They have been further handicapped by the necessity o f depending on such landlords to supply them with food and clothing at such ex orbitant prices that their portion o f the return from their labor has been usually exhausted before harvesting the crops. Cheated thus in the making o f their contracts and in purchasing necessi- 1 Woodson, A Century o f Negro Migration, pp. 183-186. EFFECTS OF THE MOVEMENT ON THE SOUTH 93 ties, they have been but the prey o f sharks and harpies bent upon keeping them in a state scarcely better than that o f slavery. Southerners o f foresight have, therefore, severely ’'criticized this custom and, in a measure, have contributed to its decline. The press and the pulpit o f the South are now urging the planters to abolish this system that the negroes may enjoy the fruits of their own labor. It is largely because o f these urgent appeals in behalf o f fair play, during the economic upheaval, that this legalized robbery is losing its hold in the South. Recently welfare work among negroes has become a matter o f much concern to the industries o f the South in view o f the exceptional efforts made along this line in the North. At the very beginning o f the migration the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes pointed out that firms wishing to retain negro laborers and to have them become efficient must give special attention to welfare work.1 A considerable number o f firms employing negro laborers in the North have used the services o f negro welfare workers. Their duties have been to work with the men, study and interpret their wants and stand as a medium between the employer and his negro workmen. It has, therefore, come to be recognized in certain industrial cen ters in the South that money expended for this purpose is a good investment. Firms employing negro laborers in any con siderable numbers have found out that they must be dealt with on the same general basis as white laborers. Among the in dustries in the South now looking out for their negro laborers in this respect are the Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Company, the American Cast Iron Pipe Company o f Bir mingham and the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company. These efforts take the form which usually characterize the operations of social workers. The laborers are cared for through the Y. M. C. A., the Y. W . C. A., the National Urban League 1 At the National Conference, “ The Problems o f the Employment Man ager in Industry ” held at Rochester, New York, in May, 1918, considerable time was given to this question. In discussing psychology in the employ ment o f negro workingmen Mr. E. K. Jones, Director of the Urban League, pointed out that negro laborers must be given not only good housing and recreation facilities but also the opportunity for advancement. “ Give them,” said he, “ a chance to become foremen and to engage in all kinds o f skill and delicate labor. This will inspire them and place new life in them.” 94 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR and social settlement establishments. The attention o f the wel fare workers is directed to the improvement o f living conditions through proper sanitation and medical attention. They are sup plied with churches, school buildings and bath houses, enjoy the advantages o f community singing, dramatic clubs and public games, and receive instruction in gardening, sewing and cook ing. Better educational facilities are generally provided. On the whole the South will profit by this migration. Such an upheaval was necessary to set up a reaction in the southern mind to enable its leaders o f thought to look beyond themselves into the needs o f the man far down. There is in progress, therefore, a reshaping o f public opinion, in fact a peaceful revo lution in a land cursed by slavery and handicapped by aristoc racy. The tendency, to maltreat the negroes without cause, the custom o f arresting them for petty offenses and the institution o f lynching have all been somewhat checked by this change in the attitude o f the southern white man towards the negro. The check in the movement o f the negroes to other parts may to some extent interfere with this development o f the new public opinion in the South, but this movement has been so far reaching in its effect as to compel the thinking class o f the South to construct and carry out a policy o f fair play to provide against that day when that section may find itself again at the mercy o f the laboring class o f the negroes. C H APTER IX The Situation in St. Louis It will be both interesting and profitable to follow these migrants into their new homes in the North. Among the most interesting o f these communities is the black colony in St. Louis. St. Louis is one o f the first cities o f the border States, a city first in the memory o f the unsettled migrant when the North was mentioned. During a long period thousands had gone there, settled down for a while and moved on, largely to Illinois, a sort o f promised land. Conservative estimates place the number o f negro migrants who have remained there at 10,000. The number o f migrants passing through this city, its reception o f them, the living conditions provided and the community in terest displayed in grappling with the problem are facts extremely necessary to an understanding o f the readjustment o f the migrants in the North. The composition o f the city’s population is significant. It has a large foreign element. O f the foreign population Ger mans predominate, probably because o f the brewery industry o f the American white population. The southern whites are o f longest residence and dominate the sentiment. The large industrial growth o f the town, however, has brought great numbers o f northern whites. The result is a sort o f mixture o f traditions. The apparent results o f this mixture may be observed in these inconsistencies; separate schools, but common transportation facilities; separate playgrounds, but common bath houses; separate theaters and restaurants with the color line drawn as strictly as in the South.1 There has been considerable migration o f whites to this city from Kentucky, Tennessee, Ala bama and Mississippi. l A segregation law was passed by an overwhelming majority. Negroes secured an injunction and the matter rested there until the United States Supreme Court declared the segregation laws invalid. 95 96 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR As there are separate schools in St. Louis, the statistics o f the St. Louis system may serve as an index to the sources and the increase o f the negro population. The school population was known to increase approximately 500 between 1916 and 1917.1 The school registration shows communities in which have settled numbers o f families from the same State and even the same town. For example, in the vicinity o f the Dessalines School in the 1700 block on 12th Street, North, Mississippi colonists are in preponderant majority. The towns represented here are located in the northeastern part o f that State. In the vicinity o f the L ’Overture School are distinct colonies from west Ten nessee and Alabama. On Lawton Avenue, another popular street, Mississippians also are in majority. What makes migra tion to St. Louis from these States easy is probably its convenient location and direct railway communication with them. There has been no influx from Texas and Florida. H ow St. Louis secured her migrants makes an interesting story. The difficulty o f apprehending labor agents can be ap preciated when it is recalled that the most zealous efforts o f authority in the majority o f cases failed to find more than a trace o f where they had been operating. It was asserted by many o f the migrants to this city, however, that they had been approached at some time by agents. Large industrial plants located in the satellite city o f St. Louis sent men to Cairo, a junction point, to meet incoming trains and make offers. There developed a competition for men. They were first induced to accept jobs in smaller towns, but lack o f recreational facilities and amusements and the monotony o f life attracted them to the bright lights o f St. Louis. The large alien population o f this city at the beginning o f the war made some employers anxious about the safety o f their plants. The brick yards had been employing foreigners exclusively. When war began so many left that it was felt that their business was in danger. They advertised for 3,000 negroes, promising them $2.35 per day. The railroad construction companies sent out men to attract negroes to the city. They assert, however, that their 1 St. Louis School Reports, 1916 and 1917. THE SITUATION IN ST. LOUIS 97 agents solicited men only after they had started for the North.1 The industries o f St. Louis had much to do with the migra tion. In this city there are more than twenty breweries. None o f these employ negroes. St. Louis also has a large shoe in dustry. In this line no negroes are employed. A short while ago a large steel plant employing foreigners in large numbers had a strike. The strike was settled but the management took precautions against its repetition. For each white person em ployed a negro was placed on a corresponding job. This parallel extended from unskilled work to the highest skilled pursuits. The assumption was that a strike, should it recur, could not cripple their industry entirely. About 80 per cent o f the em ployes o f the brick yards, 50 per cent o f the employes o f the packing houses, 50 per cent o f the employes o f the American Car and Foundry Company are negroes. The terra cotta works, electrical plants, united railways and a number o f other foundries employ negroes in large numbers.2 The range o f wages for unskilled work is $2.25 to $3.35 per day, with an average wage o f about $2.75. For some skilled work negroes receive from 35 cents to 50 cents an hour. Wages differ even between St. Louis and East St. Louis, because o f a difference in the types o f industries in the two cities. Domes tic service has been literally drained, and wages here have been forced upwards to approximate in some measure the increase in other lines. The housing facilities for negroes, though not the best, are superior to such accommodations in most southern cities. There are about six communities in which the negroes are in the majority. Houses here are as a rule old, having been occupied by whites before they were turned over to negroes. Before the migration to the city, property owners reported that they could not keep their houses rented half o f the year. According to the statements o f real estate men, entire blocks stood vacant, and many vacant houses, after windows had been broken and plumbing stolen, were wrecked to avoid paying taxes on them. 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to St. Louis, 2Ibid. 98 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Up to the period o f the riot in East St. Louis, houses were easily available. The only congestion experienced at all fol lowed the overnight increase o f 7,000 negroes from East St. Louis, after the riot. Rents then jumped 25 per cent, but nor mal conditions soon prevailed. Sanitation is poor, but the women coming from the South, in the opinion o f a reputable physician o f the city, are good housewives. New blacks have been added to all o f the negro residential blocks. In the ten ement district there have been no changes. The select negro residential section is the abandoned residential district o f the whites. Few new houses have been .built. An increase o f rent from $5 to $10 per month is usually the sequel o f the turning over o f a house to negroes. Community interest in the situation was at first dormant but not entirely lacking. The migration was well under way be fore there was any organization to make an adjustment in this unusual situation. Interested individuals made sporadic efforts to bring pressure to bear here and there, but the situa tion was not really appreciated until the outbreak in East St. Louis. There is an active branch o f the National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People, and just recently there has been established a branch o f the National League on Urban Conditions /among Negroes to deal with the peculiarly local problems.1 East St. Louis, another attractive center for the migrants, is unique among northern industrial cities. It is an industrial offshoot o f St. Louis, which has outstripped its parent in ex pansion. Its geographical advantage has made it a formidable rival even with its less developed civic institutions. Perched on the banks o f the Mississippi River, with twenty-seven rail roads radiating from it, within easy reach o f the coal mines, there has been made possible a rapid and uneven growth. It has doubled its population for three successive decades. Re volving around this overgrown center are a number o f small tow ns: Brooklyn, Lovejoy, Belleville, Venice, Granite City and Madison. Its plant owners live in St. Louis and other cities, 1 Reports o f the Notional Urban League, 1916, 1917. THE SITUATION IN ST. LOUIS 99 and consequently have little civic interest in East St. Louis. Land is cheaper, taxes are low. In fact, some o f the largest concerns have been accused o f evading them entirely. It has been artificially fed and, in process o f growth, there have been irregularities in the structure o f the community which eventu ally culminated in the greatest disgrace o f the North, the mas sacre o f about one hundred negroes. Fifty years ago before the river dividing St. Louis from East St. Louis was bridged, men rowed over from St. Louis for their cock fights, dog fights and prize fights. Escaped prisoners found a haven there. The town was called “ The Bloody Isle.” The older population is made up o f whites from West Tennessee, Mississippi, Kentucky and Georgia. The men who have risen to political prominence in the city are for the most part saloon keepers. As many as 100 saloons flourished in the town before the riot. The city government has always been bad. The attitude o f the citizenry appeared to be that o f passive acceptance o f conditions which must not be interfered with. As an example o f the state o f mind, much surprise was manifested when an investigation o f the rioting was begun. Criminals have been known to buy immunity. The mayor was assassinated some time ago and little or no effort was made to punish his murderers. Long before an influx was felt, it had been foreseen and mentioned by several men, most notably, Mr. Charles Nagel, Secretary o f Commerce and Labor under President Taft. The East St. Louis plants had been going to Ellis Island for laborers. When this supply was checked, steps were taken to secure negroes. Agents were sent to Cairo to get men en route further North. One advertisement which appeared in a Texas paper promised negroes $3.05 a day and houses. It is estimated that as a result o f this beckoning the increase in population due to the migration was 5,000. A number o f other negro migrants, however, work in East St. Louis and live in St. Louis, Lovejoy and Brooklyn, a negro town. The school registration o f the city showed that the largest numbers o f these blacks came from Mississippi and West .Tennessee. Despite the advertisement for 100 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR men in Texas newspapers, few came to this city from that State.1 The industries requiring the labor o f these negroes were numerous. The packing plants o f Swift, Armour, Nelson and Morris employ large numbers o f negroes. In some o f the un skilled departments fifty per cent o f the employes are black. The Aluminum Ore Works employs about 600 blacks and 1,000 whites. This is the plant in which occurred the strike which in a measure precipitated the riot. The Missouri Malleable Iron Works makes it a policy to keep three classes o f men at work and as nearly equal numerically as possible. The usual division is one-third foreign whites, one-third American whites and one-third blacks. The theory is that these three elements will not unite to strike. Negroes are also employed in the glass works, cotton presses and transfer yards. Their wages for unskilled work ranges from $2.75 to $3.75 generally for eight hours a day. Semiskilled work pays from 35 cents to 50 cents an hour. The housing o f the negro migrants was one o f the most perplexing problems in East St. Louis. The type o f houses available for negroes, before being burned during the riot, were small dilapidated cottages. Congestion, o f course, was a prob lem which accompanied the influx o f negroes. The incoming population, consisting largely o f lodgers, was a misfit in the small cottages designed for families, and they were generally neglected by the tenant and by the local authorities. The seg regated vice district was located in the negro locality. The crowding which followed the influx forced some few negroes into the white localities. Against this invasion there was strong opposition which culminated in trouble.4 The roots o f the fateful horror that made East St. Louis notorious, however, are to be found largely in a no less notorious civic structure. Politics o f a shady nature was the handmaiden o f the local administration. The human fabric o f the town was made up o f sad types o f rough, questionable characters,1 2 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to St. Louis. 2 See Congressional Report on the Massacre o f East St. Louis. THE SITUATION IN ST. LOUIS 101 drawn to the town by its industries and the money that flowed from them. There was a large criminal element. These lived in a little corner o f the town, where was located also the segre gated vice district. Negroes were interested in politics. In fact, they were a considerable factor and succeeded in placing in office several black men o f their choice. Trouble started at the Aluminum Ore W orks which employed a large number o f whites and blacks. In February o f 1917 the men struck while working on government contracts. Immedi ately, it is claimed, negroes were sought for in other States to take their places. An adjustment was made, but it lasted only a short while. Then followed a second strike at which the employers balked. In this they felt reasonably secure for negroes were then pouring into the city from the South during the spring exodus. There followed numerous evidences o f brooding conflict such as insults on the street cars, comments and excitement over the daily arrival o f large numbers from the South. On one day three hundred are said to have arrived. Standing on the streets, waiting for cars, lost in wandering about the streets searching for homes, the negroes presented a helpless group. The search for homes carried them into the most undesirable sections. Here the scraggy edges o f society met. The traditional attitude o f unionists toward negroes be gan to assert itself. Fear that such large numbers would weaken present and subsequent demands aroused considerable opposition to their presence. Meetings were held, exciting speeches were made and street fights became common. The East St. Louis Journal is said to have printed a series o f articles under the caption, “ Make East St. Louis a Lily White Town.” It was a simple matter o f touching off the smoldering tinder. In the riot that followed over a hundred negroes were killed. These, for the most part lived away from the places o f the most vio lent disturbances, and were returning home, unconscious o f the fate that awaited them. The riot has recently been subject to a congressional investigation, but few convictions resulted and those whites convicted escaped serious punishment.1 1 See Congressional Report on the Massacre o f East St. Louis. CHAPTER X Chicago and Its Environs Chicago, the metropolis o f the West, remembered! in the &outh since the W orld’s Fair as a far-away city o f hope from which come all great things; unceasingly advertised through its tremendous mail order and clothing houses, schools and in dustries until it became a synonym for the “ North,” was the mouth o f the stream o f negroes from the South. It attracted all types o f men, brought them in, encouraged them and cared for them because it needed them. It is estimated that within the period o f eighteen months beginning January, 1916, more than fifty thousand negroes entered the city. This estimate was based on averages taken from actual count o f daily arrivals. There were at work in this city a number o f agencies which served to stimulate the movement. The stock yards were sorely in need o f men. It was reported that they had emissaries in ' the South. Whether it is true or not, it is a fact that it was most widely advertised throughout the States o f Mississippi and Louisiana that employment could easily be secured in the Chicago stock yards district. The report was circulated that fifty thousand men were needed, and the packers were pro viding houses for migrants and caring for them until they had established themselves. • The Illinois Central Railroad brought hundreds on free transportation with the understand ing that the men would enter the employ o f the company. The radical negro newspapers published here urged negroes to leave the South and promised employment and protection. It is in deed little wonder that Chicago received so great a number. The most favorable aspect o f their condition in their new home is their opportunity to earn money. Coming from the South, where they were accustomed to work for a few cents a day or a few dollars a week, to an industrial center where they 102 CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 103 can now earn as much in an hour or a day, they have the feel ing that this city is really the land overflowing with milk and honey. In the occupations in which they are now employed, many o f them are engaged at skilled labor, receiving the same and, in some cases, greater compensation than was paid white men in such positions prior to the outbreak o f the war. Talk ing with a number o f them the investigator obtained such in formation as, that men were working at the Wilson Packing House and receiving $3 a day; at the Marks Manufacturing Company for $3.75; as lumber stackers at $4 a day, at one o f the rolling mills for $25 a week, and on the railroads at $125 a month. The large majority o f these migrants are engaged in the packing houses o f Chicago where they are em ployed to do all sorts o f skilled and unskilled labor with the corresponding compensation.1 It was soon discovered that the needs o f the migrants could not all be supplied by money. Something had to be done for their social welfare. Various agencies assisted in caring for the needs o f the 25,000 or more negro migrants who, it is estimated, have come to Chicago within three years. The Chicago Renting Agents’ Association appointed a special committee to study the problems o f housing them and to confer with leaders in civic organization and with representative negroes. The Cook County Association considered the question o f appointing some one to do Sunday School work exclusively among the newcomers. The Housing Committee o f the Chicago Women’s Club arranged for an intensive survey o f housing conditions. The negroes themselves organized to help the recently arrived members o f the race. Negro ministers, lawyers, physicians and social workers cooperated in handling the problem through churches, Sunday Schools and in other ways.1 2 The negroes residing in Chicago, who came from particular States in the South organized clubs to look after the migrants from their own States. The result was that an Alabama Club, a Georgia Club, Mississippi Club, Tennessee Club and so on 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 2 Ibid. 104 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR were formed. Committees from these clubs met the train and helped the newcomers to find homes and work. The chief agency in handling the migrant situation in Chicago was the local branch o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. The work which the league did for the mi grants as set forth in the report o f 1917 was o f three kinds: employment, housing and adjustment or assimilation. The pol icy o f the Urban League with regard to employment was to find and, where possible, to open new occupations hitherto de nied negroes. The housing problem was urgent. The most that the league was able to do thus far was to find lodging, to assist in finding houses. Lodging accommodations for more than 400 individuals were personally inspected by several women volunteers. It is impossible to do much else short o f the con struction o f apartments for families and for single men. The league’s first efforts to assimilate the new people started with their entrance to the city. T o see that they received proper directions upon reaching the railroad station was an important task. It was able to secure the services o f a volunteer travelers’ aid society. This agent met trains and directed migrants to destinations when they had addresses o f relatives and friends. In the absence o f such they were sent to proper homes for lodg ing, and to the league office for employment. The great majority o f negroes in Chicago live-in a limited area known as the South Side. State Street is the thorough fare. It is the black belt o f the city. This segregation is aided on one hand by the difficulty o f securing houses in other sec tions o f the city, and on the other, by the desire o f negroes to live where they have greatest political strength. Previous to the migration, hundreds o f houses stood vacant in the sections o f the district west o f State Street from which they had moved only a few years before, when it was found that better homes were available. The presence o f negroes in an exclusively white locality usually brought forth loud protests and frequently ended in the abandonment o f tfie block by whites. The old district lying west o f State Street held the worst type o f houses. It was also in disrepute because o f its proximity to the old segre CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 105 gated vice area. The newcomers, unacquainted with its repu tation, found no hesitancy in moving in until better homes could be secured. Congestion has been a serious problem only during short periods when the influx was greater than the city’s immediate capacity for distributing them. During the summer o f 1917 this was the situation. A canvass o f real estate dealers sup plying houses for negroes conducted by the Chicago Urban League revealed the fact that on a single day there were 664 negro applicants for houses, and only 50 supplied, while there were 97 houses advertised for rent. In some instances as many as ten persons were listed for a single house. This condition did not continue long. There were counted thirty-six new localities opening up to negroes within three months. These localities were formerly white. An accompaniment to this congestion was the increase in rents o f from 5 to 30 per cent and sometimes as high as 50 per cent. This was explained by landlords as a return to former standards after the property had depreciated through the coming in o f negroes. A more detailed study o f living conditions among the migrants in Chicago was made by a student o f the School o f Civics and Philanthropy. The study included 75 families o f less than a year’s residence. In the group were 60 married couples, 128 children, eight women and nine married men with families in the South. H ow this large group— 265 persons— fresh from a region where life is enlivened by a mild climate'and ample space was to find living quarters in an overcrowded section o f two Chicago blocks was a problem o f many aspects. A single furnished room, rented by the week, provided the solution for each o f 41 fami lies, while 24 families rented homes by the month, four families occupied two rooms each. In some instances, this meant over crowding so serious as to threaten morals and health. The Urban League interested corporations and capitalists in the construction o f modern apartment houses with small individual apartments. It endeavored also to have the city see the neces sity o f preventing occupancy o f the physically unfit houses. 106 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR The league conducted a campaign to educate the masses in re gard to housing, and payment o f exorbitant rents was discour aged. The various city departments were asked to enforce ordinances in negro neighborhoods. In this way the league tried to reduce overcrowding and extortionate rentals. All o f the arrivals here did not stay. They were only tem porary guests awaiting the opportunity to proceed further and 'settle in surrounding cities and towns. This tendency appears to have been to reach those fields offering the highest wages and most permanent prospects. With Chicago as a center there are within a radius o f from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles a number o f smaller industrial centers— suburbs o f Chicago in which enterprises have sprung up because o f the nearness to the unexcelled shipping and other facilities which Chicago furnished. A great many o f the migrants who came to Chicago found employment in these satellite places.1 One o f these towns was Rockford, a city o f about 55,000 people before Camp Grant began to add to its population. It is estimated that there were about 1,500 negroes in Rockford, 1,000 o f whom came in during 1916 and 1917. The Rockford Malleable Iron Company, which never hired more than five or six negroes until two years ago, has nearly one hundred in its employ. A timekeeper, five inspectors, a machinist, a porter, three foremen and twenty o f the molders are negroes. The Free Sewing Machine Company, Emerson and Birmingham, the Trahem Pump Company and the two knitting factories began also to employ negroes. The standard wage prevailed, and, while the unskilled work was largely given to the negroes, there were instances when opportunity was given for them to follow pursuits requiring skill. Housing showed every evidence o f congestion. The city was unprepared for the unprecedented increase in population neces sitated by the demands o f its factories for men to produce muni tions o f war. The workingmen, however, were soon better pro vided for than in some other cities. The Rockford Malleable 1 The Detroit branch o f the Urban League reported, for example, that a great percentage o f its applicants for work were from Chicago. CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 107 Iron Company conducted two houses for the accommodation o f its employes and rented several smaller ones.1 This company had recently purchased a large acreage and was considering the advisability o f building houses for its employes, including the negro migrants. The Emerson and Birmingham Company and the Sewing Machine Company had similar plans under advise ment. The Rockford Malleable Iron Company was the first to use negroes. In the fall o f 1916 the first negro employes were brought in from Canton, Illinois, through a Mr. Robinson then employed by the company as a molder. There were nine molders in the group. At brief intervals Tuskegee sent up four, then five, then eight and then six men, most o f whom had had training in machinery and molding. The total number o f Tus kegee boys was 32. Robinson also brought men from Metrop olis, Illinois, and from Kankakee. He made a trip through Alabama and brought up 15 or 16. Most o f these were laborers. Seven laborers came as a result o f correspondence with a physician from Des Moines, Iowa. From Christiansburg, Vir ginia, the only negro blacksmith came. The Urban League also sent up some men from Chicago. The company was so pleased with the men’s service that they called upon the Urban League for more men and placed in its hands a fund for their railroad expenses.2 Negroes were promoted from time to time and were used in every department o f the shop. One o f the men was an in spector. T w o new machines turning out work faster than any other machine were turned over to the negroes. All o f them were given steady work without being forced to lay off, and their wages were increased. Street car companies and offi cials in Rockford have congratulated the men upon their con duct. T w o o f the men who came up from the South were purchasing property. When the increase in negro population became noticeable, a 1 The two large houses accommodated fifty to sixty men. One o f these was known as the Tuskegee Club House and housed only men from Tuskegee Institute. 2 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 108 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR good deal erf discrimination appeared in public places. The mayor o f the city, therefore, called a conference o f the Chamber o f Commerce, o f representatives from Camp Grant, hotels, skat ing rinks and other public places and read the civil rights law to them. He gave them to understand that Rockford would not* stand for discrimination between races. When some o f the conferees thought they would iike to have separate tables in the restaurants the mayor opposed them and insisted that there should be no such treatment One restaurant, which displayed a sign, “ W e do not cater to colored trade,” was given orders by the Chief o f Police to take it down in fifteen minutes, when his deputy would arrive with instructions to carry out the law in case the sign was not removed. Waukegan, a town thirty miles northwest o f Chicago, with a total population o f about 22,000 has approximately 400 negroes, where two years ago there were about 275. The Wilder Tan ning Company and the American Steel and Wire Company em ployed the largest number o f these negroes. These firms worked about 60 and 80 respectively. Smaller numbers were employed by the Gas Company, the Calk Mill, the Cyclone Fence Com pany, the Northwestern Railroad freight house and a bed spring factory and several were working at the Great Lakes Naval Training Station. A few found employment as porters in barber shops and theaters. At the Wilder Tanning Company and the American Steel and W ire Company, opportunity was given negroes to do semiskilled work. The former was working negroes into every branch o f its industry. The average daily wage here was about $3.1 1 In May, 1917, the Sherman House on Genesee Street in the heart o f the city became a negro hotel. It has 19 bedrooms and accommodates 35 men. It was poorly managed and dirty. A barber shop, pool room and dining room were run in connection with it and were also poorly managed. The manager o f the hotel is one o f the newcomers. A rooming house and dance hall for negroes is operated in another section o f the city. The Wilder Tanning Company was building a hotel for 50 single men and individual houses o f five, six, seven and eight rooms for families. Houses for white workmen were to be built by the company after these were completed. Lawrence Wilder, president o f the company, stated that the building o f these houses was no “ experiment.” “ They are being %put up to stay.” Hot and cold water, hot air, heat, electric lights, and shower baths will be in the hotel. Single rooms will rent for $125, double rooms $2.50 per week. No women will be permitted to live in the hotel. A social room will be CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 109 The secretary o f the Chamber o f Commerce believed that the influx did not cause anything more than a ripple on the surface. He said: “ I cover everything when I say that, no apparent increase in crime; no trouble among themselves; no race friction.” Theaters began to discriminate, but soon ceased. The proprietor o f the Sheridan Club stated that he took a group o f men to one theater which had shown signs o f discrimination. Each man was told to purchase his own ticket. The owner observing the scheme admitted them. Very few restaurants refuse to serve negroes. Only one openly segregated them to a particular part o f the dining-room. Absolutely no trouble was experienced in the schools. The "police commissioner sees that the negroes have the protection o f the law. East Chicago, an industrial center located about twenty-five miles from Chicago with a population now made up in large part o f Hungarians, Poles, Italians and negroes, had only one negro family in 1915. During the month o f August, 1916, about 150 negroes came and others soon followed. At present there are about 75 families, 35 or 40 children o f school age and about 450 men working in the industrial plants. The majority o f these newcomers were from the rural districts o f Alabama and Georgia, with a few from Mississippi. A large number o f negroes, moreover, live in Indiana Harbor and in Chicago and work in East Chicago.1 Some o f the people went to Indiana Harbor for church servwithin easy access o f all occupants. No meals will be served at the hotel, but will be served at the plant. The houses will be one and two stories and can be purchased on a monthly basis. A street car line will connect the plant and the subdivision. Before the influx the Cyclone Fence Company and the Calk Mill Com pany were said to have sworn never to employ negro labor. The Wilder Tanning Company and the American Steel and Wire Company have standing invitations for negro men with references.—Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 1 They were employed by the Gasselli Chemical Company, Goldsmiths Detinning Company, the International Lead Refining Company, the United States Reduction Company, the United States Refining Company, Hobson and Walker’s Brick Yard, the Inland Steel Foundry, Interstate Mill, the Cudahy Soap Factory and the Republic Rolling Mill. The Hobson and Walker’s Brick Yard employed 200 and provided houses within the yards for the families o f the workmen. The International Lead Refining Company provided lodging for its men in remodeled box cars. Wages for ordinary labor ranged from $2.50 to $4.50 per day. This did not include the amount 110 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR ices. During the summer o f 1917, an attempt was made to organize a church, but it was unsuccessful and almost excited a racial conflict. The negroes from Alabama and Georgia com plained about the wickedness o f East Chicago, and declared their intentions o f going home, “ where they can sing without ap pearing strange, and where they can hear somebody else pray besides themselves.” Few racial clashes, however, have fol lowed. A strike which occurred at Gasselli’s Chemical Company was at first thought to be a protest o f the foreigners against the 80 negroes employed there. Nothing serious developed from it. The only apparent dangers were in thoughtlessness on the part o f negroes in their conduct. They were too badly needed in industry to be harshly treated either by the foreigners or their employers.1 In Beloit, Wisconsin, as in other cities, it was impossible to find out with any degree o f accuracy the approximate number o f negroes. Estimates o f the number ranged from 700 to 2,000, whereas, before the influx, the black population was as low as 200. TJie total population o f Beloit is about 20,000. There are now two negro churches, a Baptist and an African Metho dist Episcopal. The Baptist church was said to be made up entirely o f new people. Beloit did not have a negro Baptist that might be made by overtime work. The brick yard employed negroes for unskilled work at 35 cents an hour. A few skilled negroes employed were receiving from $4.75 to $7 a day. Negroes are fairly well scattered throughout the foreign residential sec tion. A small area known as “ Oklahoma9 or “ Calumet9 had perhaps 9 9 the largest number. The houses were overcrowded, dark, insanitary, without privacy and generally unattractive. All o f the rooms were sleeping rooms, usually with two beds in a room accommodating six men. Rent was high, and ranged from $15 to $25 a month for four and five room flats in very unattractive buildings. Single lodgers paid from $1.50 to $1.75 a week. Restaurant rates were exorbitant and food was so high that many o f the families bought their provisions in Chicago. There were no churches or in fact any wholesome social institutions in town. There were many flourishing saloons. There was one colored pool room, and one colored restaurant. On occasions, a hall belonging to the whites was used for dances and socials.—Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 1 Following each pay day from twenty to thirty negroes left for their homes in the South. Some returned when their funds were about exhausted and worked five or six months more. Others remained at home for the winter. “ It was expected that the brick yard would lose a very large num ber on the 8th o f November. On the 15th o f December another large con tingent leaves for the South.”—Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 111 preacher until the migration, and had no negro physicians. Prior to the influx there was little discrimination, except in some o f the restaurants and occasionally in the theaters. One negro was working at the post office, and another at the railroad station. Aside from these, the negro men were practically all laborers and porters. As is true in most small cities, one company took the initiative in sending for men from the South. The Fairbanks Morse Com pany was the pioneer corporation in this respect in Beloit. This company hires at present 200 men. Most o f these came from Mississippi. In fact, Albany and Pontotoc, small towns in Mississippi, are said to have dumped their entire population in Beloit. A few from Memphis, Tennessee, were employed there but the company preferred Mississippians, and had agents at work in that State getting men for its plant. It was said to be fair in its treatment o f negroes and to pay the standard wages.1 Milwaukee was one o f the ready recipients o f negro migrants from other points in the North. Following the outbreak o f the war, the consequent cessation o f foreign immigration and the withdrawal of a number o f aliens from the labor market to follow their national colors, a large demand for negro labor was for the first time created. Milwaukee apparently could not attract voluntary migration, and the larger plants were forced to import some 1,200 southern negroes to man their industries. In 1910, the city had a negro population o f 980. There are now in Milwaukee about 2,700 negroes o f whom 1,500 are 1 There was great congestion in housing, as the negroes were restricted to certain sections with homes usually kept in insanitary condition. A very large housing plan o f the company met with objection on the part o f the white citizens who sent in a petition to the City Council against building houses for negroes. The City Council said they wanted the housing property for park purposes. The matter was taken to court. The Council condemned the property but failed to sustain the belief that it was needed for a park. Through various methods of red tape and legal procedure the matter was delayed. The company then built houses on a smaller scale. The plans included two apartment houses that would accommodate six families each. There were also in the course o f erection houses for men with families to take the place of some improvised huts which the company had found necessary to use to facilitate the work o f the men.—Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 112 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR newcomers, not only from the South, but from the adjacent States o f Illinois, Iowa, Michigan and Minnesota.1 This migration to Milwaukee caused a number o f difficulties. The first difficulty to arise was in the relationship o f the migrant to the old residents o f the city. Like the newly arrived for eigners they lived rather “ close lives,” had little contact with the people o f the community and as a consequence were slow in changing their southern standards. This lack o f contact was registered in the slight attendance in the colored churches, which are by far the most common medium o f personal contact among negroes. The leading pastors and two others who have made unsuccessful attempts to establish churches complained that the newcomers, although accustomed to going to church in their old homes, “ strayed from the fold ” in the large city. There was also a certain unmistakable reticence on the part o f the newcomers with respect to the negroes o f longer resi dence. The new arrivals were at times suspicious o f the motives o f the older residents, and resented being advised how to con duct themselves. They were for the most part not in touch with any civic agency. The migrants, therefore, came into contact with the lower element. The recreations and amuse ments o f the newcomers were those which the social outcasts furnished them.2 Another anomaly was to be observed in the motives behind the migration. The most recent European immigrants, unfa miliar with the character o f the plants, having strong bodies and a disposition to work, are engaged as unskilled laborers. They do not, o f course, remain at this level, but are continually pushed forward by later comers. The men who filled these lower positions were not the best type o f foreigners. When the war began and this influx from Europe was stopped, it was for these positions that the plants were forced to seek men. Negroes were sought in the South, but, unfortunately, the em phasis was placed on quantity and not quality. Those who were able to move on shortest notice, those with few responsibilities 1 Before 1910, 114 persons had arrived; between 1911 and 1915, 72; during 1916, 74; dumg 1917, 102; and during 1918, 40 persons had arrived. 2 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 113 and few interests at home, were snapped up by the labor agents. This blunder has also registered itself in the records o f the city and the character o f the negro migrants. This was probably due to the fact that little is known o f Milwaukee in the South. Unlike Chicago, Detroit, New York and other northern cities, it was not a popular destination for voluntary migration. Agents who scoured the South for men testified that in a large number o f cases the first question asked was whether or not Milwaukee was a wet town, for the southern States have prohibited the sale o f liquor. While Chicago got advertisement in the South through its great mail order business, most o f what was known o f Milwaukee related to its breweries. The negroes here, however, had numerous industrial oppor tunities. The manner in which the trades suddenly opened up to them made it difficult to ascertain the number o f negroes so engaged. An intensive study o f a neighborhood showed a much wider variety o f skilled negro laborers and brought to light the cases o f many not otherwise known. One man in touch with the iron workers o f the city ventured the statement that there were perhaps 75 negroes engaged in skilled work in the iron and steel industries o f the city. In a large number o f other plants one or two negroes had succeeded in finding skilled employment. Firms known to employ negroes in the capacity o f skilled workmen are the Plankington Packing Com pany, Wehr Steel and Machine Shops, the National Malleable Iron Works, A. J. Lindeman-Hoverson Company and the Mil waukee Coke and Gas Company. For the most part skilled negroes are butchers and molders.1 In the case o f negroes from the South with trades, however, there arose a situation which is seldom fully appreciated. A man in the South may be skilled in such an independent trade as shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry and the like, but in a north ern city with its highly specialized industrial processes and divi sions o f labor, he must learn over again what he thought he had mastered, or abandon his trade entirely and seek employ ment in unskilled lines. The wages for skilled work were for 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 114 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR butchers, 55 to 64 cents an hour; for steel molders, 35 to 47 cents an hour; for firemen, $27 per week; for chauffeurs, $15 to $30 a week; for shoemakers, $20 a week; stationary firemen, $24 a week. The mass o f negroes, men and women, gainfully employed in the city was made up o f manual laborers. Vacan cies for negroes in industry were made at the bottom. The .range o f occupations in unskilled work, however, was fairly wide. They were packing house employes, muckers, tannery laborers, street construction workers, dock hands and foundry laborers. Their wages were for foundry laborers, 32% cents to 35 cents an hour; for muckers, $28 a week; for tannery laborers, $24 a week; dock hands, 60 cents an hour; and for packing house laborers, 43 cents an hour (m ale), and 30% cents an hour (fem ale). There were also porters in stores and jan itors whose weekly wages averaged between $15 and $18 per week. Several firms made strenuous efforts to induce laborers to come from the South. The Pfister-Vogel Company employed a negro to secure them for this purpose, and made preparation for their lodging and board. This representative stated that he was responsible for the presence o f about 300 negroes in the city. Reverend J. S. W oods o f the Booker T. Washington social settlement, who was actively engaged in assisting the plants, asserted that he had placed over 400. The Albert Trostel Company paid transportation for nearly 100 men. The principal industries employing negroes with the number employed were about as follow s:1 Number Firm Plankington Packing Co............................................ Albert Trostel Leather Co...................................... . Faulk’s Manufacturing Co....................................... Hoffman Manufacturing Co...................................... Tunnell Construction Co.......................................... Milwaukee Coke and Gas Co.................................... Pfister-Vogel Tannery ............................................. A. J. Lindeman-Hoverson Co................................... National Malleable Iron Co..................................... Solvay Steel Castings Co.......................................... Allis Chalmers ........................................................... 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. Male 78 75 34 2 10 38 75 13 22 24 70 Female 10 30 CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 115 On December 1, 1917, the Plankington Packing Company employed 93 men and 27 women. The Pfister-Vogel Company had only 75 men in its employ. This company, however, within 18 months had employed 300 negroes from the South. Concerning the range o f wages for negroes in these lines the data provided by these firms gave some means o f informa tion. Firms Male Female Plankington Packing Co......... 43c to 64c an hour ............... 30V2C an hour Faulk’s Manufacturing Co. . . . 35c to 47c an hour ............... Hoffman Manufacturing Co. . 32^ c an hour ...................... Tunnell Construction Co......... $4 a day ................................... Albert Trostel Co......................40c an hour ..............................30c an hour Milwaukee Coke and Gas Co. $3.67 to $4.79 a day........... A. J. Lindeman-Hoverson Co. $3 to $5 a d a y ........................ National Malleable Iron Co. .. 35c an hour to $4 a day........ Pfister-Vogel Tannery ........... $22 to $24 a week..................... The quality o f the workingmen is o f interest both to the employers and social workers. T o get uniform data employers were asked the principal faults and principal merits o f their negro workmen. T o the question, “ What are the principal faults o f your negro workmen? ” these answers were g iv e n :1 None that predominate. The principal fault of negro workmen is, they are slow and very hard to please. Not good on rapid moving machinery, have not had mechanical training; slow; not stable. Inclined to be irregular in attendance to work. Very unsteady. Leave in summertime for road work. T o the question, “ What are the principal merits o f your negro workmen? ” these answers were given: They are superior to foreign labor because they readily understand what you try to tell them. Loyalty, willingness, cheerfulness. The skilled men stick and are good workmen. Generally speaking they .are agreeable workmen. Quicker, huskier, and can stand more heat than other workmen. 1 Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. 116 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR The attitude o f white and black workmen toward one an other in none o f the plants visited presented anything like a serious situation. The following are answers to questions relating to this sentiment as returned by the important industries: 1 No feeling—no complaints—no comments. White and black get along well. There was a little trouble some time ago between a Jewish foreman and his negro workmen. All the negroes quit. The matter was investigated and the foreman discharged. Good. The relations are favorable, although negroes appear a bit clannish. Good fellowship prevails. Negroes do not stay long enough to get acquainted. Good in most cases. Very little opposition. They are working as helpers with whites. Few objections. As a final effort to get the opinion o f employers themselves concerning the best means o f improving their labor, a sugges tion from them on this matter was solicited. Their views are subjoined: 2 A rather broad question and one that could only be answered after con siderable study. Believe the great trouble with negro labor has been the fact that a poor class o f negroes has been employed by many. W e have a good lot o f workers now. Some means should be devised to get them away from their general shift less ways. Education. As a negro can be very contented and happy on very little, if their living conditions were improved and the desire created in them to improve their condition, this would be a help towards encouragement in better ing their social condition. In fact, we feel that anything that would help to better the social attention o f the negro would make him a better workman. Better housing and supervision through some responsible organization. Some way to keep sympathetic watch over them. Without doubt there is an element o f truth in each o f these comments. It is unquestionably true that a large number o f these men register by their actions instability, irregularity and general shiftlessness. Some o f these cases are inexcusable, and ‘ Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago. ‘ Ibid. CHICAGO AND ITS ENVIRONS 117 the only reason for their connection with the industry is the fact that they were brought from the South, where they were volun tarily idle, by agents o f employers. The importation merely shifted the scene o f their deliberate loafing and spasmodic con tact with work. Employers in all o f the plants know that they have had difficulty in holding their negro labor, but do not know why. Most o f the men willing to leave the city were unmarried men with few responsibilities. These are the ones who found em ployment there and, being dissatisfied, quit. The highest negro labor turnover was in the leather factories. But for this there was a reason. The only employment permitted negroes there was wet and very disagreeable beam work, and at wages not in excess o f those paid by neighboring plants with a different grade o f work. Inquiries among laboring men reveal reasons plausible indeed to the laborers themselves, which in many cases would have been found reasonable also by the employers. It is generally known that all classes o f labor o f all nationali ties are in an unsettled state. Shifting to the higher paid in dustries is common. In consequence the disagreeable and poorly paid ones have suffered. The instability o f negroes, especially in those industries that have been so hard pressed as to find it necessary to go South for men, is not so much a group characteristic as an expression o f present tendencies in labor generally. Reasons o f a more intimate nature advanced by the men for changing jobs are numerous. Among these are dissatisfaction with the treatment o f petty white bosses, the necessity for ready money for the care o f their families, the distance o f the plants from the district in which the negro workmen live 1 and the unpleasant indoor work in certain factories. The social condition o f negroes in Milwaukee is not alarming. There are indicated, however, unmistakable maladjustments 1 A simple situation of this nature registers itself without explanation against the character o f negroes in the records o f the firms. The PfisterVogel Company had a house on Clinton Street in which lived twenty or more negroes. This location is eight or ten miles away from the com munity in which negroes live. There are no amusements for these young men around Clinton Street. The cars stop running at a comparatively early 118 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR which require immediate attention. But even these will not become alarming, if checked now, when preventive measures can be made practicable, attractive and easy. The neighborhoods in which negroes live have long showed evidence o f physical and moral deterioration. The addition o f 1,400 negroes from the South, over 70 per cent o f whom .were brought to the city by companies seeking labor, hastened the deterioration and gave rise to problems where only tenden cies existed before. Neighborhood life is conspicuously lax and the spirit o f the community quite naturally comports with the looseness and immorality o f the district. Though such con ditions are plainly evident, no organized influence has been projected to correct them. As with the neighborhood, so with housing, crime, delinquency, education, recreation, industry, and the like, the conditions which retard developmental habits must have constant vigilance and treatment. hour. I f they go to the city they must either come back in a taxicab or spend the evening away from home. It is less expensive to spend the evening away. As a result they are late for work and may not report. If they report, they are tired and unfit for work. If they do not they are put down as irregular and unsteady.—Johnson, Report on the Migration to Chicago, CHAPTER X I T h e Situation at Points in the M iddle W est The most important city in this section to be affected by the migration was Pittsburgh, the gateway to the West. The Pitts burgh district is the center o f the steel industry. For this reason, the war caused the demand for labor to be extremely heavy there. Pittsburgh was one o f the centers to which the greatest number o f negroes went. Before the migration, a considerable number o f negroes were employed there. In 1900, the negro population o f Allegheny county, in which Pittsburgh is situated, was 27,753. In 1910 it was 34,217. When the migration began, the county had about 38,000 negroes. Investigations and estimates indicate that, at the end o f 1917, the negro population o f the county had increased to almost 66,000. Epstein in his survey o f The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh said: 1 From a canvass o f twenty typical industries in the Pittsburgh district, it was found that there were 2,550 negroes employed in 1915, and 8,325 in 1917, an increase o f 5,775 or 227 per cent. It was impossible to obtain labor data from more than approximately sixty per cent o f the negro employing concerns, but it is fair to assume that the same ratio o f increase holds true of the remaining forty per cent. On this basis the number o f negroes now employed in the district may be placed at 14,000. This means that there are about 9,750 more negroes working in the district today than there were in 1915, an addition due to the migration from the South. According to Epstein, the migration had been going on for little longer than one year. Ninety-three per cent o f those who gave the time o f residence in Pittsburgh had been there less than one year. More than eighty per cent o f the single men interviewed had been there less than six months. In the number who had been there for the longest period, married men predominated, showing the tendency of this class to become 1 Epstein, The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh, p. 7. 119 120 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR permanent residents. This fact becoming evident, some in dustrial concerns bringing men from the South, having learned from bitter experience that the mere delivery o f negroes from a southern city did not guarantee a sufficient supply o f labor, made an effort to secure married men only, and even to investi gate them prior to their coming. Differences in recruiting methods may also explain why some employers and labor agents hold a very optimistic view o f the negro as a worker, while others despair o f him. The reason why Pittsburgh has been unable to secure a stable labor force is doubtless realized by the local manufacturers. Married negroes come to the North to stay. They desire to have their families with them, and if they are not accompanied North by their wives and children they plan to have them follow at the earliest possible date. It would appear that the stability o f the labor supply de pended to a very large extent upon the housing conditions. It was found that in many instances men who had families went to other cities where they hoped to find better accommodations. The Pittsburgh manufacturer will never keep an efficient labor supply o f negroes until he learns to compete with the employers o f other cities in a housing program as well as in wages. The negro migration in Pittsburgh, however, did not cause a dis placement o f white laborers. Every man was needed, as there were more jobs than men to fill them. Pittsburgh’s industrial life was for a time dependent upon the negro labor supply, and the city has not received a sufficient supply o f negroes, and cer tainly not so many as smaller industrial towns, although the railroads and a few o f the industrial concerns o f the locality have had labor agents in the South. Yet, in spite o f the diffi culties because o f the obstructive tactics adopted in certain southern communities to prevent the negro exodus, they have nevertheless succeeded in bringing several thousand negroes into this district. “ One company, for instance,” says Epstein, “ which imported about a thousand men within the past year, had only about three hundred o f these working at the time o f the investigator’s visit in July, 1917. One railroad, which is said to have brought about fourteen thousand people to the THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 121 North within the last twelve months, has been able to keep an average o f only eighteen hundred at work.” These companies, however, have failed to hold the newcomers. The problems created by this sudden increase o f Pittsburgh’s population were very grave. In the early part o f 1917, plans were formulated to make a social survey o f the migrants in Pittsburgh. Cooperating in this survey were the University o f Pittsburgh, the Associated Charities, the Social Service Com mission o f the Churches o f Christ and the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. In March, 1917, the direc tor o f the Department o f Public Health, instructed the sanitary inspectors to pay special attention to all premises occupied by the “ newcomers.” Another step in this direction was the es tablishment in that city o f a branch o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. A survey made in 1917 showed that the housing situation was the most serious aspect o f the migrants’ social problems, and that in order to have improvements in other lines housing con ditions must be made better. Because o f the high cost o f materials and labor incident to the war, because the taxation system still does not encourage improvements and because o f investment attractions other than in realty, few houses had been built and practically no improvements had been made. This was most strikingly apparent in the poorer sections o f the city. In the negro sections, for instance, there had been almost no houses added and few vacated by whites within the previous two years. The addition, therefore, o f thousands o f negroes just arrived from southern States meant not only the creation o f new negro quarters and the dispersion o f negroes through out the city, but also the utmost utilization o f every place in the negro sections capable o f being transformed into habitations. Attics and cellars, storerooms and basements, churches, sheds and warehouses had to be employed for the accommodation o f these newcomers. Whenever a negro had space which he could possibly spare, it was converted into a sleeping place; as many beds as possible were crowded into it, and the maximum number o f men per bed were lodged. Either because their own 122 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR rents were high or because they were unable to withstand the temptation o f the sudden, and, for all they knew, temporary harvest, or perhaps because o f the altruistic desire to assist their race fellows, a majority o f the negroes in Pittsburgh converted their homes into lodging houses. Because rooms were hard to come by the lodgers were not disposed to complain about the living conditions or the prices charged. They were only too glad to secure a place where they could share a half or at least a part o f an unclaimed bed. It was no easy task to find room for a family, as most boarding houses would accept only single men, and refused to admit women and children. Many a man, who with his family occupied only one or two rooms, made place for a friend or former townsman and his family. In many instances this was done from unselfish motives and in a humane spirit.1 H ow the negroes are employed will throw more light on their situation. The Epstein investigation showed that Ninety-five per cent o f the migrants who stated their occupations were doing unskilled labor, in the steel mills, the building trades, on the railroads, or acting as servants, porters, janitors, cooks and cleaners. Only twenty, or four per cent out o f 493 migrants whose occupations were ascertained, were doing what may be called semiskilled or skilled work, as puddlers, moldsetters, painters and carpenters. On the other hand, in the South 59 out o f 529 claimed to have been engaged in skilled labor, while a large number were rural workers. The following table shows the occupations o f migrants in Pitts burgh as compared with statements o f occupations in the South: Occupations In Pittsburgh Common laborer ............. Skilled or semiskilled .. . ........ 20 Farmer ............................ Miner ................................. Sawmill workers ............. Ran own farm or father's farm Ran farm on crop sharing basis Other occupations ........... ......... 5 % 95 4 1 In South 286 59 81 36 9 22 33 0 % 54 11 15 7 2 5 6 0 It seems clear that most o f the migrants were engaged in unskilled labor. The reason given by the manufacturers in 1 Epstein, The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh, pp. 7-8. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 123 accounting for this disparity were, that the migrants are ineffi cient and unstable, and that the opposition to them on the part o f the white labor prohibits their use on skilled jobs.1 Ninetyfive per cent o f the negro workers in the steel mills were unskilled laborers. “ In the bigger plants,” says the investigator, “ where many hundreds o f negroes are employed, almost one hundred per cent are doing common labor, while in the smaller plants, a few might be found doing labor which required some skill.” Epstein believes that this idea is often due to the prejudice o f the heads o f departments and other labor employers. A sym pathetic superintendent o f one o f the large steel plants said that in many instances it was the superintendents and managers themselves who are not alive to their own advantage, and so oppose the negroes in doing the better classes o f work. The same superintendent said that he had employed negroes for many years; that a number o f them had been connected with his company for several years; that they are just as efficient as the white people. More than half o f the twenty-five negroes in his plant were doing semiskilled and even skilled work. He had one or two negro foremen over negro gangs, and cited an instance o f a black man drawing $114 in his last two weeks’ pay. This claim was supported by a very intelligent negro who was stopped a few blocks away from the plant and questioned as to the conditions there. While admitting everything that the superintendent said, and stating that there is now absolute free opportunity for negroes in that plant, the man asserted that these conditions have obtained within the last year.2 It was found that in the Pittsburgh district the great mass o f workers get higher wages than in the places from which AThe latter objection is illustrated by the case o f the white bargemen o f a brg steel company who wanted to walk out because black workers were introduced among them, and who were only appeased by the provision o f separate quarters for the negroes. While there is an undeniable hostility to negroes on the part of a few white workers, the objection is frequently exaggerated by prejudiced gang bosses. 2 The same superintendent told o f an episode illustrating the amicable relations existing in his shop between white and black workers. He related that a gang o f workers had come to him with certain complaints and the threat o f a walkout. When their grievances had been satisfactorily adjusted, they pointed to the lonely black man in their group and said that they were not ready to go back unless their negro fellow worker was satisfied. 124 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR they come. Fifty-six per cent received less than $2 a day in the South, while only five per cent received such wages in Pitts burgh. However, the number o f those who said they received high wages in the South is greater than the number o f those receiving them there. Fifteen per cent said they received more than $3.60 a day at home, while only five per cent said they received more than that rate for twelve hours’ work there. Sixty-seven per cent o f the 453 persons stating their earnings here, earn less than $3 a day. Twenty-eight per cent earn from $3 to $3.60 a day, while only five per cent earn more than $3.60 a day. The average working day for both Pittsburgh and the South is ten and four-tenths hours. The average wage is $2.85 here; in the South it amounted to $2.15. It may be interesting to point out that the number o f married men who work longer hours and receive more money is proportionately greater than that o f the single men, who have not “ given hostage to fortune.” Judging from what has been said about the habits o f living among the negro migrants in Pittsburgh, they are o f the best class o f their race. Chief among those to be mentioned is their tendency to abstain from the use o f intoxicants although it has often been said that the cause o f the migration from the South was due to the desire o f negroes in prohibition States to go where they may make free use o f whisky. In this city it was observed that out o f 470 persons who answered questions with reference to whether or not they imbibed only 210 o f them said that they drank, while 267 made no use o f intoxicants at all. It was also observed that among those who have families, the percentage o f those addicted to drink is much smaller than that o f others who are single or left their families in the South. This, no doubt, accounts for the orderly conduct o f these negroes who, according to statistics, have not experienced a wave o f crime. The records o f the courts show numerous small offenses charged to the account o f negroes, but these usually result from temptations and snares set by institutions o f vice which are winked at by the community. These negroes, on the whole, are thrifty and will eventually THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 125 attach themselves permanently to the community through the acquisition o f desirable property and elevation to positions o f trust in the industries where they are employed. Evidences o f the lazy and shiftless and the immoral are not frequent, because o f a sort o f spirit o f thrift pervading the whole group. Many o f the families have savings accounts in banks, and practically all o f the married men separated from their families in the South send a large portion o f their earnings from time to time. Money order receipts and stubs o f checks examined show that these remittances to distant families range from between $5 to $10 a week. Others have seen fit to divert their income to objects more enterprising. They are educating their children, purchasing homes and establishing businesses to minister to the needs o f their own peculiar group. In view o f the desirability o f most migrants in this city, several persons have seen fit to make a comparison o f the negro and foreign labor, with a view to determining whether or not the employment o f negroes in the North will be permanent, as they may easily be displaced by the foreigners immigrating into this country in the future. The consensus o f opinion is that the blacks are profitable laborers, but that their efficiency must be decidedly increased to compete with that o f the white workers. Some of the faults observed are that they are as yet unadapted to the “ heavy and pace-set labor in the steel mills.” Accustomed to the comparatively easy going plantation and farm work o f the South, it will take some time for these migrants to find themselves. “ They can not even be persuaded to wait until pay day, and they like to get money in advance, following the habit that they acquired from the southern credit system. It is often secured on very flimsy pretexts and spent immediately in the saloons and similar places.” Yet the very persons who make this estimate o f the negro laborer say that the negroes born in the North or who have been in the North some time are as efficient as the whites, and that because o f their knowledge o f the language and the ways o f this country, they are often much better than the foreign laborers who understand neither. The principal industrial centers in Ohio to which the migrants 126 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR went were Cincinnati, Middletown, Akron, Dayton, Springfield, Youngstown, Columbus and Cleveland. The city which took the lead in endeavoring to handle the migration problem was Cleveland. This was due to a considerable extent to the fact that the housing conditions in Cleveland were especially bad. Investigations made in the summer o f 1917 by the Chamber o f Commerce showed that housing conditions never were so in need o f remedying as they were at that time. The influx o f negroes, thousands o f whom were living in box cars on railway sidings, was only one feature o f the problem, investi gators say. In nearly every part o f the city, and especially in the vicinity o f large manufacturing plants, workers are herded together, paying as much as $8 a week for a single room for a whole family.1 The Cleveland W elfare Federation appointed a committee composed o f representatives o f both races, to study problems made acute in Cleveland by the recent incoming o f probably 10,000 negroes from the South. A t the first meeting o f this committee, August 3, 1917, the city welfare department an nounced that 61 per cent o f the men in the workhouse at Warrensville were negroes and that o f 100 women 66 were negroes. The normal proportion o f negroes in the workhouse before the migration began was about 10 per cent, he said. This had mounted rapidly in the last year. It was brought out that the cause o f this increase lay in housing congestion, lack o f opportunities for recreation and because negro migrants are ignorant o f the city’s customs, laws and ordinances. A sub committee was therefore appointed to look into this matter, as well as into that o f perils surrounding newly arrived negro girls. A subcommittee was also appointed to study housing congestion and health problems. The secretary o f the Cleveland Real Estate Board reiterated that there were 10,000 houses, renting at $25 and under, needed at the present time for both negro and white residents, and that, owing to labor difficulties and the high price o f building materials, very little had been done to relieve the situation. H e stated that a partial solution 1 Cleveland News, August 11, 1917. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 127 could be found in inducing both negro and white people who could afford to build or buy houses to do so, and thus free more houses for those who can not afford to buy them. It was asserted that unless something should be done before cold weather the housing problem would become acute.1 T o assist in meeting the house shortage a group o f prominent negroes organized “ The Realty Housing and Investment Company.'’ 2 The negro churches and other organizations cooperated in the effort to solve the problem o f caring for the newly arrived negroes. In December, 1917, all the organizations and agencies working to aid the migrants were united in the Negro Welfare Association o f Cleveland.3 William R. Connors, a negro social worker, was employed as executive secretary o f the new organi zation, beginning January 1, and offices were opened in the Phyl lis Wheatley Association Building at East 40th Street and Cen tral Avenue. The budget for the first year was estimated at about $5,000. The organization acted as a clearing house for- all the problems confronting the negro people there and cooperated with other agencies in the following activities: relief work, nursing service, legal aid, employment, promoting thrift, providing recreation through the public schools and otherwise, studying the delin quency problem, caring for discharged prisoners in cooperation with the workhouse and promoting community singing. It in vestigated the social conditions among negroes, with a view to establishing those agencies which are needed, or to point out the needs to the organization already established. It endeavored to educate the negro public to a full appreciation o f the possi1 Cleveland Plain Dealer, August 4, 1917. 2 An advertisement o f this company in the Cleveland Advocate was as follow s: Cleveland is short 10,000 houses: The city on Lake Erie is face to face with the problem o f “ Housing the P eop le!” W e have been on the job day in and day out and are pleased to announce that we have just played a master stroke. You may ask what is it? We will answer. We have just secured the group o f seven apartment houses which are rapidly nearing completion on East 40th Street between Central and Scoville Avenues. Three and four room suites with bath, hot water, electric lights, gas ranges, heating appliances, refrigerators, Murphy in-a-dor beds. Laundry just waiting to be occupied. All for colored people. 8 Cleveland Town Topics, December 22, 1917. 128 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR bilities o f a definite social program and to its responsibility for seeing that it is carried ou t In June, 1916, a call was issued for a statewide conference o f representative white and colored people to be held at the capital o f the State, Columbus, on July 12, 1916, to take steps toward caring for the 100,000 negro migrants believed to have remained in Ohio. Among those who signed the call were J, Walter Wills, President o f Cleveland Association o f Colored Men; Reverend H. C. Bailey, President o f National Associa tion for the Advancement o f Colored People; W . S. Scar borough, President o f Wilberforce University; Charles Johnson, Superintendent o f Champion Chemical Company, Springfield, and Edward T. Banks, member o f Charter Commission, Dayton.1 The mayors o f Ohio cities named delegates to the conference. A t this conference the Ohio Federation for the Uplift o f the Colored People was formed, and an extensive program designed to improve economic and social conditions was outlined. Branches o f the Federation were soon established at Akron, Columbus, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Dayton, Piqua, Steubenville, Youngstown and other points. Reports showing labor, housing, general welfare and health conditions among the negroes throughout the State were com piled and distributed broadcast. It was also decided to send lecturers through Ohio cities to visit negro centers for the purpose o f instilling within the race a desire for better living conditions. A campaign was waged also to bring about greater censorship o f motion pictures. Efforts were made to have the State Council o f National Defense and the State and City Labor Bureaus actively interest themselves in the problem o f negro employment.2 The State o f Ohio also undertook an investigation o f the migration movement. Reports to the Ohio branch, Council o f National Defense, indicated a very serious situation resulting from the exodus o f negroes. An investigation at direction o f Governor Cox was conducted by the Council and State Depart1 Dayton News, July 7, 1917. 2 Cincinnati Enquirer, September 12, 1917 THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 129 ment, to get as much information as possible concerning the unprecedented migration. The first work was a study o f health conditions in several cities by the State Department o f Health, which took immediate steps to correct evils. The negroes who were coming into the State were being crowded into the negro sections o f the various cities in such a way that the health o f these communities in many cases was being seriously threatened. The Council o f National Defense asked the Ohio branch for information on the migration, particularly to learn if it had been artificially stimulated and accelerated by agencies that have paid so many dollars a head for every negro from the South.1 Detroit, because o f its importance as an industrial center, was one o f the places to which the largest number o f migrants to Michigan went. The negro population o f the city in 1910 was 5,741. It is now estimated that the city has between 25,000 and 35,000 blacks, three-fourths or more o f whom have come there during the past two years. As elsewhere, the majority o f the negroes are in unskilled occupations. There is, however, a considerable number o f skilled and semiskilled workers. De troit was formerly a city where the negro was restricted to a very few lines o f work. The wartime pressing needs o f the industrial enterprises have caused the barriers to be removed. The available evidence that Detroit has removed the barriers from the employment o f negroes in many lines is considerable. There were calls for 336 truckers, 160 molders, 109 machinists, 45 core makers and for a number o f other miscellaneous skilled and semiskilled men. Most o f the women were wanted in domestic and personal service in private homes, but 32 calls came from a garment factory, 18 from a cigar factory and 19 for ushers in a theater. Their wages were exceptionally high according to Dr. George E. Haynes’ intensive study o f the returns o f 407 families. One received between $30 and $39 a month; three received between $40 and $49, six received between $60 and $69; 20 received between $70 and $79; 96 received between $80 and $89; 6 re ceived between $90 and $99; 27 received between $100 and $119; 1 Columbus Dispatch, August 1, 1917. 130 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR 21 received between $120 and $129, and 4 received $140 or more a month. There was a man working at $6.30 a day. The number o f days they were employed a month could not be ascertained. There were 161 men whose monthly wages were doubtful or unknown, two men were the owners o f a busi ness and five were unemployed. O f the 45 women who were the heads o f families, 13 were doing day’s work at $2 a day and one at $2.50 a day, but the number o f days they were employed could not be ascertained and so the monthly wages could not be calculated. There were two women earning be tween $40 and $49 a month and three earning between $70 and $79 a month. The monthly wages o f 26 were doubtful or unknown. “ As far as these figures are typical o f the wages o f negro workmen in Detroit,” says Dr. Haynes, “ they show that the prevailing wages o f the men are from about $70 to $119 a month; for, 159 o f the 194 men whose wages were ascertained were receiving wages ranging between these amounts. The prevailing wage for women is about that o f those doing day work, $2 a day.” 1 In Detroit, as in other places, there is conflict o f opinion as to the value o f the negro as a laborer. The survey o f the migrants there showed that there were diverse views about the suitability o f negro labor. Mr. Charles M. Culver, General Manager o f the Detroit Employers Association, thought some employers were highly pleased with negro workmen and some were not. He said: There are two lines o f adverse opinion about the neg'o as a workman; first, nine-tenths o f the complaints o f employers are that he is too slow. He does not make the speed that the routine o f efficient industry demands. He is lacking in the regularity demanded by routine o f industry day by day. Second, the negro has been observed to be disinclined to work outof-doors when the cold weather comes. Employers have discussed this and have not found the negro satisfactory on this point. Unless the negroes overcome this practice employers will turn to other sources o f supply when their present extreme needs are past. Employers must have a labor supply upon which they can depend at all seasons—laborers who will work out-ofdoors winter as well as summer. 1 Haynes, Survey o f the Migrants in Detroit. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE MIDDLE WEST 131 Speaking o f the colored women employed in the manufacture o f garments by the Krolick Company, Mr. Cohen, the super intendent, said his greatest difficulty was in overcoming the timidity o f the girls and in inducing them to believe they can become successful operators and earn good wages. The peculiar situation caused by the sudden increase o f the city’s negro population was met by organized efforts directed, in the main, by the local branch o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, which here also took the lead in helping the migrants adjust themselves.1 Among the important things done by the league were the establishing o f a vocational bureau, a bureau o f investigation and information re garding houses, and a committee on recreation; the inaugurating o f a ten cent “ newcomers ” community dance, which was held every Tuesday evening in a public school in the heart o f the negro district; the development o f athletic features for the im migrants, and the organization o f a branch o f “ Camp Fire Girls.” The league induced one o f the largest foundries to build low-priced homes for its negro employes near the plant. It also somewhat relieved the housing problem by the purchase o f leases from the proprietresses o f a number' o f disorderly houses which were closed by the police. In each case the league persuaded some manufacturer to take over the lease, and in this way a large number o f negro families were accommo dated. It also kept a list o f vacant houses and was surprised to find how many o f them were not listed by commercial real estate agents. The league persuaded the police commissioner to appoint a special officer, selected by the league especially for the new comers. It is his duty to mingle with crowds on the streets where the newcomers congregate and urge them not to make a nuisance o f themselves by blocking sidewalks, boisterous be 1 The Urban League is maintained by the Associated Charities and private individuals to study Detroit’s negro problem and improve the condition o f the city’s negroes. Forrester B. Washington is director in charge o f the league. The organization will aim to direct negro sentiment and support along lines of best interests for Detroit.—Detroit News, November 6, 1916. 132 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR havior and the like. H e was also provided with cards direct ing newcomers to the office o f the league when in need o f em ployment. The league itself kept a close watch on the negro underworld o f Detroit and immediately apprised the police when dives were developed especially to prey on the immigrant. The Board o f Commerce cooperated in a movement for the investigation and improvement o f working conditions o f negro employes in the various manufacturing plants in Detroit. The Board o f Health gave considerable assistance in obtaining better and more sanitary housing conditions. The aid o f several mothers’ clubs among the colored women was enlisted to instruct immigrant mothers in the proper diet and clothing for children in a northern climate. From the outset, the aim was not only to put each migrant in a decent home but also to connect him with some church. Many times the churches reciprocated with considerable material as well as spiritual assistance. Valued cooperation was given by the Young Negroes’ Progres sive Association, a body o f thirty-four young colored men, most o f whom attended the various schools and colleges about Detroit. They have been the finest possible agents in the de velopment o f all the different activities. In the adjustment o f the negro, a definite place must be given to the development o f industrial efficiency. In pursuance o f this object the league, with the assistance o f the Progressive Association, carried on a movement.1 Representatives o f the two organizations visit the various factories where large numbers o f negroes are em ployed and talk to them during the noon hour on the necessity o f creating the best possible impression at the present time so •Tw o surveys o f the migrants in Detroit were made. One was under the auspices o f the negro committee o f the Home Missions’ Council o f the Churches o f Christ in America and was published under the title, “ Negro Newcomers in Detroit.” This survey investigated industrial opportunities, housing and recreation facilities, and the work which the churches were doing and should do for Detroit’s newcomers. The Church Extension Committee o f the Detroit Presbytery made a survey o f the negro problem in Detroit. This survey showed that the negro popula tion o f the city has grown from 5,000 in 1910 to 21,000 in 1917. The negro churches o f the city are utterly inadequate to take care o f the religious needs o f the race here, it was shown. T H E SITUATION AT POINTS IN TH E MIDDLE WEST 133 that they may be certain o f retaining their jobs in the future. At the same time, the speakers circulate these cards: W H Y HE FAILED He He He He He He He He watched the clock. was always behindhand. asked too many questions. wasn’t ready for the next step. did not put his heart in his work. learned nothing from his blunders. was contented to be a second-rater. didn’t learn that the best part o f his salary was not in his pay envelope. —Success, C H A P T E R X II The Situation at Points in the East N o less conspicuous as attractions to the negroes o f the South were the various industries o f the State o f Pennsylvania. Although not so closely connected with the Black Belt o f the South as are so many o f the industrial centers o f the West, Pennsylvania nevertheless was sought by many o f these migrants because o f the long accepted theory that this commonwealth maintains a favorable attitude toward persons o f color. It drew upon this population too because o f the very urgent need for workers in its numerous industries during the labor crisis result ing from the falling off o f the foreign immigration. When, moreover, manufacturing establishments o f the State multiplied as elsewhere because o f the demand for the manufacture o f munitions o f war, this need became more urgent than ever. According to the census o f 1910, the State o f Pennsylvania had 193,919 inhabitants o f negro blood, 84,459 o f whom lived in the city o f Philadelphia. During the recent rush to that commonwealth, however, investigators are now o f the opinion that the negro population o f that State is hardly less than 300,000. These migrants were, o f course, not all settled in the city o f Philadelphia. Here we see another example o f a rerouting point, a place where the migration broke bulk, scat tering itself into the various industrial communities desiring labor. Among the other cities and towns receiving this popu lation were practically all o f those within a radius o f about one hundred miles o f Philadelphia, such as Lancaster, Pottsville, York, Altoona, Harrisburg and certain other towns lying without the State, as in the case o f Wilmington, Delaware, i site o f a large munitions plant. In some cases the negro pop ulation in these towns increased more than 100 per cent in a few days. 134 THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE EAST 135 The chief factors in the bringing in o f these negroes from the South were the leading railroads like the Erie and Pennsyl vania. During the shortage o f labor, these corporations found it impossible to keep their systems in repair. In this situation, they, like the smaller concerns further west, sent labor agents to the South to induce negroes to supply this demand. Un fortunately, however, so many 'o f the negroes who had their transportation paid by these firms counted it more profitable to leave their employ immediately after arriving, because o f the unusually high wages offered by smaller industries in just as urgent need o f labor. Instead o f supplying their own de mand, therefore, the railroads were benefiting their neigh bors. A better idea as to the extent o f the congestion made possible by this influx o f newcomers may be obtained from the comments o f observers in that section. Traveling men tell us o f the crowded houses and congested streets which marked the places wherever these migrants stopped. Housing facilities being in adequate, temporary structures were quickly built and when these did not suffice, in the case o f railroads, ordinary tents and box cars were used to shelter the new laborers. Owing to these unsatisfactory conditions and the inability o f employers to ameliorate them, the migration was to some extent discour aged, and in a few cases a number o f the migrants returned to their homes in the South, so that the number that actually came into the State is much less than it would have been, had it been possible to receive and adequately accommodate the negroes in their new homes. In Philadelphia the situation at first became unusually critical. Being closer to the Southland than most o f the large cities of. the country, the people o f Philadelphia are much more preju diced against the negro than those in some other-northern cities. It was necessary, therefore, upon their arrival in that city for them to crowd into the district largely restricted to negroes, giving rise to such unhappy conditions as to jeopardize the peace and health o f the community. Numbers o f these migrants died from exposure during the first winter, and others who died 136 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR because o f their inability to stand the northern climate made the situation seem unusually alarming. It was necessary, there fore, to organize social workers to minister to the peculiar needs o f these newcomers. Appeals were made in their behalf and a number o f prominent citizens felt that it was necessary to urge them to remain in the South. The solution o f this problem was rendered a little more difficult for the reason that here, as in many other centers in the North, the newcomers were not welcomed by their own race. Philadelphia had for years been pointed to as having a respectable, thrifty and prosperous colored population, enjoying the good will and the cooperation o f the best white people in the community. These northern negroes felt then that the com ing o f their brethren in the rough did them a decided injury in giving rise to a race problem in a northern community where it had not before figured. This unusual influx o f other members o f the race greatly stimulated that tendency to segregate negro children in the schools, to the deep regret o f the older citizens o f Philadelphia. Other social privileges as in theaters, churches and the like, formerly allowed the negro citizens o f that city, tended gradually to be withdrawn. The negro migrants were not altogether innocent. Many o f them used their liberty in their northern home as a stum bling block. Receiving there such high wages which they could not judiciously spend, the unwise o f their group used this un usually large income to their own detriment and to that o f the community. It was indeed difficult to restrain a poor man who never had had a few dollars, when just arrived from a section o f the country where he had not only been poor but restricted even in expending what income he received. Many o f them received $6, $7 and in a few cases $8 to $10 a day. They frequented saloons and dens o f vice, thereby increas ing the number o f police court cases and greatly staining the record o f the negroes in that city. A number o f fracases, there fore, broke out from time to time, growing in intensity in keeping with the condition to which the community, unaccus tomed to negro neighbors, saw fit to manifest its displeasure. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE EAST 137 This finally culminated in the recent riots in Philadelphia in which a number o f blacks and whites were killed. Feeling that they did not have the support o f the officers o f the law, the negroes o f the city organized a Colored Pro tective Association and raised a fund for the prosecution o f policemen and others who might aid mobs. The method o f strengthening itself is to organize the churches o f the city with a view to securing the cooperation o f every negro there. T o advance this work, a large sum has been raised. Other efforts o f this sort in behalf o f the negroes in Philadelphia have been made by the National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People and the Armstrong Association in cooperation with the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. Social workers in general soon found it necessary to address themselves to the task o f readjusting these migrants.1 The Philadelphia Academy o f Medicine, composed o f negro physi cians, dentists and druggists, put into effect measures calculated to meet requirements for housing, sanitation, medical attention and education. Systematic medical inspections were given, and projects for the erection o f houses and the adaptation o f ex isting buildings for lodgings are under way. Eighty negro physicians o f the city collected information which took the form o f a weekly report o f the Bureau o f Health. Real estate dealers were asked to submit lists o f every house immediately available for the relief o f the overcrowded buildings then occu pied by the negroes and to provide hundreds o f new ones, cheaply but substantially constructed. Stereopticon lectures and talks were given on an increasing scale in all the negro churches telling the new arrivals how to care for themselves in the Phil adelphia climate, how to avoid colds, which lead to pneumonia and tuberculosis, the two most common diseases among them, and other useful information in general. The Interdenominational Ministerial Union o f Philadelphia, embracing all the negro ministers o f the city, drew up certain resolutions setting forth their views relative to the migration and making some suggestions concerning the situation in Phila1 The Philadelphia North American, February 2, 1917. 138 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR delphia. They pledged themselves to look after the comfort o f the migrants in every way possible, urged them to join the churches and other organizations for improvement, and send their children to the schools, and to utilize the libraries, night schools and other agencies o f culture which were denied them in the South. These ministers urged them also to work regu larly, and give their best services to their employers regardless o f pay, remembering always that the race is on trial in them; that they ‘save their money, and purchase homes and become a part o f the substantial citizenry as soon as possible.1 A Negro Migration Committee was formed, composed o f eight workers from social agencies and charitable societies, to provide suitable housing for negro families arriving in this city and to aid them in getting work. Each member o f the com mittee is to work through the organization he represents and be responsible ,for one specific phase o f the problem.* Notwithstanding the efforts that were made to improve the housing conditions, the situation in this respect continued to grow worse. In December o f 1917, representatives o f the vari ous social agencies and o f the corporations employing large numbers o f negroes met in a conference on the housing situation. “ All the questions involved in the reasons for the colored people coming north and the problem o f housing and caring for them were seriously discussed.” Some representatives o f the corporations asserted that the men were not reliable and dependable, going from place to place and only working a few days in each week. The social service workers stated that the reason for this is that there are not a sufficient number o f houses in which to take care o f the men and their families, and that the districts in which they lived were shamefully crowded. According to these workers the only way in which ffie men can be made satisfied is by providing more homes for them in sanitary and wholesome quarters. After thoroughly considering the problem a per manent committee was appointed to deal with the problem in all its aspects.1 One o f the most effective agencies for dealing with the situa tion created by thousands o f negroes migrating north was the1 2 1 Resolutions o f the Interdenominational Union. 2 Philadelphia Inquirer, March 2, 1917. 8 The Living Church, December 22, 1917. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE EAST 139 Armstrong Association. This association gave special atten tion to stabilizing negro labor and to improving the housing conditions. The association brought before several corporations conditions o f housing and recreation which would enable them to retain their workers. They provided a negro welfare worker for the American International Shipbuilding Company, to attend to the stabilizing o f negro labor. The association is perfecting plans for better housing o f negro workers and the providing o f recreation centers, such as are now enjoyed in virtually every city by the white workers. The association obtained the coopera tion o f a number o f large industrial firms and corporations in this city, to aid it in the employment o f competent negro welfare workers to help adjust existing conditions, making for greater efficiency and reliability among the negro race. The demand for labor by the many industrial plants located in New Jersey caused that State to get a very large proportion o f the negro migrants and as a result to have, in acute form, the problem o f housing conditions and the other problems in cident to a large number o f migrants being within her borders. T o assist in caring for the situation a Negro Welfare League was organized with branches at various points in the State. Writing on the situation in New Jersey, a contributor o f The Survey, for February 17, 1917, states: The native negro residents o f the city and suburban towns have been kind and generous in helping the southern stranger. They have collected money to send numbers back home, and when the bitter cold weather began they collected and distributed thousands o f garments. Resident negroes have also taken hundreds o f newcomers into their own homes until rooms could be found for them. But, while different churches and kind hearted people had been most active in helping individually, there was no concerted move ment to bring all these forces together until the organization o f the Negro Welfare League o f New Jersey. Industries o f New Jersey have utterly failed to provide the housing which would enable their negro help to live decently and in enough comfort so that while growing accustomed to their unusual work, they might be stimulated to become useful and efficient. In the last two weeks the Negro Welfare Committee, with the help o f an investigation o f 120 self-supporting families, all o f whom were found in the worst sections o f the city, showed that 166 adults—only twenty o f whom are over forty years o f age—and 134 children, a total o f 300 souls, are all crowded into insanitary dark quarters, averaging four and two- 140 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR sevenths persons to a room. These fifty-three families paid a total rent per month o f $415.50, an average o f $7.66. The average wage o f these people is $2.60 a day. In not one o f the 120 families was there a wage earner making the maximum wage o f $3 and $4 a day. Some o f the reports in brief were: “ W ife and children living over a stable. Husband earning $11 a week.” Three families in four rooms, “ a little house not fit for a chicken coop.” “ A sorry looking house for so much money, $15 a month; doors off the hinges, water in the cellar, two families in five rooms.” “ Indescrib able ; so dark they must keep the light burning all day.” “ T his family lives in three rooms on the second floor o f a rickety frame house, built on the side of a hill, so that the back rooms are just above the ground. The entrance is in a muddy, disorderly yard and is through a tunnel in the house. The rooms are hard to heat because o f cracks. A boy o f eighteen was in bed breathing heavily, very ill with pneumonia, delirious at times.” Unused to city life, crowded into dark rooms, their clothing and household utensils unsuitable, the stoves they have brought being all too small to heat even the tiny rooms they have procured (the instalment houses are charging from $20 to $30 for these stoves), shivering with the cold from which they do not know how to protect themselves, it is small wonder that illness has overtaken large numbers.1 Newark, New Jersey, was one o f the places to which the migrants first came in large numbers. William H. Maxwell, , President o f the Negro Forward Movement, o f that city, issued an appeal for the protection from the unscrupulous o f southern negroes migrating to Newark. He declared that they were being made to work for lower wages than they had been promised and that storekeepers and dealers were charging them high prices for worthless goods. The Newark Presbytery took up the matter o f proper housing and clothing o f the migrants who were unaccustomed to the rigors o f a northern climate. On September 23, 1917, a State conference o f negroes was held in Newark to devise ways and means to cooperate with the State authorities in looking after the welfare o f migrants. Soon after this conference, it was decided to establish a State bureau, “ for the welfare and employment o f the colored citi zens in the State and particularly to look after the housing, employment and education o f the citizens migrating from the South.” On October 12, Governor Edge had a number o f social workers among the negroes to meet him, “ to discuss the several perplexing and grave economic, industrial and social 1 Cotton Pickers in Northern Cities, The Survey, February 17, 1917. THE SITUATION AT POINTS IN THE EAST 141 problems arising from the steady influx o f the negro migrants from the South.” The conference was held in the Assembly room at the State House. Col. Lewis T. Bryant, Commissioner o f Labor, presided. After many reports and discussions o f work accomplished in various parts o f the State, the body voted to accept the proposed Negro Welfare Bureau, under the De partment o f Labor. A fund o f $7,500 is available for the com ing year’s maintenance and work. The scope o f this bureau’s work was employment, housing, social welfare and readjustment, education and legal fairness. This bureau acted as a welfare clearing house for all social agencies working for the betterment o f the colored people. A t the next session o f the legislature, a bill was passed, February, 1918, establishing in the Department o f Labor the Negro Welfare Employment Bureau. According to a report o f the work o f the Negro Welfare Bureau made public in April, 1918, considerable progress in the work o f improving both the migrating negroes to New Jersey from the South as well as the members o f the race generally who have been in this State for some time has been made. With the possible exception o f Salem and Hudson counties, the sheriffs o f the State report no in crease o f criminality from the migration o f negroes from the South. At Pennsgrove in Salem county, where the Du Pont powder plants are located, Sheriff William T. Eiffin reports that considering the increase in population there has been an increase in crime in that county, but that the situation is well in hand and diminishing to normal.1 Hartford was one o f the industrial centers to which large numbers o f the migrating negroes went. The housing problem became acute and the chief efforts o f those endeavoring to better the conditions of migrants was along this line. Religious, civic and commercial bodies gave attention to the amelioration o f this problem.1 The problem o f housing negroes who were 2 coming in greater numbers each year to Hartford was taken up briefly by speakers at the 128th annual meeting o f the Hart 1 The Courier (Camden, N. J.), April 30, 1918. 2 The Hartford Courant, September 19, 1917. 142 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR ford Baptist Association at the Shiloh Baptist Church. It was decided to bring the housing problem before the attention o f the Chamber o f Commerce, which, it was said, some time before had appointed a committee to investigate it. Negroes complained that they were obliged to pay higher rent than white folks and that they were obliged by landlords to live together in cramped quarters that were, by reason o f the crowding, insanitary. They said also that the living o f several families almost as one family leads to a breaking down o f the moral and religious ideals.1 Conditions in Hartford resulting from the bringing o f more than 2,500 negroes from the South were discussed at the fall meeting o f the Confidential Exchange with a view to preparing for these new arrivals. A t the June, 1917, meeting o f the Chamber o f Commerce, a committee was appointed from that body to investigate hous ing conditions and to cooperate with other agencies in improv ing them. The committee met frequently through the summer with the housing committee o f the Civic Club, in an endeavor to ascertain the facts bearing upon the present situation. It had before it leading colored citizens, ministers, business men and industrial workers, some o f whom have lived here for years and others who have recently arrived from the South. It was discovered that there was, at that time, plenty o f work and at good wages, but the universal complaint was the lack o f homes suitable for proper living and the extortionate prices asked for rents. Negroes in Hartford were suffering from the cupidity o f landlords. They were obliged to live in poor tenements and under unhealthful conditions because accommodations o f another class were withheld from them. For such inferior accommodations they were charged outrageous rents, because selfish property owners knowing that negroes must live charged all the traffic would bear. Partial relief was obtained from the immediate need by the purchase o f buildings already erected, and homes for them were later built. It appeared that for the first time in many years Hartford had a race problem on its hands. 1 The Hartford Post, October 9, 1917. C H A P T E R X III Remedies for Relief by National Organizations The sudden influx o f thousands o f negro workers to northern industrial centers created and intensified problems. More com prehensive and definite plans for aiding the migrants were, therefore, worked out and more effective methods o f help insti tuted during 1917. A conference on negro migration was held in New York City under the auspices o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, January 29-31, 1918. Among those attending the conference were representatives o f capital, o f labor, o f housing conditions, the Immigration Bu reau o f Social Uplift W ork for Negroes and others. The subjects considered were causes and consequences o f the migra tion, present conditions o f those migrating and what is to be done to aid in the negroes’ adjustment to their new environ ment. The conference was o f the impression that negroes, then migrating to the North in unprecedented numbers, were pre paring to come in larger numbers in the spring. It, therefore, recommended that wherever possible, whether in the city or rural community, organizations be formed to foster good feeling between the two races, to study the health, school and work needs o f the negro population, to develop agencies and stimu late activities to meet those needs, by training and health pro tection to increase the industrial efficiency o f negroes and to encourage a fairer attitude toward negro labor, especially in regard to hours, conditions and regularity o f work and stand ard o f wages, and to increase the respect for law and the orderly administration o f justice. It further recommended that similar organizations be formed or existing organizations urged to take action which, in addition to the purposes already mentioned, 143 144 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR should seek to instruct the negro migrants as to the dress, habits and methods o f living necessary to withstand the rigors o f the northern climate; as to efficiency, regularity and application de manded o f workers in the North; as to the danger o f dealing or going with unscrupulous or vicious persons and o f frequent ing questionable resorts; as to the opportunities offered by the towns and cities o f the North in schools, hospitals, police pro tection and employment, and as to facilities offered by the church, Y . M. C. A. and other organizations. The various religious denominations among negroes were profoundly affected by the migration movement. The sudden moving o f thousands o f communicants from one section o f the country to the other caused many churches in the South to become disorganized and in some instances to be broken up. In the North the facilities o f particular denominations were in adequate to accommodate the new communicants who would w or ship in the church o f their particular faith. In some instances, it was necessary to hold double services in order that all who wished to attend the services might be accommodated. A writer in the Southwestern Christian Advocate, the organ o f the negro members o f the Methodist Episcopal Church, said: “ The move ment o f the negroes by the thousands from the South to the North raises a many sided question. The missionary view is the logical view for the church, and that side o f the question falls logically upon her hands for solution.” 1 The Boards o f Missions o f white denominations carrying on work among negroes made studies o f the migration move ment. Dr. Gilbert N. Brink, Secretary for Education o f the American Baptist Home Mission Society, issued a pamphlet on “ Negro Migration, What does it Mean? ” 1 “ The Invasion 2 from Dixie ” was the title o f a circular issued on the migration by the Board o f Home Missions and Church Extension o f the Methodist Episcopal Church. In this circular two questions were asked with reference to the migrants. “ What are you going to do for them ? ” and “ How may we best serve this 1 Southwestern Christian Advocate, New Orleans, La. 2 Ibid. REMEDIES FOR RELIEF BY NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS most pressing need o f the present time? ” said: 145 The circular further The problem as seen from the viewpoint o f the Methodist Episcopal Church is twofold. First, somehow to conserve the work we have already done in the South where the migration is leaving. Second, to provide religious opportunities for those people who have come from our own churches o f the South as well as those unreached by church influences, so that at the beginning o f their new life in the North they may all have the influence o f the Church o f Jesus Christ to shape and mold their future. The Home Missions Council, which is composed o f repre sentatives from the boards doing missionary work in the United States, through its committee on negro work had a survey made o f the migrants in Detroit. The results o f this survey were published under the title “ Negro Newcomers in Detroit.” Detroit was selected because o f the large numbers o f negroes, who had been attracted to that city, and also because it was be lieved that the conditions in Detroit, although changing, were sufficiently typical o f other northern industrial centers as to give a fairly accurate understanding o f this modern phase o f the negro problem, which might have acute and serious aspects if not speedily cared for by an enlightened judgment, and the quickened conscience o f the Christian church. The African Methodist Episcopal Church through its annual conferences, its Bishops’ Council and its Missionary Depart ment, undertook to meet the migration situation as it affected and imposed duties on that denomination. The Bishops’ Coun cil recommended to all the departments o f the church that, to meet the needs o f the church as to the expenditure o f money in the home field o f the North and Northwest for the benefit o f “ our migrating people,” that they should do the best they could, “ in assisting in the establishment o f missions and church houses for our beloved people, consistent with their obligations already provided for by law and by the action o f the Missionary Board.” 1 A circular containing the following questions was sent out to the A. M. E. churches throughout the North. 1 Report o f Bishop’s Council, A.M.E. Church, 1917. 146 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR How many persons, to your knowledge, have come from the South into your vicinity during the past year? In what sections o f your city are they located? T o what extent are they African Methodists? From what section o f the South have they come? What reasons do they give for coming to the North? T o what extent have they found employment? At what, and what is the average wage paid? Have you a Lookout Committee in your church to seek these people? If not, what organized effort is being put forth to church them? Has any special mission work been started among or for our southern brethren, in your vicinity? I f so, what and where? What number o f people from the South have united with your church during the past year? How do they affiliate with your people? What is the attitude o f your members toward them? So far as you have seen, is the better plan, where the numbers warrant it, to establish a distinct mission for them or bring them into the already established churches? Bishop R. A. Carter, o f the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, after an extended trip north in the interest o f the work o f his denomination for the migrants, published in the official organ o f his church a description o f the situation as he found it, and what the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church should do to assist in meeting the needs o f the situation. He said: I have just returned from an extended trip through the great Northwest, having visited St. Louis, Chicago, Gary, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Clarksburg and West Virginia . . . Heretofore the few church houses in those cities have been sufficient for the colored people who were there. Since the migration o f our people in such great numbers, the church facilities are alarmingly inadequate. It is necessary to hold two services at the same time in many churches and then hundreds are turned away for lack o f room. It is pathetic to have to tell people who attend one service not to return to the next so that a new crowd may be accommodated. Yet that is just what must be done in many instances up that way now. There must be more churches established in all the large cities o f the North and East and Northwest for our people or serious results will obtain in the future. He considered the opportunity and duty o f the C. M. E. Church as great and urgent. He recommended the purchase o f vacant white churches offered for sale and the transfer o f REMEDIES FOR RELIEF BY NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 147 some o f the best pastors. He urged that there be launched a movement for a great centenary rally for $500,000 with which to take advantage o f the great opportunity which con fronted the race in the North. Before the migration movement the* strength o f the negroes in labor unions was largely in the South. In this section they were found in considerable numbers in the carpenters, brick layers, plasterers, longshoremen and miners unions. In the North, however, they were not generally connected with the unions mainly for the reason that, excepting the hod carriers, teamsters, asphalt and cement workers and a few other organi zations o f unskilled laborers, they were not found in any occu pation in sufficient numbers to necessitate being seriously con sidered by organized labor. The necessities o f the industrial situation created by the war, however, brought thousands o f negroes north and into trades and occupations in which hitherto they had not been found at all or only in negligible numbers. A change in attitude, therefore, was necessary. A t the 1910 annual meeting o f the National Council o f the American Fed eration o f Labor a resolution was unanimously passed inviting negroes and all other races into the Labor Federation. The officers o f the Federation were instructed to take measures to see that negro workmen as well as workmen o f other races be brought into the union. In 1913 this action was reaffirmed with the assertion that Many years ago the American Federation o f Labor declared for the thorough organization o f all working people without regard to sex, religion, race, politics or nationality; that many organizations affiliated with the Ameri can Federation o f Labor have within their membership negro workmen with all other workers o f their trade, and the American Federation o f Labor has made and is making every effort within its power for the organization o f these workmen.1 A t its 1916 annual convention held in November at Balti more, the American Federation o f Labor considered the ques tion o f negro migration. The question was brought formally 1 Report o f Proceedings, American Federation o f Labor, annual session, 1913. 148 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR before the convention by the Ohio State Federation o f Labor and the Cleveland Federation o f Labor reciting that: “ The investigation o f such emigration and impovtation o f negroes in the State o f Ohio had demonstrated to the satisfaction o f labor leaders in that State that they were being brought north for the purpose o f filling the places o f union men demanding better conditions, as in the case o f freight handlers.” Believing that “ the conditions that prevailed in Ohio might apply in all north ern States,” the president and Executive Council o f the Fed eration were instructed to begin a movement looking towards the organization o f negroes in the southern States.” 1 A t the 1917 convention o f the American Federation o f Labor held at Buffalo, New York, the question o f negro labor was again considered. It was observed that the colored laborers and helpers throughout the southeastern district were not as familiar with the labor movement as they should be, especially upon the different railroads o f the southeastern territory; and that there were fifteen different railroads in the district for which there were only four colored locals. Feeling that a negro organizer, because o f his racial and social relations among his people, could accomplish much in organizing the forces into unions, the National Convention appointed a negro railroad man as organizer for the territory as above mentioned. An other set o f resolutions, relating to the general condition o f negroes in the United States, making suggestions to secure the cooperation o f the American people and the national govern ment in an endeavor to have the nations participating in the coming world peace conference agree upon a plan to turn over the African continent or parts thereof to the African race and those descendants o f said race who live in America and desire to return to Africa, and thus enable the black race to work out its own destiny on an equality with other peoples o f the earth, was referred to a committee. The report was, “ Y our committee can not be responsible for and rejects the statements contained in the resolution, but, inasmuch as por1 Report o f Proceedings, American Federation o f Labor, annual session, 1916. REMEDIES FOR RELIEF BY NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 149 tions o f it refer to the organization o f negro workers, the com mittee recommends that that portion be referred to the Executive Council.” 1 At the annual meeting o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, held in New York City, January 29-31, 1918, resolutions relating to labor unions and the negroes were adopted and a committee was appointed to place the reso lutions before the executive committee o f the American Fed eration of Labor. The resolutions adopted were as follows: For the first time in the history o f America, the negro working man is in large numbers getting a chance to offer his service at a fair wage for various kinds o f work for which he is fitted. This opportunity, however, has come as a result of conditions over which neither he, nor those offering him the chance, have control. In the city of New York, on the 31st day o f January, 1918, we in con ference assembled under the auspices o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, while in no way seeking to condone the existence o f the worldwide war which has been forced upon our beloved country, wish to express our gratitude for the industrial changes wrought and to record our prayer that the benefits thus far derived by the negro may continue and so enlarge as to embrace full and fair opportunity in all the walks o f life. I. We wish especially to address ourselves to the American Federation o f Labor which at its recent convention in Buffalo, New York, voiced sound democratic principles in its attitude toward negro labor. W e would ask the American Federation o f Labor, in organizing negroes in the various trades, to include: ( 1) skilled as well as unskilled workmen, (2) northern as well as southern workmen, (3) government as well as civilian employes, (4) women as well as men workers. W e would have negro labor handled by the American Federation o f Labor in the same manner as white labor; ( 1) when workmen are returning to work after a successful strike; ( 2 ) when shops are declared “ open ” or “ closed” ; ( 3 ) when union workers apply for jobs. W e would have these assurances pledged not with word only, but by deeds—pledged by an increasing number o f examples o f groups o f negro workmen given a “ square deal.” With these accomplished, we pledge ourselves to urge negro working men to seek the advantages o f sympathetic cooperation and understanding be tween men who work. II. We would also address ourselves to the Labor Bureau o f the United States Government. In our national effort to speed up production o f articles essential to the 1 Report o f Proceedings, American Federation o f Labor, annual session, 1917. 150 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR conduct o f the war as well as the production o f other goods, let us not lose sight o f our duty to our country in quantity production by an unreasonable prejudice in many quarters against the use o f negro labor. Negro workmen are loyal and patriotic, cheerful and versatile. In some sections there is an oversupply o f such labor; in other sections a shortage. W e would urge the appointment o f one or two competent negroes in the Department o f Labor to serve as assistants in each o f the bureaus in distributing negro labor to meet war and peace needs. III. W e would urge negro workmen to remain cheerful and hopeful in w ork; to be persevering in their efforts to improve in regularity, punctuality and efficiency, and to be quick to grasp all opportunities for training both themselves and their children. Success lies in these directions. IV. W e would impress upon employers the fact that the efficiency o f their employes during work hours depends very largely on the use made o f the non-working hours. Most o f the complaints against negro labor can be removed if proper housing, decent amusement, fair wages and proper treat ment are provided.1 These resolutions were presented to the executive officers o f the American Federation o f Labor on February 12, 1918, by a committee composed o f E. K. Jones, Director o f National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, Robert R. M oton, Principal o f Tuskegee Institute, Archibald H. Grimke, Thomas Jesse Jones, specialist in the United States Bureau o f Education, J. R. Shillady, Secretary o f the National Associa tion for the Advancement o f Colored People, Fred R. Moore, editor o f the New York Age, George W . Harris, editor o f the New York News, and Emmett J. Scott, special assistant to the Secretary o f War. The committee requested o f the Executive Council that a committee be appointed by the American Fed eration o f Labor to confer with a committee representing the interests o f the negroes. This request was granted. A t the American Federation o f Labor annual convention held at St. Paul, Minnesota, in June, 1918, the problem o f negro workers and organized labor again received considerable attention. B. S. Lancaster, a negro delegate to the convention from Mobile, Alabama, offered a resolution asking for the appointment o f a negro to organize negroes not now affiliated with unions in the shipbuilding trades. Another resolution 1 Minutes o f Session, National League on Urban Conditions, January 29-31, REMEDIES FOR RELIEF BY NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 151 was to the effect that negro porters, cooks, waiters and wait resses, section hands and all negro railway employes to be organized. The press reports o f the convention under date o f June 12, said: Dr. R. R. Moton, Principal o f the Tuskegee Institute, and J. R. Shillady, o f the National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People, .are authors o f a communication asking for closer cooperation between white and colored workers. They ask that Mr. Gompers prepare a statement on his stand toward negro labor, and charge that some unions discriminate against colored workers. They urge consideration o f revision o f union charters to permit negroes to become members. The communication was referred.1 These efforts were not without some result, for sentiment began to change. In its August, 1918, issue the editor o f the Labor News o f Detroit, Michigan, said: The time has arrived for the American labor movement to face squarely the fact that the negro is a big factor in our industrial life, and that he must be taken into account in the adjustment o f our economic differences. Never again can the negro be ignored. Time and time again the selfish masters o f industry have used him to batter your organizations to pieces, and, in stead o f trying to win him over, you have savagely fought him, because they used him as a strikebreaker. But the negro must be made to see the value o f organization to himself, and he must be incorporated into and made a part o f the great labor movement. It is a stupid policy to try to keep him out. Let us work to shift him from his present unhappy position, where he is despised by the big business element, notwithstanding his utility as a strikebreaker, and hated by unionists for his loyalty to the open shop element. Unionism must welcome the negro to its ranks. 1 Report o f M. N. W ork on migration to the North. C H A P TE R X IV Public Opinion Regarding the Migration It was to be expected that a movement which so profoundly affected the social and economic life o f the South would be widely discussed, and that the resulting discussions, wherein were set forth at length the views o f whites and negroes, would throw much light upon the conditions existing prior to the movement. H ow the South viewed this taking away o f a large part o f her labor supply was stated in letters to the newspapers and in newspaper editorials. There were two views as to the effect o f the migration on the South. One view held that the movement would benefit the South in that the negro population would be more evenly distributed over the entire country and as a result the race problem would be more truly national. The other view was that negro labor was a necessity for the South, and the drawing o f a considerable part o f this labor north was seriously detrimental to the South’s economic interests. The following are examples o f expressions by those holding the view that the migration would benefit the South: The New Orleans Times Picayune said: Despite the attitude o f certain extreme papers o f the North that there was a broad conspiracy existing here to prevent the negroes from leaving, the records show that many southern papers and people welcomed the movement, believing that it would have a beneficial effect on the South by removing the negro majorities in many districts and in at least two States, South Carolina and Mississippi. The problems o f negro majorities is rapidly working itself out. Louisiana, a State in which the negro was more numerous a few decades ago, is white today by several hundred thousand, and will have a million more whites by the next census. South Carolina and Mississippi expect to report white majorities in the next ten years as they are drifting rapidly in that direction, and negro emigration will help this condition along. During the first months o f this negro movement northward, a number o f South Carolina papers, led by the Columbia Slate, instead o f expressing 152 PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 153 apprehension over these departures, showed satisfaction that the State was getting rid o f its excess of negroes. At the Southern Commercial Congress in a session at Norfolk, Judge Francis D. Winston, o f North Carolina, ex pressed this same view o f the situation in a resolution which declares that: “ The complete industrial, intellectual and social development o f the south ern States can be secured only when the negro becomes a part o f the citizenship o f our sister States, and that we will encourage all movements tending to an equitable distribution o f our negro population among the other States o f the Union. It is not likely that there will be any serious objection to a declaration o f this kind in favor o f the more equitable distribution o f the negroes through out the country as the question involved can then be better handled. No encouragement to the negroes to leave the South will be held out, but there will be no effort made to keep the negroes from going beyond explaining the situation to them.1 A' comment o f the Nashville Banner w as: From a logical point o f view that looks beyond immediate emergencies, the southern whites should encourage negro emigration to the North, not for the cynical motives that impelled the late Hon. Jeff Davis while Gov ernor o f Arkansas to pardon negro convicts on condition that they go to Massachusetts to live, but to relieve the South o f the entire burden and all the brunt of the race problem, and make room for and to create greater inducements for white immigration that the South very much needs. Some thousands o f negroes going north every year and a corresponding number of whites coming south would affect a distribution o f the races that would be in many ways beneficial and that at the very least would take away from the race problem all sectional aspects, which is and has always been the chief cause o f sectional ill feeling. And it would in the end give the South a homogeneous citizenship. The Vicksburg Herald 1 was o f the opinion that: 2 Adjustments and compensation will, we have faith, come. The northern drift as it continues, and carries thousands with it, will lower negro con gestion in certain sections o f the South. Such a change, restrained and graduated against violent progression, promises ultimate benefit. In the South, the effect o f losing thousands o f negroes from lands in southern Mississippi is already . . . producing a wholesome farm diversification and economic stimulation. Then, too, a more equitable distribution o f the sons o f Ham will teach the Caucasians o f the northern States that wherever there is a negro infusion, there will be a race problem—a white man's burden— which they are destined to share. 1 New Orleans Times Picayune, December 15, 1916. 2 August 19, 1916. 154 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Among those holding the view that the South needed the negro was the Memphis Commercial Appeal.1 Concerning this an editorial in this paper said that not only does the South need the negro, but that he should be encouraged to stay. The enormous demand for labor and the changing conditions brought about by the boll weevil in certain parts o f the South have caused an exodus of negroes which may be serious. Great colonies of negroes have gone north to work in factories, in packing houses and on the railroads. Some o f our friends think that these negroes are being taken north for the purpose o f voting them in November. Such is not the case. The restriction o f immigration because o f the European war and the tremendous manufacturing and industrial activity in the North have resulted in a scarcity o f labor. The negro is a good track hand. He is also a good man around packing houses, and in certain elementary trades he is useful. The South needs every able-bodied negro that is now south o f the line, and every negro who remains south o f the line will in the end do better than he will do in the North. The negro has been a tremendous factor in the development o f agricul ture and all the commerce o f the South. But in the meantime, if we are to keep him here, and if we are to have the best use o f his business capacity, there is a certain duty that the white man himself must discharge in his relation to the negro. The business o f lynching negroes is bad, and we believe it is declining, but the worst thing is that the wrong negro is often lynched. The negro should be protected in all his legal rights. Furthermore, in some com munities, some white people make money at the expense o f the negro's lack o f intelligence. Unfair dealing with the negro is not a custom in the South. It is not the rule, but here and there the taking o f enormous profits from the labor of the negro is known to exist. It should be so arranged that the negro in the city does not have to raise his children in the alleys and in the streets. Liquor in the cities has been a great curse to negroes. Millions o f dollars have been made by no account white people selling no account liquor to negroes and thus making a whole lot o f negroes no account. Happily this business is being extinguished. The negroes who are in the South should be encouraged to remain there, and those white people who are in the boll weevil territory should make every sacrifice to keep their negro labor until there can be adjust ments to the new and quickly prosperous conditions that will later exist. Among those holding the same view that the South needed the negro was the Georgia Enquirer Sun o f Columbus, Georgia.1 2 1 October 5, 1916. 2 December 2, 1916. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 155 An editorial in this paper said that not only does the South need the negro but that he should be encouraged to stay. The Enquirer Sun further emphasized the fact that the South needs the negro: With the certainty that a number will differ with us, we state that the negro is an economic necessity to the South. Our plantations are large, our climate is peculiar, and we ourselves are not accustomed to doing the work that we ask the negro to do. Serious labor conditions have confronted us before, and it is exceedingly rare to find the native land owning white farmer, who has been accustomed to employ negro labor, taking the negro’s place when the negro leaves his neighborhood. The same conditions exist in the industries where we o f the South have been depending upon the negroes as artisans in our industries or mines. The South has refused to accept immigration as a means o f supplying our demands for labor. The farmers stand up and howl about preserving the pure blood o f the South and invent all sorts o f reasons for prohibiting the immigration o f the same classes o f people who have been making the North and East rich for years; the same classes that build the eighth wonder of the world—the Middle West. Now, if we are going to prohibit immigration, we must consider the economic status sufficiently seriously to preserve the only reliable supply o f labor which we have ever known. That is the negro. W e should ponder over the situation seriously and not put off until tomorrow its consideration, because this movement is growing every day. W e should exercise our influence with our landlords and our merchants to see that a fairer division o f profit is made with the negro and should watch the prices charged him as well as the interest charged him. W e should see that the industries offer and pay to him a full and fair wage for his labor which will compare favorably with the wages offered in the East. W e should see to it that the police in our towns, cities and counties cease making distinction between the negro and the white man when the negro is not absolutely known to be a criminal. When we do these things, we will keep our labor and we need to keep it. In connection with the discussion o f the need o f the South for the negro, the duty o f the South to the negro was pointed out. According to the Columbia (S. C .) State: 1 If the southern white people would have the negroes remain, they must treat the negroes justly. If they refuse to do so their hope of keeping negro labor is in the unwillingness o f the North to treat them justly, and we fear that this hope is more substantial than the North likes to admit. Justice ought to be cultivated everywhere for its own sake. Surely common sense will dictate to the South that it ought to forestall the 1 December 22, 1916. 156 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR disruption o f our industrial establishment by causing negroes to understand that they are safe where they are. The Macon Telegraph said of negro labor: “ If we lose it, we go bank rupt.” Yet this same paper only a few months before was advocating the sending o f 100,000 negroes into Mexico to conquer the “ mongrel breed/’ and at the same time rid the South o f that many worthless negroes. The black man has no quarrel with the Mexican, but, on the other hand, he certainly has a disagreement with conditions as they affect him in the South, and, when he desires to improve those conditions by getting away from them, he must be checked. Plenty o f “ sound advice*' is given him about staying in the South among his friends and under the same old con ditions. The bugaboo o f cold weather is put before him to frighten him, o f race antagonism and sundry other things, but not one word about better treatment is suggested to lighten the burden, no sane and reasonable remedy offered. The black labor is the best labor the South can get, no other would work long under the same conditions. It has been faithful and loyal, but that loyalty can be undermined, witness the exodus. A letter published in the Montgomery Advertiser 1 truly says: And the negro will not come back once he leaves the South. The W orld War is bringing many changes and a chance for the negro to enter broader fields. With the “ tempting bait ” o f higher wages, shorter hours, better schools and better treatment, all the preachments o f the socalled race leaders will fall on deaf ears. It is probable that the “ well informed negro,” who told the Birmingham editor that it was good schools that were drawing the negro, could have given other and more potent reasons had he been so minded. He could have told how deep down in the negro’s heart he has no love for pro scription, segregation, lynchings, the petty persecutions and cruelties against him, nor for the arresting o f “ fifty niggers for what three o f 'em done,” even if it takes all o f this to uphold the scheme o f civilization. From Savannah alone, three thousand negroes went, from sixteen year old boys to men o f sixty years. There must be something radically wrong when aged negroes are willing to make the change. There is greater unrest among negroes than those in high places are aware. Let the Advertiser speak out in the same masterful way, with the same punch and pep for a square deal for the negro, that it does for democracy and the right for local self-government. What was the attitude o f the northern whites toward the migration? Although the North had been accustomed to the adding o f a million foreigners annually to her population, these newcomers were white people and as such did not occasion the 1 The Advertiser, Montgomery, Alabama, September 22, 1917. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 157 comment or create just the problems which a large influx of negroes created. The migration o f the negro attracted a great deal of public attention. A wide and extended discussion o f the movement was carried on through the press. The attitude which the white people assumed toward the migrants was ex pressed in this discussion. The New Republic o f New York City 1 pointed out that the movement gave the negro a chance and that he, the South and the nation, would in the end, all be gainers. When Austria found the Serbian reply inadmissible, the American negro, who had never heard o f Count Berchtold, and did not care whether Bosnia belonged to Austria or Siam, got his “ chance.” It was not the sort of chance that came to the makers o f munitions—a chance to make millions. It was merely a widening o f a very narrow foothold on life, a slightly better opportunity to make his way in the industrial world o f America. In the beginning such a migration o f negroes would increase the present race friction in the North. Within certain limits a racial minority is unpopular directly in proportion to its numbers. Only as it increases to the point where political and economic power makes it formidable, does it overcome opposition. The negro’s competition for jobs and homes will probably exacerbate relations. As the negroes increased in numbers they would not only seek menial and unskilled work, but also strive to enter skilled trades where they would meet with antagonism o f white workers. Moreover, the negroes would be forced to seek homes in what are now regarded as “ white ” neighborhoods, and a clamor would be raised at each new extension o f their dwelling area. The antidote to persecution, however, is power, and if the northern negroes are more numerous and more urgently needed in our industrial life, they could protect themselves from the worst forms o f discrimination. If by 1930 the negro population o f the North has become three millions, instead o f the fraction over one million which it is today, and if these three millions live better and save and spend more per capita than today, they will profit more than they will lose from their greater numbers. Their custom will be more valuable, their political power greater and, as wage earners, they will be strong enough to strike. Once they have com pletely filled a new neighborhood, opposition will cease. Moreover, the industrial competition with white workmen, while severe at certain crucial points, should not permanently be dangerous, since the very conditions which bring the negro north also make for higher wages for the white workers. What the white wage earner desires is not an industrial exploitation o f the negro, but the maintenance o f the white man’s superiority o f position. For the nation as a whole, such a gradual dissemination o f the negroes among all the States would ultimately be o f real advantage. If at the end 1 July 1, 1917. 158 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR o f half a century, only 50 or 60 per cent, instead o f 89 per cent o f the negroes, were congregated in the southern States, it would end the fear of race domination, and take from the South many o f its peculiar characteris tics, which today hamper development. T o the negro it would be o f even more obvious benefit. The race would be far better educated, considerably richer, and with greater political power. Success for the negroes o f the North would mean better conditions for southern negroes. For if the southern negro, finding political and social conditions intolerable, were able to emigrate to the North, he would have in his hand a weapon as effective as any he could find in the ballot box. The Oshkosh, Wisconsin, Daily Northwestern felt that a large influx o f colored people would bring to the North the same perplexing problems that long have disturbed the people o f the southern States. This, in fact, is the most serious aspect o f this reported migration of southern blacks, and it is suggestive o f no end o f trouble for some of the northern States, which heretofore have regarded the so-called negro problem as something which little concerns them. The South has struggled for years to solve this problem, with its many phases and angles, and never yet has found a satisfactory solution. Should the same baffling questions be forced on the North it would give the people something to think about, and many will gain a new appreciation o f the perplexities of the southern whites. And the necessity o f facing this new problem may come to the North much sooner than generally is expected. The Springfield, Massachusetts, Union1 was also o f the opinion that: The North has been strong for the negro, considered as a political entity, but our communities are manifestly not desirous of supplying a field for him to expand and adapt himself to the social structure, and their leaders experience more difficulty in this regard than do their co-laborers in the South, with its vast colored population. This in itself furnished food for careful thought. In a way, there is justification for a disinclination on the part o f New Englanders to add a large negro element to their number. W e have enough o f a problem already to absorb and educate the large alien element that has come into our midst from the Old World. Our duty toward our colored residents should not go unrecognized, and the first step toward a just and fair disposal o f related problems is to admit frankly that a rather strict color line is being drawn among us. 1 July 16, 1916. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 159 The Beloit, Wisconsin, Neu’s 1 held that the migration had brought the negro problem north and made it national: The negro problem has moved north. Rather, the negro problem has spread from south to north; and beside it in the South is appearing a stranger to that clime—the labor problem. It’s a double development brought about by the war in Europe, and the nation has not yet realized its significance. Within a few years, experts predict the negro population o f the North will be tripled. It’s your prob lem, then, or it will be when the negro moves next door. Italians and Greeks are giving way to the negroes in the section gangs along northern railroads, as you can see from the train windows, and as labor agents admit. Northern cities that had only small colored popula tions are finding their ‘‘white” sections invaded by negro families, strangers to the town. Many cities are in for the experience that has befallen all communities on the edge o f the North and South—gradual encroachment o f colored folks on territory occupied by whites; depreciation in realty values and lowering o f rents, and finally, moving o f the white families to other sections, leaving the districts in possession o f colored families with a small sprinkling o f whites. This means racial resentment— for the white family that moves to escape negro proximity always carries, justly or not, a prejudice against the black race. It hits your pocket too. Negroes will enter trades now monopolized by white men, at first, per haps, as strike breakers; later, as non-union competitors, working for smaller wages. It will take some time, probably, to get them into the labor unions’ way of thinking. Politicians, both good and bad, will seek the ballot o f a large new element, which will vote largely in the lump. Now, what will be the effect in the southern States? Already the offers o f better jobs further north have caused strikes among southern negroes—something almost unheard of. The South gets no immigration, but the negro has been an ever present source of cheap labor. With the black tide setting north, the southern negro, formerly a docile tool, is demanding better pay, better food and better treatment. And no longer can the South refuse to give it to him. For when the South refuses the negro moves away. It’s a national problem now, instead o f a sectional problem. And it has got to be solved. The New York Globe1 said that: 2 For more than a year a migration o f men and women o f color to north ern States has been going on that has already deprived thousands of southern farmers of cheap labor. And the movement bids fair to con tinue. That it will have both good and bad effects is obvious. It will distribute the negro population more evenly throughout the States and thus tend to diminish race friction. But unless there is a change o f spirit on 1 August 25. 1916. 2 July 31, 1916. 160 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR the part o f northern unions, it will increase the danger o f labor troubles in case o f industrial depression. The Pittsburgh Dispatch 1 held that the migration was help ing the negro. It was o f the opinion that: This movement eastward and westward o f unskilled negro labor will both directly and indirectly help the negro. The younger element, those o f ambition and o f some training in the schools, will be constantly emerging from unskilled to the semiskilled classes, with a consequent increase in their pay rolls and a betterment in their methods o f living. A decidedly better treatment o f the negro, both in the North and the South, will grow out o f the fact that the demand for his labor has been limited and the supply unlimited. In the spring o f 1918 the Walla Walla, Washington, Bulletin2 summed up the situation thus: There was much alarm a year or two ago over the migration o f negroes to the North in large numbers. It was felt that they had far better stay in the South, in a familiar and congenial environment, and keep on raising cotton and food, than crowd into the inhospitable North for unaccustomed factory work. W e have heard less o f that lately; it is still doubtful whether the change is good for the negro himself, and there’s no question that his coming has complicated housing conditions and social problems in northern cities. But economically the matter appears in a new light. At a time when war industries were starving for labor, the negro provided the labor. He is recognized as a new industrial asset. The migration has been unfortunate, to be sure, for the communities thus deprived o f agricultural labor; but it is said that from a broad, national standpoint the gain to the manufacturing industries more than compensates. And there has been an actual increase in the output o f energy. The negro works harder in the North. He produces more. He is thus o f more use to the community. And for the benefit he brings, communities are more willing than they were at first to tolerate the inconvenience due to his coming. Some o f the negro newspapers opposed the migration. Prominent among these was the Journal and Guide o f Norfolk, Virginia, and the Voice o f the People o f Birmingham, Alabama. In speaking against the migration, the Journal and Guide * said: * October 1, 1916. 2 March 13, 1918. 3 March 24, 1917. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 161 It is difficult, if not impossible, to check the operation of an economic law, and it is perfectly natural that men should seek fields o f labor in which they are promised higher wages and better conditions, but those who go and those who encourage the going of them should get the facts of the so-called inducements and learn the truth about them before lending their influence to a movement that can not only promise no permanent good to laborers, but works untold injury to the foundation o f their own economic structure. Another phase o f the matter, and one that invites the condemnation o f all honest persons, is the manner in which negro labor is at present ex ploited to satisfy the selfish whims o f a group o f misguided and ill-advised agitators and fanatics on the race question. All o f the nice talk about “ fleeing from southern oppression/* and going where “ equal rights and social privileges * await them is pure buncombe. It is strange that negro * labor should stand the oppression o f the South for fifty years and sud denly make up its mind to move northward as an evidence o f its resentment. The truth o f the matter is that the element o f negroes in the South that feel the oppression most is not concerned in the migration movement. Nor are they going to leave their homes and accumulations, o f half a cen tury as a solution of their problems. They are going to remain here and fight out their constitutional rights accorded them here in the land o f their birth. The editor o f The Star o f Zion, Charlotte, North Carolina,1 conceded the right o f the negro to go wherever he had oppor tunity to g o ; on the other hand, it was doubtful whether a wholesale exodus was for the best. He said: While I concede the black man*s right to go where he likes, for he has the right o f liberty and the pursuit o f happiness, yet I doubt the wisdom of such wholesale exodus from the South. There are some things which the negro needs far more than his wages, or some of the rights for which he contends. He needs conservation o f his moral life. In the North a negro is brought face to face with new problems; among the many is the problem of adjusting himself to the abundance o f freedom into which he comes so suddenly. His new freedom brings him new changes, as well as new opportunities, for among the roses there lies the thorn. . . . While the inducements o f the North are very alluring, in the end the negro problem must be wrought out in the South. Concerning the Journal and Guide’s position, the Raleigh, North Carolina, Independent2 took issue and said: Our disagreement with our estimable contemporary, the Norfolk Joumal and Guide, we are persuaded, is far less real than seeming. Essentially we 1 July 19, 1917. * April 28, 1917. 162 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR are in accord. W e are certain that the Journal and Guide is not advocating the limitation o f the negro to any one section o f the country. If the exigen cies of the present war have created a demand for his labor in the North at better wages than he can secure in the South like other people, he should take advantage o f it and plant himself firmly in the industrial life o f the section. There are two ways by which we may improve our condition in this country. The one is segregation—voluntary segregation. The other is “ scatteration.” If we can come together, build up communities o f our own, promote them into towns and even cities, we shall do well. If, on the other hand, we shall scatter all over the land and have nowhere a numerical congestion, we strengthen our cause. The Dallas (T exas) Express' said: The strangest thing, the real mystery about the exodus, is that in all the Southland there has not been a single meeting or promoter to start the migration. Just simultaneously all over the South about a year ago, the negro began to cross the Mason and Dixon line. Indeed, this is a most striking case where the negro has been doing a great deal more thinking than talking, knowing he is not given the freedom o f speech. Who knows, then, what the providence o f God is in this exodus. This exodus is not by any means confined to the worthless or the ignorant negro. A large per cent o f the young negroes in this exodus are rather intelligent. Many o f the business houses in Houston, Dallas and Galveston, where the exodus is greatest in Texas, have lost some o f their best help. T o tell the truth more fully, the negroes generally throughout the South are more dissatis fied with conditions than they have been for several years and there are just reasons why they should be. Every negro newspaper and publication in this broad land, including pamphlets and books, and the intelligent negro pastor with backbone and courage are constantly protesting against the injustices done the negro. And possibly these agents have been the greatest incentives to help create and crystallize this unrest and migration. H ow the negro should be treated and what would hold him in the South was discussed at length and on many occasions in the columns o f the Atlanta (Georgia) Independent.1 An 2 example o f this discussion follow s: Last week we discussed at length the negro exodus. W e tried to point out in plain, simple and manly language the reason and remedy for moving north. W e warned our white neighbors that city ordinances and legislation could not stem the tide; that humane treatment would do more to settle the negro's industrial and economic unrest than anything else; that the 1 August 11, 1917. 2 January 27, 1917. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 163 South was his natural home and he desired to stay here; but in order^ to keep him at home he must have contentment; he had to be assured o f protection o f life and property; assured o f the enjoyment o f public utilities; assured o f educational advantages, ample and adequate, to prepare his children for useful and helpful citizenship; he must be permitted to serve God unmolested and to assemble in the community where he lives, in church, in society and politics; for his own moral, intellectual and physical benefit he must be given living wages and reminded in his daily dealings with his white neighbor that he is a citizen, not a negro, and that he is charged with responsibilities like other citizens. The negro is conscious o f his racial identity and not ashamed o f it. He is proud o f his race and his color, but does not like to have the word “ negro ” define his relation as a citizen. The white man should understand that the negro is making progress; that he is getting property and education; that his wants are increasing in common with the white man’s wants and that he is not going to be bottled up or hemmed up in any community, so long as there is another community on the face o f the earth where he can breathe freely and enjoy the pursuits o f life, liberty and happiness in common with other men. The Christian In dex1 the official organ o f the Colored Metho dist Episcopal Church, published at Jackson, Tennessee, was o f the opinion that: There are two sets o f causes for the negro leaving the South at this time. One set may be known as the surface causes and the other set beneath the-surface causes. The surface causes are easily seen and understood These are economic causes. The war in Europe has called home foreigners out o f the industrial centers o f the North and West. These large factories and other industrial enterprises, representing enormous investments, had to turn in some other direction for labor. These large industrial opportunities with higher wages made strong appeals to the southern negro. The beneath-the-surface causes are to be found in the handicaps under which the negro labors in the South and the uncivilized treatment to which he is subjected. He is segregated. T o this he most strenuously objects. There is a difference between segregation and separation, espe cially so in the southern interpretation o f segregation as observed in the practice o f the South in its enforcement o f the idea. Separation in matters social and religious is not necessarily objectionable. Left alone each race group instinctively seeks separation from other race groups. But segrega tion, as we have it, means more than separation; it means inferiority and humiliation. It means not only another section o f the city for the negro, but a section that is inferior in improvement and protection; it means not only a different school, but an inferior school both in building and equip ment; it means not only separate accommodations on the railroads, but i June 24, 1917. 164 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR deplorably inferior accommodations; this, too, in the face o f the fact that the negro pays the same price that is paid by others. Another cause is the code o f laws, or rather the practice o f it, that gives more concern to the color o f a man’s skin than to the merits o f a case he may have in the courts o f justice. The negro is taught not to expect justice in the courts, however industrious, honest, law abiding he rtiay be, when his lawful rights to liberty and protection are contested by a white man. The negro suffers in the courts, not always because he is guilty, not because he lacks character, but because his skin, not his heart, is black. What was the attitude o f the northern negroes toward the migration? W ith some exceptions, negroes north assumed a friendly attitude toward the migrants. Many o f these residents o f the North were themselves but recently come from the South. The newcomers were looked upon as brethren, just coming into the “ Promised Land.” They were welcomed in the churches and otherwise made to feel at home. In some cities there were organizations o f resident negroes to look after the. welfare o f the new arrivals. In the northern race newspapers, the attitude o f the negro north was fully set forth, as the following extracts from the New York N ew s 1 indicate: W e hail with no alarm whatever the influx o f colored men from the South. The colored people o f the North will be strengthened by the hard working, ambitious laborers added to their numbers. The laboring conditions and life o f the masses of the colored people in the South will be made better and brighter by their leaving. Yet a heavy responsibility rests upon every colored leader, moral and civic, in these northern States to take an especial interest in their newly arriving brethren. You must teach them not to take their liberty to be ladies and gentlemen for license to degrade themselves and their race here. You must urge them to avoid the deadly vice and wasting extrava gance o f the unhealthy congested city. They should find their homes and rear their families in the suburbs, where they can buy their own homes and properly train their children in head, hand and heart. Urge them to get steady work and settle down. Urge them to become good citizens and better parents. Urge them to go to church, to lead patient Christian lives and all will come out well in the end. The Philadelphia Christian Recorder 2 took the ground that: 1. The negro is an American. He speaks the language o f the country and is, therefore, superior to the foreigner in this respect. 1 September 17, 1916. 2 February 1, 1917. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 165 2. He knows the customs of the country and here again has the advantage o f the foreigner. 3. He is a peaceablej worker and is glad to have an opportunity to make good. 4. The negro is physically the equal and morally the superior o f the immi grant from Europe. There are reasons why the negro should succeed in the North. So we have no doubt that many will come. Indeed, if a million negroes move north and west in the next twelve months, it will be one o f the greatest things for the negro since the Eman cipation Proclamation. And the movement o f a million negroes should not alarm anybody, especially when we remember that a million immigrants were coming every year to this country before the war. Let the good work go on. Let every community in the North organize to get jobs for our friends in the South. Let a million come. In coming the negroes will get higher wages. They will get first class schools, running nine months a year—a thing worth leaving the South for, if there were no other advantages. They will have a chance in the courts. If they should happen to have a difference with a white man, they will not take their lives in their own hands by standing up for their side. They will be able to defend their homes, their wives and children in a way no negro can now protect them in the South. They will have the right to vote. The foreigner must wait seven years for this—the negro only one year. If a million negroes come north, they will soon get sufficient political power, which combined with their economic power will be able to force the South to do some things she is now unwilling to do. With labor competition for the negro between North and South with the North offering higher wages, better living conditions, better education, pro tection and a vote, the South must bestir herself if she would keep the best labor in the world. And southern statesmen will see that the South must cease to lynch, begin to educate and finally restore the ballot. “ But,” says an objector, “ these negroes coming north will increase prejudice.” What if they do? Then the northern negro will sympathize more with his southern brother. But if prejudice increases, the negro has the ballot which is an effective way to combat it. If a million negroes come here we will have more negro businesses, better churches, more pro fessional men and real political power, and the negro in the North will begin to get a social position not based on mere charity. What were the causes o f migration? A very large part o f the discussion o f the movement was taken up with setting forth the causes. The Montgomery Advertiser was o f the opinion that the chief causes o f the negro’s leaving central Alabama were floods and the cotton boll weevil: 166 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR The negro from middle Alabama is going north because o f economic conditions which he can not help and which he can not overcome. He is not being forced out by pressure from the white r^ce. The relations be tween the two races in this section were never better; the negro is not subjected to oppression or or to any outbreaks o f violence, which have in duced the negro to leave certain sections o f the South. The negro is going because he is the most unfortunate of the victims o f the combined disaster this year o f the flood and the boll weevil. There have been actual want and hunger among some o f the negroes on the planta tions. The heads o f negro families have been without present resources and without future prospects. The wise planter and farmer has said to his negro employes and tenants: “ You have not made anything this year. I have not made anything this year. But we will do our best and I will see what resources I can get together to keep you until next year, when we can all make a fresh start.” Another class o f farmers, and we suspect that their number is too large, has said, “ You never made anything this year. I never made anything this year. I can not afford to feed you and your family until the beginning o f the next crop year. You must go out and shift lo r yourselves.” This cold blooded business view o f the situation, we suspect, has been the best assistance that the labor agent has received. It is not difficult to know what a negro farm hand will do when he and his family are facing hunger, when a labor agent offers him a railroad ticket and a promise o f two dollars and a half a day in the industrial works o f the North and East1 Lynching was one o f the reasons most often given as a cause o f the migration. Current dispatches from Albany, Georgia, in the center o f the section apparently most affected, and where efforts are being made to stop the exodus by spreading correct information among the negroes, say: “ The heaviest migration o f negroes has been from those counties in which there have been the worst outbreaks against negroes. It is developed by investigation that where there have been lynchings, the negroes have been most eager to believe what the emigration agents have told them of plots for the removal or extermination o f the race. Comparatively few negroes have left Dougherty county, which is considered significant in view o f the fact that this is one o f the counties in southwest Georgia in which a lynching has never occurred.” These statements are most significant. Mob law we have known in Georgia has furnished emigration agents with all the leverage they want; it is a foundation upon which it is easy to build with a well conducted lie or two, and they have not been slow to take advantage o f it This loss o f her best labor is another penalty Georgia is paying for her indifference and inactivity in suppressing mob law. 1 The Advertiser, Montgomery, Alabama, December 12, 1916. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 167 If Georgia is injured, agriculturally and industrially by the negro exodus, the white people here have no one to blame but themselves. The indictment is true, every word of it. The appeal to humanity, to fairness and justice and right, has been apparently without effect. It is unfortunate for the people o f Georgia that an appeal to the pocketbook should be necessary to bring back the enthronement o f law, but if moral suasion is powerless, the question of personal interest has entered and in no uncertain degree. The trouble incident to the migration of negroes from Georgia and the South is exactly as stated. There is no secret about what must be done, if Georgia would save herself from threatened disaster, which, in some sections, has already become serious. In the first place, there must be no more mobs. Mobs and mob spirit must be eliminated completely, so completely that there will be no danger of recurrence. If a negro be charged with a crime, even if it be known that he is guilty, he must be given the same fair treatment before the law that is accorded the white man. If anything, it would seem that ignorance and childishness demand even more consideration than the crime which lacks that excuse. But more than that, we must be fair to the negro. There is no use in beating about the bush; we have not shown that fairness in the past, nor are we showing it today, either in justice before the law, in facilities accorded for education or in other directions. Argue it as you will, these things which we have not done are the things which we must do, or Georgia will suffer for it in proportion as she fails.1 In connection with lynchings there was the general fear o f mob violence. This fear was taken advantage o f by labor agents, as the following indicates: W e are astonished, too, to learn that one o f the reasons for this unrest among the negroes who were born and reared here is fear that all negroes are to be run out of Georgia. This idea, o f course, has been planted in the minds of the simple minded o f the race by the crafty and unscrupulous labor agents who have operated in almost every section o f the State. The negroes have this idea from the fact that there are localities in the State right now where a negro can not live. And we do not know o f anybody that is doing anything to change this condition. Labor agents are doing their best to put the fear into the hearts o f the negroes in this State that they are going to be run out by the white people, some of them even fixing the time as next June; but this work began long before the negro exodus north was thought of. The example of one county in north Georgia, which ran every negro out, was fol lowed by other counties adjoining, and the general public has little idea 1 Atlanta Constitution, December 10, 1916. 16 8 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR how widespread the contagion became— for lawlessness is nearly always contagious. If Georgia is injured, agriculturally and industrially, by the negro exodus, the white people here have no one to blame but themselves. They have allowed negroes to be lynched, five at a time, on nothing stronger than suspicion; they have allowed whole sections to be depopulated o f them; they have allowed them to be whitecapped and whipped, and their homes burned, with only the weakest and most spasmodic efforts to apprehend or punish those guilty—when any efforts were made at all. Has not the negro been given the strongest proof that he has no assured right to live, to own property nor to expect justice in Georgia? When the negro is gone, his loss will be felt in every large agricultural section and every industrial community o f the South. For the average white man can not do the heavier work at the sawmills, naval stores plants and in many lines o f manufacture, that is now being done by the negro. As a consequence, these plants and many large plantations must stand idle or import a class o f white labor that will be a great deal worse than the black. Confronted with cheap white labor, and white men o f a race o f which they have no understanding—then will the South have its labor problems. But at present, it seems, little can be done. Unless southern white people who have their all invested in agriculture or manufacturing take care o f their own interest by seeing that the negro gets justice when suspected and a fair trial when accused, and assured that so long as he behaves he will be guaranteed safety o f life and property, it is perhaps as well to let the negro go. It will mean an industrial revolution for the South, but the present condition o f affairs has become intolerable.1 The negroes o f the South used both the white and negro newspapers o f that section in carrying on the discussion o f the migration movement. The substance o f what the negroes said through the press was that, first o f all, the negroes wanted to stay in the South and were going north not only because there they could secure better wages than were generally paid in the South, but also because they would, in the North, get protection and have privileges not accorded in the South. Con cerning the negro wanting to stay in the South, it was pointed out that in the South he did have economic opportunity and received encouragement. “ The truth is that the negroes who are leaving the South in large numbers, and others who are thinking o f going, do not want to go. They prefer to remain here/’ 2 1 Georgia Gazette, reprint from Atlanta Constitution, December 10, 1916. 2 A ge Herald, Birmingham, Alabama, September 25, 1916. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 169 It was pointed out that the passing o f stringent labor laws would not stop the exodus. The negro could not be kept in the South by force. Various communities [said a negro] are passing stringent laws with the view o f making the business o f agents either impracticable or impos sible. This will ultimately have the very opposite effect of what was intended. I am a negro and know the deeper thoughts and feelings o f my own people. I know their yearnings and the religious zeal with which they look forward to the future for better days, and to other climes than this for better conditions. Now to pass severe laws to block this movement will not only be a waste o f time, but the most unwise way o f dealing with the problem. The problem can not be solved from the angle o f force. In order for the negro to be kept in the South he must be made to see, to feel, that on the whole it will be better for him to remain in the South than to migrate to the North. Stop lynching. Teach us to love the South and be contented here by ceasing to abridge us in such extremes in com mon rights and citizenship. Another method of helping to keep the negro in the South is for the better class o f whites to get hold o f the negroes. In a word, there should be cooperation between the races. The negroes should be given better schools and the whites shojuld set before the negroes better examples of law and order. The North is offering better homes, better schools and justice before the law. The South can do the same. “ One o f our grievances,” said a negro correspondent o f the Chattanooga Times* “ is that in colored localities we have very bad streets, no lights, no sewerage system, and sanitary condi-. tions are necessarily bad. Give the negro the right kind of a show, living wages, consider him as a man, and he will be contented to remain here.” A good presentation o f the negroes’ side o f the case is given in the following letter from a negro minister to the Montgomery Advertiser? He wrote: Why should the South raise such objections to the jobless man seeking the manless job, especially when it has held that jobless man up to the ridicule o f the world as trifling, shiftless and such a burden to the South? Now the opportunity has come to the negro to relieve the South o f some of its burden, and at the same time advance his own interests, a great hue and cry is started that it must not be allowed, and the usual and foolish method o f repressive legislation is brought into play.1 2 1 Weldon Victor Jenkins, in Chattanooga Times, October 10, 1916. 2 The Advertiser, Montgomery, Alabama, October 7, 1916. 170 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR Addressing the editor o f the Advertiser, another negro cor respondent said: I have read with profound interest the many articles published in your paper upon the great negro exodus from the South. The negro has remained in the South almost as a solid mass since his emancipation. This in itself shows that he loves the South, and if he is now migrating to the East, North and West by the hundreds and thousands, there must be a cause for it. W e should do our best to find out these causes and at least suggest the remedy. The time has come for plain speaking on the part o f all. It will do us no good to try to hide the facts, because “ truth crushed to earth will rise again.” In the first place, the negro in this country is oppressed. This oppression is greatest where the negro population is greatest. The negro population happens to be greater in the South than in the North, there fore, he is more oppressed in the South than in the North. Take the counties in our State. Some are known as white counties and others as black counties. In the white counties the negro is given better educational opportunities than in the black counties. I have in mind one Black Belt county where the white child is given $15 per year for his education and the negro child only 30 cents a year. See the late Booker T. Washington’s article, “ Is the Negro Having a Fair Chance?” Now these facts are generally known throughout this State by both white and black. And we all know that it is unjust. It is oppression. This oppression shows itself in many ways. Take for example the railroads running through the rural sections o f the South. There are many flag stations where hundreds o f our people get off and on the train. The railroads have little stops at the platform about six feet square; only one coach stops at this point; the negro women, girls and boys are com pelled to get off and on the train sometimes in water and in the ditches because there are no provisions made for them otherwise. Again take the matter o f the franchise. W e all agree that ignorant negroes should not be intrusted with this power, but we all feel that where a negro has been smart and industrious in getting an education and property and pays his taxes, he should be represented. Taxation without representa tion is just as unjust today as it was in 1776. It is just as unfair for the negro as it is to the white man, and we all, both white and black, know this. W e may shut our eyes to this great truth, as sometimes we do, but it is unjust just the same. Take the matter o f the courts. There is no justice unless the negro has a case against another negro. When he has a case against a white man, you can tell what the decision will be just as soon as you know the nature o f the case, unless some strong white man will come to the negro’s rescue. This, too, is generally known and the negro does not expect justice. As yet, there has been no concerted action on the part o f the white people to stop mob violence. I know a few plantations, however, where the owners will not allow their negroes to be arrested without the officer first consult ing them, and these negroes idolize these white men as gods, and so far PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 171 not one o f these negroes has gone north. I repeat there are outcroppings o f these oppressions everywhere in this country, but they show themselves most where the negroes are in the largest numbers. But all o f this the negro is perfectly willing to endure, and they all may be classed as the secondary cause o f this great exodus. The primary cause is economic. The storms and floods o f last July and August destroyed practically all crops in a large part of the South, and especially in the Black Belt section. These people are hungry, they are naked, they have no corn and had no cotton, so they are without food and clothes. What else can they do but go away in search o f work? There are a great many wealthy white men here and there throughout the Black Belt section. They have large plantations which need the ditches cleared and new ones made to properly drain their farms. They could have given work to these destitute people; but what have they done? Nothing. They say that it is a pity for the negro to go away in such large numbers, and so it is, but that will not stop them. They have it in their power to stop them by making the negro’s economic condition better here. Thus far the average white man o f the South has been interested in the negro from a selfish point o f view; he must now become interested in him from a humanitarian point o f view. He must be interested in his educational, moral and religious welfare. W e know that we have many ignorant, vicious and criminal negroes which are a disgrace to any people, but they are ignorant because they have not had a chance. Why, I know one county in this State today with 10,000 negro children o f school age, and only 4,000 o f these are in school, according to the report o f the Super intendent o f Education. We can not expect ignorant people to act like intelligent ones, and no amount o f abuse will make them better. Sometimes we hear it said that the white man o f the South knows the negro better than anybody else, but the average white man o f the South only knows the ignorant, vicious and criminal negro better than anybody else. He knows little o f the best class o f negroes. I am glad to say, however, that there are a few southern white men who know the better class, and know them intimately, and are doing what they can to better the negro’s condition. I would to God that the number o f these few could be increased a hundredfold.1 R. R. Wright, President o f the Georgia State Industrial Col lege for Negroes, in a discussion o f the causes o f the migration movement stated that it is undoubtedly true that the high wages offered is the main cause. There are other aiding causes, however, for this movement besides low wages. Naturally the negro is peculiarly adapted to a southern cli 1 W . J. Edwards, Principal o f Snow Hill Normal and Industrial Institute (C olored), Snow Hill, Alabama, in the Advertiser, Montgomery, Alabama, January 27, 1917. 172 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR mate and prefers to remain in the South. He has made his best progress in the South. There are nearly a million negro farm operators and most o f them are in the South. The total acreage o f their farms is 42,279,510: valued at $1,141,792,526. In the value o f farms operated there was an increase o f 128.5 per cent, during the last census decade, while the value o f farm property operated by white farmers for the same time increased only 99.6 per cent. The negro is prospering in the South. Now this and other facts constitute for the negro a strong tie to the southern soil. This tie should not be broken lightly. The negro does not want to leave the South. The only thing to break this tie is unfair and cruel treatment o f the negro on the part o f the white man. In this connection our white friends should know that not only in the lynchings, and in the courts and in the unwholesome conditions on the southern railway common carriers (as vital as these are), but that in the general attitude o f many o f our southern white people, there is exhibited a contempt for the negro which makes the best o f the negroes feel that they are only tolerated in the South. And yet in their individual relations there is no better friend to the negro in the world than the southern white man. In the face o f our friends it is hard to explain this discounting and this contemptuous attitude, and yet everybody understands that it exists. “ You are only a negro and are not entitled to the courteous treatment accorded to members o f other races.” Another cause is the feeling o f insecurity. The lack o f legal protection in the country is a constant nightmare to the colored people who are trying to accumulate a comfortable little home and farm. There is scarcely a negro mother in the country who does not live in dread and fear that her husband or son may come in unfriendly contact with some white person so as to bring the lynchers or the arresting officers to her door, which may result in the wiping out o f her entire family. It must be acknowledged that this is a sad condition. The southern white man ought to be willing to give the negro a man’s chance without regard to his race or color; give him at least the same protection o f law given to any one else. If he will not do this, the negro must seek those north or west who will give him better wages and better treatment.1 One o f the most thoughtful discussions o f the causes o f migration was by W . T. Andrews, a negro lawyer and editor, formerly o f Sumter, South Carolina. In an address before the 1917 South Carolina Race Conference he said: 1Reprinted from the Morning News, Savannah, Georgia, January 3, 1917. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE MIGRATION 173 In my view the chief causes o f negro unrest and disturbance are as follows: the destruction o f his political privileges and curtailment o f his civil rights; no protection o f life, liberty and property under the law; Jim Crow car; residential and labor segregation laws; no educational facilities worthy of the name in most o f the southern States. These, I believe, are the most potent causes which are now impelling the southern negro to seek employment and find homes in northern and western sections o f the country. In South Carolina, and I believe it is equally true o f every southern State, except those classed as “ border States,” statute after statute has been passed to curtail the rights o f the negro, but in not a single instance can a law be pointed to which was enacted for the purpose .of enlarging his opportunity, surrounding himself and his family with the protection o f the law, or for the betterment o f his condition. On the contrary every law passed relating to the negro has been passed with the intent o f con trolling his labor and drawing his circle o f freedom into smaller and smaller compass. In the rural districts the negro is not only at the mercy o f the lawless white individual citizen, but equally at the mercy o f the rural police, the constables and magistrates. There is hardly a record in modern history o f greater oppression by judicial officers than that dealt to the negroes by a large majority o f the magistrates and other officials who preside over the inferior courts o f South Carolina. In towns and cities, as a rule, mayors’ and recorders’ courts are mills for grinding out negro convicts; negroes charged with petty offenses are brought into these courts, convicted and sentenced with lightning speed, before they even realize that they are on trial unless they are able to hire attorneys, whose fees often equal the fine that would be imposed. They are beaten at will by arresting officers, frequently shot and many killed if attempt is made to escape by running away from the officer, and for any such shooting, officers are seldom put to the inconvenience of trial, even if the victim die. In tragic truth it must be confessed that there is in the South—South Carolina, more certainly—no protection for the life or person o f any negro of whatever standing, sex, age, against the intent o f the bloody-minded white man. The negro does not ask for special privileges or social legislation in his behalf. He does not ask to be measured by any standard less than the white man’s standard, but he insists that the same test shall apply to all men of all races. He refuses to accept the declaration o f men who claim to be earthly agents and representatives o f the Almighty, the interpreters o f His will and laws, and who solemnly assert that the God o f the Chris tian ordained and decreed the negro race to be in slavery or semislavery to the white race. The negro believes that the world is built on a moral foundation with justice as its basic rock. He believes that the Almighty is just, merciful and benevolent, and that He included all men in His plan o f human devel opment and reaching out for protection. 174 NEGRO MIGRATION DURING THE WAR He asks only for justice. Nothing less than justice will stay the movement o f negroes from the South. Its continued refusal will drive in the next two years a third or mqre o f its negro population to other portions o f the country.1 1 From an address by W . T. Andrews at the South Carolina Race Con ference, Columbia, South Carolina, February 8, 1917. B IB L IO G R A P H Y Books and Periodicals A Century o f Negro Migration. C. G. Woodson, Washington, 1918. The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh. Abraham Epstein, Pittsburgh, 1918. Negro Newcomers in Detroit. G. E. Haynes, New York, 1918. The Migration of a Race, 1916-1917, Annual Report o f National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. The 1917 Report o f the Chicago Branch o f the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. Negro Migration: What Does It Mean? Gilbert N. Brink (pamphlet issued by American Baptist Home Mission Society, New Y ork). Negro Migration. New Republic, January 1, 1916. How the War Brings Unprophesied Opportunities to the Negro Race. Cur rent Opinion, December, 1916. Negro Moving North. Literary Digest, October 7, 1916. Cotton Pickers in Northern Cities. H. B. Pendleton, Survey, February 17, 1917. Exodus in America. Living Age, October 6, 1917. Lure of the North for Negroes. Survey, April 7, 1917. Negroes Come North. K. Moses, Forum, August, 1917. Negroes Go North. R. S. Baker, W orlds Work, July, 1917. Negro Migration. P. H. Stone, Outlook, August 1, 1917. Negro Migration as the South Sees Tt. Survey, August 11, 1917. Passing o f the Jim Crow. W . E. B. DuBois, Independent, July 14, 1917. Reasons Why Negroes Go North. Survey, June 2, 1917. South Calling Negroes Back. Literary Digest, June 23, 1917. Southern Negroes Moving North. World's Work, June, 1917. Welcoming Southern Negroes; East St. Louis and Detroit a Contrast. F. B. Washington, Survey, July 14, 1917. When Labor Is Cheap. B. M. Edens, Survey, September 8, 1917. Interstate Migration. W. O. Scroggs, Journal Political Economy, December, 1917. Negroes Move North. G. E. Haynes, Survey, May 4, 1918. Negroes a Source o f Industrial Labor. D. T. Farnham, Industrial Manage ment, August, 1918. Negro Welfare Workers in Pittsburgh. Survey, August 3, 1918. Negroes and Organized Labor. Survey, February 9, 1918. Negro and the New Economic Conditions. R. R. Moton, Proceedings National Conference o f Social Workers, 1917. Migration o f Negroes into Northern Cities. G. E. Haynes, National Con ference o f Social Workers, 1917. Progress o f W ork for the Assimilation o f Negro Immigrants in Northern Cities. F. B. Washington, National Conference o f Social Workers, 1917. Negro Migration. Ralph W . Tyler, Pearsons, November, 1917. Southern Labor as Affected by the War and Migration. Monroe N. Work, Proceedings of Southern Sociological Congress, 1918. The Duty o f Southern Labor during the War. R. R. Moton, Proceedings Southern Sociological Congress, 1918. The Foundation (Atlanta), May-June, 1917. * 175 176 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. M. E. Church Review (Philadelphia), January, 1917; April, 1918. Voice o f Missions (New York City), June, 1917. Causes o f Migration from the South. W. T. Andrews, Address at Race Conference, Columbia (S. C .), February 8, 1917. Specially printed. The Massacre o f East St. Louis. Martha Gruening and W. E. B. DuBois, The Crisis, September, 1917. The Crists, October, 1916, page 276; June, 1917, pages 63, 65. The Nation, September 6; December 7, 1916. The Problem of the Negro Laborer. Iron Trade Review, April 12, 1917. Negro Migration Ebbs. Iron Trade Rewew, December 13, 1917. Proceedings o f Annual Convention o f Federation of Labor, 1916, 1917, 1918. Newspapers (References for 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918)* Akron (O hio) Press, July 12, 1917. Albany (N . Y .) Argus, Nov. 12, 1916. Albany (N . Y .) Journal, August 6, 1917. Albany (N . Y .) Knickerbocker Press, Dec. 21, 1916; Mar. 11, 26, 1917. Amsterdam (New York City) News, May 28, June 18, 1915; Apr. 17, July 14, Aug. 18, Oct. 1, Dec. 13, 1916; Jan. 24, Aug. 1, 1917 ; Apr. 10, May 1, June 5, July 10, 24, Sept. 18, Oct. 2, 1918. Artisan (Jacksonville, Fla.), Aug. 5, 1916. Ashland (O hio) Press, Aug. 22, 1917. Asheville (N . C.) Citizen, July 11, 1917. Atlanta Constitution, Aug. 23, 28, 1915; Sept. 13, 23, Oct. 10, 16, 18, 22, 24, Nov. 1, 4, 24, 26, 28, Dec. 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 13, 21, 29, 1916; Jan. 8, 10, Mar. 10, 26, 31, May 14, 23, 26, 27, 29-31, June 5, 6, 11, 16, July 7, 13-15, Aug. 13, 30, Sept 1, Oct. 24-26, Nov. 11, 21, 1917; Feb. 27, Mar. 2, Apr. 2, 4-6, 9, 17, 20, 24, 25, May 2, 7, 10, 21, 26, 27, June 2, 7, 8, 18, 22, 29, July 10, 15, 16, 18, 19, 25, 27, 28, Aug. 2-4, 10, 15, 19, 21, 25, 26, 30, Sept. 1, 21, 1918. Atlanta (Ga.) Independent, Dec. 2, 9, 16, 23, 1916; Feb. 24, Mar. 31, May 9, 19, 26, June 30, July 21, 1917; Mar. 22, July 20, 27, Aug. 3, 17, 31, 1918. Atlanta (Ga.) Journal, Oct. 8, 1917, Mar. 28, 1918. Atlanta (Ga.) Post, June 26, Aug. 9, 1917. Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Feb. 18, 19, Dec. 9, 1917; Mar. 29, 1918. Aurora (111.) News, Feb. 7, 1918. Baltimore Afro-American, Jan. 26, Sept. 29, 1917; Apr. 19, May 24, June 21, 1918. Baltimore American, Nov. 17, 1916; Aug. 9, 1918. Baltimore News, Aug. 13, 1915; Nov. 17, 1916; Apr. 3, 1918. Baltimore Sun, Mar. 1, 1915; Sept. 21, Nov. 1, 20, 1916; Apr. 1, Aug. 13, 1917; Mar. 13, 1918. Bath (M e.) Times, July 31, 1917. Beaumont (T ex .) Enterprise, Sept. 2, 1917; June 20, 1918. Beaumont (T ex .) Journal, June 24, 1917. Beloit (W is.) News, Aug. 25, 1916; Apr. 24, 1918. Birmingham (A la.) Age-Herald, Mar. 20, Sept. 25, Nov. 9, Dec. 2, 1916; Mar. 21, Apr. 2, Dec. 24, 1917. Birmingham (A la.) Ledger, May 3, 21, 24, 31, July 31, Sept. 27, 1917; Apr. 23, 1918. Birmingham (A la.) News, Aug. 31, 1917; June 21, 1918. 1 The newspaper discussion o f the migration had its beginning in 1915 in statements about the conditions o f negro labor in the South and the outlook for it in the North. The discussion was continued in the 1918 news papers. BIBLIOGRAPHY 177 Birmingham (Ala.) Reporter, July 28, 1917; Aug. 10, 17, Sept. 28, Oct. 5, 1918. Boston Christian Science Monitor, May 24, 1916; Jan. 4, July 10, 27, Sept. 25, 1917; Jan. 28, 1918. Boston Globe, Mar. 23, 1917; Mar. 30, 1918. Boston Guardian, May 6, Aug. 22, 27, Oct. 10, 1916; Feb. 3, June 16, Aug. 4, 25, Oct. 6, 1917. Boston Herald, Mar. 23, July 5, Sept. 13, 1917. Boston Post, Feb. 26, 1917. Boston Transcript, July 13, Dec. 15, 1916; Mar. 10, 31, Apr. 3, July 3, 7, 1917. Bridgeport (Conn.) Farmer, Jan. 8, 1917. Bridgeport (Conn.) Post, Oct. 7, Nov. 21, 1916; June 24, 1917; Jan. 24, 1918. Bristol (V a.) Courier, July 29, 1917. Bronx (N. Y .) Record and Times, Oct. 20, 1917. Brooklyn Eagle, Aug. 10, 1917; Mar. 28, May 12, 21, July 25, Oct. 6, 1918. Brunswick (Ga.) Banner, Oct. 10, 1917. Buffalo (N. Y .) Courier, Sept. 16, 1917. Buffalo (N. Y .) Express, Apr. 14, Oct. 23, Nov. 17, Dec. 7, 1916; June 15, 1917; Apr. 2, 1918. . Buffalo (N . Y .) News, Jan. 1, Aug. 31, 1917; June 18,1918. Buffalo (N. Y .) Times, Dec. 7, 1916; Nov. 20, 1917. Burlington (V t.) Free Press, Oct. 14, 1916. Camden (N . J.) Courier, Apr. 30, 1918. Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier, Oct. 26, Nov. 6, Dec. 18, 20, 1916; Jan. 2, Feb. 1, 23, Mar. 14, 1917. Charlotte (N . C.) News, Mar. 11, 1918. Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, July 17, Sept. 2, 1917; Mar. 28, Apr. 13, May 23, June 21, Sept. 21, 1918. Chattanooga (Tenn.) Times, Dec. 15, 1916; Dec. 7, 1917. Chester (S. C.) News, Aug. 13, 1918. Chicago American, Nov. 20, 1916. Chicago Defender, Mar. 16, 23, 30, Apr. 5, 27, 1915; every issue for 1916; every issue for 1917; almost every issue to Oct., 1918. Chicago Examiner, Oct. 9, 1916; Mar. 30, July 19, 1917. Chicago Herald, Oct. 13, 1916; Mar. 4, 19, July 3, 5, Oct. 10, Nov. 17, 1917. Chicago Idea, June 30, 1917. Chicago Journal, May 30, July 19, 1918. Chicago News, Dec. 11, 13, 1916; Jan. 13, Mar. 20, 30, Apr. 21, July 31, Sept. 14, 1917; Jan. 15, Apr. 29, July 13, Aug. 7, 1918. Chicago Tribune, July 25, 1916; June 9, July 8, 10, 26, Sept. 14, Oct. 27, 1917; February 13, 1918. Christian Century (Chicago), July 25, 1918. Christian Index (Jackson, Tenn.), June 21, July 19, Oct. 18, 1917; Feb. 21, Aug. 8, 1918. Christian Recorder (Philadelphia), Aug. 3, 17, Sept. 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 9, 15, Dec. 21, 1916; Jan. 4, Feb. 1, Mar. 10, June 7 (special edition), Aug. 2, Sept. 20, 27, 1917; Jan. 24, Mar. 28, Apr. 11, 25, May 9, Aug. 1, 8, 15, 22, Sept. 19, 1918. Cincinnati Commercial Tribune, Aug. 5, 10, Dec. 5, 1917; June 11, 1918. Cincinnati Enquirer, Aug. 23, Oct. 30, 1916; Feb. 28, Mar. 26, Sept. 8, 12, 1917; July 31, 1918. Cincinnati Post, Oct. 5, 1917. Cincinnati Star, Sept. 12, 1917. Cincinnati Union, Sept. 15, 1917. Cleveland Advocate, Oct. 5, Sept. 14, 1915: Aug. 10, Nov. 11, 1917; Mar. 30, June 8, July 4, 27, Aug. 3, 10, 17, 1918. Cleveland Leader, June 7, Dec. 8, 1916; July 10, 1917. Cleveland News, Aug. 11, 1917. Cleveland Plain Dealer, Oct. 19, 1916; Aug. 4, Sept. 12, Oct. 25, Dec. 6, 1917; Feb. 14, 1918. 178 BIBLIOGRAPHY Cleveland Press, Apr. 18, O ct 25, 1917. Columbia (S. C.) State, O ct 2, 3, 7, 19, 23, Nov. 1, 15, Dec. 17, 22, 1916; Jan. 8, Feb. 2, Mar. 2, July 15, O ct 20, Dec. 10, 1917; Mar 10, 1918. Columbus (O hio) Citizen, July 7, Aug. 7, Sept. 24, 1917. Columbus (O hio) Dispatch, July 8, Aug. 1, 20, Sept 3, 20, 1917; May 8, June 30, 1918. Columbus (Ga.) Enquirer-Sun, Nov. 21, Dec. 2, 17, 1916. Columbus (O hio) State Journal, Aug. 2, 21, 22, O ct 10, Nov. 8, 1917; Aug. 6, 1918. Cumberland (M d.) Times, July 7, 1917; Apr. 9, 1918. Dallas (T ex .) Baptist Standard, Aug. 17, 1916. Dallas (T ex .) Democrat, July 28, 1917. Dallas (T ex.) Express, July 14, 21, Aug. 11, 25, 1917; July 20, 1918. Dallas (T ex.) Journal, May 10, June 7, Sept 24, 1918. Dallas (T ex .) New Era, June 14, 1917. Dallas (T ex .) News, Aug. 1, 1917; May 14, 16, 1918. Dayton (O hio) News, July 7, 30, Aug. 1, 1917; May 7, 1918. Deep River (Conn.) Era, Nov. 9, 1918.* Denver (CoL) Star, July 28, 1917. Detroit Free Press, June 18, Nov. 6, Oct. 23, 1916; Sept 7, 1917; Mar. 23, Apr. 27, Sept. 28, 1918. Detroit Journal, Nov. 15, 1916; June 20, Aug. 6, 1917. Detroit News, Aug. 12, 1916; O ct 21, 1917; Apr. 2, 7, May 19, 25, Sept 13, 16, 1918. Detroit News Tribune, Aug. 12, Nov. 19, 1916. Detroit Times, Apr. 12, 20, June 29, 1918. Dublin (Ga.) Herald, July 26, 1917. Duluth (Minn.) News Tribune, O ct 9, Nov. 9, 1916. Elizabeth City (N . C.) Independent Nov. 30, 1917. Elmira (N . Y .) Advertiser, Feb. 9, 1917. Evansville (Ind.) Courier, June 21, 1917. Fort Wayne (Ind.) Journal-Gazette, Oct. 22, 1916; Oct. 11, 1917; Aug. 22, 1918. Forth Worth (T ex.) Star-Telegram, O ct 16, 1917. Fort Worth (T ex .) Record, Oct. 6, 1916; Mar. 27, July 22, Nov. 3, 1917; May 4, Aug. 11, Sept. 22, 1918. Galveston (T ex .) News, July 11, Aug. 3, 12, 17, 1917; Jan. 6, Sept. 20, 1918. Grand Rapids (M ich.) Press, Sept. 10, 1917. Greenville (S. C.) News, Apr. 3, 1$16; Mar. 29, June 18, Sept. 10, 1917. Hackensack (N . J.) Record, Apr. 4, 1917. Harrisburg (Pa.) Patriot, July 7, 1917. Hartford (Conn.) Courant, Aug. 7, Dec. 18, 1916; Feb. 15, Sept. 19, 1917; Feb. 22, 25, Mar. 17, 1918. Hartford (Conn.) Post, Mar. 17, Sept. 15, 18, Oct. 9, 15, 17, 18, 1917. Hartford (Conn.) Times, Jan. 11, July 12, Oct. 9, 1917; Apr. 23, May 24, 1918. Henderson (K y.) Gleaner, Aug. 24, 1916. Hoboken (N . J.) Observer, Oct. 18, 1917. Hotel Gazette (New York City), Oct. 20, 1917; July 13, 20, 1918. Houston (T ex .) Chronicle, July 22, 1917. Houston (T ex .) Observer, Oct. 21, 1916; July 7, Oct. 27, 1917; May 18, 21, June 8, Aug. 3, 17, 1918. Houston (T ex .) Post, files for 1916; files for 1917; June 20, July 29, Aug. 31, 1918. Houston (T e x .) Press, Aug. 14, 1917. Holyoke (Mass.) Transcript, July 10, 28, 1917. Indianapolis Freeman, Nov. 26, Dec. 9, 1916; Jan. 6, 13, Mar. 31, June 2, Oct. 13, 27, 1917; Feb. 9, Mar. 2, May 25, June 6, 29, July 26, 1918. Indianapolis Ledger, July 16, Sept. 9, 1916; June 9, 1917. BIBLIOGRAPHY 179 Indianapolis News, Nov. 9, 1915; Nov. 16, 22, 24, Dec. 8, 1916; Jan. 23, 1917; June 7, July 24, 31, 1918. Indianapolis Star, Sept. 21, 1918. Indianapolis World, Dec. 9, 1916. Jacksonville (Fla.) Metropolis, Dec. 22, 1916. Jacksonville (Fla.) Times Union, Aug. 14, Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1916; Jan. 20, 1917; Apr. 4, 1918. Jackson (Miss.) News, June 12, Nov. 11, 1917; May 7, 1918. Jersey City (N. J.) Journal, June 30, Oct. 10, 18, 1917; July 19, 1918. Johnstown (Pa.) Democrat, Nov. 2, 1916. Kansas City (Kan.) Globe, Aug. 25, 1917. Kansas City (M o.) Star, Aug. 17, 1916; Mar. 11, 1917; Mar. 9, 1918. Kansas City (M o.) Sun, Aug. 11, Sept. 8, 1917. Kansas City (M o.) Times, Apr. 6, 1918. Knoxville (Tenn.) Journal-Tribune, Aug. 3, Sept. 23, 1916. Lancaster (Pa.) Labor Leader, Sept. 1, 1917. Louisville Courier Journal, July 18, Dec. 5, 1916; Mar. 28, 1917; Aug. 4, 5, 7, 1918. Louisville News, Sept. 9, 1916; Sept. 15, 22, 1917; Feb. 23, Mar. 9, June 1, July 6, 1918. Louisville Times, Sept. 29, 1916; Aug. 6, 14, 16, Sept. 11, 1918. Macon (Ga.) News, Feb. 14, Apr. 30, May 5, Aug. 27, Sept. 1, 29, 1918. Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, Sept. 5, Oct. 10, 1916; Feb. 18, Mar. 18, June 14, Nov. 21, 1917; Jan. 28, Aug. 7, 17, Sept. 3. 22, 1918. Manufacturers Record (Baltimore), June 29, 1916. Marietta (O hio) Leader, Aug. 7, 1917. Mason City (Iow a) Globe-Gazette, Oct. 24, 1917. Memphis Commercial Appeal, Aug. 20, Oct. 5, 24, 1916; Sept. 9, 1917; ' Jan. 5, Apr. 6, May 1, 9, 27, 1918. Memphis Press, July 5, 1917; Apr. 4, Sept. 20, 1918. Meridian (Miss.) Dispatch, June 25, 1918. Meridian (Miss.) Star, Jan. 4, Aug. 7, 1917. Michigan Tradesman (Grand Rapids), Dec. 12, 1917. Milwaukee (W is.) Journal, Jan. 11, 1917; May 30, 1918. Milwaukee (W is.) Leader, July 13, 1917; Mar. 29, 1918. Milwaukee (W is.) Sentinel, Sept. 22, 1916; July 27, Oct. 5, 1917. Milwaukee (W is.) Wisconsin, Oct. 3, 1916. Minneapolis (Minn.) Journal, July 12, 1917; June 11. 12, 13, 14, 1918. Mobile (Ala.) Register, Jan. 4, Aug. 19, 1917; Apr. 27, 1918. Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, Jan. 5, 1915; Mar. 5, 17, Aug. 5, 9, 20, 23, 24, Sept. 10, 15, 17, 19-21, 24, 27, 29, Oct. 4, 16, 25, 29, Nov. 5, 7, 8, 22, Dec. 7, 9, 10, 12, 17, 19, 21, 27, 31, 1916: Jan. 6, 9, 13. 16, 23, 25, 27, Feb. 1, 7, 14, Mar. 2, Apr. 22, May 5, 12, 21, 24, 30, 31, June 1, 2, 6, 11, Sept. 26, Oct. 1, 1917; Jan. 20, Feb. 3, 8, 10, 18, Apr. 23-26, 29, May 2, 4, 6, 27, June 2, 3, 6, 18, 27, 29, July 5, 26, 31, Aug. 1-3, 10, 11, 23, 2?, Sept. 4, 13, 1918. Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, Aug. 31, Nov. 4, 14, 17, 1916; Mar. 1, 28, Oct. 7, Nov. 25, 1917; June 15, 1918. Nashville (Tenn.) Globe, Apr. 20, 1917: Feb. 15, Mar. 29, 1918. Nashville (Tenn.) Tennesseean, Aug. 27, Sept 1, Oct. 2, 22, 1916. National Enquirer, July 25, 1918. Newark (N. J.) Ledger, Apr. 11, 18, 1918. Newark (N. J.) News, Mar. 10, 17, 29, Sept. 24, 28, Oct. 2, 10, 30, 1917; Feb. 20, Mar. 26, Apr. 9, July 19, Sept. 28, 1918. Newark (N . J.) Star, July 31, 1915; Nov. 20, 1916 ; Oct. 5, 9, Nov. 6, 9, 1917. New Bedford (Mass.) Mercury, July 20, 1917. New Bedford (Mass.) Standard, July 19, 1917. New Britain (Conn.) Herald, Sept. 11, 1917. New Haven (Conn.) Register, Sept. 11, 1917. New Orleans Item, Sept. 8, 11, 1917; Feb. 10, Mar. 31, May 13, 15, 20, 1918. 18 0 BIBLIOGRAPUY New Orleans Times-Picayune, Oct. 1, 19, 26, Nov. 10, 28, Dec. 9, 12, 15, 18. 1916; Jan. 1, 14, Mar. 9, 24, June 13, Sept. 4, 8, 15, 21, Oct. 5, 1917; Apr. 7, 30, May 12, 16, June 14, Sept. 21, 1918. New Orleans States, July 24, Aug. 7, 28, Oct. 10, 1916; Nov. 3, 1917; Jan. 21, Apr. 6, July 23, 1918.. Newport (R. I.) News, Sept. 1, 1917. New Philadelphia (O hio) Times, Oct. 26, 1917; Mar. 17, 1918. New York Age, Feb. 11, 18, Mar. 4, May 27, Aug. 19, 1915; May 24, July 20, 27, Aug. 24, 31, Sept. 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 15, 23, 30, Dec. 14, 21, 1916; Jan. 4, 11, Feb. 1, 8, 15, 22, Mar. 1, 15, 22, Apr. 5, 19, May 3, 10, 24. June 7, 14, 21, July 5, 26, Aug. 21, Sept. 20, Oct. 10, 11,18, Nov. 1, 8, 22, 29. Dec. 22, 1917 ; Jan. 26, 29, Feb. 9, 16, Mar. 2, 9, 23, 30, Apr. 6, 20, 21, 27. May 4, 11, 18, 25, June 2, 8, 20, 22, 29, July 6, 13, 15, Aug. 10, Sept. 14, 21, 28, Oct. 5, 1918. New York American, July 16, 17, Aug. 12, Sept. 20, 1917; June 23, 1918. New York Call, Feb. 28, Sept. 15, 1915; Sept. 30, Oct. 10, Nov. 16, 29. Dec. 3, 1916; July 1, Aug. 8, 9, Sept. 28, Nov. 13, 22, 1917; Mar. 5. Apr. 26, May 30, June 8, 24, Aug. 26, 1918. New York Commerce and Finance, Sept 13, Nov. 8, 1916; Mar. 27, 1918. New York Commercial, Oct. 24, 1916; July 14, 1917. New York Globe, Feb. 10, 18, Mar. 12, 1915; July 31, Oct. 25, Nov. 13, Dec. 6, 1916; Mar. 19, Apr. 9, Aug. 20, Oct. 9, 1917; June 5, Oct. 1, 1918. New York Herald, June 10, 1917. New York Journal, July 14, Aug. 25, 27, O ct 12, 1916; Oct. 4, 11, 1917. New York Journal o f Commerce, Aug. 14, 1917. New York Mail, Feb. 27, 1915; Nov. 1, 1916; Aug. 1, Sept. 20, 1917; Feb. 6, 12, Mar. 11, 15, 18, Apr. 30, July 1, May 3, 1918. New York News, Mar. 4, 1915 ; Apr. 13, Sept. 11, 29, Dec. 21, 1916; Jan. 25, Oct. 10, 1917; Feb. 14, Mar. 23, Apr. 10, 11, 25, Aug. 22, 1918. New York Post, Dec. 28, 1915; Oct. 5, Nov. 17, Dec. 1, 4, 16, 1916; Feb. 3. July 13, 14, 16, Sept. 19, 20, Oct. 15, 25, 29, 1917; Jan. 31, Feb. 15, June 22, Sept. 25, 1918. New York Sun, Mar. 27, Nov. 19, 22, 1916; Jan. 15, 20, Mar. 21, Apr. 4, July 2, Aug. 7, 10, 15, Sept. 21, Oct. 5, Nov. 19, 21, 1917; Jan. 31, May 1, 17, June 19, July 1, 2, 7, Sept. 17, 22, 1918. New York Telegram, Nov. 16, 1916; Sept. 9, 1918. New York Times, June 11, Aug. 17, Sept. 10, Oct. 21, Nov. 5,12, Dec. 17, 1916; Oct. 7, 1917; Jan. 21, Feb. 1, May 25, 1918. New York Tribune, Oct. 22, Dec. 24, 1916 ; July 2, 21, 31, Oct. 16, 1917; Jan. 6, May 11, 22, Aug. 26, Sept 22, 1918. New York World, Oct. 29, Nov. 12, 19, 1916; Mar. 21, 1917; Feb. 14, 23, Apr. 14, 18, May 21, June 23, 25, 1918. Norfolk (V a.) Journal and Guide, Sept. 9, Oct. 2, Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 2, 16, . 1916; Jan. 23, Feb. 2, 24, Mar. 3, 17, 24, Apr. 14, May 12,June 30, July 7, 25, 28, Sept. 11, 15, 22, 29, Oct. 6, 13, 20, Dec. 1, 1917; Feb. 2, 9, 16, Mar. 10, 23, 30, July 13, Aug. 10, 1918. Norfolk (V a.) Virginian-Pilot, Oct. 20, 1916; Oct. 19, 1917; May 14, 1918. Oakland (Cal.) Tribune, July 13, 1917. Omaha (Neb.) Bee, Mar. 4, 1917; Mar. 24, 1918. Omaha (N eb.) World-Herald, Feb. 3, 1917. Oshkosh (W is.) Daily Northwestern, July 28, 1916. Palatka (Fla.) Advocate, Mar. 10, 1917. Passaic (N. J.) Herald, Apr. 15, 1918. Paterson (N . J.) Guardian, Sept. 22, 1917. Peoria (111.) Journal, Nov. 23, 1917. Philadelphia Bulletin, Mar. 12, June 29, July 26-28, 30, 31, 1917. Philadelphia Inquirer, Feb. 24, Mar. 2. July 26-31, Dec. 14, 1917; Jan. 31, 1918. Philadelphia North American, Aug. 9, 30, Nov. 24, 1916; Feb. 2, Mar. 27, July 26-31, 1917. BIBLIOGRAPHY 181 Philadelphia Public Ledger, May 11, 1916; Jan. 26, Apr. 6, July 16, 26-31, Aug. 26, 1917; Jan. 31, May 27, Aug. 2, 3, 14, 1918. Philadelphia Record, Apr. 8, 1915; Dec. 9, 1916; Mar. 2, Apr. 1, July 26-31, 1917; June 12, 1918. Philadelphia Telegraph, Oct. 11, Nov. 21, 1916; July 17, 26-31, 1917. Pittsburgh Chronicle, Oct. 17, Dec. 1, 1916. Pittsburgh Courier, June 22, 1917. Pittsburgh Dispatch, Oct. 1, Dec. 7, 1916; Feb. 26, Mar. 16, Dec. 17, 1917; Mar. 7, Apr. 11, 14, 1918. Pittsburgh Gazette Times, Nov. 21, 1917; June 28, July 7, 1918. Pittsburgh Leader, Nov. 1, Dec. 7, 1916; June 28, 1918. Pittsburgh Press, Mar. 28, 29, 1917. Pittsburgh Sun, Mar. 26, 1917; Apr. 11, 1918. Portland (M e.) Express and Advertiser, Nov. 25, 1916. Portland (M e.) Press, Aug. 10, 1917. Portland (Ore.) Oregonian, Nov. 7, 1917. Providence (R. T.) Bulletin, Nov. 11, 1916; Feb. 13, 1918. Providence (R. I.) Journal, Aug. 17, 28, Oct. 29, Nov. 9, 20, Dec. 23, 1916; Aug. 7, 1918. Providence (R. I.) Tribune, Dec. 22, 1917. Raleigh (N. C.) Independent, Apr. 28, July 21, Sept. 15, Oct. 27, Dec. 22, 1917; June 1, 29, 1918. Raleigh (N. C.) News and Observer, Aug. 11, Oct. 4, Nov. 14, 1916. Reading (Pa.) Telegram, Sept. 7, 1916; July 11, 1917. Richmond (V a.) News Leader, July 6, 1917; June 4, 1918. Richmond (V a.) Planet, Mar. 10, Apr. 7, 28, May 5, 19, June 23, Aug. 18, 1917; Feb. 16, 28, Mar. 30, Apr. 20, June 8, July 6, 1918. Richmond (V a.) Times-Dispatch, Aug. 26, 1916. Rochester (N . Y .) Democrat Chronicle, June 5, 1916; Feb. 18, Mar. 27, 1917. Rochester (N. Y .) Post Express, Nov. 11, 17, Dec. 8, 1916; Jan. 8, 1918. Rochester (N. Y .) Times, Dec. 11, 1916. Rochester (N. Y .) Union and Advertiser, Dec. 8, 1916. Rome (N. Y .) Sentinel, Mar. 21, 1917. Sacramento (Cal.) Union, June 16, 1917. Saginaw (Mich.) Courier-Herald, Mar. 21, 1917. St. Joseph (M o.) News. Feb. 17, 1917. St. Louis Argus, Aug. 25, Oct. 20, 1916; Jan. 6, Feb. 9, Mar. 23, June 1, 8, Sept. 14, Oct. 5, 1917; Mar. 15, 22, Aug. 9, Sept. 27, Oct. 4, 11, 1918. St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Feb. 15, May 30, 31, July 2-18, 1917; March 28, 1918. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Dec. 1, 10, 14, 1916: May 30, 31, July 2-18; Sept. 9, Nov. 3, 1917; May 10, 11, July 12, 18, Aug. 28. 1918. St. Louis Star, May oO, 31, July 2-6, 8-13, 15-18, 1917. St. Louis Times, May 30, 31, July 2-6, 8-13, 15-18, Aug. 11, 28, 1917. Salina (Kas.) Union, Aug. 30, 1917. Salt Lake City (Utah) Tribune, Mar. 4, 1917. San Antonio (T ex.) Light, Sept. 10, 1916; May 14, Sept. 1, 1918. San Jose (Cal.) Herald, Aug. 28, 1916. . Savannah (Ga.) Morning News, July 31, Aug. 2, 1916; Jan. 3, July 18, 1917; June 6, 1918. Savannah Tribune, Aug. 5, 19, Sept. 9, 23, 30, Nov. 11, Oct. 28, 1916; Feb. 3, Mar. 31, Apr. 7, 28, May 10, 12. 17, 19, June 2, July 2, 1917; Feb. 13. Mar. 16, Apr. 13, May 20, July 20, 27, Aug. 3, 24, 1918. St. Paul (Minn.) News, June 12, 14, 17, 1918. St. Paul (Minn.) Pioneer Press, July 9, Oct. 5, 1915; Dec. 1, 1916; Aug. 6, 1918. Scranton (Pa.) News, Mar. 3, 1915. Seattle (W ash.) Post, Dec. 15, 1916; Aug. 16, 1917. Sharon (Pa.) Herald, Feb. 1, 1917. „ _ „ „ Shreveport (La.) Times, July 18, Aug. 2, Oct. 6, 1917; May 28, 1918. 182 BIBLIOGRAPHY Southern Standard (Macon, Ga.), June 16, 1917; May 2, 13, 1918. Southwestern Christian Advocate (New Orleans), Dec. 7, 1916; Jan. 4, 11, Mar. 1, 22, July 19, Oct. 18, 1917; Mar. 9, May 30, July 25, Aug. 22, 1918. Spartanburg (S. C.) Journal, Sept. 11, 1917. Spokane (W ash.) Chronicle, Dec. 11, 1916. Springfield (Mass.) News, Mar. 6, 1918. Springfield (O hio) News, Aug. 2, 1917. Springfield (Mass.) Republican, May 12, Sept. 8, 10, Nov. 1, 17, 27, Dec. 3, 1916; Jan. 17, 19, 21, 25, Feb. 15, Mar. 8-11, July 7, Aug. 8, Nov. 27, 1917; Jan. 20, May 15, 1918. Springfield (M o.) Republican, Sept 9, 1917; Mar. 14, 1918. Springfield (Mass.) Union, Apr. 16, 1915; July 16, Sept. 6, 1916; Apr. 2, 1917. Star o f Zion (Charlotte, N. C .), July 19, Aug. 16, 1917. Steubenville (O hio) Star, Aug. 4, 20, 1917. Syracuse (N . Y .) Herald, July 17, 1917. Syracuse (N . Y .) Journal, Aug. 4, 1917. Syracuse (N . Y .) Post-Standard, Aug. 2, 1916; O ct 10, 1917. Tacoma (W ash.) News, May 25, 1918. Tampa (Fla.) Times, June 8, 9, 1917. Texas Freeman (H ouston), O ct 13, 1917. The Daily Herald (Baltimore), Nov. 22, Dec. 17, 1917; Jan. 5, Feb. 16, Mar. 8, 16, 23, 27, 30, April 1, 2, 16* 17, 19, 22, May 11, 13, 17, 18, 28, 30, June 6, July 8, 31, Aug. 6, 1918. The Economic W orld (New York City), Mar. 9, June 29, 1918. The Living Church (Milwaukee), Dec. 22, 1917. The Observer (New York City). Oct. 7, 1916. The Piedmont (Greenville, S. C .), Mar. 16, 1917. The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N. C .), Tan. 27, 1917. The Public (New York City), Nov. 30, 1917; May 25, 1918. The Standard (Chicago), July 16, 1917; Jan. 26, 1918. The Voice o f the People (Birmingham), Aug. 5, Dec. 2, 16, 1916; Apr. 22, May 19, July 14, 1917. The Watchman (New York G ty ), Mar. 1, 1917. Topeka (Kas.) Plain Dealer, Dec. 20, 1916; June 29, 1917. Toledo (O hio) Blade, July 12, Aug. 20, 1917. Toledo (O hio) Times, June 14, 1917. Trenton (N . J.) State Gazette, Aug. 10, Sept. 24, O ct 8, Nov. 14, Dec. 3, 1917. Trenton (N . J.) Times, July 28, Aug. 6, 1916; July 6, Sept. 18, 19, 21, 22, 28, Oct. 13, Dec. 3, 1917; Feb. 13, Mar. 9, Apr. 10, July 11, 1918. Troy (N . Y .) Times, July 7, Nov. 1, 1916; Feb. 16, Mar. 28, July 25, 1917. Utica (N . Y .) Observer, Nov. 17, 1916; Aug. 22, 1917. Utica (N . Y .) Press, Sept. 15, 1917. Valdosta (Ga.) Times, July 3, 1917: Jan. 29, 1918. Vicksburg (Miss.) Herald, Aug. 19, 1916; July 7, Dec. 7, 1917; July 30, 191& Vicksburg (Miss.) Post, Nov. 9, 1917; July 31. 1918. Walla Walla (W ash.) Bulletin, Mar. 13, 1918. Washington (D . C.) Bee, Feb. 13,.1915; Nov. 11, 1917; Mar. 23, Aug. 17, 24, Sept 7, 1918. Washington (D . C.) Herald, Jan. 23, 1916. Washington (D . C.) National Tribune, Nov. 10, 1916. Washington (D. C.) Post, Dec. 4, 1916; Feb. 25, 1918. Washington (D. C.) Star, Nov. 23, 1916; Apr. 2, July 18, 1917; Sept. 8, 1918. Washington (D . C.) Times, Nov. 13, 1916; Sept. 8, 1918. Waterbury (Conn.) Democrat, Feb. 8, Oct. 29, 1917. Waterbury (Conn.) Republican, July 4, 1917. Waterloo (Iow a) Courier, Apr. 3, 1918. Watertown (N. Y .) Times, Nov. 17, 1916; Feb. 2, 1917. Weekly Witness (New York City), Sept. 6, 1916. Wesleyan Christian Advocate (Atlanta, Ga.), Mar. 22, 1917. BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 Westerly (R. I.) Sun, Nov. 8, 1916. Wilmington (Del.) News, Dec. 1, 1916; Sept. 17, 1917. Wisconsin Weekly Blade (Madison, W is.), Jan. 18, Mar. 15, Apr. 5, 1917. Women’s Wear (New York City), July 12, 13, 21, Oct. 3, 1917; Jan. 23, Mar. 27, Aug. 5, 1918. Yonkers (N. Y .) Herald, July 12, 1915. Youngstown (O hio) Telegram, Aug. 21, 1917. Youngstown (O hio) Vindicator, Jan. 9, Mar. 23, 1918. IN D E X Adams, Henry, 4, 6. Abbott, William, 84. African Methodist Episcopal Church, 145. Akron, migrations to, 57, 126. Alabama: migrations from, 4, 7, 59, 63*74, 95*96, 107, 109; causes of migrations, 14*15, 20-21; Colonization Council, 5; efforts to check migrations, 72, 76; ef fects of migrations, 86. Albany, migrations to, 56. Albert Trostel Co., employment of negro labor, 114-115. Allis Chalmers Co., employment of negro labor, 114. Altoona, migrations to, 134. Aluminum Ore Works, employment of negro labor, 100-101. Amaca, Tom, 37. . American Baptist Home Mission Society, 144. American Car & Foundry Co., employment of negro labor, 97. American Cast Iron Pipe Co., employment of negro labor, 93. American Federation of Labor, 147-148. S e e a l s o Labor Unions. American International Shipbuilding Co., employment of negro labor, 189. American Steel & Wire Co., employment of negro labor, 108-109. Andrews, W. T., 172. Arkansas: migrations to, 3, 9, 65-68; ef forts to check migrations, 72. Armour & Co., employment of negro labor, 100. Armstrong Association, 187-138. A t l a n t a C o n s t i t u t i o n , 59. A t l a n t a I n d e p e n d e n t , 162. Atlanta Mutual Insurance Co., 64. Badham, Henry L., 20. Bailey, H. C., 128. Banks, Edward T., 128. Beloit: migrations to, 110-111; wages m, 111. Beloit N e w s , 159. Bibliography, 175-183. Birmingham V o i c e o f t h e P e o p l e , 160. “ Bloody Isle,” The, 99. Boll weevil, damage to cotton crops by, 14, 105 Booker T. Washington Social Settlement, 114. Bricklayers, wages of, 16, 86. Brickmasons, wages of, 86. Brink, Gilbert N., 144. Brown Farm, 37. Bryant, Lewis T., 141. Buffalo, migrations to, 56, 67. Building trades, negroes employed m, Bus boys, wages or, 17. Butler, J. H., 75. Butchers, wages of, 114. Cantonments, construction of, in South, 84. Capital, influence on migration of Northern, Carpenters: in Pittsburgh, 122; wages of, 16, 86. Carter, R. A., 146. Causes of migrations: Of 1879, 3-6; un employment, 14-15, 59; failure of crops, 14-15, 165; wages, 14-16, 83; demand for labor in North, 14, 17-18, 28.29, 102, 111; lade of educational facilities, 1819, 81, 83; treatment in courts, 19-20, 22, 83-85; fee system and street tax, 2021; traveling accommodations, 21-22; lynchings and mob violence, 18-19, 22, 79-81. 83, 166-167; prejudice, 24-25, 83; between cities in North, 117; as expressed through the press, 152-174. Champion Chemical Co., 128. Charlotte S t a r o f Z i o n , 161. Chart showing extent and trend of migra tions, 71. C h a t t a n o o g a T i m e s , 169. Chauffeurs, wages of, 114. Chicago: migrations to, 45, 58, 66-67, 69, 102; opportunities, 29, 102; increases in negro population, 7, 51; housing, 102106; wages, 17, 102-103, 114; welfare work, 103. S ee a lso East Chicago; Illinois. C h i c a g o D e f e n d e r , 29-33. Chicago Renting Agents Association, 103. Chicago Women’s Club, 103. Chisholm, J. N., 37. C h r i s t i a n I n d e x , 163. Churches: effects of migrations on, 86, 144; aid rendered by, 132, 144 147. Cigar factories, employment of women in, 129. Cincinnati, migrations to, 57, 125. Cleveland, migrations to, 57, 126-127. Cleveland Association of Colored Men, 128. Cleveland Welfare Federation, 126. Colonization Council, 4-5. Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, 146. Colored Protective Association, 137. C o lu m b ia (S. C.) S t a t e , 155. Columbus, migrations to, 7, 57, 126. Commerce and Labor, Secretary of, 99. Conferences: to chedc migrations, 79-81, 83; in Ohio, 128; in New Jersey, 140; American Federation of Labor, 147-148; National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 143-144, 149. Connecticut: demand for labor, 54; mi grations to, 56, 58, 141-142; wages, 142. S e e a l s o Hartford. Connor^, William R., 127. Convict system, 3-4. Cooks, 122. Core makers. 129. Correspondence, influence of, on migra tions, 34, 69. Cotton crop, failures of, 14. Council of National Defense, 129. Courts, treatment in: cause of migrations, 19-20, 22, 83*85; effects of migrations, 89. Crawford, Anthony, 47. Credit system, 92-93. Crop failures, 14-15. Cudahy Soap Factory, 109. Culver. Charles M ., 130. 1S5 186 INDEX E x p r e s s , 162. Davis. I. D., 81. Dayton, migrations to. 126. Discussion, stimulus to migration. 2C. District of Columbia, migrations to, 57. Diversification of crops. 15. Delaware, migrations to. 57. 134. Delinquency problem, study of, in Cleve land. 127. Detroit: opportunities in, 28; negro labor, 51, 130-131; wages, 129; welfare work, 131-132; housing, 131-132. S e e a l s o Michigan. Detroit L a b o r N e w s , 151. Detroit Employers* Association, 130. Dock hands, wages of, 114. Domestic service: in North, 17, 50-51, 122, 129; in South, 16. Domination, removal of fear of, 91. Dressmaking trade, negro labor in, 50. D a lla s East Chicago: migrations to, 109-110; wages, 109-110; housing, 109-110; recre ation facilities, 110; prejudice, 110; re turns to former homes from, 110. See a l s o Chicago; Illinois. East St. Louis: migrations to, 57, 99-101; riot of 1917, 98-101; wages, 99; de mand for labor, 99; housing, 100. S e e a l s o St. Louis; Missouri. East St. Louis J o u r n a l , 101. Economic policy of South, change in, fol lowing migrations, 87-88. Edge, Governor, of New Jersey, 140. Educational facilities: lade of, cause of migration, 18-19, 81, 83; improvement in, 83, 90-91; separation in schools, 96. Effects on the North: increase in crime 141; views of the press, 152-174. . Effects on the South: wa|,^v*0 , change in economic policies, 88-92; labor unions, 88, 147-151; less«»ing of preiu dice, 88-89; welfare work,# 88, 92-94 increased educational facilities, 83, 90 91; land tenure and credit systems, 92 93; views of the press, 152-174. Efforts of the North to induce migration labor agents, 29, 36-37, 40, 60, 65 in Milwaukee, 112, 114; in Pittsburgh 119-120. Efforts of the South to check migration suppression of labor agents, 38, 72-74 76-77; through Tuskegee Institute, 81 82; through the churches, 83; legislation 72-73. 76; increased wages, 79, 83 change in policies, 84-85; improved edu cational facilities, 83, 90-91. Eiffin, William T., 141. Ellis, J. B., 81. . Emerson & Birmingham: employment of negro labor, 106; housing of its labor, 107. Epstein, Abraham, 18, 119-120, 122-123. Erie Railroad, demand of, for labor, 135. Factories, negro labor employed in, 51. Fairbanks. Morse & Co., employment of negro labor. 111. Farm hands, wages of, 86. Faulks* Manufacturing Co., employment of negro labor, 114-115. Fee system, 20-21. Firemen, wages of, 114. Floods as cause of migration, 14. Florida: migrations to, 9; migrations from, 38, 43-44, 55, 59, 62-63, 69; causes of migration. 14, 22; efforts to check mi gration. 72-73. Floyd, William, 54. Foundrymen, wages of: in Massachusetts, 17; in Minnesota, 18; in Chicago, 17, 114. Fraily, E. J., Jr., 54. Free Sewing Machine Co.: employment of negro labor, 106; housing of its labor, 107. Free transportation, 47-48. Garment factories, employment of women in, 129. Gasselli Chemical Co., employment of negro labor, 109-110. Georgia: migrations from, 38, 59-62, 69, 109; causes of migrations, 14, 22, 7980, 83; efforts to check migrations, 7276, 79, 80-81, 86; activities of labor agents, 60. G e o r g i a E n q u i r e r S u n , 154. Glass works, employment of negro labor in, 100. Goldsmiths Detinning Co., employment of negro labor, 109. Gompers, Samuel, 151. S e e a l s o Ameri can Federation of Labor. Great Lakes Naval Training Station, 108. Great Northern Drive, The, 30, 33. Grimke, Archibald H., 150. Harrisburg, migrations to, 57, 134. Harris, George W., 150. Hartford: migrations to, 56, 58, 141-142; wages, 142; housing, 142. Hartford Baptist Association, 141. Hartford Civic Club, Housing Committee of, 142. Haynes, George E., 129. Hobson & Walkers Brick Yard, employ ment of negro labor, 109. Hoffman Manufacturing Co., employment of negro labor, 114-115. Horae Missions Council of Churches of Christ in America, 132, 145. Housing in St. Louis, 97-98; in East St. Louis, 100; in Chicago, 102-106; in Rockford, 106-107; in Waukegan, 108; in East Chicago, 109-110; in Beloit, 111; in Milwaukee. 117-118; in Pittsburgh, 120-122; in Cleveland, 126-127; in De troit, 131-132; in Pennsylvania, 135; in Philadelphia, 137-139; in New Jersey, 139-140; in Hartford, 141-142. Howe. Frederick C., 53. Illinois: migrations to, 7, 58, 68, 108109; housing, 108; wages, 108; preju dice, 109; migrations from, 112. S e e a l s o Chicago; East Chicago. Illinois Central Railroad, importation of negro labor, 102. Immigration Bureau of Social Uplift Work for Negroes, 143. Indiana, migrations to, 5, 57, 68. Influences on migrations: discussion. 26; public speaking, 27-28; attitude of North, 27; reports of opportunities in North, 28-29, 34; rumors, 28-29, 40, 78-79; activities of C h i c a g o D e f e n d e r , 2933; activities of labor agents. 29, 3687; correspondence, 34, 40, 69; circula tion of literature and poems, 35, 37. Inland Steel Foundry, employment of negro labor. 109. Interdenominational Ministerial Union, 137. International ’ Lead Refining Co., employ ment of negro labor, 109. Intersectional migration: number born in specified divisions and living in or out of these divisions. 10; number living in specified divisions, 10; migration north 187 INDEX to south, south to north and east to west, 11; net migration eastward and west ward and northward and southward, 12. Interstate Mill, employment of negro labor, 109. Intoxicants, use of, among negroes in Pitts burgh, 124. Invasion, rumors of, 28. Iowa, migrations from, to Wisconsin, 112. Iron and steel, industries, employment of negro labor in, 113. Janitors: in Milwaukee, 114; in Pittsburgh, 122, Jersey City, migrations to, 57. Johnson, Charles S., 23, 128. Jones, E. K., 93, 150. Jones, Thomas Jesse, 18, 150. Joyce, labor agent, 72. Kansas, migrations to, 3-6, 58. Kentucky: migrations to, 68; migrations from, 95. Krolick Co., employment of women by, 131. Labor:—Labor agents: activities of, 29, 3637, 40, 60, 65; from St. Louis, 96; from East St. Louis, 99; from Mil waukee, 112; from Pittsburgh, 120; from Pennsylvania, 135; efforts of the South to suppress, 38, 72-74, 76-77; inquiry of Council of National Defense, 129. Labor Unions: prejudice of, 49; change in policy, 88, 147-151. Suitability of negro labor, 115-116, 123, 130-131; demand in North for, 14; competition in North, 50-52; compari son of negro with foreign labor, 125; wages— s e e Wages. Labor, Department of, 53, 78. Lancaster, B. S., 150. Lancaster, migrations to, 134. Land tenure system, improvement in, 9293. Legal aid to negroes in North, 127. Legislation: to check migration, 72-73, 76; to aid migrants in North, 141. Lindeman-Hoverson Co., A. J., employ ment of negro labor, 113-115. Literature, circulation of, influence on mi gration, 35. Louisiana: migrations from, 4, 59, 68; causes of migrations, 14; Colonization Council, 5; efforts to check migrations, 78 Lumber stackers, wages of, 103. Lynchings: cause of migrations, 18-19, 22, 79-81, 83, 166-167; checking of, 94; Anthony Crawford, 47; in Georgia, 22, 79; in Tennessee, 22. Machinists: in Detroit, 129; in Massachu setts, 17. Macon T e l e g r a p h , 156 Marks Manufacturing Co., wages paid by, 103. Massachusetts: migrations to, 56; wages in, Massacres, cause of migration of 1879, 4. Maxwell, William IT., 140. Mechanics, negro labor in, 51, M e m p h i s C o m m e r c i a l A p p e a l , 154. Michigan: migrations to, 58, 68, 129-133; migrations from, 112. S e e a l s o Detroit. Middletown, migrations to, 126. Migrations: to Kansas, 1879, 3-6; to Arkansas and Texas, 1888 and 1889, 3; of May 15, 1917, 30-33; of August 15, 1917, 33; chart showing extent and trend of, 71; efforts to check— s e e Ef forts; effects of— s e e Effects. Milwaukee: migrations to, 111-118; efforts to secure negro labor, 111-112, 114; recreation facilities, 112, 117-118; wages, 113-115; prejudice, 116; housing, 117118; migrations from, 117. Milwaukee Coke & Gas Co., employment of negro labor, 113-115. Ministers, aid of, sought to check migra tions, 83. Minnesota: migrations from, to Wisconsin, 112; wages in, 18. Mississippi: migrations from, 4, 45, 59, 6468, 95-96, 99, 109, 111; Colonization Council, 5; causes of migrations, 14-15, 20, 24-25; efforts to check migrations, 72, 76-78, 82-83; effects of migrations, 87, 89-90. Missouri, migrations to, 57. S e e a l s o St. Louis; East St. Louis. Missouri Malleable Iron Works, employ ment of negro labor, 100. Mob violence, 79-80, 83, 167. S e e a l s o Riots. Molders: in Chicago, 17; in Detroit, 129. Moldsetters, in Pittsburgh, 122 Montgomery A d v e r t i s e r , 156, 165, 169170. Moore, Fred R., 150. Morris & Co., employment of negro labor, 100. Moton, Robert R., 150-151. Motormen in Detroit, 28. Muckers, wages of, 114. Nagel, Charles, 99. B a n n e r , 153. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 98, 128, 137, 151. National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes: aid to migrations, 54, 56; welfare work, 93, 143-144, 149; con ferences, 143-144, 149; in St. Louis, 98; in Chicago, 69, 104; in Pittsburgh, 121; in Detroit. 131-132; in Philadelphia, 137. National Malleable Iron Works, employ ment of negro labor, 113-115. National organizations, remedies for relief by, 143-151. Nebraska, migrations to, 58. Nelson & Co., employment of negro labor, 100. New Orleans T i m e s P i c a y u n e , 152. Newark. S e e New Jersey. New Jersey: migrations to, 39, 50-57, 139; migrations to Newark, 56-58; return of migrants to South from, 139; housing, 139-140; wages, 140; legislation, 141; effects of migrations, 141; welfare work, 139-141. Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Co., 93. New York, migrations to, 39, 56, 58, 67- N a s h v ille New York N e w R e p u b l i c . 157. Y o r k N e w s . 54, 164. Y ork A g e , 43. Y o r k G l o b e . 159. Norfolk J o u r n a l a n d G u i d e , 100. N ew N ew N ew North: opportunities. 17, 28-29; attitude toward migrants. 27, 136, 152-174; aids to migrants, 143-151. North Carolina, migrations from, 4-5, 39. Northwest, migrations to, 69. Northwestern Railroad, need of, for labor, 108. 188 INDEX Oates, W . H ., 2 1 . O h io: m igrations t o , 7 , 5 7 , 125*129; housing, 1 2 6 * 1 2 7 ; w elfare work, 126* 1 2 8 ; conferences to aid migrants, 1 2 8 . Ohio Federation for U plift o f the Colored People, 1 2 8 . O hio State Council o f N ational D efense, 128. O hio State and C ity Labor Bureau, 1 2 8 . O hio Charter Commission, 1 2 8 . Oklahoma, migrations to, *9 . O m aha, migrations to, 5 8 . Oshkosh Daily Northwestern, 1 5 8 . Packing houses, negroes employed in : East St. Louis, 1 0 0 ; Chicago, 2 9 , 1 0 2 ; M il waukee, 1 1 4 . Painters: in Pittsburgh, 1 2 2 ; wages o f, 8 6 . Parker, J u d g e T . A ., 8 1 . Parks, Rev., 7 9 . Pattern Makers, wages o f , 1 7 . Pass Riders, 7 7 . Pennsylvania: migrations to, 9 , 3 8 -8 9 , 5 5 , 5 7 , 6 7 , 1 3 4 * 1 3 9 ; labor agents from , 1 3 5 ; returns to former homes from , 1 3 5 . S ee also Philadelphia; Pittsburgh. Pennsylvania Railroad Co., demand o f, fo r labor, 6 9 , 1 3 5 . Persuasion, use o f, to check migrations, 7 9 . Pfister-Vogel C o ., employment o f negro labor, 1 1 4 -1 1 5 , 1 1 7 . Philadelphia: migrations to, 5 7 -5 8 , 1 3 5 ; prejudice, 1 3 5 ; attitude o f negroes w , toward migrants, 1 3 6 : w ages, 1 3 6 , riots, 1 3 6 ; housing, 1 3 7 - 1 3 9 ; social work, 1 3 7 139. See also Pennsylvania. Philadelphia Academ y o f M edicine. 1 3 7 . Philadelphia Christian Recorder, 1 6 4 . Pittsburgh: m igrations to, 5 8 , 6 7 , 1 1 9 -1 2 5 ; efforts to secure negro labor, 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 ; housing, 1 2 0 * 1 2 2 ; social conditions m , 1 2 1 , 1 2 4 -1 2 5 ; prejudice, 1 2 3 ; wages, 1 8 , 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 ; comparison o f negro labor with foreign labor, 1 2 5 . S ee also Penn sylvania. Pittsburgh Associated Charities, 1 2 1 . Pittsburgh Dispatch. 1 0 0 . Pittsburgh, U niversity o f, 1 2 1 . Plankm gton Packing C o., employment o f negro labor, 1 1 3 -1 1 5 . Plantation government, 8 4 . Poem s, circulation o f, influence on migra tion, 3 7 . Political prosecution in South, 4 . P o rters: in Chicago, 1 7 : in M ilwaukee, 1 1 4 ; in Pittsburgh, 1 2 2 ; wages o f , 1 7 , 114. Pottsville, migrations to, 1 3 4 . Poughkeepsie, migrations to, 5 6 . Prejudice: Rockford, 1 9 7 - 1 0 8 ; W aukegan, 1 0 9 ; East Chicago, 1 1 0 ; Beloit, 1 1 1 ; Milwaukee. 1 1 6 ; Pittsburgh, 1 2 3 ; Phila delphia, 1 3 5 ; cause o f migration, 3 , 2 2 , 2 4 - 2 5 ; o f labor unions, 4 9 - 5 1 ; decrease in, 9 1 . Press, causes and effects o f m igrations, s s expressed through the, 1 5 2 -1 7 4 . Prisoners, care o f discharged, 1 2 7 . Professional men, migration o f , 4 5 . Public opinion regarding migrations, 1 5 2 174. Public speaking, stimulation o f migration by, 2 7 -2 8 . Puddlcrs, employment o f, in Pittsburgh, 1 2 2 . Railroads: efforts o f , to secure negro labor, 3 8 , 1 2 0 ; wages, 1 0 3 : in Pittsburgh, 1 2 2 . Raleigh Independent. 1 6 1 . Realty H ousing and Investment C o ., 1 2 7 . Reeves. Alexander, 7 2 . Rem edies: in Georgia, 8 0 ; increased edu cational facilities, 8 3 , 9 0 ; through W . P . Thirkfield, 8 3 ; through Tuskegee Insti tute, 8 1 ; conferences, 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 ; through churches, 1 4 4 -1 4 7 ; through labor unions, 1 4 7 -1 5 1 . R en ts: in Chicago, 1 0 5 ; in Cleveland, 1 2 6 ; m N ew Jersey, 1 3 9 ; in H artford, 1 4 2 . See also H ousing. Republic Rolling M ill, employment o f negro labor, 1 0 9 . Returns to So u th : from East Chicago, 1 1 0 ; from Pennsylvania, 1 3 5 ; from N ew Jer sey, 1 3 9 . J Riley, George S ., 7 3 . R io ts: in East St. Louis, 9 8 1 0 0 ; in Philadelphia, 1 3 6 . See also M ob violence. Robinson, Joe, 7 2 . Robinson, W illiam , 1 0 7 . R ockford: migrations to, 1 0 8 1 0 8 ; housing, J 0 8 I 0 7 ; wages, 1 0 8 1 0 7 ; prejudice, 1 0 7 Rockford M alleable Iron C om pany: em ploy ment o f negro labor, 1 0 8 1 0 7 ; housing o f its labor, 1 0 8 1 0 7 ; wages paid by, 1 0 7 . R um ors, influence on migrations o f, 2 8 2 9 , 40, 7 8 7 9 . S t. L o u is: migrations to, 5 7 , 6 8 6 7 , 9 8 1 0 1 ; separation, 9 5 : efforts to secure migrants, 9 6 ; wages. 9 8 9 7 ; housing, 9 7 -9 8 . See also East St. L o u is; M issouri. Sanitary conditions: improvements in, 9 2 , „ 9 4 ; m St. Louis, 9 8 . Scarborough, W . S ., 1 2 8 . Schwartz, John E ., 3 7 . Scott, Emmett J., 1 5 0 . Scroggs, W illiam Oscar, 9 . Segregation, 9 8 9 6 . Servants. See Domestic service. Shillady, J. R ., 1 5 0 1 5 1 . Shoemakers, wages o f, 1 1 4 . Singleton, “ P a p ( B e n j a m i n ) , 5 -6 . Skilled workers, 1 2 2 , 1 2 9 . Sm ith, B ridges, 5 9 . Social conditions: in Pittsburgh, 1 2 1 : in Cleveland, 1 2 7 . S ee also W elfa re work. Social Service Commission o f the Churches o f Christ, 1 2 1 . Solvay Steel Castings C o., employment o f negro labor, 1 1 4 . South Carolina: migrations from , 4 8 4 7 ; race conference, 1 7 2 . Southwestern Christian Advocate, 1 4 4 . Springfield, migrations to, 1 2 6 . Springfield Union, 1 5 8 . Stanton, V . L ., 8 1 . Steel industry: demand for labor, 3 8 , 1 1 9 ; negroes employed in Pittsburgh, 1 2 2 . Steel m olders, wages o f, 1 1 4 . Stimulation o f migrations. See Influences. Street construction workers, wages o f, 1 1 4 . Street tax in South, cause o f migration, 20. Superstitions o f m igrants, 4 0 , 4 5 -4 6 . Sw ift and Company, employment o f negro labor, 1 0 0 . Tannery laborers, wages o f, 1 1 4 . Teachers, wages o f. 1 8 . T ennessee: migrations from , 4 -5 , 9 5 -9 6 , 9 9 ; migrations to, 6 8 ; lynchings, 2 2 . Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad C o.. 9 3 . T e x a s : migrations to. 8 ; migrations from , 4 ; Colonization Council, 5. Theater ushers, women employed as. 1 2 9 . Thirkfield, Bishop W . P ., 8 3 . T ifton Gazette, 7 9 . INDEX Tobacco fields, wages of labor employed in, 17. Trakem Pump Co., employment of negro labor, 106. Tunnell Construction Co., employment of negro labor, 114-115. Tuskegee Institute: efforts to check migra tions, 81; conference of, 82. Transfer yards, negro labor employed in, 100 . Transportation, influence on migration of fears of, 28-29. Transportation paid by Northern employ ers, 135. Traveling accommodations, influence on mi grations, 21-22; effects of migrations, 91. Trenton, migrations to, 57. Truckers, employment of negro laborers as, 129. “ Underground Railroad,” 68. Unemployment, 14-16, 59. Union Central Relief Association, 64. United States Production Co., 109. Unskilled labor, 122, 129. V ic k s b u r g H e r a l d , 153. Virginia, migrations from, 39. Wages:— South: cause of migrations, 1418, 29, 34, 83, 171; comments of press, 84; effects of migrations, 81, 83 85-87 91. North: In Pittsburgh, 18, 123-124; in Massachusetts 17; in Minnesota, 18; in St. Louis, 96-97, 99; in Chicago, 17, 102-103, 109-110, 114; in Rock 189 ford, 106-107; in Waukegan, 108; in Beloit, 111; in Milwaukee, 113-115; in Detroit, 129-130; in Philadelphia, 136; in New Jersey, 140; in Hart ford, 142. Walker, A. P . , 37. Walla Walla B u l l e t i n , 160. Warehousemen, wages of, 17. Waukegan, migrations to, 108-109. Waukegan industries, employment of negro labor. 108-109. Wehr Steel and Machine Shops, employ ment of negro labor, 113. Welfare work: National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 93, 143-144, 149; in Chicago, 103; in Ohio, 126-128; in Detroit, 131; in New Jersey, 139141; in Philadelphia, 137-139; in Hart ford, 141-142. Wilberforce University, 128. Wilder Tannery Co., employment of negro labor, 108. Wills, J. Walter, 128. Wilmington, migrations to, 134. Wilson Packing Co., wages paid by, 103. Winston, Francis D., 153. Wisconsin: migrations to, 110-111; wages, 111. S e e a l s o Milwaukee. Women's Health League, 88. Woods, J. S., 114. Wright, R. R., 171. Yard workers, wages of, 17. York, migrations to, 134. Youn| Negroes* Progressive Association, Youngstown, migrations to, 57, 126.