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0 . M.


The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 1) to repeal a part of
an act, approved July 14,1890, entitled "An act directing the purchase of
sliver bullion and the Issue of Treasury notes thereon, and for other purposes"—

Mr. HALL of Minnesota said:
Mr. SPEAKER: " The times are out of joint." A country richer
than all others in the variety and extent of its resources, stronger
than all others in the intelligence, enterprise, and ingenuity of
its people, greater than all others in its opportunities for individual effort and success, finds its resources stagnant, its enterprise clogged, its progress stopped by an impending financial
crisis, dangerous in its present severity and terrible in its possibilities.
We are summoned in extraordinary session not to prescribe a
remedy for all the ills which afflict the people's business, but
to check—to stamp out the financial epidemic which is carrying
distress and ruin to every threshold in the nation. Gentlemen
tell us that before we can do this we must diagnose the disease.
Over the writhing, dying patient these learned doctors consult,
quarrel, and disagree in approved professional manner. The
venerable practitioner from Ohio [Mr. GROSVENOR] and his
boisterous associates from Iowa [Mr. HENDERSON and Mr. H E P BURN] and from Illinois [Mr. CANNON] have diagnosed the case
with great relish and self--satisfaction, and have reached the profound conclusion that the patient is suffering from too much
fright and too little nourishment.
4 4 Madam, " said an eminent specialist,14 your husband is afflicted
with a complication of disorders which we are utterly unable to
understand. But I assure you, my dear madam, everything will


be made clear and satisfactory at the post-mortem." [Laughter.]
These wise men, if I understand them, find nothing in the
present alarming condition of the country except an all-pervading- fear of the early demise of McKinleyism. The financial
distress, the suspension of banks, the hoarding and almost total
disappearance of money, the failures of jobbing and commercial
houses, the closing of factories, the bankruptcy of railroads, and
the universal stagnation of all kinds of business are, in their judgment, mainly due to the fear that this Democratic Congress will in
good faith carry out the tariff reform it promised the people.
"To this lame and impotent conclusion!7 does all their skill,
wisdom, and experience lead them.
What quackery'it is! If these doctors had but looked into
the eyes of the suffering patient, seen his coated tongue, felt
his throbbing, feverish pulse, they would not have had the hardihood to speak .as they have.
The Almighty has so constructed humanity that in every age
and in every country there are men whose patriotism is so diminutive and partisanship so intense that even in q, nation's distress and a people's suffering they can see nothing but an opportunity for factional gain and personal profit. To them and of
them I can only say in the language of the venerable Senator
from Massachusetts [Mr. H O A R ] :
No man whom the American people have trusted with any share of political power is entitled to be respected who approaches the duty of this hour
in any partisan or sectional spirit or Inspired t>y the desire to reap partisan
advantage from the puhiic calamity.

But let us diagnose the diagnosis of these wise men.
Sherman's silver law was passed in July, 1890. For twelve
years prior thereto, under the Bland-Allison act, this country
had been annually coining $24,000,000 worth of silver into silver
dollars of the average market value of 73 cents each. Over
400,000,000 of these coined dollars were then directly or indirectly in circulation as a part of the money of the country. The
Sherman differed from the Bland*Allison law about as two
drinks differ from one. It doubled the dose. It compelled the
purchase and compelled, substantially, the coinage of twice as
much silver as the Bland-Allison act. The shrewd financiers

of the world at once comprehended the ultimate effect of the
law. They knew that it inevitably accelerated our speed on the
down grade to silver monometallism. The wiping- out of the
magnificent surplus which Mr. Cleveland left in the Treasury
was additional cause of alarm.
I can not give you statistics, but every intelligent man knows
that the great and rapid development of this country has not
been solely due to our people. It is the British pound sterling
and the Dutch florin in the hands of the enterprising Americans which has set this country spinning on the highway of development, to the astonishment and admiration of the world.
Foreign capital borrowed at low rates of interest has created
our railroads, opened our factories and mines, and developed
our resources. No undertaking involving the use of large
amounts of money could be successfully carried on without the
aid of foreign money. Our own capital was too limited, our rates
of interest too high to admit of this. But in the cheap markets
of Europe we found cheap money. This we borrowed in untold
millions and utilized it for our own profit and advancement.
the Rothschilds, to
To the people who lent us this money
the Jews, that marvelous race who are the bankers of the universe, Sherman's Jaw came as a threat of repudiation, an act of
partial bankruptcy, an attempt to pay back the money we had
borrowed in a debased currency, in clipped shillings of inferior
•value. They began to draw in their loans, to unload our securities, and, worst of all, they refused to loan us more money.
At once upon the enactment of Sherman's law, gold began to go
out of this country in large quantities. In the first fiscal year
ending June 30,1891, our net export of gold was over $68,000,000.
and in addition we sent a net export of $44,000,000 of crops and
merchandise, in all, over $112,000,000 to pay our called-in indebtedness.
In the next year ending June,1892, we had a net export of only a
half million of gold, but we added to it from our magnificent crops
of that year an export surplus of nearly $216,000,000. Bid McKinley's law or the fear of its repeal have anything to do with this?
Why this enormous payment of our called-in indebtedness oc214

curred while McKinleyism was triumphant; before the American
people had rendered their verdict and passed sentence upon that
felonious measure?
This distrust and lack of confidence on the part of European
money-lenders speedily communicated itself to our American capitalists. They began to prepare for the coming storm by hoarding gold. The banks did likewise. All this time gold was flowing out of the Treasury, and only silver going in. It was apparent that the $100,000,000 of gold held for redemption purposes
must soon be encroached upon. Early in the fall of 1891, scarcely
a year after the passage of Sherman's law, Ohio's magnificent
plunger, then Secretary of the Treasury, announced that he
stood ready to use the reserve "upon a pinch." For the first
time since 1879 that reserve, the sheet anchor of all our currency,
of silver as well as paper, was in danger. All this occurred before the Presidential election. How, then, doctors, could the
fear of the repeal of the McKinley law have produced it?
When the people discovered that the bankers and capitalists
were scared, they became scared themselves, and began to draw
out their money from the banks and hoard it. They got but
little gold, for the capitalists had already taken that. But they
got currency and hoarded that, until it is almost literally true
that there is no money in circulation. Whatever business is
carried on consists of small transactions requiring currency of
small denominations, and we consequently have the seemingly
mysterious phenomenon of small currency at a premium.
From the New York Press, a leading Republican newspaper,
I have clipped a column of disasters reported in a single issue—
twenty-six in all. They comprehend a variety of business establishments, protected and unprotected. This record of a single day tells of the failure of six banks, three railways, one packing-house, five mercantile houses, two board of trade brokers,
one Chicago hotel, one large creamery, and only seven establishments which, by the wildest stretch of imagination, could
be in anywise affected by a reduction of the tariff.
It is absurd to say that the banks are dependent upon tariff
taxes; equally ridiculous to claim that a fear of the reduction

of the cost of steel rails has bankrupted the railways; or of the
tax on hog's bristles has closed the packing-house; or of that
upon eggs has sent the hotel into the hands of a receiver. The
mercantile houses, the brokers, and the creamery were not included in McKinley's distribution of illegitimate profits. And
as this day's record is, so has the daily record been for two
months past.
Probably the most reliable commercial journal in the United
States is Bradstreet's. In a very recent number of that journal
I find a list of 800 manufacturing establishments, employing onehalf million of people, which have closed since June 1. A large
part of these are protected industries. Many of them, such as
wagon factories, brick yards, common potteries, sewer and
drain pipe works, and others of similar character are in fact
wholly unprotected by tariff duties. Of these 800 establishments,
according to Bradstreet's, 79 per cent were closed by reason of
financial stringency, only 1 per cent claimed that its suspension
was due to " a fear of impending tariff changes," and the others
were closed for repairs, taking of invoices, or by reason of fire,
If these learned doctors had looked into the columns of a daily
newspaper or glanced at the commercial reports of any trade
journal, they would not have had the temerity to submit to us a
diagnosis so frivolous and absurd.
Here and there doubtless are a few vicious protectionists, enriched by tariff favoritism and reluctant to surrender the special
privileges of profit which McKinleyism has given them, who are
reckless enough to attribute the embarrassment which comes
from a financial panic to a fear of tariff reform. But such men
are few in number and worthless in character.
Later on, when we approach the great work of tariff revision,
we shall have a howling wail from every protected cradle in the
country. All the infants will scream in unison, and tears will
flow by prearranged schedule. [Laughter.] The calami tyshriekers from Pennsylvania will outdo their modest brethren
from Colorado and Nevada. But it is too early for that now.
They are not yet in politics. I do not regret that gentlemen

upon the Republican side of this House have endeavored to make
partisan capital out of the present distress. It is well that we
have them, their diagnosis, fears, and predictions upon record.
In my judgment the unconditional repeal of Sherman's silver
law will afford relief to the business of the country so swift and
decisive that when this Congress enters upon the great work of
tariff reform these prophets of protection will be so discredited
by the failure of their present diagnosis that till the fears, prophecies, predictions, and threats they may then utter will be received with universal derision as " full of sound and signifying
nothing." [Laughter.]
The undeniable truth is that our present financial distress is
universal; that it penetrates every corner of the land and lays
its paralyzing hand upon every industry, protected and unprotected. Wherever there is a business which depends upon bank
deposits or borrowed money it has gone to the wall.
Such, Mr. Speaker, is the epitomized history of our greatest
financial crisis. It commenced—the hoarding of gold, the money
famine began—immediately upon the passage of Sherman's law.
It was, in a measure, tided over and relieved by our unusual
and enormous crops of 1891; it has now reached its culmination.
Doubtless many minor causes have contributed to it; I believe
that our protective policy has so debauched and enfeebled our
business system as to render it particularly sensitive to such
attacks. I believe that the financial disturbances existing in
South America, Australia, and to some extent in Europe, have
more or less contributed to our own distress. But none of these,
singly or combined, are sufficient to account for our present condition. It is self-evident and universally acknowledged that the
direct cause of our distress is distrust and want of confidence in
our ability to maintain the money of this country at a par with
the international money of the commercial world.
The vaults and coffers of Europe are bursting with unusable
money. It is worth only li per cent in London. Cheap as it is,
it lies idle awaiting safe investment. Driven out of South
America, frightened out of Australia, it has accumulated in
mountainous hoards awaiting the call of him who will give good

security for its repayment. Here in the United States, in spite
of our past financial idiosyncracies, Europe has found the best
and safest field for investments.
But she loans us no money now, and is withdrawing that which
we already have as fast as possible. True, within the two weeks
past we have imported much gold. We are not borrowing it;
we are buying it—sacrificing our securities and surplus crops at
forced sale for gold. As it comes here it disappears as effectually as though the ship which brought it had gone to the midocean's bottom.
Never has there been such an opportunity for the immediate
development of our railways, our manufacturing, mining, and
industrial interests and the funding at low rates of our corporate
and individual indebtedness. The cheap money of Europe—
cheaper than ever, before—is ours to hold and to use if we will
but guarantee its repayment in the same kind of money in which
it is loaned to us. But thefinanciersof the Old World will never
send us gold and accept 53-cent silver tokens in payment. [Applause.]
I come from beyond the Mississippi, modestly representing
one of the undeveloped States of the Northwest, a marvelous
empire with almost boundless resources still slumbering in her
virgin soil. Our lands are mortgaged; we need cheap money,
not a depreciated currency, not clipped shillings, not a bankrupt's dollar, but low-priced, 'honest, cheap money to renew our
mortgages and render agriculture profitable. We have growing manufactures; we need cheap money to operate and develop
them. We have inexhaustible mines; we need cheap money to
open and work them. We have large cities and prosperous villages; we need a network of railways over the State, connecting
with great trunk lines, which will carry our surplus products at
low rates to the seaboard. We stand at the fountain head of
two great waterways connecting us with the Atlantic and the
Gulf; we need steamboats and enlarged canals. Cheap money
builds railways, canals, and steamships.
I have not the courage, Mr. Speaker, to look my intelligent
constituency in the face and tell them by my vote that we have

locked out the cheap, low-priced money of Europe. For years
t have been preafehing to them the gospel of free trade. They
sent and resent me here, because they believed in that gospel.
Having challenged the right of the Government by its tariff
legislation to exclude foreign competition from our home markets, I can not now aid in shutting out the low-priced money of
Europe in order that the capitalists of Boston and New York
may have a monopoly of the home money market. My political
economy knows no such paradox as this. If anywhere on this
round globe there is money to be had at lower rates of interest,
I want my farmer constituents to get at it and to get it.
Sherman's law shuts the door in the face of every foreign investor; it warns him that if he sends gold into this country he
will only receive depreciated silver in return. It shuts him out
and leaves the great borrowing West and the borrowing South
to the tender mercies of the Shylocks of Wall street and the
bloodsuckers of New England.
To me this is a sufficient reason why Sherman's law should be
repealed. It should be immediately repealed. Whether it is a
wise or unwise measure, whether it is or is not the real cause of
the existing distress, the people believe it to be so. Unquestionably it is the cause of the panic which prevails; and to appease the panic instantaneous repeal is necessary. It should be
unconditionally repealed. For if you attach to its repeal any
new financial scheme, any untried monetary experiment, you
still leave in the public mind the doubt, distrust, and alarm
which already exists.
The house is on fire. The first thing to do is to put out the
fire. When that is done we can determine the extent of the damage and the nature of the repairs necessary. It is the height of
folly to attempt to rebuild the roof while the smoke is pouring
and theflamescolling out of the second-story windows. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. BLAND] tells us that he purposes to
hold the Sherman law as a " hostage " for the enactment of a freecoinage law. What financial wisdom! * He would take a chattel
mortgage upon the conflagration as a security for the reshingling of the roof* [Laughter.]

The amendments offered to this bill are offered for the purpose of preventing the repeal of the Sherman law, and not with
the expectation of securing free coinage at the hands of this
Congress. It is a cunningly devised scheme to defeat by amendments a bill which can not be openly defeated.
Interesting as the subject is, I shall not enter into a prolonged
discussion of the question of bimetallism, for in my judgment the
only thing for us to consider is: Shall we stop buying 4,500,000
ounces of silver bullion per month with gold, or shall we exhaust
our gold to accumulate silver?
Iam a bimetallism I believe in the use of both metals as
money. I believe that with certain restrictions and upon certain conditions both can be wisely and safely utilized as a circulating medium. But bimetallism does not mean two standards
of value. There can not'be such a self-contradiction as a double
or a triple standard. You can not say that 36 and 30 inches shall
constitute a yard, but you can have yardsticks of steel, brass,
wood, or tape. Each is a measure of length, but each must conform to the. single standard of 36 inches. You can have a gold,
silver, copper, or paper dollar, and if they are kept equal with
each other they have equal purchasing,power and each is a dollar.
Gold, and gold alone, is the commercial, the international money
of the world; Whenever any other kind of money comes in contact with it, it is measured, valued by gold. The price of silver
bullion, of copper, of iron, is measured by gold. A grain of gold
is the yardstick of the nations. It derives no additional strength
from coinage or legal-tender laws; whether stamped by a nation's mint or not, coined or uncoined, it is the grain of gold
which for more than a century has been the single common
standard of value throughout the world, in every mart where
civilized man trades with his fellow. We could not discard it if
we wouid, unless, following the logic of McKinleyism, we maintained absolute nonintercourse with all the world.
We can utilize silver as money, not as a substitute for gold,
but as an auxiliary and equal to it. The gold and silver dollars
can be made equal to each other in three ways. I call attention
to the fact that each of these three methods of equalization is


specifically set forth in the last Democratic national platform.
First, they must be of "equal intrinsicor exchangeable value,"
so that, put into the melting-pot, either one as commercial bullion
would purchase the other in any of the world's markets. This
equalization of the two dollars has been feasible at any time
within the past twenty years.
If the advocates of free coinage had demanded a silver dollar
containing a. dollar's worth of silver, instead of advocating a
bonus or indirect bounty to silver mine owners, they would have
succeeded. To-day, however, such coinage is utterly impracticable. India has closed her mints to the coinage of silver, and
so unsettled the silver markets that no one can to-day predict
the price of silver to-morrow. No ratio between the metals can
be fixed at the present time which would last a week.
Second. Or, 4 'be adjusted through international agreement."
Undoubtedly by unanimous consent the nations of the earth can
maintain whatever ratio they see fit to adopt.
Third. Or, " By such safeguards of legislation as shall insure
the maintenance of the parity of the two metals and the equal
power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in the payment of debts." Making both dollars a legal tender would give
them equal power in the "payment of debts." The only way
to make and keep them equal in the"markets " is to make them
interchangeable—to redeem one with the other.
Since 1879, when specie payments were resumed, we h^ve been
able to do this by the accumulation of a large erold reserve in
the Treasury. We have kept greenbacks, bank notes, silver
certificates, Treasury notes, silver itself, at par with gold, because the Treasury has at all times been ready to exchange gold
for them—to redeem them in gold.
All this time we have been and still are upon a gold basis, with
gold as the single standard of value. But we have had bimetallism; we have used both gold and silver and paper, too, as money;
we have maintained their equality in our own markets, at leact,
by using them interchangeably and being at all times ready to
redeem' the silver and paper with gold; we have maintained
their debt paying equality by our legal-tender acts. From 1879

to the last hour of the Harrison Administration a gold reserve
of $100,000,000 has been set apart and sacredly held in the Treasury as a fund pledged for the maintenance at par with gold of
all our silver and paper money.
When Mr. Cleveland surrendered the Presidency to Mr. Harrison in 1885 an additional $100,000,000 had accumulated in our
vaults. This was our great surplus saved by an honest and economical Democratic Administration, and held as a further guarantee of the equality of all our money. When Mr. Harrison surrendered the Presidency to Mr. Cleveland in 1893 only a few
pennies of the magnificent surplus could be found in the Treasury vaults.
Under the operation of Sherman's law since 1890 our silver and
paper currency has increased and our stock of accumulated gold
decreased to such an extent that the world has lost confidence
in our ability to redeem the one with the other and thus maintain their parity.
We must either increase our stock of gold or stop increasing
the currency redeemable in gold. If we fail to do one or the
other of these things gold must necessarily become a mere commodity, purchasable with silver or paper, and the gold dollar
will be worth in the market a premium equal to the difference
in the commercial value between gold and silver bullion. We
will no longer continue upon a gold basis, but we will sink to a
silver basis upon a level with Mexico and China.
We are brought face to face with the problem whether we
shall continue as we have been since 18*79 upon a gold basis, or
whether we shall Mexicanize our currency and sink to a silver
basis. On a gold basis we can maintain bimetallism; we can
utilize silver as a part of our money so loner as we stand ready to
redeem it with gold. On a silver basis we become monometallists; we drive all gold out of circulation, because we could not
redeem a gold with ,a silver dollar. The cheaper coin can not
purchase the dearer.
The pending bill stops the further increase of Treasury notes
issued in purchasing silver. If it fails to pass, it still remains
the duty of the Government to maintain the parity of gold and

silver as required by Sherman's law. The only way to do this is
to increase the gold reserve in the Treasury. To s do that we
must sell bonds and increase the national debt.
I shall not now pause to discuss the much-mooted problem as to
whether or not under the resumption act of 1875 the Secretary
of the Treasury has authority to issue bonds and purchase gold
for redemption purposes. In the conflict of opinion which exists
upon that question, I shall assume that in the stress of a great
emergency he might be justified in giving that act such a construction aa to authorize an issue of bonds, for in no other way
would it be possible for him to carry out the declaratory clause of
the Sherman law " that it is the established policy of this country " to forever maintain the parity of our gold and silver dollars.
The heart of the question before us is not the free coinage of
silver, for the enactment of such a law by this Congress is a recognized impossibility, but whether we shall stop buying silver
or issue bonds and accumulate gold to maintain the parity of the
two metals, as the law requires.
The estimated stock of coined gold in this country is $604,000,000, or $9.01 per capita. Only $100,000,000 of this is in the Treasury; the balance is withdrawn from circulation and hoarded by
the people. Our stock of coined silver (including the bullion
purchased under the Sherman law) is $615,000,000, or $9.18 per
capita. We have more silver than gold in circulation. No one
proposes to touch the silver we now have. It is not to be demonetized O ' * struck down." It is to be left standing as a part,
and a large part, of our circulating medium.
When we recall the fact that only about 8,000,000 silver dollars
were coined by this Government in all the years prior to 1878,
when the Bland-Allison silver law was enacted, and that 607,000,000 Bilver dollars have been coined since 1878, under the
Bland-Allison and the Sherman laws, can it be fairly said that
we of this generation have been unfair or unjust towards silver?
When we keep in circulation a larger amount of silver than of
gold are we not in the true sense of the word bimetallists; do
we deserve to be stigmatized as " gold bugs " in the hire of Great

France has in circulation $800,000,000 of gold and $700,000,000
of silver. She maintains the parity of gold and Bilver by redeeming her silver in gold. Our purpose is to follow the example of France—to maintain bimetallism by keeping the relative
amount of gold and silver in circulation equal to each other.
France has $100,000,000 more gold than silver; we now have
$11,000,000 more silver than gold.
The Sherman law and the McKinley law were the twin monstrosities of the billion Congress. In each is to be found the
same principle, but a different method, of protection—of special
legislation for the benefit of interested parties. As McKinley
gave to Carnegie and to such as Carnegie a home market for the
product of their mills, so did Sherman give to the mine owners
a home market for the product of their mines. Both laws
were passed for the direct purpose of assisting influential capitalists in their private business—of giving them large and
illegitimate profits. They are both based upon the same political theories, they emanated from the same source, they were
enacted by the same Congress, they received the solid vote of
the Republicans in both Houses, they were approved by a Republican President.
If, Mr. Speaker, I was disposed at such a time as this to indulge in remarks of a partisan character no subject could be more
tempting than that now under consideration. But, in my judgment, the condition of affairs is altogether too serious and threatening to justify discussion of that character. It matters not
where the responsibility for the law which has produced these
conditions may lie, the duty of this hour and this Congress is to
at once and unconditionally repeal the Sherman law, and give to
ourselves and to the world restored confidence in the stability and
integrity of the American dollar, be it of gold, silver, or paper.
I listened to the eloquent gentleman from Nebraska [Mr.
BRYAN] as he told us the enchanting story of the drummer-boy
of Marengo. Pardon me if I inclose his charming picture in
the rude frame of my remarks.
Mr. B R Y A N said:
Muehltoach relates an incident in the life of the great military hero of


France. At Marengo the Man of Destiny, sad and disheartened, thought the
battle lost. He called to a drummer hoy and ordered him to heat a retreat.
The lad replied; " Sire, I do not know how. Desaix has never taught me retreat, hut I can heat a charge. I heat that charge at the Bridge of JLodi; I
heat it at Mount Tabor; I heat it at the Pyramids: Oh, may I heat it here!"
The charge was ordered, the battle won, and Marengo was added to the victories of Napoleon. Oh, let our gallant leader draw inspiration from the
street gamin of Paris.

I do not know, sir, that historical accuracy is at all essential to
a free-coinage speech; but as a student of correct history I deeply
regret that my friend should have torn from the gallant Desaix
the laurels he won at Marengo, and plastered them over the
cropped head of a Parisian gamin. [Laughter.]
I am sure my friend is mistaken both as to the time and place
of the incident to which he refers. If memory fails me not, it
was upon another field and on that dread, eventful day in June,
1815, that the historic drummer-boy was summoned into the war
councils of the great emperor.
All day long Napoleon had hurled his veteran forces against
the British guards upon Mount St. Jean; the grenadiers, hardened by Moscow's terrors, had been driven back in irreparable
disorder; the steel-clad cuirassiers who decided the day at
Austerlitz had been shattered and crushed in the storm of battle; even the invincible Old Guard, with Ney at its head, had
reeled, hesitated, andfledunder the fire of the unbroken squares;
far to the east, through the shimmering dust-clouds, came the
gray mustaches of old Blucher and his sturdy Prussians. The
field of Waterloo was irretrievably lost. The time to retreat
had come. The battle was lost; it was time to save the army.
Then it was that Napoleon drew inspiration from the street
gamin of Paris. [Laughter.] Confident still in his destiny and
bewitched by the rub-a-dub-dub of the little drummer-boy, he ordered the remnant of the guard to charge. Side by Bide with
Cambronne and surrounded by the heroes of a hundred victories,
he went in himself; and he came out, so Hugo says, "the mighty
somnambulist of a shattered dream." [Laughter.]
Years afterwards, on St. Helena's stormy isle, chained like
Prometheus to the ocean rock, unwritten history says the great
Corsican fought his battles over again, and in tremulous accents

left to his faithful Bertrand the dying injunction, " Put not your
trust in drummer boys." [Laughter and applause.]
This country has gone far enough—it has gone too far—upon
the road to Mexico. Threatened now with financial disaster, it
is time to retreat. Let not our great commander heed the ruba-dub-dub of the drummer boys of Missouri and Nebraska; let
him rather listen to the throbbing heart-beat of a distressed and
indignant people, and lead us back to the security of honest
The battle for the free coinage of unlimited quantities of silver
is irretrievably lost. There is yet time to save the armies of
honest bimetallism. [Applause.]