The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.
TH E MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE AND COMMERCIAL REVIEW. NOVEMBER, 1863. LIABILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN FOR H IE DEPREDA TIONS OF REBEL PRIVATEERS ON THE COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES, CONSIDERED. BY C H A R L E S P. KIRKLAND. * P ecuniary interests, to the amount o f millions o f dollars, are dependent on this question ; the subject itself concerns the relations o f two o f the great powers of the world ; in it may possibly be involved the question o f peace or war between those powers, and thereby, not improbably, the peace o f every nation in Christendom, and, by consequence, the highest interests o f humanity. A matter which, by possibility, may result in consequences so momentous, should be approached with the utmost coolness and impartiality; and its discussion should be marked by a conscientious regard to truth— truth alike as to facts alleged and the principles o f law applicable to those facts and furnishing the rule o f decision. N o citizen o f the United States, who loves his country or his race, can desire to see a rupture o f the amicable relations which have existed between his country and Great Britain for upwards o f half a century. On the con trary, his ardent desire should and would be, that these relations should be perpetual; he would regard it as his imperative duty to see to it that,'if those relations are interrupted, the fault could not be attributed to his coun try, but should, in the judgment o f enlightened men everywhere and by the Great Ruler o f all, be charged upon Great Britain. It is, undoubtedly, a task o f difficulty for a right-minded American, by whatever party name he may be called, and whether he is among the sup porters or the opponents o f the present administration, and whatever his views may be o f the origin and causes o f the present rebellion, or o f the mode in which the war for its suppression has been conducted— it is, I say, a difficult task for any American citizen, in view of all that has occurred in England since that war commenced, to enter on the investigation o f the present qufttion with the calmness so essential to the elucidation o f truth at all times, and so indispensable on the present occasion. W hen he ad verts to the undeniable fact that, without the recognition by the British Queen o f the Rebel States as “ belligerents,” and the consequent proclamaY O L . X L I X . --- NO. V. 22 330 Liability o f the British Government f o r [November, tion o f “ neutrality,” and without the constant enormous supplies to them o f munitions o f war of every variety by the subjects o f the British Crown, the war could by no physical possibility have continued one year after the firing o f the first gun at Fort Sumter, on the 12th of April, 1861 ; and when he remembers that those acts o f that Government and its subjects occurred in a time o f profound peace and during the existence o f a perfect treaty o f amity and concord between them and us, and that they occurred, too, Willi 'S in a few months after the whole American people had exhibited to, an ad miring world the sublime and beautiful spectacle o f an universal ovation to the future K ing of England*— it is, I repeat, a work o f difficulty for him to free himself from the influence o f all those facts in an endeavor, however sincere, to arrive at a correct conclusion in reference to the rights of hisown country and the duties o f Great Britain in the matter now under consider ation. Still, that task can be performed, and it will be my earnest effort, in this investigation, to disregard all extraneous influences and to conduct it with that candor without which arguments and conclusions would be alike valueless. Some grounds for the liability o f the British Government on this occa sion have been stated by high American authority, which, in my view, are untenable. These grounds will, preliminarily, be mentioned : F ir st, These privateers have been called “ British pirates,” and, as such, it is urged that the British Government is liable for their acts. They cannot, on a just construction o f the “ Law o f Nations,” be, in any legal or “ international” sense, denominated “ pirates.” It is conceded that they acted under commissions from the Rebel Confederacy : that Confede racy was in May, 1861, recognized as a “ belligerent” by the British Gov ernment ; it has practically been recognized by7 our own as a “ belligerent” in the most emphatic and conclusive manner, by the exchange o f prisoners and otherwise. Bid;, mark ! this recognition was subsequent to that o f the Biitish Government, and arose from the absolute necessity o f the case— a necessity caused, in part or mainly, by that very recognition by Great Brit ain. If rebel soldiers, who have captured in battle the property o f citizens o f the United States, are not legally robbers, and if rebel soldiers, who have killed in battle citizens o f the United States, are not legally murderers, then the crews of the rebel privateers are not “ pirates,” and the vessels them selves are not “ piratical” vessels. I use the terms “ pirates” and “ pirati cal ” in a legal sense, and solely in reference to the liability o f the British Government for their acts ; the character o f these privateers in a practical and moral sense is a different matter, wh’ch will hereafter be alluded to. The definition o f piracy, as found in text writers, is, “ the offence o f depre dating on the high seas without being authorized by any sovereign State.” (W heat. In t. L aw , p. 246, Ed. 1863.) The definition is incomplete with out this addition : “ or by persons assuming to be a State and recognized by other States as belligerents.” So far as this question o f technical, legal piracy is^concerned, a commis sion from the Rebel Government is as available for all purposes as if that Government was a recognized Government. Had the Rebel States not been recognized as “ belligerents,” then, indeed, those privateers would have * I t is not to b e forgotten that this m agnificent tribute cam e, in fact, from the 24,000,000 o f pe o ple o f the States now engaged in the sacred w ork o f preventing the destruction o f the R ep u blic. T h o on ly place visited b y the P rince o f W ales in the States now in rebellion, was R ich m on d, and there he met with the only insult he received on this side the Atlantic ! 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 331 been in every sense “ piratical vessels.” But acting, as we have seen, under a commission issued by recognized “ belligerents,” that commission, from the very nature o f the case, protects, so far as the question o f “ piracy ” and “ pirates ” is concerned, all and each of the crew, whatever the nationality o f any o f them may be. Consequently, the mere fact that these privateers were manned, in whole or in part, by British subjects does not render them, in a legal sense, “ British pirates,” as they have been termed by an eminent American Senator. So far as the question o f “ p ir a c y " is concerned, tn reference to the matter now under consideration, those privateers are to be regarded, in all respects, as would be the privateers o f any nation with whom we might be at war— Spain, France, Mexico. It is to be observed, that the formal recognition bv Great Britain and other nations, and the practical recognition by our own country, o f the Rebel States as “ belligerents,” in no manner recognizes them as a nation, and hits no effect whatever on that question. Second: Nor are they “ British pirates,” or “ pirates ” in any sense, so far as the present question is concerned, because there is in point o f fa c t no port to which their prizes can be taken for trial and adjudication. The in dependence o f the Rebel States and their existence as a nation being no where recognized, they cannot take their prizes into any port o f any other nation for any purpose; and yet an undoubted rule of National Law, as to vessels captured by privateers, is, that they must be taken into port for trial and adjudication. In this case, the difficulty arises from the fact, not that there are not nominally and theoretically ports, as, for instance, W ilm ing ton and Mobile, to which the prizes might be taken, for in the recognition o f the Rebel States as “ belligerents” the existence o f their ports for the purposes now mentioned is necessarily involved and implied, but the diffi culty arises from the fact that those ports are practically inacccessible, in consequence o f the blockade. Indeed, one case has occurred, in which a prize captured by a Rebel privateer was taken into the port o f Charleston and condemned, though it is proper to add that that condemnation was held by an eminent Judge o f one o f the United States tribunals (S prague ) to be wholly invalid. The Rebel privateers cannot, therefore, be deemed “ pi rates ” or “ piratical,” because they do not in fact comply with the rule o f the Law o f Nations in the respect now mentioned, but, instead thereof, con temporaneously with the capture, burn and destroy the captured vessels and cargoes. It will be kept in mind that in these observations I speak merely o f the legal and technical character o f these privateers, and in reference only to the question of the liability o f great Britain for their acts. It is not relevant to advert now to the barbarism o f those acts, nor to the inhumanity o f any Government or o f any individual subjects o f any Government who should in any manner give aid or countenance to such revolting deeds o f incendi arism and plunder, so repulsive to the spirit o f the age and so repugnant to every feeling o f Christian civilization. These considerations are appropriate, if at all, in another connection. T h ird: A s the Government o f Great Britain is not liable for the acts o f these privateers, on the ground o f their alleged piratical character, so it is not liable to us by reason o f any municipal law o f its own. It has often been said, very loosely, that in the fitting out and dispatch o f these vessels the British Legislative Act, commonly called “ The Foreign Enlistment Act,” has been clearly violated, and that for this reason that 332 Liability o f the British Government fo r [November, Government is liable. That act has been made the subject o f much com ment, and I subjoin a verbatim copy o f its material provisions, thus ena bling all to read and understand it.* Doubtless, this act shows very clear ly what the British Parliament deemed the duty o f that nation toward other nations ; it gives a most decided and important construction on their part to the “ Law o f Nations,” as applicable to such cases ; but, surely, it cannot be urged, as a ground for their liability, that they have failed to execute their own statutes, their own merely municipal law, when it is not alleged or pretended that any treaty exists requiringjts execution. It nev er can be a just ground o f complaint, by one nation against another, that the latter has omitted or refused to carry into effect its own laws. N o na tion can thus intermeddle with another, or thus interfere in what may well be denominated their “ private affairs.” I deem it quite unnecessary to dwell farther on a proposition so self eviden t; and I have adverted to this point only because 1 have seen, in some publications o f respectability, the violation of this statute o f Great Britain asserted as aground o f her liability for the acts of these privateers. Fourth : Nor is she liable on the ground o f national “ comity.” W hat ever we might justly have expected o f her on this ground, and how much soever her own good and comfort and ours may have been promoted by her exercise on this occasion o f that “ comity,” which, in view o f the rela tions existing between us, might so reasonably have been anticipated, yet * Extract from the “ Foreign Enlistment Act,” 69 Geo. III., chap. 69.—“ Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, that if any person within any part of the United Kingdom, or in any part of Ilia Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas, shall, without the leave and license of His Majesty, for that purpose first had and obtained, as aforesaid, equip, furnish, fit out or arm, or procure to be equipped, furnished, fitted out or armed, or shall knowingly aid, assist or be concerned in the equipping, furnishing, fitting out or arming of any ship or vessel, with intent or in order that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince, state or potentate, or of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province, or people, as a transport or store-ship, or wilh intent to cruise or commit hostilities against any prince, state or potentate, or against the subjects or citizens of any prince, state or potentate, or against the per sons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers o f government in any colony, pro vince, or part o f any province or country, or against the inhabitants of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province or country with whom His Majesty shall not then be at war; or shall within the United Kingdom or any of His Majesty’s domin ions, or in any settlement, colony, territory, island or place belonging or subject to His Majesty, issue or deliver any commission for any ship or vessel to the intent that such ship or vessel shall be employed as aforesaid, every such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon conviction thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the Court in which such offender shall be convicted, and every such ship or vessel, with the tackle, apparel and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, ammunition aud stores winch may belong to or be on board of any such ship or vessel, shall be forfeited; and it shall be lawful for any officer o f His Majesty’s customs or excise, or officer of His Majesty’s navy, who is by law em powered to make seizures for any forfeiture incurred under any of the laws of cus toms or excise, or the laws o f trade or navigation, to seize such ships and vessels as aforesaid, and in such places and such manner in which the officers of His Majesty’s t 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 333 a violation merely o f ‘‘ comity ” can in no case furnish a legal and author ized ground for a demand o f indemnity. F ifth : N or is there any ground o f liability on the part o f the British Government, or any right or power on our part to treat these privateers as pirates, or to require that Government so to treat and consider them, arising out o f the Treaty of Paris o f 1856, by which privateering, as between the parties to it, was rendered piratical. W e are not parties to that Treaty. The matters above stated have, at different times since the breaking out o f the Rebellion, been put forth as grounds o f liability on the part o f Great Britain for the acts o f these privateers. I have briefly mentioned them be cause, in my judgment, they cannot be sustained, and because this matter is fraught with consequences o f too much solemnity to justify introducing into its discussion propositions o f questionable accuracy. This subject is, indeed, one o f surpassing importance; it affects the pe cuniary interests o f our citizens to a vast amount (exceeding thirty millions o f dollars as is supposed by some), for which, on legal principles, neither their own Government, nor the Rebel Government, nor the captors are liable. It involves, as before mentioned, to a greater or less extent, the amicable relations o f the two countries ; for if that Government is bound to make compensation and declines fulfilling its obligations, the question of peace or war may arise. It is very clear that the Government o f the United States could by no means be justified in demanding indemnity o f that o f Great Britain, except on grounds o f fact and law that could not be ju stly controverted. In other words, our Government, before making demand on Great Britain, must be customs or excise and the officers of His Majesty’s navy are empowered respectively to make seizures under the laws of customs and excise or under the laws of trade and navigation, and that every such ship and vessel, with the tackle, apparel and furni ture, together with all the materials, arms, ammunition and stores, which may belong to or be on board o f such ship or vessel, may be prosecuted and condemned for any breach of the laws made for the protection of the revenues, customs and excise, or of the laws of trade and navigation. “ Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, that if any person in any part of the United Kingdom o f Great Britain and Ireland, or of any part of His Majesty's dominions be yond the seas, without the leave and license of His Majesty first had and obtained, as aforesaid, shall, by adding to the uumber of guns of such vessel or by changing those on board for other guns, or by the addition of any equipment for war, increase or augment, or procure to be increased or augmented, or shall be knowingly concerned in increasing or augmenting the warlike force o f any ship or vessel of war, or cruiser, or other armed vessel which, at the time of her arrival in any part o f the United Kingdom or any of His Majesty’s dominions, was ship of war, cruiser or armed vessel in the service of any foreign prince, state er potentate, or of any person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise any powers of government in or over any colony, province, or part of any province or people, belonging to the subjects o f any such prince, state or potentate, or to the inhabitants of any colony, province, or part of any province or country, under the control of any person or persons so exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government, every such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon being convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine or imprisonment or either of them, at the discretion of the Court before which such offender shall be convicted.” 334 Liability o f the British Government fo r [November, “ clearly righ t." However much our Government may sympathize with its citizens in their calamities, and however keenly it may feel the unkind ness o f tlie Government and o f individual subjects o f Great Britain, and however much the moral sense of mankind may be shocked by the savage practices o f these privateers, none of these considerations can be taken into view in determining the present question. Its decision can depend on no statute law o f England or of this country ; on no treaty to which we are not a party ; on no express treaty on the subject between us and Great Britain, as there is n one; on no liability of the Rebel Government to com ply with the Law o f Nations, in reference to the disposition o f prizes ; on no supposed or real violation o f the “ comity ” due to us from Great Brit ain ; on no considerations o f sympathy or hum anity: its determination must rest solely on the Law of N ations— on that law must the case stand or fall. That law prescribes the duties and the liabilities o f neutral nations ; as between us and the Rebel Government England has declared herself, and is to be taken to be a neutral, and as such she is bound by that law to the duties ’it prescribes. I. The first step is to ascertain and state the fa c ts ; and as to these there seems to be no room for dispute. For all the purposes of settling the great principle here involved, it is sufficient to present the facts in a single case, aud then determine the principles applicable to, and the rule governing, that case : all others similarly situated would be subject to the same rule. The case I select for the discussion and determination o f the question, is that o f the Alabama. The facts in that are undeniable and undenied. They are in substance as follow s: ( l . ) This vessel, originally the gunboat “ 2901’ (and so called from the number o f British merchants and other British subjects who contributed to her fitting out !!), was being fitted out as a vessel o f war, in Liverpool, in June, 1862. (2.) Mr. A dams , the Minister o f the United States, on the 22d o f that month addressed a note to Earl R ussell, expressly calling the attention of the Government to the fa c t; and in the same note stated that the Oreto, which was fitted out at the same port, and to which Earl R ussell’ s atten tion had been called on the 15th of February, 1862, had sailed from Liv erpool on the 22d o f March, and had gone directly to Nassau and was there completing her armament, provisions and crew, f o r the purpose o f depreda ting on the commerce of the United States, notwithstanding it had been averred by the B ritish officials at Liverpool that her destination was P a lermo, and that B a ri R ussell had so staled to M r. A dams. To show how explicit, direct, aud emphatic this note o f Mr. A dams’ was, I give an extract from it.* * “ This vessel has been built and launched from the dock-yard of persons, one o f whom is now sitting as a member of the House of Commons, and is fitting out for the especial and manifest purpose of carrying on hostilities at sea. It is about to be commanded by one o f the insurgent agents, tlie same who sailed in the Oreto. The parties engaged in the enterprise are persons well known at Liverpool to be agents and officers o f the insurgents in the United States, the nature and extent of whose labors are well explained in the copy o f an intercepted letter which I received from my Government, and had the honor to place in your Lordship’s hands a few days ago.”— (Diplom. Cor., 128.) 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 335 (3.) Earl R ussell, on the 4tli day o f July, 1862, informed Mr. A dams that there was no attempt on the part o f the builders to disguise the fact that the vessel (the “ 290 ” ) was intended as a vessel o f war ; that they did not deny that she had been built for a foreign Government ; bat that they did not fe e l disposed to reply to any questions respecting her destination after she left Liverpool. (4.) On the 22d o f July, depositions* were sent to Earl R ussell, accom panied by the opinion of Mr. C ollier , a reputable English lawyer, that it was the duty of the Government, on that evidence, to detain the vessel, and that the Government o f the United States would have good grounds o f complaint if she were allowed to escape. (5.) On the 29th o f July, the vessel sailed, without register or clearance. (6.) On the a 1st o f July, Earl R ussf. ll informed Mr. A dams that a de lay in determining on the case o f the “ 290 ” had been caused by the sud den sickness o f the Queen’s Advocate, incapacitating him for business ! ! ! that this had rendered it necessary to call in other parties, whose opinions had at last been given for the detention o f the vessel; but before the order arrived at Liverpool the vessel was gone. (7.) On the 16th of October, 1862, Earl R ussell received further evi dence from Mr. A dams of the character o f this vessel and the business for which she was intended. In reply to that information, and the accompa nying complaints o f Mr. A dams, Earl R ussell places his justification simply on the ground that “ the foreig n enlistment act can be evaded by very 'subtle contrivances, but that Her Majesty cannot, on that account, go be yond the letter o f the existing laws.” (8.) Having left Liverpool on the 29th o f July,'the vessel sailed to Terceira, in the Azores, and there anchored. She there received from the British barque Agrippina, which had sailed fr o m the Thames, the greater portion o f her guns and stores ; she soon after took on board, from the British steamer, Bahama, which had cleared fr o m Liverpool on the 12th o f August, the Rebel Captain S emmes, fifty more men, and additional stores. S emmes hoisted the Rebel flag, named the vessel the Alabama, and with a crew, the greater part of which belonged to the English Naval Reserve, soon afterwards set out on his unhallowed mission. (9.) All these facts were fully known to the British Government, almost contemporaneously with their occurrence. (10 .) Since her departure from Terceira, the Alabama has often cruised for a week at a time, in the aggregate for months, in the British W est In dian waters; she has often been in British W est Indian p orts; she was for six days at one time in the port o f Kingston, Jamaica. There has not elapsed any one period ot forty-eight hours, since her departure from Ter- * To show the character of the testimony furnished to Earl R ussell , I refer to one il l ia m P assmore , who, in substance, swore that “ he joined the vessel in L a ir d & Co.’s ship yard at Birkenhead, and remained on her sev eral days ; that there came on board about thirty old men-of-war’s men, among whom it was well known that she was going out as a privateer for the Confederate Govern ment, to act against the United States under a commission from J efferson D a v i s ; that he had been shipped by Capt. B utcher to sail on the “ 290,” with the express understanding that she wa3 going to fight for the Government o f , ’the Confederate States.” o f the depositions, that of W 336 Liability o f the British Government f o r [November, ceira, when it was not in the power o f the British Government to seize and take possession o f her. N o step for this purpose has ever been taken. (11.) W ithin a few days after her departure from Terceira, she com menced her depredations on our commerce, and during the thirteen months o f her career as a privateer, she has destroyed numerous and valuable ves sels, with their cargoes, belonging to citizens o f the United States, and she is still engaged in her infamous work ; all which facts are and were well known to the Government o f Great Britain and to all the world. The facts above stated, except those o f public notoriety, have been gath ered from official documents. II. It has already been stated, that the British Government, if liable at all for the losses caused by these depredations, is thus liable only under the Law o f Nations, and under that head o f that law which prescribes the du ties and liabilities o f neutrals. The Law o f Nations is defined by an eminent writer on that subject'* to be, “ the law which determines the rights and regulates the inter course o f independent States, in peace and in war ; is founded on custom and implied contract; has sprung up from mutual consent, and is the writ ten law which the consent o f nations has established.” B y this all civil ized nations are bound. This law is found in the works of various pub licists o f admitted authority, and in the decisions o f high tribunals here and elsewhere. I shall refer to none that are'n ot universally accredited. The duty o f neutral nations, as between belligerents in time o f war, is very clearly stated. W h e a t o n ,! ' n his “ Elements o f International Law,” (page 697, Ed. o f 1863), thus states the law : “ The neutral is not at liberty to favor one party, to the detriment of the oth er; it is his duty to be every way careful to do equal and exact justice to both parties. P h illim ore (Commentaries on International Law, vol. 3, p. 1 8 1 ,) says, “ The relation o f neutrality consists in two principal things, (1.) entire ab stinence from any participation in the w ar; (2.) impartiality o f conduct to ward both belligerents. It is for the neutral perpetually to recollect, and practically to carry out, the maxim 1that he is an enemy who does that which pleases the enemyl ” K ent (Commentaries, vol. 1, p. 113, 5th Ed.), whose authority is equal ly respected in Europe and America, says : “ A neutral is not to favor one belligerent at the expense o f the other.” It would be a work o f supererogation to accumulate authorities on this point. All writers on the Law o f Nations concur in relation to the duties o f neutrals. The rule, as stated above, is found in nearly the same words in G rotius, Book 3, ch. 27 ; B yrkenhook , Book 1, ch. 9 ; V attf.i., Book 8, ch. 7 ; A zuni, Part II., ch. 1, art. 3. The rule, as thus laid down, will not be questioned ; its spirit and substance being, that the neutral shall not do, nor permit any within his jurisdiction to do, any act in behalf o f one belligerent that would manifestly and naturally tend to the detriment * 1. W ildman, Int. Law, p. 1. f The British Solicitor General (Mr. L ayard), in a speech in the House o f Commons on the 22(1 o f February, 1862, said that “ W heaton, as everybody knows, has written one of the most valuable treatises on the subject o f international law that was ever composed.” 1883.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered.. 337 o f the other, or any act which would enable one to do an injury to the oth er which he could not do were it not for the act o f the neutral; the con duct o f the neutral must be, not only in form but in reality and effect, ab solutely impartial. The rule is, not that the neutral may do acts favoring the one, and, by way o f compensation, do similar acts in favor o f th e other, which he (the neutral) may allege are o f equal benefit to the other, for of this he cannot judge and is not authorized to judge. (V attel , Book 3, ch. 7, 5, 10, 4.) H e must not do any act o f favor to either which may be the means o f injuring the other ; and certainiy he cannot do an act o f favor to the one and then, on the allegation o f equalization, do a similar act to the other, when the relative circumstances and condition o f the two bellig erents are such that by no possibility can the act o f intended equaliza tion be o f equal benefit to the latter, or put it in his power to do an equal detriment to the former. Such being the rule, do the facts (as above set forth,) in the case o f the Alabama, show its violation by Great Britain ? III. N o one will deny that the fitting out o f the Alabama, for the pur poses for which she was intended and to which she was immediately ap plied, was a direct and palpable act o f aid and benefit to the Rebel G ov ernment and o f equally direct and palpable detriment to the Government and people o f the United States. It was a manifest and clear departure from that “ impartiality,” as between the belligerents, which “ neutral” Great Britain was “ bound to a d o p t i t was the doing that “ which was well pleasing to the enemy it was “ favoring one party to the detriment o f the other.” This proposition would seem to be self-evident. But it is pertinent to call to mind an undisputed fact, which gives an unwonted degree o f aggravation to this “ unneutral ” act. Had the Rebel G ov ernment been “ recognized ” as one o f the nations o f the earth ; had it possessed even a single accessible port ; had they had a national marine, even if quite insignificant; had they possessed the means and appliances for building, equipping, supplying, and manning ships, the acts now complained o f would have been comparatively innocuous, and, though legally a breach o f neutrality, they would practically have been o f little detriment. But what was the real stata o f things in the Rebel States ? They were not “ recognized ” as a nation by a single government on earth ; they had no port that was not so blockaded as to render it, to say the least, useless ; they had no navy, not even a single vessel o f war or even o f com m erce; they had no navy-yards for the construction o f such vessels; they had no armaments for them, and no place for their manufacture ; they had no sailors ; they had no national credit, for they had no national ^ame or standing: in fine, they were in a mere “ embryo condition,” and wholly and absolutely powerless for any offensive, or even defensive, purposes on the ocean— they were utterly destitute o f all means or ability for ocean warfare. This is an unexaggerated statement o f the real state o f things at the time in question ; indeed, the total feebleness and helplessness o f the Rebels, in the respects just mentioned, cannot be too strongly stated. It was in this state o f things and under these circumstances, that they were supplied in England and fr o m English ports with all the means and ap pliances, ships, armaments, men, stores, for commencing and carrying on a ioar on the ocean against the United States and her citizens, and for per forming deeds o f practical piracy theretofore unknown in Christendom and paralleled only by the acts o f the Barbary States in their day o f lawless license. This was not adding to means already existing— it was creating 338 Liability o f the British Government 'for [November, the means ab origine ; it was literally bringing into existence a power that before did not exist. It is not pretended that any vessel o f war was ever fitted out in, and dis patched from, England for the benefit o f the United States; but had such been the fact, it is already seen that by the Law o f Nations no such act could take from the acts above stated, in relation to the Alabama, their unneutral character. Had such assistance been offered to the United States, and did international law allow a “ neutral” to aid one belligerent and then compensate for it by equivalent aid to the other, no such equivalent could by possibility exist in this case ; any such aid would, at the most, have been but an inappreciable addition to our existing means : thus, even then, there would have been a most palpable and injurious violation o f neutral duty. The only possible argument which Great Britain, in that event, could have urged would have been, that by the acceptance o f such aid, unimpor tant as it may have been, the United States must be deemed to have waived their right to insist on indemnity for such violation by Great Britain. The circumstances (had such an event occurred) may or may not have been such as to render that argument available. I have thus briefly adverted to this particular matter, simply because it has been repeatedly asserted in England that as much aid has been afford ed to the United States as to the Rebels. The fallacy o f such an assertion, as an excuse or justification for England, is manifest. IV . If, for the moment, it should be conceded that Great Britain could not be liable for the fitting out and dispatch o f this privateer, unless her Government had, preliminarily to her departure, knowledge or reasonable notice o f her objects and intentions, what unprejudiced mind can resist the conclusion, that the facts above stated show full and adequate notice, if not actual knowledge ? It is to be observed, that on this great national ques tion, to be judged o f as it is, by the rules and principles o f that overshad owing Law, which governs not one nation but all, and which is above all municipal law, the technical and narrow rules applicable to local, territorial law, have no place. As was truly and emphatically said by the Supreme Court o f the United States, in its judgment in a case involving great na tional questions, (The Hiawatha, March, 1863,) “ the objections taken here m ight have had weight on the trial of an indictment in a criminal case ; but precedents from such sources cannot be received as authoritative in a tribunal administering public and national law." W ithout repeating the evidence presented to Earl R ussell in the case'of the Alabama, as stated above, it is with entire confidence submitted, that it was superabundant to justify and require her arrest and detention, on the ground o f full notice and knowledge on his part. Had the case been in a criminal court in England or America, any impartial Grand Jury in either country could not, on that evidence, have hesitated to find an indictment, so far as the point just mentioned is concerned. V . It is not a little surprising that Earl R ussell, in a letter to Mr. A d ams , o f October 16th, 1862, assumes, and the Solicitor-General, in the House o f Commons, on the 22d day o f February, 1862, asserts, that the only law which enables the British Government to interfere in such cases is “ The Foreign Enlistment Act.” If, indeed, the acts, or the evidently in tended acts, in the case o f the Alabama, were a violation of the Law o f Nations, and were to be judged o f by tbatx law, then it may truly be said that there is and can be no nation in Christendom in whose Government 1863 ] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 339 does not inhere the power and the duty, irrespective o f its municipal law, o f preventing and punishing such violation. Such power exists ex necessi tate rei and springs from, and is involved in, the great law o f nations, as o f individuals the law o f self-preservation. The distinguished statesman and the eminent lawyer, who uttered the sentiment just mentioned, must have done so without deliberation ; for it is impossible to believe that the peace o f Great Britain and the highest interests o f humanity can be made to de pend on the question, whether means to provide against or prevent a viola tion by her o f the Law o f Nations depends on the existence or non-exist ence o f a statute o f the realm applicable to the case ! As on the one hand, we have no right to complain o f the non-execution o f a municipal law o f that country, so, on the other, she cannot excuse herself for a violation of her duties, as a member o f the family of nations, on the ground that she has no law on her statute-book affording the appropriate remedy. The only practical benefit of the statute referred to, in regard to the present question, is, as already stated, that it is an emphatic assertion by her legis lature o f the duties devolved on her by the Law o f Nations. But even if our rights or her liabilities depended on that statute, it would be an easy task to show that the case of the Alabama came within its spirit and intent, if not within its very letter ; but a discussion o f that proposition would be idle, for the reasons just given. B u rlam aqu i , in his Treatise on Natural Law, states the rule truly when he says, “ It is presumed that a Sovereign knows what his subjects openly commit, and his power o f hindering the evil is likewise always presumed.'” V I. Hypothetical cases do not always subserve a useful purpose in ar gument, but in this instance a case may be supposed which must, it would seem, carry conviction to every British mind. The present rebellion against the Government of the United States is an effort to dismember the Republic o f the United States ; a similar rebellion in Ireland against the Government of Great Britain would be an effort to dismember the Empire of Great Britain : thus, the object (and the end if successful) o f the two rebellions would be identical. The relative position o f the Rebel States to the United States and of Ireland to Great Britain are the same, each is part and parcel of the nation to which it b lo n g s ; the position o f those States and o f Ireland is, in every “ material” respect, the sa m e; each of them, compared with the nation o f which it is a part, is equally- inferior in population, naval and inilit iry power, armaments, and pecuniary resources; in the incipient period o f her supposed rebellion, Ire land would, at the most, be “ recognized ” only as a “ belligerent,” and thus they would each be alike in having no “ national character.” Ireland would have no navy, and no available ports (as doubtless they would be blockaded as are the rebel ports), and so, in these respects, again there would be a precise similarity; in the case o f the Irish rebellion, we should have the same right to acknowledge her as a “ belligerent,” and to proclaim our “ neutrality,” as Great Britain had in reference to the Rebel States. Suppose, then, this Irish rebellion, under circumstances relatively to Great Britain so precisely similar to those o f the Rebel States relatively to the United States, and then suppose that privateers were fitted out and des patched from the port o f New York under eommi-sion from the Irish Rebel Government, manned, provisioned, and armed in New York— suppose that those Irish rebel privateers should burn and destroy hundreds of British vessels and their cargoes to the value o f millions o f pounds sterling, what 340 Liability o f the British Government f o r [November, would all England, from the queen on the throne to the pauper in the workhouse, with one voice exclaim ? W e need not say. W e know that our language can hardly furnish words in which the indignation (and just it would be,) o f that people would, in such case be expressed. Y et the ex isting case and the supposed case admit not of the slightest essential dis tinction. W h o can doubt that, in the supposed case, Great Britain would months ago have resorted to reprisals, if not to war ? V II. In a matter o f this momentous import we can have no better guide than the repeated and deliberate precedents o f the two Governments. To begin with that o f the United States. That there should have been, as there was, in this country in the latter part o f the last century, immediately after the close o f the W a r o f Inde pendence, an almost universal feeling o f grateful affection for France, was perfectly natural. Notwithstanding the. state o f the public mind, our dutie as neutrals, (as between France and Great Britain,) springing entirely frort the Law o f N ations and without any statute on our part, were performed (it may well be said, under the circumstances,) in a spirit of lofty devotion to law and duty. In 1793, President W ashington instructed the proper officers to prosecute all persons who should violate the Law o f Nations in respect to France and England.* Immediately after this the British min ister expressed his belief that a vessel— the “ Little Sarah ” — was fitting out as a French privateer. Proceedings were immediately taken for her seizure, and her armament being found to be such as might be used for a privateer, she was prevented fr o m sailing. Similar proceedings, on similar grounds, were taken against the “ Republican.” She was seized and detained, and, with the persons engaged in fitting her out, was delivered over to the proper tribunals.) Numerous other cases o f a similar kind occurred about that period. Mr. C anning , in a speech in Parliament in 1819, commended in the highest terms the conduct o f our country at a time when universal popular senti ment rendered it so difficult to observe the obligations o f neutrality.! A t the time o f the war between Spain and her revolted colonies in South America, great as naturally was our sympathy with the latter, numerous vessels which were fitted out in New Orleans and its vicinity, with the sus pected object o f acting as privateers against Spain, were seized and detained, and the parties prosecuted and punished, as will be seen by reference to the history o f that period, in that valuable work “ N iles' Register During the war between the German Confederation and Denmark (1848), a war steamer was purchased in New York by the former ; her sailing was objected to by the latter on account o f that w ar; she was detained for some time, and was not permitted to sail till a satisfactory bond was given that she should not be used against Denmark. This case is fully stated in the Congressional Documents o f the 1st session of thirty-first Congress. In the Canadian rebellion o f 1838, it is a matter o f public history that preventive measures o f the most efficient kind wore adopted by our Gov ernment to maintain, in spirit and practical effect, our relations o f amity with Great Britain. A reference to particular instances would unnecessarily extend this paper; the official records o f both countries abound in proofs on the subject. That rebellion was regarded by Great Britain very much as this is by the United States. * American State Papers. Yol. 1, p. 140. f Works J efferson. Vol. 3, p. 386. | 4 Canning’ s Speeches, p. 152. 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 341 During the Crimean war in 1856, the “ Maury,” a vessel belonging to a citizen o f the United States, was loading in the port o f New York ; on an affidavit o f a very imperfect character, furnished by the British consul on his allegation o f suspicion, that she was to be used as a Russian privateer, she was seised and detained, and her cargo carefully examined. She was released, the consul being fully satisfied o f the groundlessness of his suspicions, and he publicly apologised for his conduct. This vessel was be ing fitted out by a merchant (Mr. L ow ,) o f unquestioned standing and in tegrity, and whose antecedents were without reproach, whereas, the Ala bama was being prepared for sea by parties who had ju s t before been guilty o f gross falsehood and fraud on the British Government in dispatching the Oreto. In every one o f the above instances this Government did precisely what was requested o f the British Government by our minister in the case o f the Alabama— namely, it applied the requisite preventive m eans; in no case was the testimony more persuasive than that presented in the case o f the Alabama. Great Britain furnishes her share o f precedents. It is a well known historical fact, that the aid furnished by the subjects o f France (not by its Government) to the United States during the war o f the Revolution, in the way o f fitting out and dispatching vessels and the like, was the ground of a declaration o f war by Great Britain against France. The cases are in all respects precisely parallel, in view o f the light in which the colonies were regarded by Great Britain. That was aid fur nished to “ revolted colonies” — this is aid furnished to “ revolted States;” those “ colonies ” were weak and powerless on the ocean— these “ States ” are equally s o ; that aid was vital to the “ colonies ” — this is so to the “ rebel States.” It was the violation o f her duties as a “ neutral ” o f which Great Britain complained (and justly) of France; it is the violation o f her duties as a neutral o f which we now (and equally justly) complain o f Great Britain. There is indeed a difference between the ends sought to be at tained in the two cases. The “ colonies ” were struggling to erect a beau tiful temple o f civil liberty— the “ rebel States” are striving to destroy that very temple. In 1828, Donna M aria was the reconized sovereign o f Portugal. Don M iguel , her uncle, headed a rebellion against the Government and caused himself to be declared kiug, and succeeded in getting possession o f a con siderable part o f the kingdom. Application was made to the British G ov ernment to aid the queen— her uncle being a usurper, as was alleged. That Government refused to interfere, as it was a domestic quarrel in Portugal. Terceira, one o f the Azores and part o f the dominions o f Portugal, was then in possession o f the queen. Some Portuguese subjects came to Eng land ; it was suspected that they came to tit out an expedition against Don M iguel . The Government, deeming that this would be a breach o f neu trality, forbade it, and the representative o f the queen was notified Riat no such enterprise could be carried on in England. H e stated that the vessels, which were fitting out, were going to Brazil. Four vessels, with several hundred unarmed men on board, sailed from the port o f Plymouth. The Government suspected that the vessels were going to Terceira and sent a fleet to watch them and prevent a landing.. The four vessels arrived ofi Terceira ; they were fired at by the English commodore and stopped. This matter came up in Parliament, and the Government was sustained on the 342 Liability o f the British Government f o r [November, ground that the armament was fitted out in a British p o r t; that having been equipped under the pretence o f going to Brazil it was not stopped be fore sailing ; and that the Government was therefore bound by the duty o f neutrality to prevent by force an armament so equipped from disembarking even in the dominions o f the Portuguese queen. This case is fully stated in the third volume of P h i l l i m o r e . Similar instances on the part o f the United States and o f Great Britain might be adduced, but the above are sufficient for the present purpose. V III. It has already been shown, satisfactorily, I trust, that the British Government, prior to the sailing o f the Alabama, had adequate information o f her character and o f the object to which she was destined— information on which any prudent man would have acted in the ordinary affairs of life. But, even if the British Government had not such nor any notice, still, ac cording to the well established rules of national law, that Government is liable to answer for the unlawful and anti-neutral acts o f her subjects and of all within her jurisdiction. From the very necessity o f the case, every nation must be presumed to have the power to regulate and control the conduct o f all within its terri torial jurisdiction, and to prevent a violation o f its obligations as a neutral and o f any o f its obligations as a member o f the family o f nations. W ith out such rule there would be no safety in international intercourse. Accord ingly the Law o f Nations declares that a nation is responsible for acts of hos tility on the part o f its subjects towards another nation whose relations with the former are those o f peace and am ity; and this, necessarily irrespective o f the question, whether the nation o f which the offending parties are sub jects bad or had not knowledge o f the subjects’ acts at the time o f their occurrence. All accredited writers on international law, English, American, and Continental, declare this rule, as will be seen by reference to P hillimore , K ent, G rotius, P uffendorf , W heaton , and V attel, in their chapters on the duties o f neutrals. It follows that, if in truth the fitting out o f the Ala bama and her departure from an English port were a violation o f British neutrality, that Government is liable for the consequences o f the unneutral act, whether done with or without her knowledge. IX . I f that Government had not notice and knowledge o f the facts prior to the departure o f the Alabama from the English port on her hostile mis sion, and if that ignorance was then an excuse, a brief period only elapsed before Great Britain and all the world had conclusive evidence o f her cha racter, o f the intention in fitting her out, o f the object to which she was destined, and o f the cruel and barbarous manner in which that object was being carried out. In a very short space o f time after her departure from Liverpool, the capture and contemporaneous burning and destruction by her o f numerous American vessels and their cargoes was a fact o f world-wide notoriety. The horrors o f those scenes o f vandalism need not be described. In the investigation o f so grave a matter as the present, no appeal should be m ^le to imagination or to passion. Assuming, then, even the absence o f all knowledge on the part o f the British Government, and o f all notice prior to the departure ot the vessel from an English port, and assuming— what is not denied— her notorious acts so soon afterwards, it was the clear duty o f Great Britain to dispatch a vessel or vessels o f war to .seize the Alabama and arrest her career. The possession o f adequate means for that purpose by that Government will not be disputed, and the abundant opportunity to render those means available 1863 ] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 343 is equally undeniable. In a very few days that Government coaid have terminated the inhuman work o f that vessel, and saved millions of the prop erty o f citizens o f the United States from the torch. 'Flint her opportunities were manifold, even in her own ports, will not be disputed, for to those very ports this privateer resorted, and, instead o f being seized and detained, was received with favor and aided in many ways. The very fact just mentioned o f her friendly reception in the colonial ports o f Great Britain, after her repeated and universally known acts o f destruction o f the property o f our citizens, was in itself a flagrant violation o f British neutrality. Her resort to and reception in those ports were in every legal and practical sense identical with a resort to and similar reception at the port of Plymouth or of L iverpool; and, under the circumstances mentioned, it would require but a superficial acquaintance with national law to deter mine that such a reception would be a grossly anti-neutral act. But to return to the question o f the course which Great Britain was bound by the Law o f Nations to have adopted, after full knowledge o f the course pursued by the Alabama, immediately subsequently to her departure for Liverpool. I The law on this subject was fully discussed, and the duty o f Great Britain dearly shown, in the argument in Parliament (as reported in the Britbli Annual Register for 1829,) in the Portuguese (Terceira) case above n <ntioned. It was then deliberately held to be the duty o f that Governm ni, under the law o f nations to take the steps it then took. Such was then, as it was in the present case, the manifest duty o f Great Britain, as a member o f the family o f nations. The two cases differ in no essential par ticular. Such indeed must from the necessity and nature o f the case be the mle o f the Law o f Nations, for otherwise the duty o f the neutral might be wholly unperformed. Her duty in this case, was to prevent the depart ure o f the vessel from her ports. She omitted to perform that duty, and thus flagrantly violated neutrality. It was then, on every principle o f jus tice, of reason and common sense as well as o f national law, her duty to make all amends in her power for that violation. The effective and easy mode o f performing that duty and o f exercising a real and an honest neu trality, was “ fresh pursuit” and capture o f the offender. The “ Foreign Enlistment Act,” indeed, did not apply to this aspect o f the case ; but her duties and responsibilities arise from the “ higher law.” So she insisted, and so we admitted, in the well known case of M c L eod, during the Cana dian rebellion. The difficulty arose in that case from the complex character of our Government— the conflicting jurisdictional claims o f a “ State” and of the “ United States,” and the inability, under our constitution, o f the “ United States” judicial tribunals to interfere in limine and provisionally with those o f a “ State.” This condition o f things led to a long and exciting correspondence between the two Governments; but in the course of it, it was on both sides conceded, that inasmuch as the “ United States” — not a single “ State ” — was alone known among nations, on them rested all the r^ponsibility o f conducting foreign affairs, and that their want of power, arising from the cause just stated, in no manner justified or excused an act done in or by a “ State ” or its citizens in violation o f the Law o f Nations ; that any nation recognized by others as a nation must be held to possess power requisite to punish infringements on the rights o f other nations. The whole history o f this case will be found in the 5th volume of H ill ’ s Repoits o f Cases in the Supreme Court o f New York, and also in the 2d, 344 Liability o f the British Government f o r [November, 5th, 6th, and 7th volumes o f Mr. W ebster’ s W orks. It is scarcely neces sary to accumulate authorities in support o f this proposition. The common reason of mankind declares, as do all writers on the subject, that such is and must be the rule o f international law. This brief repetition o f this princi ple, which I have already once stated, may be excused on the ground o f the extraordinary position taken, as above mentioned, by Earl R ussel and Solicitor-General L ayard . X. W e must be careful not to confound the present case with that o f the subjects or citizens o f a neutral state holding ordinary commercial intercourse with one o f the belligerents and dealing com m ercially with that belligerent. It is on all hands.adm itted, that the subject o f a neu tral may have transactions, on their fa c e and in intent commercial, with a belligerent; he may buy and sell without a national violation o f neu trality, but at the risk o f the capture and consequent loss o f his property, as many British subjects have learned at the expense o f their financial ruin ; but never, in the history o f Great Britain or o f the United States, or o f any other civilized people for the last one hundred years, has it been doubted that the fitting out and dispatch, from the ports o f a neutral nation, o f vessels o f war intended to com m it acts o f hostility on one o f the belligerents, was a palpable violation o f the duty o f the neutral and a clear infraction o f the Law o f Nations. The doctrine above stated is fully sustained by. the judgm ent o f the Supreme Court o f the United States, in the case o f The United States v. Quincy, 6 Peters’ Reports, 445, and in the case o f the Gran Para, 7 W heaton Reports, 471. The deci sions o f that court on questions o f national law, especially in the time o f M arshall , are o f high authority every where. Indeed, these cases only re-aftirm the law as stated by all writers on the subject. It could, o f course, make no difference in principle whether the vessel was dispatched, after being partly or wholly fitted out, from a port o f a neutral, or whether it was dispatched from one port and fitted out in whole or in part in another port o f the same neutral. The latter has been the actual fact in reference to some, if not all, the rebel privateers sent from England. N or would the rule be different if the vessel intended for hostile purposes was dispatched from the neutral port and then fitted out partly or wholly even in the port o f another nation. Most emphatically would the rule apply in the present case, where the party aided was utterly weak and helpless as a naval power, and could have committed no act o f hostility whatever on the ocean, except through the aid thus furnished by the neutral. The case o f the Alexandria was tried a few weeks since in an English court. The judge who presided on the trial instructed the jury “ that a neutral had a right to supply ships to one o f the belligerents,” and after that instruction, added, by way o f salvo, “ that if the ju ry thought the object was to furnish, fit out, equip, and arm the vessel at Liverpool, that was a different m atter; but if they thought the object was to build a sfiip in obedience to an order in compliance with a contract, leaving those \*io bought it to use it as they saw fit, it was not, in his judgment, a breach o f the Foreign Enlistment A ct, or o f international law.” In other words, if the jury were satisfied that it was built for a rebel owner and with the intent to use it as a rebel privateer, it was no violation o f any law— that is, it was not such a violation if he (the rebel or his agent) had made a contract for the building and it was built pursuant to his order ; that then 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 345 it could be lawfully delivered to him, though the whole world knew that “ the use he saw fit to put it to ” was that o f a privateer to depredate on the com m erce o f a friendly nation. It is no wonder that under such an instruction, a Liverpool jury found ‘‘ in favor o f the ship and her builders.” That case, on the evidence, presented a clear violation o f the Law of Nations, as shown by the authorities and precedents above mentioned, and it is referred to chiefly for the purpose o f stating another rule o f the Law o f Nations, namely, that it is no protection or justification to any na tion, when its violation o f neutral duties is complained of, that its own tribunals have decided in its favor. N o proposition can be clearer than that the Law o f Nations is^superior to and overrides all municipal law, whether in the form o f statutes or o f the judgm ents o f courts. X I. Many more references to elementary writers and to adjudged cases on the Law o f Nations might be m ade; but sufficient authority, it is b e lieved, has already been adduced and its applicability sufficiently shown, to satisfy intelligent and impartial minds that Great Britain, in the case o f the Alabama, has violated her obligations o f neutrality to the United States. This point being established, it will not be disputed that tli8 Law o f Nations imposes on her the consequent duty o f reparation. That repa ration can be made only by the payment o f the pecuniary losses sustained by our citizens in consequence o f that violation o f neutrality. It is the duty o f the Government o f the United States to its injured citizens to present to the Government o f Great Britain their claims duly authenticated. Much, if not most, o f the .evidence to establish the cir cumstances under which the Alabama was dispatched from England (and thus to show in that act the alleged violation o f neutrality,) has already been presented to the British Government. The subsequent conduct o f that vessel on the ocean is a matter known to a ll; her frequent visits to British ports and the succor she has there received are facts equally well k n ow n ; the entire omission of that Government to prevent her original departure, or to arrest her at her colonial ports, or to pursue her at all, is admitted. If to all this is added satisfactory evidence, in each individ ual instance, o f the loss sustained, the case is fully prepared for presenta tion to the British Government and for a contemporaneous application for indemnity. The people o f England will then have the opportunity o f demonstrating to the world that they are, as they have with honorable pride always claimed to be, a law-loving and a law-abiding p e o p le ; they will be able practically to illustrate the great precept o f that Christian faith, which they and we profess: “ A s ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also to them likewise.” It is not to be presumed that, on a proper and respectful presentation o f the case, that Government will falter in the performance o f its duty. Should such unfortunately be the result, and, should indemnity be refused, an amicable (and not an unusual) m ode o f adjusting the controversy would be its submission to the arbitrament o f an impartial and mutually friendly nation. The United States may decline making such a proposal on the ground (often taken in private life), that the case is too clear for submission. I f made, Great Britain may decline it. In that event, and in the event o f continued refusal to make compensation, the Law o f N a tions points out very clearly the remedy, which our Government would have the right to' adopt, namely, the issuing o f letters o f marque and re prisal, or a declaration o f war. The question o f the actual adoption o f VOL. x l ix .— n o , v. 23 346 Liability o f the British Government 'for [November, any remedy would be considered by our Government with all the delibe ration and conscientiousness which its magnitude.requires^ X II. It cannot be doubted that the acts o f the British Government and o f many British subjects, since the inauguration o f the rebellion, have been universally regarded here as, to say the least, exceedingly unfriendly. It was very naturally supposed that the ties o f a com m on origin, a com m on language, and a common religion bound England and the United States together in the bonds o f an indissoluble friendship,, and when our nationality was attacked and our Republic sought to be dismembered and overthrown, as it was by this rebellion, it was a pervading belief in this country that we should have at least the sympathy and kind feeling o f England. H er “ m aterial” aid we never required, and it will never be solicited. >But greatly have we been disappointed that we have not had that sympathy and kindness. On the contrary, no man whether friend or foe o f the States in rebellion can for a moment doubt that without the countenance given to those States by the Government o f Great Britain, and the aid furnished to them by her subjects, the rebellion would long since have tottered to its fall— a shocking waste o f valuable life and an enormous expenditure o f material means would have been prevented. Indeed, Great Britain’s recognition o f those States as “ belligerents,” and her concom itant proclamation o f neutrality, to say nothing o f any subse quent acts o f that Government or her people, may with exact truth be said to have been an indispensable ingredient in the v i t a l i t y o f those States, without which they would have had an inglorious existence o f but a few brief months, and then have sunk forever into a dishonored grave. W hatever may be thought o f the merits or demerits o f slavery, it can not be denied that this country has been greatly astonished at the in con sistency and insincerity o f the British Government and many o f the p eo ple o f England,* in giving their sympathy, countenance, and (as shown * The nobility of England, as a class, have decidedly sympathized with and favored the rebellion. It may be well for those gentlemen to consider whether there is any truth in the sentiment expressed in a late number of the London Review, that any one who knew what lies beneath the surface o f European society must be aware that the spirit of republican liberty is a snake that has been scotched—not killed. In deed, no man can doubt that the “ leaven” of the American and the French Revolu tions is continually and powerfully, though silently, “ working.” It would be well for them also to consider how long, in the present day of intelligent and independent thought, a system wholly artificial and unnatural, by the fundamental rules of which the mere accident o f birth, irrespective wholly of mental or o f moral merit, places forever the few in an exalted social and (so far as an important legislative power is concerned) political position, and equally places forever the many in a position o f in feriority and comparative degradation— they may well, I say, consider how long such a system is likely to endure. Especially should they so consider, when a large and influential part o f the “ Home ” Empire of Great Britain is ready for revolt at any moment, and when multitudes of the people, even of England herself, are restive un der the oppressive burden of taxation and those iron rules of social and political ex clusiveness. The voice of friendship might well warn those gentlemen to beware how they lend their aid and countenance and sympathy to an unspeakably wicked attempt to destroy the only Government on earth (with one or two trifling exceptions,) where the “ people ” are in form and in fact sovereign—a Government which has had 1863.] Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 347 above) their efficient aid to a combination o f persons associated for the purpose o f establishing a government whose “ corner-stone” is “ slavery,” as they uniformly declare, and as was distinctly stated on a grave public occasion by their favorite chief, A lexander H . S tephens . W h en it is remembered that, ever since the final triumph o f W il b e r f o r c e in 1833,* that Government and the people o f England, individu ally and collectively, have been in everyjmssible manner the advocates o f “ slavery abolition,” and have in fact effected that abolition in nearly the whole world, excepting in the American States now in revolt against their country and their Government, it is not unnatural that this astonishment (if no stronger feeling) should universally prevail. W e entertain it in com m on with all Continental Europe,] and (happily it can be said,) with thousands o f England’s worthiest subjects. I speak not now o f slavery or anti-slavery— that matter is wholly foreign to this discussion— but merely o f the surprising and melancholy exhibition England has made in this regard to the world. The whole American people have been accus tomed to look on the Queen o f England with a feeling bordering on af fection ; they fully believe in her humane and Christian character, and, so believing, they doubt not that she will hereafter regret in earnest bitter and still has the enthusiastic admiration of multitudes o f poets, orators, statesmen, and heroes in every country in the civilized world, and which has at this moment millions of friends, nay, “ lovers,” in England, Scotland, Ireland, and on the Continent. The American people are not propagandists— they desire not that any other people should adopt their form of Government— but they themselves adhere to it with a death-like tenacity. In the event of a war with England, arising from or necessita ted by an inimical and unjust interference on her part in any manner in our domestic affairs, the whole people of the United States would rush as one man, and with an universal, intense, and, it may with truth be said, a furious enthusiasm to defend the hallowed flag of their country against f o r e i g n insult or attack. No “ conscription ” laws would then be necessary— every citizen would be of his own accord a soldier. In that event, though great would be the calamity to us, we believe, nay, we know, that our Republic would come out of the contest (as it will out o f this rebellion,) “ purified as it were by fire,” and fixed “ on foundations that cannot be shaken.” Whereas, it would not be the strangest of historical events that such a contest, in connection with her domestic condition, should result in anything but an addition of strength and power to the British monarchy. * Thirty years ago, W ilb e r fo r c e said, “ Thank God that I should have lived to witness a day in which England is willing to give twenty millions sterling for "the abolition o f slavery? Such was then and such has ever since been (until this rebel lion) the professed sentiment of England and her people. f In view o f all this, the distinguished Frenchman E m ille de G irarbin has re cently said, with equal wit and truth, that “ England is a mistake.” Another equally eminent Frenchman, D e GAsrAaix, in his “ Uprising of a Great People,” and his “ America before Europe,” has administered to England some of the most telling rebukes to be found in any language. The Government of that country could not make a more beneficent expenditure of money than to gratuitously circu late tens of thousands of copies of these works among her people. 348 Liability o f the British Government for [November, ness that she yielded to the counsels o f her ministers in the issuing the proclamation o f “ recognition ” and o f “ neutrality,” whose direct knd undoubted effect has been to prolong this revolting civil war and to add ten, nay, an hundred, fold to its horrors. But these matters do not affect the question under consideration, and they are alluded to only for the purpose o f showing that we have much cause o f complaint, which, though not a violation o f the Law o f Nations and not entitling us to reclamation, would naturally render us more tena cious in requiring o f Great Britain the performance o f her neutral duties, and, in the event o f their violation, in asking the indemnity provided by that Law. It is perhaps needless to add that the principles and reasonings appli cable to the case o f the Alabam a apply alike to all the cases o f rebel privateers fitted out at and dispatched from any British port, or dispatch ed from one British port and fitted out partially or wholly at another or elsewhere.* I have endeavored to discuss this question simply on its legal merits, and without appeals to passion or prejudice. M y object was merely to demonstrate that the law o f nations entitles us to indemnity. The ear nest hope is cherished by every Am erican citizen that a satisfactory ad justment o f our claims on this occasion will be m ade; that thereby much o f the acerbity o f feeling now existing would disappear, and that the peace o f these two nations would, not only in form but in reality, be con tinued and perpetuated. N ew Y ork , October 16, 1863. * I subjoin, by way of appendix to this paper, a list o f our vessels captured by rebel privateers, prepared by Capt. J. H. Ur-ros, Secretary of the “ American Shipmasters’ Association,” for which be deserves the thanks of his countrymen. The sight of such a list must cause a thrill of horiov in every American heart, indeed, in every heart, not lost to all sentiments of honor, humanity, and civilization. I say this, because of the enormity, in a moral and practical point of view, of the acts of these privateers; they are in every practical sense worse than piratical. To say nothing of the infa mous means so often adopted to lure their victims to destruction, they war solely on individuals, without even a pretence that their acts in any degree injure the “ United States ” as a people, or benefit the “ Rebel Confederacy ” as such; and, what is more, the privateersmen themselves individually are in no manner beneflttcd, for the vessels and cargoes taken are, contemporaneously with their capture, consigned to the flames. Thus they have not even the apology of professed “ pirates.” Their work, conse quently, is a work of purely wanton destruction, unmitigated in its barbarism, and must of necessity shock every one whose moral sense has not ceased to be a living power. (APPENDIX.) A L P H A B E T I C A L L I S T OF V E S S E L S C A P T U R E D B Y R E B E L P R I V A T E E R S . Reported up to October ls (, 1363, with Nam e o f M aster, P o r t o f Clearance, D estination, D ate, P lace o f Capture and Tonnage. Vessels. • Master. "Where from . W h ere to. D ate. Captured by. Tons. 349 Steamer Alabama, off the Flores. 200 Admiral Blake,schr ...................................................................................................1862 . . . Albert Adams, brig. . . .Cousins.................C u b a ................... New Y o r k .......... July 3, 1861 . .Steamer Sumter............................ 192 A B. Thompson, ship. . . J. M.S m all.. . . . Savannah . . . . . .New Y o r k ............1861.................Off Port Royal, S. C ...................... 800 391 Alert, b a r k ................Church.........................New London.. . .Hurd’s Island.’. .1862.................Steamer Alabama, off theFlores Altamaha, brig................................................Sippican............. Atlantic Ocean.. 1862.................. “ “ “ “ 300 Aldebaran, s c h r .............H an d ......................New Y o r k .......... Maranham.........March, 1863 ..Steam er Florida........................................................ 187 Alleghanian, ship............ Barstow..................Baltimore.............London................1862..................Destroyed by Rebels off the Rappahannock.. . . 1,142 Arcade, schr.................... Smith...................... Portland............. G-uadaloupe . . . .January, 1861.Steamer Sumter........................................................ 200 Ariel, steamer................. Jones...................... New Y o r k ......... Aspinwall........... Dec., 1 8 6 2 ... .Steamer Alabama........................................................1,295 Alvarado, bark .............................................. Capetown........... Boston...................June, 1 8 6 1 ... .Steamer Sumter. ................................................... 299 AlfredH. Partridge, schr................................. Gloucester...........Fishing on Banks.June 7, 1863. .Privateer Tacony....................................................... 200 “ “ ...................................................... 200 Ada, schr.......................................................... Gloucester...........Fishing on Banks June 23, 1863. Arabella, brig................. Conover ................Gloucester........... Fishing on Banks.June 7, 1863.. “ ........ ............................................. 800 Archer, s c h r . .............................................. Gloucester...........Fishing on Banks.June 12, 1863. “ “ ...................................................... 200 Amazonian, barb.............Lorland..................New Y o r k ..........Montevideo.___ June 2, 1863'. .Alabama, lat. 11.15, Ion. 34.30............................... 481 Anglo Saxon, s h ip .........Caverly..................Liverpool.............New Y o r k ........................................................................................................................... 868 Alliance, sch r...................................................Philadelphia ...P o r t R oy a l.................................... Off Rio, (bonded).......................... 190 Anna F. Schmidt, ship....................................St. T h o m a s .... San Francisco.................................Alabama, off Rio, (bon d ed )................................... 784 Atlanta, sh ip .. . . .........Merrill....................Montevideo......... Chincha Islands............................. “ ................................................................. 699 Benj. Dunning, brig........ Farney................................................................................. July 3, 1861 ..Steam er Sumter....................................................... 284 B. F. Martin, brig...........French..................... Philadelphia____Havana............... June 16,1861. “ “ ...................................................... 293 Benj. Tucker, ship...........Childs...................... New Bedford... .W h aling............. 1862.................. Steamer Alabama, off the.Flores........................ 800 Brilliant, ship.. .............George H agar.. . .New Y ork .. . . ; .L iv erpool........... October 3, 1862 “ “ lat. 40, Ion. 50.30...................... 839 Betsy Ames^brig .......................................... ............................................................. 1863.................. “ “ .................................................... 265 Bethial Thayer, sh ip .. . .Pendleton............. C allao..................N antes................1862.................. “ “ .................................................... 896 Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. [PR E PA R E D B Y CAPT. I. H. UPTON , SECRETARY AM ER. SHIPMASTERS 1 ASSOCIATION, FOR H UN T'S MERCHANTS 1 M A G A ZIN E .] Master. W herefrom . W h ereto. Date. Captured by [November, 267 100 800 1,387 299 199 293 200 278 235 962 1,245 699 253 1,098 736 997 300 347 396 200 298 699 1,293 200 92 230 300 200 300 300 1,072 200 Liability o f the British Government f o r Tous. ;150 Vessels. Baron de Castine, brig. .C. W . Haskell................................................ ....................1862..................Steamer Alabama, lat. 89 N., Ion. 69 W., (bond) Boston, t n g ..................... Tibbetts........................................ .. .New Orleans . . .June 9,1868 . .Bebels, at mouth o f Missisippi................................ Byzantium, sh ip ............ Robinson..................L on don ............... New York . . . .June 16,1868 .Privateer Tacony, lat. 41, Ion. 69.10...................... B. F. Hoxie, ship.............................................. Magattan..............Falm outh............June 16,1863 .Florida, lat. 12 N., Ion. SO W .................................. California, b a rk .............. S. Hawthorne.. . .St. Thomas......... C o r k ....................1861..................Steamer Sumter....................................................... Cuba, brig....................... J. G .F oster..........New York..............V eraC ruz........... July 1 ,1 8 6 1 .. “ “ ...................................................... Chastelain, brig..............H andy.....................Guadaloupe.........Cienfuegos.......... Jan. 27,1863. .Steamer Sumter, off Altwela R ock...................... Courser, schr.................................................... Provin«etown ...W h a lin g ..............1863..................Steamer A labam a................................................. .. Crenshaw, schr............... Nelson....................New York............G lasgow ..............Oct. 2 6 ,18 6 2 .. “ '• lat. 40 N., Ion. 65 W ............... Corris, Ann, brig.............Small......................Philadelphia.. . , Cardnas................ Jan. 22, 1863. .Steamer Florida....................................................... Castine, ship.............. ...S m it h ......................C allao.................. E ngland............. Jan. 2 5 ,18 6 3 .. “ '■ ....................................................... Commonwealth, ship . . . McLellan...............New York............San Francisco . .1 8 6 3 ..................Steamer Alabama, lat. 30 S., Ion. 30.25 W ......... Charles Hill, ship...........Percival..................L iv erp ool............Montevideo . . . .April, 1863 . . . “ “ lat. 7.30 N., Ion. 26.20........... Clarence, brig.................. Phinney................. Bahia.................... Baltimore............ 1863.................Steamer Florida....................................................... Crown Point, ship...........Sohn N. Geit......... New York............San Francisco . .1863.................Georgia, lat. 7 S., long. 74...................................... City of Bath, ship...........Cooper.................... Callao.................. Antwerp ........... June 28, 1863. “ lat. 21 S., Ion. 29.10 (bonded)............... Constitution, ship............Webster.................. Philadelphia.. . .Valparaiso......... June 25, 1863. “ ................................................................... Commonwealth, b a rk .. .Salsbue................. New Y o r k ......... San Francisco . .A pril 17,1863.Florida, lat. 20 S., Ion. 31 E .................................. Conrad, bark................... Moloney.......... .. .Montivedo...........New Y o r k .....................................Alabam a.................................................................... D. C. Pierce, bark...........Quisls...................... R em edios............E ngland............. June, 1861___.Privateer Jeff. Davi3.................................................. -Daniel Trowbridge, schr.W. H. M orrow .. . .New Y o rk ..........Demerara............ 1861..................Steamer Sumter........................................................ Dunkirk, brig.................. Johnson...................New York........... Lisbon........... .... .October, 1862.Steamer Alabama, lat. 40.30, Ion. 54.20 ............. Dorcas Prince, ship . . . .M elcher................. New York........... Shanghae............1863.................. “ “ lat. 7.35 S., Ion. 31.85 W . . . . W ..................... Dictator, s h ip .................Phillips..................L iverpool............ Hong KoDg.......... 1863.................Georgia, lat. 25 N., Ion. 21.40 Elizabeth Ann, sch r.. ..Thomas ................. Cloucester.. . . ; Fishing............... June 22, 18G8.Privateer T acon y..................................................... Ella, schr......................... W arren ..................T a m pico............. New Y o r k ..........1861..................Privateer Jeff. Davis............................ .................... Emily Fisher, brig..........S ta p les..................S t.Jago............... Guantanamo.. . .March, 1 8 6 3 ... Retribution................................................................ Eben Dodge, bark.......... H oxie......................New Bedford... . W haling..............1881...................Steamer Sumter....................................................... Enchantress, schr............ D everau x..............Boston.................. St. Jagode Cuba.July 13, 1861 .Privateer Jeff. D a vis............................................... Elisha Dunbar, b a rk ... .David R. Gifford. .New Bedford . . .W h a lin g .............1862 ................Steamer Alabama, lat. 89.50, Ion. 35.20 .............. Estella, b r ig ................... B row n ....................Manzanilla......... Boston..................Jan. 17,1863. .Steamer Florida, lat. 23.60, Ion. 34.17.................. Express, ship.................................................... C allao..................A ntw erp......................................... Alabama, off R io ................................................... .. Florence, sch r.. .......... Gardner................. Gloucester..........................................1863................... Tacony, (bonded)..................................................... * Master. W h e re from . W h e re to. Date. Captured by. 351 796 840 287 608 1,273 250 300 130 1,280 436 200 299 200 235 149 800 800 437 300 1,300 1,070 800 295 100 200 275 1,050 237 1,382 800 171 400 387 Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. Tons. 1863.] Vessels. Francis B. Cutting, ship..................................L iverpool........... New Y o r k ..........Aug. 6, 1863. .Florida, lat. 41.10, Ion. 44.20, (bonded)................ F. W. Seaver, bark......... S n ow ......................Boston..................Hong Kong . . . .June 22, 1863.Georgia, (bonded)..................................................... Glen, bark....................... H olm es..................Philadelphia.. . .Tortugas..............July, 1861____Steamer Sumter....................................................... Golden Rocket, sh ip .. . .Pendleton............Havana................ Cienfuegos . . . . July 16, 1861 . “ “ ....................................................... Golden Eagle,ship.........S w ift....... ..............Howland’s IslandQueenstown . . . .1863................. Steamer Alabama, lat. 29 N., Ion. 45 W .............. Golden Rule, bark.......... P. H. Whiteberry.New York............Aspinwall........... Jan. 26,18 6 3 .. “ “ lat. 1 7 .45................................ Goodspeed, bark.............J. L. Dunton......... Londonderry. . . .New Y o r k ......... June 21, 1863. Privateer T a con y..................................................... Golden Rod, sclir...........Bishop....................Holmes’ H o le .. .Chesapeake B a y....................... ......................................................................................... Geo. Griswold, ship........Pettengill................Caidiff..................Callao.................. June 18, 1863.Georgia (bon ded )..................................................... Good Hope, b a rk ...........Gordon....................Boston..................Algoa B a y ......... June 22, 1863. “ lat, 22.29 S., Ion. 42.39 W ..................... .. Hanover, schr................Case........................ Boston................. Aux Cayes]...........Jan. 31,1863. -Privateer Retribution............................................. Harriet Spaulding,bark P ea b od y............... New York........... H av re..................Nov. 18, 1863 .Steamer A labam a................................................... Herbert, schr...................Martin................................................................................. July 18, 1861 .Privateer Winslow................................................... Henry Nutt, sch r..........Burnett ................ K ey West........... Philadelphia... August, 1861 .Steamer Sumter........................................................ Hannah Balch, brig........M atthews..............Cardenas..............Boston..................July 6, 1862 ........................................................................................ Hatteras, gunboat...........Blake...................... Galveston.............B lock a d e............Jan. 13,1863. .Steamer Alabama, off Galveston, Texas............. Harvey Birch, ship.........Nelson....................Havre................... New Y o r k ......... Nov. 19, 1862.Steamer Nashville ................................................... Henrietta b a rk ..............B row n.................... Baltimore.............Rio Janeiro.. . . 1863...................Steamer A labam a................................................... Itasca, b r ig .................... Conley....................Nuevitas.............. New Y o r k .......... Aug 4, 1861.. Steamer Winslow..................................................... Isac Webb, sh ip .............Hutchison..............L iverpool........... New Y o r k ......... June 20, 1863.Tacony, lat. 40.35, Ion. 68.46, (bonded)................ Ibez Snow, sh ip .............Ginn........................New Y o r k ......... Montevideo......... May 25, 1863 .Alabama, lat. 12 S., Ion. 34 W .............................. Joseph Parks, brig......................................... Pernambuco......... New York . .*.. .Dec. 1861.........Steamer Sumter....................................................... Joseph Maxwell, bark................................... Philadelphia.........Laguayra............June 16, 1861. “ “ ...................................................... John Adams, schr.......... C. B. A re ra l..........Provincetown___ W haling..............M ay,1 8 6 1 _____Calhoun...................................................................... J. R. Watson, sch r........ E ld ridge................New Y ork..........................................July 13, 1 8 6 1 ....................................................................................... John Welsh, b r ig .......... F ifield.................... Trinidad............. Falmouth, Eng. .July 13, 1861 .Privateer Jeff. D a vis................................................ John A. Park, ship........ Cooper.................... New Y ork........... Buenos A y re s .. .March 2, 1863.Steamer Alabama...................................................... J. P. Ellicott, brig.......... Deveraux................Boston.................. Cienfuegos.......... Jan. 10, 1863. .Retribution................................................................ Jacob Bell, s h ip .............Frisbee.................... F oochow ......... ..N ew Y o r k .......... Feb. 12,1863..Steamer Florida, lat. 24, Ion. 65............................ J. S. Harris, ship............G. W. C ollier____ Cuba.................... New York . ...1 8 6 1 .................. Steamer Sumter........................................................ Joseph, b rig ................... Myers...................... Cardenas........... Philadelphia.. . .June 15, 1861 .Privateer Savannah.......................... ....................... Justina, bark...................Miller...................... Rio Janeiro......... New Y o r k ..........May 25, 1863 .Steamer Alabama, lat. 12 S., Ion. 35.30,(bonded) Kate Stewart, schr........W. B. W o o d .......... Philadelphia..................................... 1863....................Steamer Florida, lat. 37.10, Ion. 75.04, (bonded). Yossels. Master. Where from. W h e re to. Date. Captured b y . - Tons. [N ovem ber, L iability o f the B ritish Government f o r .A n tw erp .. . Kate Dyer, s h ip ............. A. D y e r.................C allao.......... June 17, 1803.Lapwing (bonded).................................................... 1,278 Kate Oory, b r ig ............. Flanders ............. Westport.......... . Whaling ............. 1863 Steamer Alabam a.. . ............................................... 125 Kingfisher, schr............... L am bert............... Fairhaven......... .W h a lin g ............ 1 8 6 3 .... “ “ .................................................... 125 “ “ ..................................................... 300 Lafayette, b a rk ..............Lewis..................... New Bedford . . W haling............ 1 8 6 3 .... Louisa Hatch, ship. ...G r a n t................... Cardiff.................. Singapore........... 1 8 6 3 .... “ 835 Louisa Kilham, bark ...W h ite ................. Cienfuegos........ Falmouth, E n g..Ju ly 20, 1861 .Steamer Sum ter...................................................... 463 Levi Starbuck, ship . . . .McMellen.............. New Bedford . . . W haling................ Nov. 2, 1862 •Steamer Alabama, lat. 35.30, Ion. 6 6 ................... 376 Lafayette, sh ip ...............Small.................... New York ........... Belfast, I.eland.Oct. 23, 1862 “ lat. 40 N., Ion . 64 W ................. 945 Lamplighter, b a rk ......... H a rd in g ...............New Y ork........... Gibraltar..............Oct. 15, 1862 “ “ lat. 41.80 S., Ion. 59.17 W . . . 279 “ “ lat 39.45 N., Ion. 68 W ............ 284 Lauretta, bark................. Wells...................... New Y ork........... Messina................Oct. 28, 1862 Lydia Frances, brig ....C a m p b e ll ................................................. .June 15, 1862.Off H atteras............................................................. 262 Lapwing, b a rk ................Bolger.................... Boston....................Batavia............... March 27, 1863Steamer Florida, lat. 31, ion. 62........................... 590 Lenox, bark..................... SethCole............... New Y ork........... New Orleans.. . .June 12, 1863. Boston, at mouth of Mississippi............................. 370 L. A. Macomber, sch r.. . P o tte r.................. Noank...................Fishing.................. June 20, 1863.Privateer Tacony..................................................... 200 Marengo, schr......... ...F r e e m a n .............. Gloucester............ Fishing................June 22, 1863. “ “ .................................................... 200 Manchester, ship............. Landerkin.............. New Y ork........... L iverpool........... Oct. 11, 1862. .Steamer Alabama, lat. 41.25, Ion, 55.50 .............. 1,075 250 Machias, brig................... S h o p p e y ........................ ....................................................July 20, 1862. .Steamer Sumter....................................................... Monticello. brig . . . . . . ,H 'pkins ...............Rio Janeiro . . . .Baltimore............July 1, 18620. .Privateer St. Nicholas............................................ 300 Mary E.Thompson,brig Havener............................................................................. July 9 ,1 8 6 2 .. .Privateer Echo......................................................... 210 Mermaid, schr................. Soper......................Provincetown . . . W haling..............May, 186c. . . .Privateer Calhoun................................................... 200 Mary Pierce, schr........... D >dge........... .Boston.........................Washington . . . .July 1,1862.. .Privateer St. Nicholas............................................. 192 Margaret, s c h r ............... H ansen............................................................................... June, 1 8 6 2 .... “ “ ............................................ 206 Mary Goodell, schr . . . .M cGiivery......................................................................... July 9, 1862.. .Privateer Echo......................................................... 200 M. J. Oolcord, bark.........Rufus Harriman. .New Y ork ............Cape Town, CGHVIarch 30, 186SSteamer Florida, lat. 28, Ion. 33 ............................ S74 Morning Star, ship........Burgess................... Calcutta............... London................ April 8, 1863. .Steamer Alabama, lat. 2 N ..................................... 1,105 Mary Alice, schr . . . . .W a ls h ................... Porto R ic o .......... New Y o r k ..........July, 1861........ Steamer Winslow..................................................... 181 Mary Alvina,brig ........ Crobich . . . 1......... B iston...................New Orleans ...1 8 6 3 .................. Steamer Florida, lat. 34.25 N., Ion 7 4 2 3 ............ 266 M. A. Shindler, schr ...W m Ireland.........Port Royal........... Philadelphia.. . .June 12, 1863 . “ “ lat. 37.18, Ion. 75.4................. 299 Martha Weazell, bark........................... ...A k y a b ................. Falm outh............ ........................Alabama, False Bay, (R eleased.......................... 678 Naiad, b r ig ..................... Chase................................................................................... July, 1 8 6 1 ... .Steamer Sumter....................................................... 800 “ “ ....................................................... 822 Neapolitan, bark............. Burdett................... Messina.................Boston..................Feb., 1861 . . . . N. Chase, sch r.. . . . . . . . D oane................... New York ......... Antigua . . . . . . .Sept., 1 8 6 1 .... “ “ ....................................................... 150 Nora, snip....................... Adams.....................L iverpool........... Calcutta.............. 1863.................. Steamer A la b a m a ................................................... 800 Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. 353 1863.] Vessels. Master. "Where from. W here to. Date. Captured by. Tons. Nye, bark ..................... Barker....................New Bedford. ..W h a lin g .............1 8 6 3 ..., .Steamer A la b a m a ......................... 300 Ocmutgee, ship ............Osborne........... . . . Edgartown . . . . W haling........... Feb. 21, 1863 . 300 “ off the Flores. Ocean Rover, s h ip .........Clark .............. Mattapoisett. . . . W haling................ 81863.................. “ “ . 766 . 300 Olive Jane, bark............Kallock................... Bordeaux.............. New Y o r k ........ Feb. 21, 1863 . “ “ , 290 Ocean Eagle................... Luce ..................... Rockland............. New Orleans . . .1 8 61 ............. ..Steam er Sumter. Oneida, s h ip ............ . . . P o t t e r ............ ...S h a n g h a e ...........New .Y o r k ..........1863..................Steamer Alabama, lat. 1.40 S., Ion. 29 W . , 420 Osceola, b a r k .............................................................................................................. 1862.................. off the Flores.......................... 300 Ocean Cruiser, schr......... ........................................................................................... 1862.................. “ “ ................................................. 200 Puujaub, ship.......... ....M d le r .............. ...C a lc u t ta ............. L iverpool............March 14,1863 ..............................................................760 Parker Cook, b a rk .........Fulton.............. ...B o s to n ......... .. . A u x Oayes.........Nov. 30, 1862. lat. 18.30.............................. 135 Protector, s c h r .............. J Clark. ...............Cuba ................. Philadelphia___.-June, 1861. ................................................................... 200 Panama, brig...................Cook........................Provincetown. . . Whaling ............ May 29, 1861. .Privateer Calhoun . . . . . . . ................................. 153 Priscilla, s c h r ................. Orowther............... Curacao............... Baltimore.............July, 1 8 6 2 ... .Steamer Winslow.................................................... 144 172 Palmetto, schr ............. O H Lelaud.........New Y ork............ Porto R ic o ..........Feb. 27, 1863 . Steamer A labam a................................................... Prince of Waie3, ship . . Morse. . . . . .........Callao ................Antwerp..........................................Georgia, (bonded)..................................................... 960 Rufus Choate, schr.........Smith............... .Gloucester...........Fishing . . . . . .June 22, 1863.Privateer Tacony......................................... ............ 200 Rowena, bark.................Wilson................... L agu ayra.............Puiladelphia. . . . June, 1861 . . .Privateer Jeff Davis................................................. 340 Robert Gilfillan, sch r.. .Sm ith..................... Philadelphia.. . .St. Dom ingo.. . .Feb. 26, 1862 .Steamer Nashville.................................................... 240 Ripple, s c h r ................... Gearing. . . . . . . .Gloucester. . ...F is h in g ................June 22, 1863. Privateer Tacony..................................................... 200 Reiwig. s ch r...................A v e r y .......... Provincetown. . .Fishing ......................... July 7, 1863 . .Florida....................................................................... 95 Red Gauntlet, ship.........H ow es............. .Buena Yista . . . N e w Y o r k .........May 28, 1863 . “ lat 29.28, Ion. 36 W .................................. 1,038 S. J W aring.schr.........S m i t h . . ................ N ew Y ork ...........Buenos A y re s .. .July 15, 1863 . Privateer Jeff. Davis ................................................ 372 Starlight, schr. ................Whittemore- ....................................................................... 1862.................. Steamer Alabama, off the Flores.......................... 205 Star of Peace, ship. . . . .H m ckley.............. C alcutta..............Boston....................1863.................Steamer Florida......................... 941 Sebasticock, s h ip .............. C h a s e ................ Liverpool............ Charleston.......... 1861..................Steamer Sumter....................................................... 549 Santa Clara, b rig ......... C J o rd e s o n ...........Porto Rico............ B >ston................... 1861................. *‘ “ 189 S. Gildersleeve, ship . . , McOullum,........... Sunderland..........C alcutta........... .1863...................Steamer A la b a m a .................................................... 100 Sea Bird, schr......... . . .Scott . ................. Philadelphia.. . .Newbern.............. 1883.................. By rebels, at the mouth o f Neuse River.............. 200 Sea Witch, sch r............. W Egbert..............Bu-acoa................. N e w Y o r k ..........1861.................. “ “ “ “ ........... 95 Sbattemuc, s h ip .............J H. Oxford-......... Liverpool............Boston. .............. June 24, 1863 Privateer Tacony, lat. 43.10, Ion. 68.4................. 200 Sea Lark, s h ip ...............Peck ..................... Boston. . . . . . . .Sail Francisco.. .May 3, 1863 . .Steamer Alabama, lat. 9.35 S., Ion. 31.20 W . . . . 974 Sunrise, s h ip ................... R Luce................... New York............Liverpool............................... . . .Florida, lat. 40 N., Ion. 68 W., (bon d ed )............. 1,174 Southern Cross, ship . . .Lucas................... .Boston.................. H iy Kay..............Jane 3, 1863.. “ lat. 34 S., Ion. 36 W .................................. 938 Depredations o f Rebel Privateers Considered. S ummary.— 178 vessels, comprising 1 U. S. gunboat ; 1 steamer ; 1 steam-tug ; 54 ships ; 42 barbs ; 32 brigs ; 47 schooners— 80,899 tons. .154 Master. Where from. W h e r e to. Date. T on s. Vessels. Captured by. .Parker................... Akyab.................. Falmouth.........................................Conrad, (bonded)......... Santee, ship........... 898 447 Sea Bride, bark. . . Transit, schr.................... A. Knowles ......... New London...................................... July 15, 1861 .Steamer Winslow..................................................... 195 T. B. Wales, s h ip ...........Lincoln ................. C alcutta..............Boston................. 186S.................. Steamer Alabama, lat. 28'80, Ion. 58 .................... 599 Tonawanda,ship.............T. J u liu s............... Philadelphia.. . .L iv erp ool............Oct. 9, 1 8 6 3 ... “ “ lat. 40.30, Ion. 54.30, (bond.). 1,300 Tacony, bark................... William G. Mundy.Port R o y a l......... Philadelphia.. . .June 12, 1863.Steamer Florida, lat. 37.18, Ion. 75.04.................. 296 Texana, bark.................. Thomas E. W olfe.N ew Y ork ........... New Orleans . . .June 12, 1863.Privateer Boston, at mouth of Mississippi............ 588 Talisman, ship................. Howard ............... New Y ork ............Shanghae............June 5, 1S63. .Alabama, lat. 14 S., Ion. 34 W .............................. 1,237 Umpire, b rig...................Perry....................... Lagana................Boston..................June 16, 1863. Privateer Tacony, lat. 37, Ion. 69.57^.................... 196 Union Jack, bark.......... C. P. W ea v er____ New Y ork ...........Shanghae............ May 3, 1863 . .Steamer Alabama, lat. 9.40 S., Ion. 32.80 ............ 300 “ lat. 89.10, Ion. 34.20 ............. 300 Virginia, bark................. S. B. Tilton.............New Bedford . . .W h a lin g..............1863.................. Vigilant ship................... Hathaway..............New Bedford . . .AVhaling . . . ___1863.................. “ “ .................................................. 650 Varnum, PI. Hill, schr....................................Provincetown. ..C ru isin g ............. June 27, 1862.Florida, lat. 30 N,, Ion. 48.50, (bonded)................ 90 JVest Wind, bark ...........Saunders .New Y ork ...........New Orleans . . . July 1861......... Steamer Sumter....................................................... 429 W ave Crest, bark...........Harman..................New Y ork ........... Cardiff.................Oct. 7 ,1 8 6 2 .. .Steamer Alabama, lat. 40.25, Ion. 54.25 .............. 409 Weather Gauge, sch r.. .G. Clark, J r........................................................................ 1862 .................. “ “ o f the Flores.......................... 200 Washington, sh ip ...........W h ite ....................New Y ork ........... L iverpool............Jan. 26, 1863. .Steamer Florida....................................................... 1,655 Windward, b r i g .............Roberts..............M atan zas..............Boston............. '. .Jan. 23, 1863.. “ “ ....................................................... 199 W. HcGilvery, b r ig ___ H arrim an............. Cardenas............. Philadelphia.. . .July, 1861____Privateer Jeff.Davis........................., ...................... 198 W . S. Robbins, bark........................................A rro y a ................New Y o r k ......... June, 1 8 6 1 ... .Steamer Sumter........................................................ 200 Whistling Wind, bark. .B u tle r ................... Philadelphia____New Orleans . . .June 6, 1863. .Privateer Coquette, lat. 33.38, Ion. 7 1 .2 9 ............ 349 Wanderer, schr................................................ Gloucester........... Fishing................June 22, 1863. Privateer Tacony..................................................... 200 William B. Nash, brig. .Coffin...................... New Y ork ........... Marseilles............July 8, 1863.. .Florida, lat. 40, Ion. 70............................................. 299 < a> B rr Textile Fabrics. 1863.] 355 TEXTILE FABRICS: FLAX, IIEMP, WOOL, SILK, AND COTTON. T he cultivation and manufacture of the four great materials, Flax> W o o l, Silk, and Cotton have ever, been the chief means o f industrial em ployment, and their products the principal articles o f traffic among nations. It is only very recently, however, that the manufacture o f the three last mentioned have made much progress in Western Europe. In the present century, the supply o f these three materials has been greatly increased and the qualities have been greatly improved, while machinery has been largely employed in their manufacture. Linen, on the other hand, has been o f very remote and general use, yet has comparatively defied the powers o f machinery and the attempts made to im prove its manufacture. It has therefore been and continues to be m ore dependent upon the slow and costly process o f hand labor than the other three articles. It is, however, one of the most general productions o f the European peasant, and is afforded"at comparatively low cost. Belgium and Holland have been the most remarkable for linen industry; the culture aud manufac ture o f flax were well developed among the Belgi when the Rom an power first dominated the Rhine country. A t that remote period the blouse was already the national costume, and Italy derived a new com m erce in the importation o f the linen fabrics o f Flanders. The pre-eminence in this trade then possessed by the Low Countries was held for many centuries. A s to its origin, many writers trace it back three centuries before C hrist . It is certain that in the 13th century Belgium had a m onopoly o f the linen manufacture in Europe. Nivelles was then the seat o f the manufac ture, which, however, soon spread to Brabant, Hainau, and Journai. In the latter part of the 15th century, A lbert and I sabel , on visiting Courtrai, were presented with damask cloths of great delicacy, and in the 16th century the grow ing India trade had introduced cottons, and silks had grow n into more general use. The cultivation o f cocoons in Italy had begun at this time to be quite extensive, and when H enry IV . o f France displayed the first pair o f silk stockings, which were imported, an impulse was given to the manufacture which laid the foundation o f the prosperity o f Rouen, Lyons, etc. The linen manufacture also spread through Ger many, England, and Spain. These circumstances caused a decline in the Belgium trade, and a governm ent commission was ordered to investigate the matter. A s a result o f this commission the exportation o f flax was pro hibited and also the importation o f cottons. These enactments did not help the matter much. The general grow th o f wealth and population, however, kept up a certain demand for Belgium linen, notwithstanding the growth o f manufacture elsewhere. In the beginning o f the 18th century there were sold annually in the Flemish markets 100,000 pieces o f linen o f 80 yards each, and this did not comprise the large quantity made in the cottages o f the peasantry for their household use. The steady progress o f the trade during the 18th century w ill be gathered from the statistics contained in public documents o f the quantities sold in the mar ket o f Ghent alone. In 1735, there were 65,849 pieces ; in 1775, 79,040 ; 356 [November, Textile Fabrics. in 1760, 8 3 ,3 0 5 ; and in 1*764, 86,315. The other ch ief markets were Courtrai, Audenarde, Alost, Renaix, Lokeren, and Bruges. W h en Belgium fell under the rule o f France, in the year I X . o f the French republic, Flanders alone was estimated to produce 282,793 pieces of linen— say 22,623,440 yards, valued at $3,675,282. The manufacture continued to extend in Belgium up to 1838, at which period the com pe tition o f Great Britain and Ireland in the European and foreign markets checked its progress. In 1840, the entire quantity manufactured in Bel gium was estimated at 400,000 pieces,- or 32,000,000 yards, valued at $ 12,0 0 0 ,0 00. The manufacture of flax had, at this time, progressed in England greatly, and the growth o f flax in Ireland, under the auspices o f the Royal S oci ety, increased in ten years ending 1851, 100,000 acres, and has been an nually as follow s: 1 8 6 3 ........... 1862 .......... 1 8 6 1 .......... 1860 .......... 1859 ......... 214,092 150 070 147,957 128,595 136,282 1 8 5 8 .................. 1857 ................... 1856 ................... 1855 ................... 1854 ................... .acres .......... .......... .......... 91,641 07,721 106,311 97,075 The increase o f sowing in 1863 is nearly 45 per cent as compared with 1 8 6 2 ; and, as compared with any o f the years 1855, 1856, 1857, and 1858, the increase is more than 100 per cent. The quality o f the flax and its price are all that could be desired. O f the whole number o f acres in 1863, 207,345 were in Ulster. The import o f flax into Great Britain in forty years to 1860, increased 115,000,000 lbs. In France the trade had alsobecome well developed. In all this time, however, linen had to contend against not only the growth o f the other materials, but their adaptedness to the same purposes. The use o f wool throughout Europe, particularly in France and Great Britain, had been confined to coarse textures, as well from the nature o f the wool itself as from the want o f proper machinery for its manufacture. The Spanish breed o f sheep alone furnished the proper material for cloths, and it was not until the First Consul, at the close o f the 18th century, caused the transfer o f some 7,000 Spanish rams to France that the breed began to improve. W hen Spain was occupied, the great conqueror, ever mindful o f material interests, caused a great importation o f merinos into France, from which the greatest results were derived ; for when France, in 1815, was overrun by the allies, the fine rams were carried off to Ger many. Fine wools have since been o f more general growth, and have greatly aided in the spinning o f fine woolen yarns. In England the im proved breed o f sheep produced the long, brilliant com bing wools for which that country is famous. The export o f these wools was prohibited until 1828, and since that time, bv the aid o f machinery, wools have grown to rival cotton and linen in the fineness and brightness o f the fabrics that may be wrought from them. The manufacture o f silk, at the same time, has spread wonderfully in France and England, and the silk industry o f Italy has become one ,of the most important for the supply o f the raw material, which has not only contributed the costly fabrics worn by the wealthy, but in its mixture with the other materials has diversified and extended the use o f all. All these articles, however, (silk, flax, and wool,) have found in cotton 1863.] Textile Fabrics. 357 their most powerful com petitor; for, since 1800, cotton has been so develo| ed as to form two-thirds o f the whole material used for modern clothing. The immense and rapid increase in the culture o f cotton, and its successful application to purposes o f wearing apparel, com e so obtru sively upon the public, that all are aware o f the progress so m a d e; but it is not generally borne in mind that the aggregates o f the four other prime raw materials, including hemp, increase nearly as fast in supply as does cotton, and that the price- o f each is materially influenced by the supply o f each o f the others. During the first half of the present centuiy, England has been the work-shop o f the world, and although in other countries the development o f manufactures has, in the last forty years, very rapidly increased, the production in England has maintained its su premacy. H ence, if we take a total of the quantities o f each o f the five great raw materials imported into England, for the use o f her manufacto ries, we shall have results as follow : IM PO R TS O F R A W M A T E R IA L INTO E N G L A N D . 1790 . . . . 1 8 1 0 ___ 1830 ____ 1840 ____ 1844 ____ 1850 ____ 1 8 5 1 ____ 1860 . . . . .. Cotton, lbs. 80,574,874 126,018,487 255,426,476 437,099,631 558,015,248 666,223,760 760,762,250 1,225,989,072 Wool, lbs. 3,245,362 10,936,224 32,313,059 52,862,020 69,493,855 72,674,483 83,063,679 148,396,597 Silk, lbs. 1,253,445 1,796,106 4,318,181 4,756,121 6,207,678 4,942,417 4.608,336 9,178,610 Flax, cwt. 257,222 511,970 944,096 1,338,217 1,595,839 1,821,578 1,194,184 1,461,010 Hemp, cwt. 592,306 955,890 506,771 612,515 911,747 1,048,635 1,293,410 1,609,175 It will be observed that England was a large w ool-producing country, and gradually her trade so increased as to use up all her own produce, and require annually increasing supplies ; but her trade did not increase rapidly until in 1827, when the prohibition o f the export o f wool was removed. The supplies since then have been large. In 1825 the silk trade was thrown open, and the quantity o f raw silk required by the man ufacturers tripled in twenty years. If now we regard England as the great work-shop o f the world, and make a table o'f the imports o f the five great materials, we shall have an indication o f the relative supply o f each o f the five materials to the whole : IM P O R T S O F R A W M A T E R IA L S * F O R TE X T IL E F A B R IC S IN T O G R E A T B R IT A IN . Hemp. lbs. 1 8 3 5 ................ 72,352,200 1840 ................ 82,971,700 1845 ................... 103,416,400 1850 ................ 119,462,100 1855 ................... 136,270,912 1856 ................... 142,613,525 1857 ................... 169,004,562 1858 ................... 184,316,000 1859 ................... 241,917,760 1860 ................... 140,910,600 1861 ................... 150,802,800 1862 ................ 170,720,700 Flax, lbs. Silk, lbs. Total four Wool, lbs. articles, lbs. 81,016,100 4,027,649 41,718,514 360,014,463 139,301,600 3,860,980 50,002,976 276,137,256 159,562,300 4,866,528 76,813,855 344.25S,785 204,928,900 5,411,934 * 74,326,778 404,137,912 145,511,437 7,548,6-i9 99,300,446 388,631,454 189,792,112 8,236,685 116,211,392 456,863,714 209,953,125 12,718,867 129,749,898 521,426,452 144,439,332 6,635,845 127,216,973 462,608,150 160.388,144 12,578,849 133,284,634 548,169,387 128,176,000 10,811,204 148.396,597 428,293,301 116,696,800 10,671.208 164,200,637 442,371,445 157,354,500 13,095,268 192,058,241 533,228,709 Price Upland in Liv Cotton, lbs. erp'ol. 326,407,692 531,197,817 .721,979,953 714,502,600 891,751,963 1,023,886,304 969,318,896 1,076,519,800 1,225,989,072 1,086,670,900 982,008,670 526,813,700 lO^d 6 4£ 4* 5$ 6 7* 7* 6713 25$ Thus, each o f all the great raw materials has increased in the quantity consumed ; and the weight o f the four first, wrought up in England, has doubled in quantity in the fifteen years up to 1850, or increased in the same ratio as cotton. The influence o f gold discovery was now apparent 358 Textile Fabrics. [November, upon the supplies o f the articles named, and in 1857, the year o f the panic, the imports o f flax and silk were very large, carrying the aggre gate o f the four materials to nearly 60 per cent o f cotton. Since that year there seems to have been no material increase in their receipts in the United States. From 1840 to 1850 the cotton culture did not mate rially increase, that is, in ten years it only increased 3 per cent per an num. The culture o f linen, and its employm ent throughout Europe, has been vefy large, quite as large, in proportion, as in England. Taking Europe and England together, therefore, it may well be questioned whether the actual weight o f the four m inor raw materials had not increased faster than that of cotton up to 1850. The events o f the last quarter o f a cen tury have tended to prom ote supply, more particularly in the last fifteen years, in which time the Chinese trade has becom e m ore regular in the supply o f silk for European use, and Australia has becom e the great w ool country, while the United States cotton power has been immensely de veloped. In the same period, also, the industry o f Russia has received a more intelligent development, causing a greater supply o f hemp and flax at cheaper rates. A ll these sources enhanced the supply o f raw material for textile fabrics fifty per cent in ten years to 1850, and perhaps som e what faster than the demand for the goods produced would take them up. The influence o f one material upon the other has been continually made more effective by the ingenious combinations of the cheapest among them into the new fabrics. Thus, fabrics o f silk and wool, wool and cotton, silk and cotton, silk, cotton and wool, have all assumed different textures, and different proportions o f each material, according to the relative cheap ness o f each. Consequently, the price o f any one has always been checked b y that o f the others, and the value o f all has been influenced by collat eral circumstances. The above table gives in pounds’ weight the quantities o f raw material imported into Great Britain from all countries in each year. It does not include the wool used o f home growth, or the increasing supply o f Irish flax, but it indicates the demand that England has annually made upon the countries that produce raw materials for the means of supplying the large demands made upon her factories for goods. The stimulus every where given to the production o f exchangeable values, and the diminished cost o f transportation, as well as the more liberal policy o f governments, have left tt> the producer a larger share o f the products o f his own indus try, and this has shown itself in a demand for clothing. It is to be o b served in the table that up to 1850 the proportion o f the four other arti cles increased faster than cotton. Those articles, worked more and more into fabrics, that before had been exclusively o f cotton, the re sult was cheaper fabrics that gradually glutted the markets, and the price o f cotton fell from 10^ cents in 1835, almost year by year, to cents in 1848, the extreme low price being the effect of the famine. In that period o f time, however, the purchases o f cotton had doubled in England, and o f the other four articles they had tripled. These are the receipts o f raw materials into the work-shops o f England only. Those o f the continent have received similarly increased quantities. Since 1850— that is to say, since the discovery o f g old — a change has, as we before stated, taken place. The supply o f raw materials has increase in magnitude, but the demand for clothing has apparently increased in a greater degree, since an aggregate quantity o f raw materials in 1857, 50 per cent greater 1803.] Textile Fabrics. 359 than the large supply o f 1850, sold at a rise o f *75 per cent in price, or at a rate o f 7 fd . per pound for cotton, against 4 fd . Such was the progress o f events up to 1861, when political events in the United States cut off the supply o f Am erican cotton, and reduced by one entire third the quantity o f materials required by England alone for clothing. It may be observed that the progress o f spinning had been very rapid, and probably far exceeded the regular demand for goods, causing most markets to be glutted. W h en, therefore, the cotton growth o f the United States was witheld from the markets, and diminished con sumption was forced upon all manufactures alike, the direct tendency was to appreciate the value o f all goods, as well linen, woolen, and silk, in all markets. A ll those who held stocks o f goods were benefltted— the operatives alone suffering for want o f work. The effect o f this rise in prices was, also, to reduce the rate o f consumption, causing the existing stocks to last longer than they otherwise would have done. That process has a limit, however, since the quantity o f cotton used by all nations fyeing reduced, they have been com pelled to use more o f other materials, and as a consequence have been able to spare less o f those materials for the general markets. H ence the aggregate importation of the four arti cles have n&t much increased since cotton has been withheld. The ex port o f cotton from the United States has been as follow s: Pounds. 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ 1,048,282,475 1,118,624,012 1,386,468,556 1,767,686,338 307,516,099 5,064,564 850,280 Value. $131,575,859 131,386,661 161,434,923 191,806,555 34,050,483 1,180,113 660,224 P er lb. 124I lf 12f •1 0 f 11J 23 80 H ad the United States supplied in 1861 and 1862 the same quan tity that they supplied in 1859 and 1860, Europe would have had 3,154,154,894 pounds more material— equal to 15,000,000,000 yards of cloth. Inasmuch as none was derived from the United States, England exported as fo llo w s: August, 1860, to December, 1861, 17 m onths____yards January, 1862, to July, 1863*, 17 months............................ 4,239,903,766 2,227,170,173 D ecrease...........v. ........................................................................... Decrease o f manufacture in Europe....................................... “ “ “ “ United States.......................... 2,012,733,593 3,101,000,000 2,750,000,000 Reduced supply o f cotton c lo th ............................................... 7,863,733,593 This immense reduction in the supply o f clothing is, to some extent, counteracted by econom y in consumption, but also in the larger use o f articles from other materials. The effect o f the reduced supply upon prices has been to double the prices o f cotton goods in England, and p ro portionately to raise the value o f other commodities, and, consequently, by a well known law o f trade, to diminish the use o f all. The production o f goods in the Northern States, according to the cen sus, was, in 1860, as follows : 360 Textile Fabrics. Pounds used [November, Yards. Value. C o tto n ....................... W o o l......................... 336,327,120 64,56.3,010 1,285,408,480 35,000,000 T ota l................. 400,892,130 1,320,408,480 _ $175,081,647 $107,873,646 67,208,001 Thus, o f the raw material, 80 per cent was cotton, which was used alor.e and in mixtures with wool in New England in the proportion o f one-sev enth and in the Middle States o f 40 per cent. There were also imported 80.000. 00 0.yards o f linen, and, when the supply o f cotton ceased, many o f the manufacturers had large stocks and all had considerable supplies o f cotton goods, the manufacture o f which has now comparatively ceased for two years. The withdrawal o f so large a quantity o f goods from the markets w as necessarily a cause o f a great rise in prices, which, in New Y ork, reached nearly four times the usual price. The rise was doubtless caused not altogether by the short supply o f cotton, but in some degree, also, by the state o f the currency’ . Exactly where the one cause ceased to act and the other com m enced it is difficult to say. The combined ef fect was greatly to retard consumption, or to make the same stock of goods last for a much longer period. The stocks o f goods gradually diclined, but importations have not been much enhanced, for the reason that all nations have suffered similar difficulties. Each nation being de prived o f its usual supply of cotton, has been thrown back upon its .other materials, and the surplus tobremtairels that could be afforded for the general markets has been small. It is no doubt the case that the cotton countries have exerted them selves to spare as much cotton as possible at the ruling high prices. The receipts into England have been as follows : United States. 1 8 6 0 .. 1,008,882,220 1 8 6 1 .. 823,159,000 1 8 6 2 .. 13,584,600 1 8 6 3 .. 5 mos. 391,460 Brazil. 17,364,700 17,682,101 23,443,290 9,951,100 Egypt. East Indies. 44,14-8,700 206,048,900 41,084,600 370,562,700 69,275,900 394,407,410 52,881,700 108,283,950 Other places. Total. 22,144,080 1,397,109,600 10,021,160 1,262,508,670 35,602,750 526,313,700 27,097,425 138,605,625 The high prices o f cotton has drawn larger quantities from the other cotton grow ing countries, but not in so great a degree as m ight have been expected. Those countries are, however, deriving large profits from the trade. Brazil receive last year over $7,000,000 for cotton, when in ordi nary years’ she gets but $1,500,000. Egypt sold cotton for $15,000,000, and the East Indies drew from England $95,000,000 for cotton, instead o f $12,009,000 for ordinary sales. Those countries w hicl^ profit so largely byr the present condition o f things are not anxious for its discontinuance. They cannot, however, furnish the requisite material for the goods wanted. The cotton required by the trade o f the world is o f three divisions— the long staple, the medium staple, and the short staple. The long staple is that long fiber used for making warp, and is indispensable to make a thread finer than N o. 50. The best o f this description is grow n only on the coast o f Georgia and South Carolina. A n inferior quality is also grown, in small quantities, in Australia, and another species is that grown in Egypt. That o f Brazil is long staple, but harsh and coarse. The quan tities o f long staple cotton required are not large. The medium staple is that used for low numbers o f warp, and for the weft. The difference between warp and wefi is, that the former requires strength and length o f fibre ; the latter, softness and fulness. A piece of 1863.] Textile Fabrics. 361 cloth contains five times as much weft as warp, and the quantity required is in that proportion. This description o f cotton is obtained in the South ern States only. The short staple cotton is used for wick yarns, and in some cases for weft. It is dry, harsh, fuzzy, like rough wool. I f used for cloth alone, after washing, it has a thin, meagre look. This is the East India or Su rat cotton. It is incurably bad. A n experience o f fifty years, o f great expense, have established the fact that no other kind o f cotton can be grow n in the East Indies. Am erican planters and Am erican “ saw -gins” have been sent over, and American seed has been planted ; and the re sult has been a sensible amelioration in cleanliness and color, and some slight increase in length o f fiber, but scarcely any change in specific char acter. The dry, fuzzy, w oolly characteristics remain. Sometimes the first year’s samples nearly resemble the Am erican article, but the resem blance never becomes permanent. This description o f cotton is that on which England and the w orld is now dependent, and the distress in the districts o f France and England is very great. It is not unlike the pota to famine o f Ireland in 1 8 4 6 -4 7 . U p to that time, an immense popula tion had becom e solely dependent upon the one article of.p ota toes for life. They planted their little patches, and the produce afforded food for the year. Suddenly the rot set in, and swept away that sole dependence. The consequence was the death o f hundreds o f thousands by famine, and the next census showed a loss o f 1,700,000 population in Ireland. In Lancashire, the cotton trade em ploys : 28,000,000 spindles............................................. 300,000 loom s.............................. W ork in g ca p ita l.................................................... 1126,000,000 36,000,000 100,000,000 Total..................................... ................................ Persons dependent................................................. $262,000,000 800,000 The sole support o f this business was United States cotton, o f w hich the crop has failed, and famine has overtaken the crowds o f workers, and the most fearful distress is apparent in all quarters. The utmost efforts have been made to remedy this distress, and am ong those efforts has been the attempt to work India cotton ; to which, however, the operatives have an unconquerable aversion. A writer states: “ This feeling appears to be general in all the mills, and arises from the constant liability o f the India fiber to break during the process o f manu facture ; in consequence o f which, it is difficult to work it so evenly as the American cotton.” V O L . X L I X .-----N O . V . 24 362 Book-keeping; its Use, Necessity, and Simplest Mode. [Nov., BOOK-KEEPING. WHAT A C L E R K S HOULD BE. [C ontinued fro m page 281.] I n our last we mentioned and com m ented on the three hooks required for keeping accounts in the simplest form com patible with correctness. Under various circumstances m ore books will be found necessary, such as the Stock B ook, Bill B ook, etc., but they are all subsidiary to the Cash B ook, Journal, and Ledger, which form the ruling powers in mercantile domains. Still, the Stock B ook is especially worthy o f serious consideration. If this book be properly kept, and the entries duly and correctly made, it w ill be found to prove one o f the readiest tests o f the honesty o f the parties entrusted with their em ployer’s g o o d s ; whilst it will, also, be a ready and safe reference for its owner, as to the nature and results o f his transactions in the shop and warehouse. Should his suspicions be aroused as to the conduct o f those to whom the control o f his property is intrusted, he will not be necessitated to g o through the ordeal o f taking his entire stock, or striking a profit or loss account, before his jealousies are justified o r set at rest; but by confining his attention to those articles which he may consider the m ore readily adapted to the plunderer’s habits or taste, he may examine them at any time with the entries in the Stock Book, and ju dge at once, as to the reasonableness o f proceeding to a more search ing examination. In answer to inquiries after goods by customers, he will here find an almost instantaneous know ledge as to his capability to supply their de mands, and see the necessity for increasing his purchases or sales in every department o f his business. B y continuous reference to its details, he w ill be more likely to avoid that “ scylla o f the tradesman,” the over stocking himself with goods, and be induced to keep the supplies within the bounds o f probable and early dem ands; and, at the close o f his mer cantile year (or other stated period for balancing his affairs), he will not require to make out an inventory o f his property, but only to carry out its d etails; and, bringing the balances together, will be in a position to check his trading account, by com paring the profit and loss therein with the actual results o f his goods then on hand, as proved by the book, known and designated as the Stock Book. In what we have said we have addressed ourselves particularly to those who are just beginning business for themselves, and we have seen the ne cessity all such are under for accuracy and neatness in keeping up the records o f private monetary engagements. Surely, then, their absence will most materially disqualify the candidate for position in any estab lished mercantile house or public company. It may be possible for a youn g man to conceal his deficiencies in the retirement o f private life ; but when brought into daily contact with the scrutinizing eye o f his era- 1863.] Book-keeping; its Use, Necessity, and Simplest Mode. 363 ployer, he will surely suffer from any want, either o f m ethod or o f m an ner. Errors will not be allowed to pass unnoticed w’hen they affect the concerns o f others, and any tampering with books or papers, to conceal original mistakes, will speedily be found out. H ow ever well versed one may be in classics or historical lore— however prepossessing may be one’s personal appearance— these will avail but little in the com petition for confidence, which must be the great aim o f all clerks if they would seek success in life. To such, then, we would say generally, that in all entries which it may be their duty to make in the records com m itted to their charge, they should think deeply on the whole subject matter, before they com m it the same to the safe custody o f black and white. Let them r e member that every fact which may be necessary to elucidate the subject should appear ; but that all useless repetition and unnecessary language must be omitted. Let them take particular notice that all essentials are on the record ; but that all useless waste o f time and space are to be deprecated. They must remember, too, that their duty is to enter reali ties— not speculations—-and that their own private opinions and theories should be kept to their own desks and in their own bosoms. W e have known many young men who, with the desire to be esteemed cleverer than their fellows, have commented on what they really have not under stood, and mystifisd those things that were clear to all but themselves; whilst in their proper position, and in the routine o f every-day official life, they have been far behind the requirements o f their position, and have eventually realized the fable o f the hare and the tortise in the race with their companions in the same office. Let, then, every young clerk recollect th a t'th e eyes o f his employers are ever upon him, and that his conduct and his habits are undergoing a severe, although, perhaps, silent scrutiny. A s in the army, the soldier who unhesitatingly obeys the orders o f his officer, is in the surest road to prom otion— so the young clerk will find his best chance o f rising in life to consist in undeviating attention to neatness and dispatch in Book-keeping, and the retention in his own breast o f all ideas that may arise from the nature o f the business com m itted to his charge. W e would not have him a mere unthinking tool or drudge, working like a slave at his daily task; but a thinking, honest, intelligent man— faithful to the charge he is entrusted with, and devoting his energies to the proper fulfilment o f the duties o f his position. W e would have him to act when action is requisite, and to reason within himself as to the causes and modes o f procedure he may have to record or to witness. W e would have him remember that his own opinions o f fitness or method may not accord with those o f his employers or superiors, and therefore to wait the time when he shall have inspired that confidence which must eventually result from devotion to their interests, and from the industry displayed in their service. This may not eventuate till after years o f application and o f t o i l ; or it may com e speedily. Some take a longer time than others before thev bestow their confidence; and we do not know but that the tardier the same may be in its com ing, the m ore permanent it will be in its endu ran ce; but when it shall com e to you as the result o f intelligent, perse vering, sustained application to the interests o f your employers, sweet in deed will be your reward, and sweeter still will be the continuance o f 364 Book-keeping; its Use, Necessity, and Simplest Mode. [N ov., your labors, from the consciousness that you have begun reaping your harvest in the fields o f industry. To the beginner, then, we would say again, creep before you walk— walk before you run ; but when you have begun the race, remember the hare ! Slumber not on your path o f rec titude and duty, and remember that “ the crown is reserved for those who endure even unto the end.” The clerk, then, being thus indoctrinated with the first duties o f his office, and continually remembering that Punctuality, Correctness, and Neatness must be his m otto, must now turn his attention undeviatingly to those matters which may com e under his control in the daily routine o f his position. And, first, we would say, especially to those who are in banks or public companies, that civility to all with whom you may com e in contact, can never lose you a friend. Y ou are not bound to waste your own or your em ployer’s time in continued discussion ; but you may save even much o f that, as well as eventually o f temper on both sides, by co n descending to enlighten the ignorant, and being clear and explicit in those replies you may be called on to give to demands or inquiries for inform a tion. An author has said, “ W ords were given to us to conceal our ideas.” This we deem but a bad specimen o f M acchiavelliism , and the advice contained therein to be both untrue and im politic. W e would say, a civil question demands a civil answer, and i f you feel yourself not at lib erty to state facts, say so at once, and refer your querist to those from w hom he may require them ; tell him that the answer does not belong to your department, and let him repeat his inquiries in the proper-direction. I f you are at any time ordered to give an unpalatable answer to an ap plicant, do not needlessly add to the irritation by appearing to have a ' personal part in the proceeding. Let the disappointed one not have cause to turn his enmity on you, and think that he has the right to number you amongst his “ unfriends;” but let him rather suppose that, but for your official position, he m ight reckon on your sympathy. Y ou must also remember that no private correspondence should intrude on your official and business time. Y ou are em ployed then by others, and your hours and minutes are not your own. Eare, indeed, must be m e exception to this rule, and great the cause which shall tempt you to break it. N o petty reason should induce you to call your mind away from the duties o f your office, and the necessary attention to the business confided to your care. N o call should be then allowed that possibly could be attended to at another tim e ; and nothing but sickness or death should be allowed to cause your absence from the appointed post o f duty. A n d whilst we are on this point o f advice, allow us to add, that the unshaven, untidy clerk o f to-day, cannot expect to meet the benevolent and sympa thizing eye o f the em ployer on the morrow. N o man o f sense can expect that a night o f dissipation can properly fit him for the day o f labor and o f th o u g h t; that the hand which was lifting the bowl o f intemperance to his lips on the previous evening, will be steady to rule off the balance on the com in g m orn in g ; that the haunts o f vice and o f licentiousness will tend to sober his intellect and to brace up his nervous system for the battle o f life and d u ty ; for truth cannot com e out o f falsehood, or life out o f death. It^ then, the young clerk should be asked by any o f his fellows to stray out o f the paths o f sense and sobriety, let him look on the tempter with distrust; let him remember that the first false step has occasioned the temporal and eternal ruin o f thousands, and that the paths 1863.] Russia— Pojmlation o f Moscow, Finances, etc. 365 o f vice can be better avoided than they can be retraced. Circe destroyed not Ulysses, because he would not listen to her w iles; and destruction and disgrace are the sure attendants o f those who once deviate from the ways o f virtue and rectitude. Let not extravagance in diet or in dress creep on you ; reflect on your ways and means at all times, and that an eagle is made up o f quarters and dimes. W h en you have a holiday assigned to you, remember that it is not to be wasted ; and therefore devote it alike to the benefit o f your bodily and mental health. Make the most o f your time, and devote the interval assigned to their proper recreation, that when the period has e x pired you may return with fresh energies and renewed zest to those duties which Providence has surroundod you with, so that you may enjoy at once the esteem o f your employers and the respect and applause o f your circle o f friends and acquaintances. I think the summary o f these remarks may thus be noted : 1. Rem ember that nights o f intemperance and dissipation must unfit you for the daily duties o f your position. 2. D o your own duty, and not leave others to do it for you. 3. Take lessons from the experience o f the past, and improve thereon to the best o f your ability. 4. Never be above asking for proper advice when needed. 5. K eep your own counsel. 6 . Endeavor to preserve the true equilibrium o,f your bodily and mental health. 7. Never unnecessarily cause irritation in those with whom you may officially be brought into contact. 8. And, in all things act consistently, conscientiously, and circumspectly. If you act up tothese suggestions, I think that you will find the profit to -be derivtd therefrom eventually com e up to every fair expectation you may have made. But, should you not prove it so, at any event you will have the satisfaction o f an easy conscience, and the knowledge that you have done your best to deserve success. On the contrary, should you be reckless, inattentive, wilful, and debauched, when the end shall come, you can only reflect on yourself, and allow that the public is quite correct when it says, “ Served him right.” RUSSSIA— POPULATION OF MOSCOW, FINANCES, ETC. W e gave a -great amount o f interesting information respecting Russia, n our issue o f last month. Since then, we have received the statistical return recently published by the official police journal o f Moscow, according to which, the population o f that city on the 1st o f January last was composed o f 2 1 0 ,7 5 7 males and 1 3 4 ,7 9 9 females, divided as follow s:— Nobility, 20 ,99 1 ; clergy, 4 ,9 2 9 ; burgess class, 9 2 ,4 0 3 ; peasants, 1 8 9 ,9 2 7 ; milita ry, 2 2 ,3 4 2 ; foreigners, 4 ,6 5 8 ; individuals not classified, 1 0 ,3 0 6 . A t the same period, the city o f Moscow contained 878 manufactories, occu pyin g 4 2 ,4 5 6 work-people, and the produce o f which were estimated at 3 0 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 366 Russia— Population o f Moscow, Finances, etc. [November, o f silver roubles (4f. each). There were in t'lie city 34 ordinary and 78 lithographic printing offices, and 128 charitable establishments, giving an asylum to 4,197 men and 5,097 women. The receipts o f the city for 1862 amounted to 1,522,116 roubles, and the expenses to 1,811,410 roubles. The deficit was made up from a reserve fund. During the year the police received declarations o f 946 robberies commited in the streets and in pri vate houses, and 20,079 persons were arrested. The number o f fires during the year was 113, causing damagesjjto the amount o f 705,779 roubles, o f which 445,300 were covered by insurance. The state o f the Eussian finances has lately given serious cause for anxiety. According to the monthly report o f the Imperial Bank for August last, six hundred and thirty-six and a half millions o f billets de credit had been issued, against twenty-four and a half millions o f roubles in hand ; that is, there is a security o f one rouble cash against twelve roubles o f paper money issued. The colossal extent of country open to the circulation o f the notes keeps up a better demand than would otherwise be the case, yet the pro ceedings o f the Imperial Bank have not escaped the usual consequences o f over issue. W ithin the twenty months between the 1st Januarv, 1859, and 1st December, 1860, 197,000,000 were withdrawn above the amount o f fresh deposits; and a Berlin correspondent o f the London Telegraph says that the sum would have been greater if one half o f the remainder, consisting o f 328,000,000 o f roubles, had not been the property o f corpo rations and charities, who had no help for it but to invest their funds ac cording to government orders. It has been also proved by the events o f the last few months that the amount o f billets exchanged necessitated a suspension o f cash payment, the end o f which it is impossible to foresee. Under these circumstances, it will be o f considerable interest to compare the different items o f the following table : Billets de Credit. Roubles. January 1, 1 8 5 8 .......... January 1, 1 8 5 9 .......... January 1, 1 8 6 0 ........... January 1, 1 8 6 1 .......... January 1, 1 8 6 2 .......... January 1, 1 8 6 3 .......... February 1, 1 8 6 3 .......... March 1, 1 8 6 3 ................ April 1 , 1 8 6 3 .................. May 1, 1 8 6 3 .............\ . June 1, 1 8 6 3 .................. July 1, 1 8 6 3 .................. August 1, 1 8 6 3 ............. August 12, 1 8 6 3 .......... 7 8 5 ,2 9 7 ,0 0 6 6 4 4 ,6 4 8 ,7 1 9 7 7 9 ,8 7 7 .8 5 3 7 1 4 ,5 8 0 ,2 2 6 7 1 3 ,5 9 6 ,1 7 8 6 9 1 ,1 0 4 ,5 6 2 6 8 7 ,1 6 8 ,3 5 0 6 8 1 ,9 7 3 ,6 1 4 6 3 7 ,3 5 7 ,1 3 7 6 6 1 ,6 8 6 ,0 0 4 6 5 0 ,8 9 5 ,3 6 8 6 4 8 ,5 8 0 ,0 0 5 6 4 1 ,6 2 5 ,3 9 7 6 3 6 ,6 0 7 ,2 7 9 Cash. Roubles. 1 1 9 ,1 4 0 ,9 2 1 9 9 ,3 3 8 ,7 4 3 8 6 ,8 7 0 ,0 1 4 8 4 ,3 3 5 ,0 0 7 8 4 ,4 0 5 ,6 1 2 8 0 ,8 9 9 ,1 5 9 70,02 9 ,1 7 1 7 5 ,5 9 6 ,7 8 7 7 2 ,4 4 7 ,1 7 5 6 2 ,0 8 1 ,2 8 9 5 7 ,0 6 7 ,9 1 0 6 1 ,0 3 4 ,9 7 4 5 7 ,9 0 8 ,4 6 7 5 4 ,7 0 9 ,3 0 2 Stock. Roubles. 2 2 ,3 1 9 ,8 5 9 1 1 ,4 7 3 ,7 4 0 9 ,3 7 1 ,6 0 4 8 .5 4 9 ,4 2 4 1 6 ,3 9 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 4 ,4 0 0 ,0 0 0 A s is to be gathered from these figures, the proportion 'between cash in hand and billets issued was hardly ever so unfavorable as it is now. On the 1st o f January, 1858, when the circulation o f billets had reached the figure of 735,250,000 roubles, six roubles were covered by one, the propor tion now being eleven and seven-tenths to one. 1863.] The Suez Canal. THE SUEZ 367 CANAL. WHAT HAS BEE.V DONE AND WHAT REMAINS TO BE DONE. E s p e c ia l interest is felt at the present tim e in the Suez Canal project. This undertaking was projected by N a p o l e o n . In 1852, M. de L esseps attempted to form a join t-stock company, and tw o years afterwards ob tained a firman from the Pasha o f E gypt confering upon him the exclu sive privilege o f carrying out the enterprise.. In 1855, a commission o f engineers from various countries examined the proposed route, and stated in their report that there were no extraordinary difficulties in the way. The company was formed in January, 1859, with a capital o f $40,000,000, and the work was shortly afterwards commenced, and over $6,000,000 have already been expended. In speaking o f this work, the London Times says that the undertaking o f the com pany is two-fold. The first and principal scheme is, o f course, the Ship Canal itself, to be cut directly across the Dessert, northward from Suez to P ort Said, on the Mediterranean. P ort Said is nearly at the eastern point o f the great Delta o f the Nile, that includes the whole of the fertile region o f Egypt, the better known port o f Alexandria being at the extreme western extremity. The seacoast o f the Mediterranean is the base o f the great triangle, o f which Cairo may be taken as the apex. Port Said itself is situated on the long narrow spit o f land that shuts in Lake Menzaleh from the Mediterranean. Through the shallow water o f this lake the canal has been formed by dredging. This process has been so far completed that, for nearly one-third o f the whole line proposed, a channel has been deepened through water “ covering the earth.” It is only at the southern point o f Lake Ballah that the work o f cutting through the dry and sandy soil o f the Desert commenced. From this southern point o f Lake Ballah an excavation, ten miles in length, has, Mr. H a w k e n s h a w states, opened a channel navigable “ for flat-bottomed boats o f . small draught o f w ater” from the Mediterranean into Lake Timsah. On summing up, therefore, what has actually been accomplished, we find that such boats, adapted for very shallow water, can penetrate the isthmus from north to south for a distance o f 50 miles from the sea, and o f this distance 30 miles have been obtained by the process o f dredging. The second scheme undertaken by the com pany is independent o f the first, and though called a “ fresh water canal,” is, more strictly speaking, only an aqueduct. It is not intended to be navigable as the term gene rally implies. It is better described as a large trench or cutting, for the purpose o f conveying the water o f the Nile from Cairo northward, curv ing to the east, through a tract of land purchased by the company, to Lake Timsah, before mentioned, and then southward to Suez. A t present all the fresh water to be obtained at Suez is brought from Cairo by the railway. Large trains, conveying iron tanks filled from the river, are constantly passing along the line that conveys the passengers by the over land route, from sea to sea. The whole line o f the proposed Ship Canal, t,from Suez to Port Said, runs either through the two salt water lakes on he Isthmus, the wide expanse of Menzaleh on the seacoast, or the soil o f 368 The Suez Canal. [November, the Desert, “ a barren land, where no water is.” Labor is impossible without a certain and abundant supply o f this element, for the want o f which travelers in similar arid regions have often perished. This aque duct is, therefore, a work o f necessity, if the larger undertaking is to be carried on. It will also be employed to irrigate such portions o f the soil through which it passes as may be worth cultivating ; and o f this second ary purpose a beginning seems to have been made. The portion o f the Ship Canal still to be excavated is the whole o f the line from Timsah, southward, through another large sheet o f salt water called the “ Bitter Lakes,” and the Dessert that lies between them and the northern point o f the Red Sea. This last section o f the line will run parallel with the ancient canal, and a little to the eastward o f it. The course o f the old work can be traced, but no part o f it has been taken into the modern scheme. The works o f the new harbor will carry the canal through the water o f the Red sea, past Suez and terminate near a point on the eastern or Arabian shore marked as the “ Fountain o f Moses.” It is scarcely necessary to say that the portion o f the line described as completed and “ n avigable” is very far from the accomplishment o f the object in view. W h a t lias to be done exceeds what has been finished in about the proportion a large heavily-freighted merchant ship bears to a “ small flat-bottomed boat o f small draught o f water.” In fact, the Suez Canal at present is a narrow and shallow cutting, marking out what is to be the course o f an artificial channel that must be navigable for large ships o f heavy burden, or be useless. The seas on both sides o f the Isthmus have nearly the same level, and as the soil along the whole line across it is strewed with shells com m on to the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, it is evident that at no distant period, geographically speaking, those seas spread over the desert track through .which it is proposed to unite their waters again. But by far the greatest portion o f the work has vet to be done. W ithou t reference to the plans and sections by which the report is illustrated it is difficult to convey a clear idea o f the proportions o f what has to be excavated to what has been marked out by the eutting on land and the dredging * through shallow w ater; but if the reader will suppose that the furrow drawn by a subsoil plow marks the course o f what is to be enlarged into a ditch he will have a rough notion o f the approximation o f what exists compared with what is proposed. N othing has yet been done between Suez and the northern end o f Lake Timsah ; and from that point north wards to the Mediterranean nearly five times the amount o f w ork co m pleted has yet to be executed. The earthwork done is estimated at 7,848,000 cubic y a rd s; the amount still to be performed is 34,000,000 yards. The sudden favor and renewed interest with which this undertaking is now being received arise from the fact that two obstacles which stood in the way o f its accomplishment have just been removed. That is to say, the V iceroy o f Egypt has ratified all the* engagements entered into by his predecessor with the company, and regulated his account current with i t ; and, also, in consideration o f the com pany abandoning to him its concession o f lands on each side o f the fresh water canal fYom Cairo to Abbasich, he has undertaken the execution o f the said canal, and therebysaved the company 10,000,000f. A few weeks ago it was announced that the works had com e to a stand- 1863.] The Suez Canal. 369 A dispatch from the Turkish Minister, published in the M oniteur, stated that the Sultan, as Suzerain, had refused his sanction to the concessions granted by the Pasha, unless forced labor were discontinued, the canal declared neutral, and the sovereign rights o f the Company over certain lands— a mile broad on each side o f the fresh water canal from Cairo to Said— were surrendered. As no great work in Egypt has ever been ac complished without forced labor— wages not tempting the Egyptian peas ant to endure the risks which in such a country must be encountered by a household without its head— this dispatch seemed fatal to the under taking. But M. db L esseps appealed at once to the French Government, and, as the Suez Canal is a Napoleonic idea, a pressure was applied at Constantinople, to which the Porte felt himself obliged to succumb. A compromise was effected, and the Canal Company, on condition o f sur rendering its land— with compensation— was permitted to secure its usual quantity o f labor. As the ruling Egyptian family is deeply interested in the undertaking, as Egyptian laborers are quite powerless to resist a sys tem which has lasted from the time o f the Pharaohs, and as the British Government will hardly expose itself to the risk o f another defeat, the needful supply o f labor may be considered as secured. Naturally the transaction was looked upon as a great triumph, and one great difficulty was thus removed ; b'ut the old questions— whether the canal could be made, whether it would cost m ore or less than the specified sum, wheth er if made it could be kept open, and whether, if made and kept open, it would fulfil its purpose— remained still unanswered. These questions, however, seem now to have been finally settled in fa vor o f the work. Said Pasha, the late ruler o f Egypt, and in early life M. de L esseps ’ pupil, began latterly to feel a degree o f uneasiness about his very considerable stake in the undertaking. He, therefore, while in England, requested Mr. H a w k s h a w , the very eminent English engineer, to visit and report on the works. H e did so, and his conclusion is favor able to the enterprise. H e states that he sees no unusual difficulty in the execution o f the plan, nor does he conceive that any contingencies can arise which engineering skill could not surm ount; and, if completed, he thinks the canal could be maintained without any extraordinary yearly • expenditure. But, considering the possibility o f meeting with rock at the Red Sea entrance, and that the deep sea dredging at the Mediterra nean end may cost more than the first estimate— considering also “ the money already expended compared with the work d o n e ” — he thinks it would be prudent for the promoters o f the scheme to calculate on having to expend 10,000,000f. sterling, and five years o f labor, before they can expect the work to be finished. Thus we see that not only has the difficulty o f obtaining labor and fresh water been overcome, but also that one o f the most eminent o f English engineers has pronounced in favor o f the feasibility of the work. O f course, success like this would naturally make the stockholders jubilant. The annual meeting was held in Paris, the latter part o f July. It pos sessed all the importance o f a political- event, or at least o f a political demonstration. M. F e r d in a n d de L e ss e p s , the Chairman o f the C om pa ny, and, so to speak, its life and soul, was, on presenting himself, greeted with enthusiasm— the accounts presented were sanctioned with enthusi asm—-the reports on the state o f the works were enthusiastically applaud-1 ed— and much “ abuse o f perfidious Albion for opposing the canal, and in Negotiable Paper. 370 [November, particular o f the most perfidious o f all Albioners, Lord P a lm ersto n ,” which the said reports contained, was cheered until the ro o f shook. Rarely, perhaps never before, was a meeting o f shareholders so very joyful and impassioned, especially when, as was the case with the Suez people, no dividend had to be announced. The meeting was informed that the cap ital disposable, including what is due on calls not yet paid, is not less than 140,000,000f. ($28,000,000), and that no new call will have to be made this year. A s regards the works, it was stated that they were pro gressing in the most satisfactory manner, and with all possible rapidity, and that the execution o f the canal, and the opening o f it for navigation at a com paratively early period; admit o f not the slightest doubt. Here, then, is a f i e l d for N a p o l e o n to expand. Let him spend his time and m oney on this canal and com plete it, and he will add more glory to his administration than he can in meddling with one or a dozen M exicos ; for his canal may succeed, but his military despotic governm ent on this side the water, never. COMMERCIAL L AW . No. 7. NEGOTIABLE P A P E R ; OR, NOTES OF HAND AND BILLS OF EXCHANGE. TH E C O N S ID E R A T IO N O F N E G O T IA B L E PAPER. 1. Exception to the Common Law R u le, in the Case o f Negotiable P a per.— By the common law of England and o f this country, as we have seen, no promise can be enforced, unless made for a consideration, or unless it be sealed. But bills and notes payable to order, that is, negotiable, are, to a certain extent, an exception to this rule. Thus, an indorsee cannot be de feated by the promisor showing that he received no consideration for his promise ; because he made an instrument for circulation as m o n e y ; and it would be fraudulent to give to paper the credit o f his name, and then re fuse to honor it. But as between the maker and the payee, or between indorser and indorsee, and, in general, between any two immediate parties, the defendant may rely on the want o f consideration ; that is, if an indorsee sues the maker, and the maker says he had no consideration for th e , note, this is no defence; but if the indorsee sues his indorser, and the indorser shows that the indorsee paid him nothing, this would be a good defence ; and so it would be if the payee sued the maker. So, if a distant indorsee has notice or knowledge, when he buys a note, that it was made without consideration, he cannot recover on it against the maker, unless it was an accommodation note, or was intended as a gift. Thus, if A , supposing a balance due from him to B, gives B his negotiable note for the amount, and afterwards discovers that the balance is the other way, B cannot recover o f A ; nor can any third or more distant indorsee, who knows these facts be fore buying the note. But if A gives B his note wholly without consider ation, for the purpose o f lending him his credit, or for the purpose o f making him a gift to the amount o f the note, and C buys the note with a full knowl edge of the facts, he will nevertheless hold A , although B could not. If the note was bought honestly for a fair price, we believe the buyer should 1863.] Negotiable Paper. 371 recover its whole amount, although some have said that he could recover only what he paid. Every promissory note imports a consideration, and none need be proved unless to rebut evidence o f want o f consideration. I f an indorser, sued by an indorsee, shows that the note was originally made in fraud, he may require the holder to prove consideration ; but if this be proved, he must pay the whole o f the note, unless he was himself defrauded by the plaintiff. And if an accommodation note be discounted in violation o f the agreement o f the party accommodated, the holder can still recover, provided he received the note in good faith, and for valuable consideration. 2. O f “ Value received."— “ Value received” is usually written, and therefore should be ; but is not absolutely necessary. I f not, it will be pre sumed by the law, or may be supplied by the plaintiff’s proof. If expressed, it may be denied by the defendant, and disproved. A nd if a special con sideration be stated in the note, the defendant may prove that there was no consideration, or that the consideration was different. If “ value re ceived ” be written in a note, it means received by the maker from the payee; if the note be payable to the bearer, it means received by the maker from the holder. In a bill, this phrase means that the value was received from the payee by the drawer. But if the bill be payable to the drawer’s own order, then it means received by the acceptor from the drawer. 3. W hat the Consideration may be.— A valuable consideration may be either any gain or advantage to the promisor, or any loss or injury sustained by the promisee at the promisor’s request. A previous debt, or a fluctua ting balance, or a debt due from a third person, might be a valuable con sideration. So is a moral consideration, if founded upon a previous legal consideration ; as, where one promises to pay a debt barred by the statute o f limitations, or by infancy. But a merely moral consideration, as one founded upon natural love and affection, or the relation o f parent and child, is no legal consideration. N o consideration is sufficient in law if it be illegal in its nature ; and it may be illegal because, first, it violates some positive law, as, for example, the Sunday law, or the law against usury. Secondly, because it violates religion or morality, as an agreement for future illicit cohabitation, or to let lodgings for purposes o f prostitution, or an indecent wager ; for any bill or note founded upon either o f these would be void. Thirdly, if distinctly opposed to public policy ; as an agreement in restraint o f trade, or injurious to the revenue, or in restraint o f marriage, or for procurement o f marriage, or suppressing evidence, or withdrawing a prosecution for felony or public misdemeanor. But one who sells goods, only knowing that an illegal use is to be made, without any personal aid in the illegal purpose, may, it seems, recover the price o f them, on a note given for that price. TH E RIG H T S AND DUTIES OF TH E M AKER. • The maker o f a note or the acceptor o f a bill is bound to pay the same at its maturity, and at any time thereafter, unless the action be barred by the statute o f limitations, or he has some other defence under the general law o f contracts. As between himself and the payee o f the note or bill, he may make any defences which he could make on any debt arising from simple contract; as want or failure o f consideration ; payment, in whole or in p a rt; 372 Negotiable Paper. [November, set-off; accord and satisfaction; or the like. The peculiar characteristics o f negotiable paper do not begin to operate, so to speak, until the paper has passed into the hands o f third parties. Then, the party liable on the note or bill can make none o f these defences, unless the time or manner in which it came into the possession o f the holder lays him open to these d e fences. But the law on this subject may better be presented in our next section. TH E RIG H TS AND D U T IE S O F TH E HOLDER OF N E G O T IA B L E PAPER. 1. W hat a H old er may do with a B ill or N ote.— An indorsee has a right o f action against all whose names are on the bill when he received it. And if one delivers a bill or note which he ought to indorse and does not, the holder has an action against him for not indorsing, or may proceed in a court o f equity to compel him to indorse. I f a bill comes back to a pre vious indorser, he may strike out the intermediate indorsements and sue in his own name, as indorsee; but he has, in general, no remedy against the intermediate parties, because, if he made them pay as indorsers to him, they would make him pay as indorser to them. If, however, the circumstances are such that they, if compelled to pay, would have no right against him as an indorser to them, as, for example, if he indorsed it “ without recourse,” then he may have a claim against them. And it seems now to be settled that an indorser who comes again into possession o f the note or bill is to be taken, merely on the evidence o f his possession, as the holder and proprie tor o f the bill, unless the contrary is made to appear. The holder o f a bill indorsed and deposited with him for collection, or only as a trustee, can use it only in conformity with the trust. A nd if the indorsement express that it is to be collected for the indorser’s use, or use any equivalent language, this is notice to any one who discounts i t ; and the party discounting the paper against this notice .will be obliged to deliv er the note, or pay its contents, if collected, to the indorser. Thus, Mr. S i g o u r n e y , a merchant in Boston, remitted to W i l l i a m s , a London bank er, for collection, a bill o f exchange indorsed by him, and over his name was written, “ Pay to W i l l i a m s or order for my use.” W i l l i a m s had the bill discounted for his benefit by his bankers, and failed ; and the English court held that the indorsement showed that the bill did not belong to W i l l i a m s , and that the discounters had no right to discount it for him ; and they were obliged to repay all the proceeds of it to S i g o u r n e y . 2. A Transfer after D ishonor o f N egotiable P a p e r -—So long as a note remains due, everybody has a right to believe that it has not been paid, and will be paid at maturity, and may purchase it in that belief. But as soon as it is overdue, every person must know that it is either paid, and so extinguished, or that it has not been paid, and therefore dishonored, and that there may be good reasons why it was not paid, or good defences against it. H e therefore now takes it at his own peril ;«and therefore a holder who took the note after it became due is open to many of the d e fences which the promisor could have made against the party from whom the holder took i t ; because, having notice that the bill or note is dishon ored, he ought to have ascertained whether any, and, if so, what defence could be set up. So, too, if he takes the note or bill before it is due, but with notice or 1 8 6 3 .] Negotiable Paper. 373 knowledge of fraud or other good defence, that defence may be made against him. Otherwise, no defence can be made against one who becomes an in dorsee for consideration, which does not spring out of the relations between himself and the defendant. That is, if an indorsee sues his indorser, the indorser may make any defence which he could make if the suit were not on a negotiable note. But if an indorsee sues a maker, the maker may • have a good defence against the indorser which he cannot make against the indorsee, because the defence may not grow out of anything passing be tween the maker and the indorsee. Thus, if A makes a note to B or order, which B somehow defrauds A out of, B cannot o f course sue A upon it. But if B indorses the note for value to C, and C to D, and D to E, and 60 on, any one o f these indorsees who does not know the fraud can recover the amount o f it from A . But no one o f them, who had notice or knowledge o f the fraud before he bought the note, can sue A upon it any more than B could. N or is an indorsee liable to such defences as arise out o f collateral mat ters ; but only to those which attach to the note or bill itself. Thus, if A makes a note to B or order, for one thousand dollars, payable in six months, and three months after it is due, and unpaid, C buys the note from B, and sues A upon it, if A proves that B owes him a thousand dollars for goods sold, or for any other transaction distinct from the note, A cannot make this defence against C, because it does not grow out o f the note itself; al though he could have made this defence if B had sued him. But if A could prove that he had paid B on this note five hundred or a thousand d ol lars, he could make this defence as well against C as against B, if B bought the note after it was dishonored. Hence, it is said the indorsee o f a dis honored note is not liable to a set-ofl between the original payee and the maker. In some o f our States it is held that, if a maker o f a note pays money on it after it is due, he cannot have the benefit o f this payment against one who purchases the note after it is due without knowledge o f the payment, unless he caused the payment to be indorsed upon the note ; because it is his duty to see that this indorsement is made, in order to put purchasers o f the note on their guard. N or is the mere want o f consideration between payee and maker one of those defences to which a purchaser for valhe after dishonor, even with notice, is liable, provided the bill or note was originally intended to be without consideration, as in the^case o f an accommodation bill or note, or one intended as a gift. But it seems that, if a bill or note be delivered as security for a balance on a running account, and, when it becomes due, the balance is in favor o f the depositor, who does not with draw the bill, but leaves it where it was, and afterwards the balance be comes against the depositor, the holder may still hold it to secure the bal ance, and will not be regarded as the transferee o f an overdue bill. In the absence o f any evidence on the point, the presumption o f law is, that the bill was transferred to any present holder before maturity. And a promis sory note payable on demand is considered as intended to be a continuing security, and therefore as not overdue, unless very old indeed, without some evidence o f demand o f payment and refusal. But it is not so with a check ; for this should be presented without unreasonable delay, and, although a taker after one day’s delay may not be affected, nor a taking after six days be held as conclusive evidence of negligence or fraud, yet the jury may in fer this, so that the drawer will not be held if the bank have failed. 374 Negotiable Paper. [November, It is most important to the holder o f negotiable paper to know distinctly what his duties are in relation to presentment for acceptance or payment, and notice to others interested in case of non-acceptance or non-payment. 3. Presentment f o r A cceptance— It is always prudent for the holder o f a bill to present it for acceptance without dela y ; for if it be accepted, he has new security; if not, the former parties are immediately liable ; and it is , but just to the drawer to give him as early an opportunity as may be to withdraw his funds or obtain indemnity from a debtor who will not honor his bills. And if a bill is payable at sight, or at a certain period after sight, there is not only no right o f action against anybody until presentment, but, if this be delayed beyond a reasonable time, the holder loses his remedy against all previous parties. And although the question o f reasonable time is generally one only o f law, yet, in this connection, it seems to be treated as so far a question o f fact, that it is submitted to the ju r y ; there is no cer tain rule determining what is reasonable time in this respect. If a bill of exchange be payable on demand, it is not like a promissory note, but must be presented within a reasonable time, or the drawer will be discharged. A holder may put a bill payable after sight into circulation, without presenting it him self; and in that case, if a subsequent holder presents it, a much longer delay in presentment would be allowed than if the first holder had kept it in his own possession. The presentment should be made during business h ours; but it is said that in this country they extend through the day and until evening, except ing in the case o f banks. But a distinct usage would probably be received in evidence, and permitted to affect the question. Ill health, or actual impediment without fault, may excuse delay on the part of the holder ; but not the request o f the drawer to the drawee not to accept. Presentment for acceptance should be made to the drawee himself, or to his agent authorized to accept. And when it is presented, the drawee may have a reasonable time to consider whether he will accept, during which time the holder is justified in leaving the bill with him. And it seems that this time would be as much as twenty-four hours, unless, perhaps, the mail goes out before. A nd if the holder gives more than twenty-four hours for this purpose, he should inform the previous parties o f it. I f the drawee has changed his residence, the holder should use due diligence to find him ; and what constitutes due or reasonable diligence is a question o f fact for a jury. And if he be dead, the holder should ascertain who is his personal repre sentative, if he has one, and present the bill to him. I f the bill be drawn upon the drawee at a particular place, it is regarded as dishonored if the drawee has absconded, so that the bill cannot be presented for acceptance at that place. 4. Presentment f o r Dem and o f Paym ent.— The next question relates to the duty o f demanding paym ent; and here the law is much the same in respect to notes and bills. The universal rule of the law-merchant is, that the indorsers o f negotiable paper are supposed to agree to pay it only if the maker or previous indor sers do not, and provided due measures are taken to get it paid by those who ought, in the first place, to pay it. Therefore every holder of negotia ble paper can hold it as long as he likes, and not lose his claim against the maker o f a note, or the acceptor o f a bill, unless he holds it more than six 1863.] Negotiable Paper. 375 years, and the Statute o f Limitations bars his claim. The reason is, that the maker or acceptor promises directly, and not merely to pay if another does not. But every indorser o f a note or bill, and every drawer o f a bill, only promises to pay if a maker or acceptor or some previous indorser does not. If there is a bill o f exchange with six indorsers, the last promises in law to pay it only if the acceptor, the drawer, and the five previous indor sers do not pay. H e has therefore a right that a demand according to law should be made against every one o f these persons, and that their refusal to pay should be notified to him, forthwith, so that he may secure himself if he can. And the law-merchant is very rigorous and precise in defining what demand should be made by the holder, and when and how demand should be made on every p rior party, in order to hold any subsequent par ty ; and also as to what notice o f the demand and refusal o f the p rior party should be given to any subsequent party to whom the holder looks for payment. A demand is sufficient, if made at the usual residence or place o f business o f the payer, either o f himself, or of an agent authorized to pa y; and this authority may be inferred from the habit o f paying, especially in the case o f a child, a wife, or a servant. The demand should not be made in the street. W hen made, the bill or note should be exhibited; and if lost, a copy should be exhibited, although this does not seem absolutely necessary. And when the payer calls on the holder, and declares to him that he shall not pay, and desires him to give notice to the indorsers, this c .institutes de mand and refusal, provided this declaration be made at the maturity o f the p a p er; but not if it was made before maturity, because the payer may change his intention. Bankruptcy or insolvency o f the payer is no excuse for non-demand ; al though the shutting up o f a bank, perhaps, may be regarded as a refusal to all their creditors to pay their notes. Absconding o f the payer is a sufficient excuse ; but if the payer has shut up his house, the holder must neverthe less inquire after him, and find him, if he can by proper efforts. If the payer be dead, demand should be made at his house, unless he have per sonal representatives, and in that case, o f them. A n d if the holder die, presentment should be made by his personal representatives ; that is, by his executor or administrator. It is said that both the death and insolvency o f the payer do not relieve the holder from the duty o f demanding payment. But it seems to be held in one case that, where the maker o f a negotiable note was dead at the time the indorsement was made, the indorser was chargeable without demand on the maker. If the drawer has no effects in the hands o f the drawee, and has made no arrangement equivalent to having effects there, non-presentation for pay ment is not a defence which he can make if sued on the bill. Impossibility o f presenting a bill for payment, without the fault o f the holder, as the actual loss o f a bill, or the like, will excuse some delay in making a demand for paym ent; but not more than the circumstances re quire. And the mere mistake o f the holder is no excuse, because he has no right to make mistakes at the expense of other people. Thus, where a bill o f exchange payable in London was sent by the mistake o f the holder in Birmingham to Liverpool, for payment, and there the mistake was dis covered and the bill was sent to-JLondon, and would have arrived in season, but the negligence o f the clerks in the post-office at Liverpool delayed it two d a y s; it was held by the court, that neither the mistake o f the holder nor 376 Negotiable Paper. [November, the negligence o f the clerks was excuse enough, and the acceptor having failed, the indorsers were discharged. In this country, all negotiable paper payable at a time certain is enti tled to grace, which here means three days’ delay o f payment, unless it be expressly stated and agreed that there shall be no grace ; and a present ment for payment before the last day o f grace is premature, the note not being due until then. If the last day o f grace falls on a Sunday, or on a legal holiday, the note is due on the Staturday, or other day before the holiday. But if there be no grace, and the note falls due on a Sunday, or other holiday, it is not payable until the next day. Generally, if a bill or note be payable in or after a certain number o f days from date, sight, or demand, in counting these days, the day o f date, sight, or demand is excluded, and the day on which it falls due included. A nd we think the law would supply the word “ fr o m ,” &c., if the word were not used. Thus, a note dated January 1, and payable in “ twenty days,” would be held payable in twenty days (and three days’ grace) after the day of the date; that is, on the 24th. I f a note is made pay able in one or more months, this means calendar months, whether shorter or longer. I f made on the 13th o f December, and payable in two months, it is payable on the 13th o f February and grace, that is, on the 16th. But if so many days are named, they must be counted, whether they are more or less than a month. Thus, if the above note were payable in sixty days, it -would be due on the 11th and grace, or on the 14th o f February. If dated 13th January, and payable in sixty days, it would be due on the 14th o f March, with grace, or on the 17th. Although payment must be demanded promptly, that is, on the day on which it is due, it need not be done instantly ; a holder has all the business part o f the day in which the bill or note falls due to make his demand in. Bills and notes payable on demand should be presented for payment within a reasonable time. If said to be “ on interest,” this strengthens the indication that they were intended to remain for a time unpaid and unde manded. But to hold indorsers, they should still be presented within what ever time circumstances may make a reasonable time ; and this is such a time as the interests and safety o f all concerned may require; and it may be a few days, or even one or two weeks. A bill or note in which no time o f payment is expressed, is held to be payable on demand. A nd evidence lo prove it otherwise is inadmissible. The holder of a check should present it at once ; for the drawer has a right to expect that he w ill; it should, therefore, be presented, or forward ed for presentment, in the course o f the day following that in which it was received, or, upon failure o f the bank, the holder will lose the remedy he would otherwise have had against the person from whom he receives it. If the drawer o f the check had no funds, he is liable always. Every demand o f payment should be made at the proper place, which is either at the place of residence or o f business o f the payer, and within the proper hours o f business. I f made at a bank after hours o f business, if the officers are there, and refuse payment for want o f funds, the demand is suf ficient. A note payable at a particular place should be demanded at that place ; and a bill drawn payable at a certain place should be demanded there, in order to charge antecedent parties; an action, however, may be maintained against the maker or acceptor without such dem and; but the defendant 1863.] Negotiable Paper. 3 11 may discharge himself o f damages and costs beyond the amount o f the pa per, by showing that he was ready at that place with funds. I f a bill drawn payable generally be accepted payable at a particular place, we think the holder may and should so far regard this as non-acceptance, that he should protest and give notice. But if this limited acceptance is assented to and received, it must be complied with by the holder, and the bill must be pre sented for. payment at that place, or the antecedent parties are discharged. If payable at a banker’s or at the house or counting-room o f any person, and such banker or person becomes the owner at maturity, this is demand enough ; and if there are no funds deposited with him for the payment, this is refusal enough. I f any house be designated, a presentment to any per son there, or at the door if the house be shut up, is enough. I f this direction be not in the body o f the note, but added at the close, or elsewhere, as # memorandum, it is not part o f the contract, and should not be attended to. I f the payer has changed his residence, he should be sought for with due diligence ; but if he has absconded, this is an entire excuse for non-demand. W here a bill or note is not presented for payment, or not presented at the time, or to the person, or in the place, or in the way, required by law, all parties but the acceptor or maker are discharged, for the reasons before stated. 5. Protest and N otice.— If a bill o f exchange be not accepted when prop erly presented for that purpose, or if a bill or note, when properly presented for payment, be not paid, the holder has a further duty to perform to all who are responsible for payment. But this duty differs somewhat in the case o f a bill or note. In case o f non-payment o f a foreig n bill, there should be a regular protest by a public notary ; but this, though frequently prac ticed, is not necessary in the case o f an inland bill, or a promissory note, whether foreign or inland. But notice o f non-payment should be given to all antecedent parties, equally, and in the same way, in the case o f both bills and notes. The demand and protest must be made according to the laws o f the place where the bill is payable. It should be made by a notary-public, who should present the bill him self; but i f there be no notary-public in that place, or within reasonable reach, it may be made by any respectable in habitant in the presence o f witnesses. The protest should be noted on the day o f demand and refusal; and may be filled up afterwards, even, perhaps, so late as at the trial. The loss o f a bill is not a sufficient excuse for not protesting it. But a subsequent promise to pay is held to imply, or be equal to, a previous pro test and notice. The notarial seal is evidence o f the dishonor o f a foreign b i ll; but not, it would seem, o f an inland bill. A nd no collateral statement in the cer tificate is evidence o f the fact therein stated ; thus, the statement by a no tary that the drawee refused to accept or pay because he had no funds o f the drawer, is no evidence o f the absence o f such funds. W e repeat, that the general, and, indeed, universal duty o f the holder o f negotiable paper is, to give notice o f any refusal to accept a bill or pay a bill or note to all antecedent parties. The reasons o f this have been stated. These previous parties have engaged that the party who should accept or pay will do so ; and they have further engaged that, if he refuses to do his von. xlix .— no. v. 25 378 Negotiable Paper. [November, duty, they will be liable in bis stead to the persons injured by his refusal. They have a right to indemnity or compensation from the party for whom they are liable, and to such immediate notice o f his failure as shall secure to them an immediate opportunity o f procuring this indemnity or compen sation if they can. N or is the question what notice this should be, left to be judged o f by the circumstances o f each case ; for the law-merchant has certain fixed rules applicable to all negotiable paper. Notice must given even to one who has knowledge. N o particular form is necessary ; it may be in writing, or o r a l; all that is absolutely essential is, that it should designate the note or bill with sufficient distinctness, and state that it has been dishonored ; and also that the party notified is looked to for paym en t; but it has been held that the notiee to the party, when given by the immediate holder o f the bill, sufficiently implies that he is looked to. And notice o f protest for non-payment is efficien t notiee o f demand and refusal. How distinctly the note or bill should be described, cannot be precisely defined. It is enough if there be no such looseness, ambiguity, or misdescription as might mislead a man o f ordinary intelli gence ; and if the intention was to describe the true note, and the party notified was not actually misled, this would always be enough. The notice need not state for whom payment is demanded, nor where the note is ly ing ; and even a misstatement in this respect may not be material, if it do not actually mislead. N o copy o f the protest need be se n t; but information o f the protest should be given. I f the letter be properly put into the post-office, any miscarriage o f the mail does not affect the party giving notice. The address should be suffi ciently specific. Only the surname— as “ Mr. A mes — especially if sent to a large city, might not, in general, be enough ; thus, in an English case, where a letter, directed “ Mr. II aynes , Bristol,” containing notice o f the dishonor o f a bill, was proved to have been put into the post-office, it was held that this was not sufficient proof o f notice ; the direction being too general to raise a presumption that the letter reached the particular indi vidual intended. But where a party drew a bill, dating it generally “ Lon don,” it was held that proof that a letter containing notice o f the dishonor o f the bill was put into the post-office addressed to the drawer at “ London,” was evidence to go to the jury that he had due notice o f dishonor ; because, if the party chooses to draw a bill, and date it so generally, it implies that a letter sent to the post-office, and directed in the same way, will find him. A n d if a letter, however generally directed, can be shown to have reached the right person at the right time, it is sufficient. The postmarks are strong evidence that the letter was mailed at the very time these marks indicate ; but this evidence may beTebutted, that is, contradicted. A notice not only may, but should, be sent by the public post. It may, however, be sent by a private messenger; but is not sufficient if it do not arrive until after the time at which it would have arrived by mail. It may be sent to the town where the party resides, or to another town, or to a more distant post-office, if it is clear that he may thereby receive the notice earlier. And if the notice is sent to what the sender deems, after due dili gence, the nearest post-office, this is enough. I f the parties live in the same town, notice should not be sent by mail. In a case in Massachusetts, the court said, the general rule certainly is, that, when the indorser resides in the same place with the party who is to give the notice, the notice must 1863.] Negotiable Paper. 319 be given to the party personally, or at his domicil or place o f business. Perhaps a different rule may prevail in London, where a penny post is es tablished and regulated by law, by which letters are to be delivered to the party addressed, or at his domicil or place o f business, on the same day they are deposited. And perhaps the same rule might not apply where the party to whom notice is to be given lives in the same town, if it be at a distant village or settlement where a town is large, and there are several post-offices in different parts o f it. But in that case, the defendant had his residence and place o f business in the city o f Bangor, and the only notice given him was by a letter addressed to him at Bangor, and deposited in the post-office at that place. And this was insufficient to charge him as in dorsee The notice should be sent either to the place o f business, or to the resi dence, o f the party notified. But if one directs a notice to be sent to him elsewhere than at home, it seems that it may be so sent, and bind not only him, but prior parties, although time is lost by so sending it. The notice should be sent within reasonable tim e ; and in respect to ne gotiable paper, the law-merchant defines this within very narrow limits. If the parties live in the same town, notice must be given or sent so that the party to whom it is sent may receive the notice in the course o f the day next after that in which the party sending has knowledge o f the fact. If the parties live in different places, the notice must be sent as soon as by the first practicable mail o f the next day. Each party receiving notice has a day, or until the next post after the dav in which he receives it, before he is obliged to send the notice forward. Thus, if there be six indorsers, and the note is due on the 10th o f May, in New York, and is then demanded and unpaid, the holder may send it by any mail which leaves New York off the 11th o f May, to the last indorser, wherever he lives ; and that indorser may send it to the indorser immedi ately before him, by any mail on the day after he receives i t ; and so may each of the parties receiving notice; and all the parties receiving notice in this way will be held. So, too, a banker, with whom the paper is deposit ed for collection, is considered a holder, and entitled to a day to give notice to the depositor, who then has a day for his notice to antecedent parties. The different branches of one establishment have been held distinct holders for this purpose, and each to be entitled to a day. I f notice be sent by ship, it is said that it may be delayed until the next regular ship ; but this is not quite certain ; or, rather, the rule can hardly as yet be considered fixed and definite. It should be sent by the first safe opportunity. Neither Sunday nor any legal holiday is to be computed in reckoning the time within which notice must be given. There, is no presumption o f notice ; and the plaintiff must prove that it was given, and was sufficient. Thus, proving that it was given in “ two or three days,” is insufficient, if two would have been right, but three not. Notice should be given only by a party to the instrument, who is liable upon it, and not by a stranger; and it has been held that notice could not be given by a first indorser, who, not having been notified, was not himself liable. A notice by any party liable will operate to the benefit o f all ante cedent or subseqent parties ; that is, will hold them all to the original h old er o f the note, if the original holder gave notice properly to the party near 380 Negotiable Paper. [November, est to him. The notice may be given by any authorized agent o f a party who could himself give notice. Notice must be given to every antecedent party who is to be held. And we have seen that this may be given by a holder to the first party liable, and by him to the next, &c. But the holder may always give notice to all antecedent parties ; and it is always prudent, and in this country, we be lieve, quite usual, to do so. For the holder loses all remedy against all those who are discharged by the failure o f anyone receiving notice to trans mit it properly. But if a holder undertakes to notify all the antecedent parties, he must notify all as soon as he was obliged to notify the party nearest to him ; that is, the day after the dishonor o f the note. W e mean by this, that every party has a day ; so that, if there be six indorsers, if the first indorser is notified on the seventh day from the dishonor, it is enough, i f the holder took his day to notify the sixth indorser, and that in dorser his day to notify the fifth, and so on. But the holder has n obody’s day but his o w n ; and if he undertakes to notify all the parties, he must notify them all on the first day after the non-payment. Notice may be given personally to a party,, or to his agent authorized to receive notice, or left in writing at his home or place o f business. I f the party to be notified is dead, notice should be given to his personal repre sentatives. A notice addressed to the “ legal representative of,” &c., and sent to the town in which the deceased party resided at his death, has been held sufficient. But a notice addressed to the party himself, when known to be dead, or to “ the estate of,” <fcc., would not be o f itself sufficient, but might become so with evidence that the administrator or executor actually received the notice. If two or more parties are jointly liable on a bill as partners, notice to one is enough. One transferring by delivery without indorsement a note or bill payable to bearer, is not generally entitled to notice o f non-payment, because, gen erally, he is not liable to pay such paper ; but if the circumstances o f the case are such as to make him liable, then he must have notice, but is enti tled not to the exact notice o f an indorser, but only to such t'easonable no tice as is due to a guarantor. If, for instance, the paper was transferred as security, or even in payment o f a pre-existing dibt, this debt revives if the bill or note be dishonored ; and therefore there must be notice given o f the dishonor. In general, a guarantor o f a bill or note, or debt, is not entitled to such strict and exact notice as an indorser is entitled to, but only to such notice as shall save him from actual injury ; and he cannot make the want o f notice his defence, unless he can show that the notice was unreasonably withheld or delayed, and that he has actually sustained injury from such delay or want of notice. I f an indorser give also a bond, or his own note, to pay the debt, he is not discharged from his bond or note by want o f notice. t In general, all parties to negotiable paper, who are entitled to notice, are discharged by want o f notice. The law presumes them to be injured, and does not put them to proof. It has been held, however, that the drawer o f a check not notified of non-payment is thereby discharged only to the ex tent o f the loss which he actually sustains. I f one who is discharged by want o f notice nevertheless pays the bill or note, he may call upon the antecedent parties, if due notice has been given to them, and if, by taking up the paper, he acquires the rights o f the hold 1 8 6 3 .] Negotiable Paper. 381 er ; or if he, having been indorsee, indorsed the paper over ; for he is then remitted (or restored) to his rights and position as indorsee. The right to notice may be waived by any agreement to that effect prior to the maturity of the paper. It is quite common for an indorser to write, “ I waive notice,” or, “ I waive demand,” or some words to this effect. It should, however, be remembered, that these rights are Independent, and one does not imply the other. A waiver o f demand may im ply a waiver o f notice o f non-paym ent; but a waiver o f notice o f non-payment certainly does not imply a waiver o f demand ; therefore, if an indorser writes on the note, “ I waive notice,” still he will be discharged if there be not a due de mand on the maker. So if a drawer countermands his order, the bill should still be presented, but notice o f dishonor need not be given to the drawer. Or, if a drawer has no funds, and nothing equivalent to funds, in the drawee’s hands, and would have no remedy against the drawee or any one else, as the drawer cannot be prejudiced by want o f notice, it is not neces sary to give him notice. But the indorser must still be notified ; and a drawer for the accommodation o f the acceptor is entitled to notice, because he might have a claim upon the acceptor. I f a drawer make a bill payable at his own house, or counting-room, this has been said to be evidence to a jury that the bill was drawn for his ac commodation, and that he expects to provide for the payment, and is not entitled to notice o f dishonor ; but it would be safer to give notice. Actual ignorance o f a party’s residence justifies the delay necessary to find it out, and no m o r e ; and after it is discovered, the notifier has the usual time. Death, or severe illness, o f the notifier or his agent, is an excuse for de lay ; but the death, bankruptcy, or insolvency o f the drawee is no excuse. As the right to notice may be waived before maturity, so the want of notice may be cured afterwards by an express promise to pay ; and an ac knowledgment o f liability, or a payment in part, is evidence, but not con clusive evidence, o f n otice; the jury m ay draw this conclusion from part payment, but are not bound to, even if the evidence be not rebutted. If the promise be conditional, and the condition be not complied with, the promise has been held to be still evidence. Nor is it sufficient to avoid such promise, that it was made in ignorance o f the la w ; it must be made, how ever, with a full knowledge o f the facts. The following distinction seems to be drawn ; if the fact o f neglect to notify appears, the party entitled to notice is not bound by his subsequent promise, unless it was made with a knowledge o f the n eglect; but if the fact o f neglect does not appear, the subsequent promise will be taken as evidence that there was no neglect, but sufficient notice. A nd a promise to pay, made in expectation of the dis honor of a bill or note, will be construed as a promise on condition o f usual demand and notice, and, o f course, does not waive them. A nd, as we have remarked, no waiver o f any right growing out o f any other previous negli gence or omission to perform some duty, can affect any party but him who makes the waiver. 382 Commercial Chronicle and Review. [November, COMMERCIAL CHRONICLE AND REVIEW. G E N E R A L BUSINESS— RISE IN STOCK8— PRICES OF ARTICLES— RESTRICTIONS ON GO LD — STOCKS IN LONDON— C O M P A R A TIVE VALUES— IMPORTS GOODS— INCREASED COST— G EN ERAL CAUSE— N E W IS SUES— N E W B A N K S — FIV E PER CENT L E G A L TENDER— RISK IN C ERTAIN PR IC E S — COAL— EXPORTS — LOSSES ON PRODUCE— G ENERAL STATE OF TR A D E — MOVEMENT OF SPECIE— DECLIN E IN B A N K RESERVE— BATES OF E XCH AN G E— MONEY— UN ITED STATES STOCKS. T h e general activity o f business that we noted as apparent last month has continued with considerable animation during the one which has now elapsed, and at the same time speculative tendencies, in many branches o f merchandise, have been developed. The stock speculations, which had reached so high a point in August, have to some extent subsided, appa rently through the impression that their values were exaggerated above those o f most commodities. It was certainly the case that the high point which prices touched in August, at a time specie was at a very low point, caused a considerable importation o f stocks from London, where they ruled much lower than could be realized for them in New Y ork in specie. The same tendency caused an accumulation o f securities in N ew York, while at the same time an active demand for merchandise sprang up, the prices for which rose very considerably. B y referring to our number o f February last, our readers will find a table of fifty-five articles, o f which the comparative prices are given from the P rices Current, January 1st, 18C2, and January, 1863, as compared with the price o f gold. Bringing the table down to the present time, at different dates, and adding the quantity o f Government paper outstanding, the results will be as fo llo w s: G old, January, 1862.............................. April, 1 8 6 2 ................................. January, 1863.............................. March, 1 8 6 3 ................................. July, 1863..................................... October, 1863.............................. Par. l£ 32 54 25 50 T otal prices o f 55 articles, 804 844 1,312 1,524 1,323 1,455 E ise p ercen t. 5 62 90 65 81 U. S. paper outstanding. 26,780,110 145,880,000 238,021,315 345,553,500 396,681,056 446,000,000 The prices o f these articles have been governed by the values in paper, and those which form the exports o f the country have been sold at specie prices abroad, but the bills drawn against them are sold for the Govern ment paper. This business has been perfectly unrestrained, while that in gold has been subjected to restrictions imposed by Congress as well as by the State government. Those restrictions were designed to prevent a speculative holding o f gold, and not to check its free exportation. Inas much, however, as the money under the law could not be borrowed on the gold, it was difficult to hold it. The prices may be supposed, there fore (as was the design o f the law), to be less than .it would have been without those restrictions. It is obvious that where the paper declines in value, it operates alternately upon com m odities and gold. W h en th e latter is in active demand the price rises. This rise causes exchange bill to sell higher, acting as a premium upon the export o f produce, vvhichs Commercial Chronicle and Review. 18 63 .] 383 being shipped, o f itself checks the export o f gold, and therefore lessens the demand for it. On the other hand, w h e n ’g old falls in value it op e rates as a check upon exports and as a premium upon imports. In illus tration, we give a table o f the prices o f stocks in London and N ew Y ork, at different da tes: ,----------------- L o n d o n .----------------- , ,---------------- --------- N ew Y o r k .----------------------- , U. S. 6‘s. 5’s. E rie. Central. U. S. 6’s. E rie. Central. Exchange. Gold. March 2 8 ____ June.................... July 4 ................. August 22......... September 1 2 .. “ 2 6 .. October 8 ......... 70 79 67 77 77 75 75 58 61 68 69 69 68 65 42 60 69 76 85 78 69 65 72 72 86 93 88 87 104 108 105 107 107 106 1081 80 95 99 120 101 106 109 119 122 120 132 130 133 134 170 160 147 135 143 154 172 56 46 25 221 30 40 56 Thus, in March New Y ork Central was 65 in London, at which date advices there from New Y ork gave gold 72 and exchange 89 ; consequent ly the price in New Y ork should have been 121 to be equal to the L on don price o f 65, at the then rate o f exchange; but gold fell to 122^- in August, giving exchange 135, which was equal to 100 for Central in Lon don, or a rise o f 35 per cent, through the improvement in the value o f the paper which constitutes the currency. As a consequence, the London and other markets were stripped o f stocks to sell in New Y ork. The follow ing table will show the relative prices of stocks in New Y ork and London at different rates o f exchange : Lon don. >--------------------------------------- N e w Y o r k , w ith exchange a t---------------------------------------, 12a 60 ........... 65........... 7 0 ........... 7 5 ........... 8 0 ........... 85 ........... 90 ............... 95 ............... 100........... 130 133 75 78 81 81} 84} 87} 8 7 } 91 94} 93} 9 7 } 101} 100 104 108 106} 110} 114} 112} 117 131} 118} 123} 128} 125 130 135 140 145 ISO 155 100 165 84 91 98 105 112 119 126 133 140 87 94} 101} 108} 116 123} 130} 187} 145 90 97} 105 112} 120 127} 135 142} 150 96 104 112 120 128 136 144 152 160 99 102 107} 110} 115} 119 123} 127} 132 136 140} 144} 148} 153 156} 161} 165 170 93 100| 108} 116} 124 131} 139} 147} 155 170 175 ISO 105 108 113} 117 122} 126 131} 135 140 144 152} 157 157} 162 166} 171 175 180 Thus, if Erie is selling at 85 in London, the relative price o f the same in New Y ork, with sterling exchange at 150, would be 1 2 7 £ ; or, if Uni ted States 7-30’s, payable in gold, are in New Y ork 107^, with exchange at 165, the equivalent in London is 65 cents per dollar, which gives an interest in gold o f over 11 per cent per annum. The rate o f exchange always follows that o f gold, and is found by adding the premium on gold to the premium o f the bills in gold. Thus, a shipment o f gold produces . 110^ as the price o f exchange. I f g old is 50 per cent premium, 50 per cent must be added to the premium, which, being 5 5 .1 2 , makes the ex change 1 6 5 .37£. This operation o f the fluctuation o f the paper values applies to all com modities, and, as a consequence, a rapid fall in gold is followed by large importations and a corresponding export o f gold to pay for them. The fall in gold in August was, therefore, followed bv increased importations o f stocks and goods and increased sales from warehouses, while shipments o f produce, were involved in loss. The im portations at the port o f New Y ork for the m onth o f September, were as follows : 384 [November, Commercial Chronicle and Review. IM PO RTS, P O R T OF N E W YO RK . • ISpecie. F r e e go o d s. January................... February................. March...................... A p r il...* ................. M a y ........................ J u n e ........................ J u l y ....................... August-................... September.............. $101,906 213,971 123,616 107,061 197,217 109,997 1S2,245 113,877 78,281 $2,413,649 783,561 1,328,806 1,828,216 710,021 780,963 683,880 509,781 786,864 Total 9 months “ 1 8 6 2 .... $1,288,121 945,577 a ,----------- E n te re d lo r ------------- , C on sum ption. W arehouse. T o ta l* $8,741,227 $4,482,794 $15,739,676 7,372,539 3,657,775 12,037,846 11,461,572 3,454,530 16,370,524 9,493,830' 6,456,208 17,385,315 7,980,281 5,437,404 14,324,923 6,328,581 5,377,885 12,597,426 9,080,210 4,227,265 14,173,600 10,004,580 4,409,891 15,038,129 11,203,535 3,431,310 15,499,940 $9,325,831 $81,666,365 $45,327,510 $187,547,817 18,809,755 82,625,172 35,475,891 137,856,395 The quantities taken out o f warehouse in the last sixty days have greatly exceeded the entries. The quantities put upon the markets have been, therefore, much greater than the figures for the arrivals. The absorption o f these goods by the retailers and consumers has been very active, as well in consequence o f the previous great econom y in consumption, which left the public bare o f goods, as by reason o f the increasing cost o f labor and materials, which make the cost o f manufactures higher and the rise in exchauge and gold, which so rapidly swell the cost o f importation. The great general cause which underlies this rise, is the increasing abun dance of paper. A s seen in the above table, there is on the part o f the Government now outstanding $446,000,000. Besides this, there will be emitted in Novem ber $50,000,000 o f five per cent legal tender small notes, which were sold to the banks last month. The question has been raised whether these notes will increase the currency or be taken for in vestment. It is very probable that they will have both effects. The as sociated and other banks hold some $50,000,000 o f “ greenbacks” in reserve. These will be supplanted by the new notes, because the. latter bear interest. The $50,000,000 reserves thus released will com e more actively into circulation. D uring the month the N ew Y ork Court o f A p peals has decided in substance that the banks are not held to payments in specie under the New Y ork constitution. The consequence o f this is seen in the bank tables on another page, where the circulation, after a long period o f contraction, has begun to expand. The new banks, under the national banking law, now amount to 105 in number, and are about to receive their circulating notes from the controller. These will be about $12,000,000, and will rapidly increase. The old country hanks are also expanding their circulation to meet that demand for currency, which, by a sort o f paradox, always attends rising prices, caused by redundant cir culation. From these three sources, therefore— new legal tenders, new banks, and old banks— the circulation is in process o f expansion, and consequenlly all prices are advancing. W e may quote several here : Coal. January. 1 8 6 2 ... April, 1862 ......... January, 1 8 6 3 ... March, 1863 ___ July, 1863........... October 20, 1863. $4 4 7 7 8 10 25 60 00 60 00 00 Sugar, 100 lbs. $6 6 8 9 10 10 87 87 25 25 25 87 Coffee, 100 lbs. $17 25 20 50 28 00 29 00 29 00 32 00 Iro n , pig- $21 00 21 00 31 00 35 00 35 50 36 00 Copper. $22 50 23 00 32 50 33 00 32 00 34 00 P o rk . Corn. W heat. $12 00 13 25 14 25 14 00 14 25 16 38 1 63 60 81 90 68 00 $1 26 1 30 1 50 1 62 1 25 1 28 1863] 385 Commercial Chronicle and Review. Many other articles are now held for an advance. A ll are affected by different circumstances, but primarily by the same cause. Coal, as an in stance : The quantity mined this year to date, i s . . . .ton s Last year............ . .......................................................... Increase.................................................................. 7,657,526 6,212,865 1,444,661 Notwithstanding the scarcity o f labor that has caused the cost o f min ing to be largely increased, the quantity mined has been swollen, but not enough to meet the demand, which is mainly from the Government, and paid for in “ greenbacks.” One million tons o f coal for iron clads, that cost the Government last winter §4,500,000, now costs it nearly §10,000,000. The duties and exchange rise in proportion to the advance here, as is the case with sugar and other articles o f im port. The general prospect o f a. further increase o f paper induces holding, to avail o f the ad vance. The exports o f produce in the month o f September were, to some extent, larger than in August as follows : EX PO R T S, POR T OF N E W YO R K . S pecie. January................... February................. March...................... A p r il....................... l l a y ........................ J u n e ........................ J u l y ....................... August.................... Septem ber............ §4,624,574 3,965,664 6,385,442 1,972,884 2,115,679 1,367,774 5,268,881 2,465,361 3,480,385 .--------—F oreign .----------- , F re e . D u tiab le. $78,111 43,889 213,685 74,949 101,337 49,380 77,232 90,813 65,400 D o m e s tic . T o ta l. $668,275 $14,829,398 $19,695,351 610,009 17,780,586 22,400,148 768,266 16,187,689 23,695,082 376,224 11,581,933 14,004,940 602,254 13,183,510 16,002,780 298,067 14,780,072 16,495,293 448,601 15,298,073 21,092,787 231,774 10,666,959 14,454,809 238,972 11,717,761 15,492,518 Total 9 months §32,846,494 $779,798 $4,231,442 $125,475,981 $163,333,175 “ 1 8 6 2 .... 42,843,139 2,520,616 3,829,403 100,837,192 110,487,221 The price o f exchange in September was about ten per cent higher than in August, which is about the extent to which the value o f the d o mestic exports increased. On the other hand, there was a decline of prices in England that involved shippers in loss. The general result o f business for the nine months has been as follow s : Imports from January 1 to O ctober 1 ................. Exports o f g o o d s .......................... §130,486,681 Corrected by exch an ge.............. 33,495,560 N et exports.. Excess o f im ports.................................................... Specie exported........................................................... Adverse balance.............................................. $137,547,817 l 96,991,121 $40,556,696 32,846,494 $7,710,202 W ith the increased imports that followed the fall in g old in August, the outward movement was resumed as fo llo w s: Commercial Chronicle and Review, 380 [November, SP E C IE AX D P R IC E OF GO LD . January 3. (( 10. it 17. tt 24. tt 31. February 7 • “ 14. it 21. it 28. March 7. « 14. (( 21. It 28. 4. April 11 . It 18. it 25. May 2. 9. a 16. a 23. tt 30. 6. June «< 13. it 20. it 27. 4. July ti ii. it 18. ti 25. August i . 8. “ 15. “ 22. (( 29. 5. Sept. 12. «( 19. “ 26. October 3. “ 10. it 17. it 24. ,--------- 1 8 G 2 .---------- , ,---------------— --------- 1 8 6 3 . Exported. Eeceived. Eeceived. Exported. Gold in bank. Prem. on gold. 442,147 681,448 35,954,550 84* a 84£ 726,746 36,770,746 34 a 39 886,928 1,035,025 1,277,788 547,703 1,380,247 37,581,465 40 a 49 322,918 678,841 780,816 38,549,794 47 a 5 0 f 627,767 310,484 1,331,027 38,894,840 481 a 60J 301,860 1,277,000 38,243,839 6 7 1 a 571 976,235 854,000 614,146 1,156,154 359,978 1,152,846 38,426,460 531 a 531 934,612 520,017 37,981,310 54 a 64 769,247 510,774 741,109 285,394 1,377,016 39,512,256 71 a 72 585,236 1,243,551 679,074 733,643 39,705,089 521 a 53 477,335 677,058 3,540,550 86,110,085 541 a 541 540,968 249,514 1,201,907 33,955,122 53 a 541 779,564 490,368 159,105 1,050,156 34,317,691 41 a 42 673,826 250,778 581,293 473,385 34,257,121 53 a 54 1,505,728 260,728 607,059 35,406,145 46 a 521 693,436 217,602 „ 158,437 36,761.696 52 a 531 617,279 256,604 635,546 1,151,300 629,855 37,175,067 47 a 511 712,275 410,804 294,998 36,846,528 48 a 501 484,019 1,574,166 205,057 451,827 38,102,633 681 a 47 604,682 1,093,031 661,996 88,556,552 49 a 491 938,032 258,570 438,745 38,644,865 4 8 f a 49 501,204 881,452 279,994 37,632,634 4 4 f a 441 224,911 318,066 553,035 1,647,299 411,483 37,241,670 46 a 461 235,364 37,884,128 4 8 a 48§ 352,391 1,990,327 522,147 38,314,206 42 a 431 612,461 3,156,988 187,082 134,432 38,271,702 46 a 4 6 J 393,212 3,094,101 2,647,060 347,807 38,302,826 44 a 441 401,936 38,712,397 321 a 321 254,947 641,451 2,424,916 2,190,781 38,254,427 23 a 231 441,179 1,846,023 784,537 1,725,748 35,910,227 26 a 261 748,523 G. Gate lost. 270,182 480,374 33,746,681 281 a 29 964,422 890,552 530,044 33,156,548 261 a 27 700,431 313,612 1,210,230 82,874,913 25 a 251 1,089,111 919,825 238,398 31,520,499 241 a 25 1,137,644 231,854 1,379,710 32,030,055 241 a 241 309,799 31,989,381 321 a 33 807,063 551,097 1,042,S35 279,043 852,752 32,018,107 28 a 29 934,415 490,865 193,584 585,796 31,014,411 321 a 33 758,286 996,892 277,380 1,411,611 30,008,566 39 a 391 713,075 803,583 30,064,614 421 a 421 268,282 2,555,656 29,927,281 461 a 47 807,616 2,255,513 ....... 1,714,551 1,206,950 28,382,473 511 a 52 768,121 2,024,380 267,911 1,243,273 28,804,281 Total.. • • • 18,063,938 43,230,075 8,541,978 88,307,427 It will be remembered in this table that, notwithstanding the rise in gold, the quantity in bank has steadily declined. The Treasury paid out some $3,000,000 in the first week in O ctober for interest, notwithstand in g w hich the banks had lost $10,329,924 since July 11— little more than three months. This continued drain, no longer replenished from the in terior, diminishes the available quantities at the com m and o f shippers and renders the exchange market very firm. It was the case, however, that when exchange was low in August many speculators bought and im porters took options o f exchange for 60 days. These were realized to ward the close o f October, making the market weak. The rates have been as fo llo w s: 1863.] 387 Commercial Chronicle and Review. KATES OF EX CH AN G E. L on d on . Jani. 8 , “ 10, (i 17, u 24, it 31, Feb. 7, “ 14, (• 21, (( 28, Mar. 7, (( 14, it 21, tl 28, April 4, “ 11, a 18, u 25, May 2, “ 9, (( 16, “ 23, 30, June 0, u 13, a 20, June27, J u ly ll, u 18, u 25, Aug;• i , tl ;« 8, 15, 22, a 29, Sept. 5, “ 12, “ 19, a 26, Oct. 3, “ 10, “ 17, u 146 a 147* 149 a 152 160 a 162 162* a 163 171 a 177 169 a 173 170 a 171 171 a 179* 185 a 188 167 a 169 168 a 171 169 J a 171* 157 a 161 168 a 172 158 a 162 165 a 167* 163 a 165 163 a 165 168 a 170 162* a 164 161 a 163 156* a 158 158* a 160 156 a 161 155 a 157 159 a 160* 143 a 146 138 a 139 138 a 139 140 a 141* 139* a 140* 1374 a 138* 137* a 138* 135* a 136* 141 a 147 142 a 144* 146 a 147* 151 a 152* 154* a 157* 160* a 162 168* a 172 Paris. 3.85 a 3 .80 3.72*r a 3 .67* 3.52* a 3 .45 3.50 a 3 .45 3.32 a 3 .15 3.30 a 3 .25 3.32 a 3 .27 2.20 a 3 .12 3.10 a 3 .00 3.37* a 3 .30 3.35 a 3 .30 3.37* a 3 .27* 3.57 a 3 .47 3.40 a 3 . 25 3.55 a 3 .45 3.37* a 3 .45 3.47* a 3..50 3.47* a 3. 42 3,42* a 3. 32 3.50 a 3 .45 3.52 a 3 45 3.62* a 3 65 3.57* a 3. 52* 3.55 a 8. 47* 3.62 a 3.,57* 3.55 a 3 . 50 3.95 a 3,.85 4.07 a 4. 02 4.10 a 4..05 4 .0 6 * a 4. 00 4.06 a 4. 00 4 .1 2* a 4. 08* 4.12* a 4. 08* 4.10 a 4. 15 4.00 a 3. 90 3 .9 2* a 4. 00 3.87* a 3. 83 3.77 * a 3. 71* 3.65 a 3. 57 3.55 a 8. 48* 3.33* a 8. 27* A m sterdam . F ran k fort. H am burg. 56 a 56* 66 a 58 60* a 61* 61 a 61* 65* a 66* 65 a 65* 65 a 65* 67 a 68* 67* a 71 64 a 64 64 a 64 63* a 63* 61 a 62 62* a 63* 61 a 62 62* a 62* 61 a 61* 61* a 62* 62* a 63 61* a 62 61 a 61* 59* a 60* 59* a 61* 59* a 61 58* a 59 59* a 60* 54 a 54* 51* a 52 51* a 52* 52* a 53 52* a 52* 51* a 52 51* a 52* 51 a 51* 52* a 56* 53 a 53* 54* a 55 56* a 56* 58 a 59 60* a 61 63* a 64 66 a 56* 57* a 58* 61 a 62* 61* a 62 65 a 67 65 a 65* 65 a 65* 68 a 68* 70 a 71 65 a 66 64* a 65* 63* a 64* 61 a 62 62* a 64 61 a 62 62* a 63 61* a 62 61* a 62* 62* a 63* 61* a 62* 61* a 62 6ft a 60* 60 a 60* 60 a 61* 58* a 59* 60 a 60* 54 a 55* 60 a 52* 51f a 52* 52* a 53* 52* a 52* 52 a 52* 52 a 52* 21* a 51* 52* a 52* 53* a 54 54* a 55* 56* a 57 58* a 59* 60* a 61* 64 a 64* 49* a 49* 60* a 51* 54 a 55* 54 a 5 4 f 57 a 5 8 f 57 a 57* 56|•a 57* 59 a 60* 61* a 62* 55 a 55* 55*: a 56* 56 a 67 53 a 54 55* a 67 53* a 54* 54* a 55* 53* a 54* 58* a 54* 55* a 56* 64 a 55 54 a 54* 52* a 53 52* a 53* 52* a 54 51 a 52 52* a 52* 47* a 48* 46* a 46* 45* a 46* 46* a 47* 46* a 47 45* a 46 45* a 45* 45 a 45* 46* a 48 47 a 48 48 a 48* 49* a 50 51* a 52* 53 a 53* 66 a 56* Berlin. 98 a 98* 99 a 100 108 a n o 107 a 108* 114 a 117 114 a 116 113* a 114* 118* a 119* 123 a 124 111 a 113 112 a 114 113 a 114 167 a 108 111 a 111 106 a 108 108 a 110 107 a 108 107 a 108 110 a 112 107 a 109 107 a 108 104* a 106 105 a 106 104 a 107 103 a 104 106* a 107 94 a 96 92 a 93 91 a 92 92* a 93* 92 a 92* 91* a 92 90* a 91* 90 a 91 95* a 96* 93* a 94* 95* a 97 99 a 100 103 a 104 106* a 107* 111* a 113 The rapid change in the value o f bills operates disastrously up<*p all business. Many importers, indeed, cover their sales early in the season by taking options o f the bankers, who, in their turn, covered themselves with gold or produce bills. There were also many who were sanguine o f a further fall, and who suffered in the rise. These interests were all opposed to a rise in gold, which has becom e the point on which values turn, since, being no longer a currency, it is only a com m odity. The activity o f business on a cash basis has been accompanied with a continued abundance o f money ; the most important demand having been from stock dealings, and the rate has been 6 @ 7 per cent. The accumu lation o f money seeking investment has been large, and the investments in the Governm ent five-twenties have been greatly increased, since the fall o f gold made those stocks, as compared with specie, much cheaper. Thi§ sudden increase o f sales is attributed by many to orders on foreign account, which would compensate in some degree for a deficiency in exports in providing exchange. The prices have been as follows : 38S C om m ercial C h ron icle and R ev iew . [N ov em b er, P R IC E S UN ITED STATES P A P E R . -—6’s,18SI.—4 K eg. January “ (C “ u 3,.. 10,.. 17,.. 24, . 31... February 7,.. u 14,.. “ 21... (( 28,.. March 7,.. “ 14,. . «< 21,... “ 28,... April 4 ,.. H 11,... te 18,... “ 25,... May 2 ... 9,’... “ 16,... “ 23,... “ 30,... June 6,... 13,... “ 20,... “ 27,... July 11,... 18,... “ 25,... August 1,... “ 8,... 15,... “ 22,... 29,... Sept. 5,... “ 12,,.. <c 19,... “ 26,... October 3,... « 10,... “ 17,... 96* 97* 91* 95 92* 92 94 96* 100* 99* 104* 103* 104* 1044 1044 104 105 105* 106 108 108* 108 104 104* 103* 102 104* 104* 105* 104* 105* 1054 106' 106 106 105 106 106* 107 107* 107* Coup. 98 98 91* 96 94 93* 96 97* 102* 100* 104* 104* 105 105 105 105 105 106* 107 108 108* 108 108* 108* 1084 107* 105 106 106* 105* 106* 105* 107* 107 106 106* 106* 106* 106* 108 109 A u gu st 5’s, 1874. 88* 90 884 90 86 85* 87* 91* 97 94* 98 96 96* 97* 97* 96 96 97* 97 97* 97* 97* 99 99 98* 98 97* 98 97 96* 964 97 97 95 95 95 96 96 95 97 97 7 3-10, 3 voars. 102* 103 101 102 1014 102 102* 103* 105* 105 1064 107 106* 104| 105 105 106 1064 io o ‘ 107 107* 107 107 106 106 104 106 106* 106* 1064 106* 106* 107 107 106 106 1064 106* 106* 106* 106* 1 y e a rcevtif. Old. N ew . 96* 97 95 96 94 94 96 95 98* 984 ioo ' 100 100 99 100* 101 102 102 101* 101* 101* 101* 101* 101* 101 100* 100* 101 100* 101 101 101 101* 101* 100* 101 101* 101* 101* 101* 102* • 99£ 99* 99* 99* 99* 99* 97* 98 98* 97 98* 99 98* 99* 99* 99| 99* 99* 99* 99* 99f 99* 99| 99f 99* demand G old. lutes. 344 a 34* 37* a 38 49 k 46* 47 a 48* 55 a 60* 57* a 57* 5 3 * a 53* 53* a 64 71 a 71* 52* a 53 54* a 54* 54* a 54* 41 a 41* 53 a 53* 46 a 52* 53 a 53* 151* a 151* 150 a 150* 152* a 152* 149 a 149* 148* a 149 144* a 144* 146 a 146* 148 a 148* 142* a 143* 146* a 146* 132* a 132* 125 a 125* 126 a 126* 128* a 127 126* a 127 125 a 125* 1244- a 125 124* a 124 132* a 183 128 a 129 133* a 133* 189* a 189* 142* a 142* 146* a 147 151* a 152 29 35 43 44* 53 55 51 62 71 53 53 The amount actually sold abroad is, however, very small. A s explained above, the United States stocks can be bought cheaper in London tbafi in N ew Y ork . The continued large subscriptions by brokers, new banks, and others, towards the close o f O ctober, caused m oney to becom e dear and affected the price o f stocks. The situation was nearly the same as in June last, when the conversions to 5-20’s caused the rate o f money to rise to full 7 per cent, and induced a withdrawal o f the five per cent de posits with the Treasuryl On the 25th o f June notice was given that deposits would be removed, the amount on hand having fallen below the legal limit o f $100,000,000. The same dearness o f money now shows itself from the same cause, but the banks hold $25,000,000 o f 5 per cent certificates, heretofore paid in gold, but which ceased on the 1st N ovem ber. Those certificates may now be paid in “ greenbacks,” and thus ease the market. 1863.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 389 JOURNAL OF BANKING, CURRENCY, AND FINANCE. BANK ITEMS AND BANK RETURNS. U nited S tates B anks v s . S tate B anks.— W e gave last month an arti cle by one o f our bank presidents, on the question whether the banks organized under the National Currency A ct should be admitted to the Clearing-house, the publication o f which has elicited much discussion, and one political paper, we see, has impeached its loyalty ! The article in ques tion was handed us for publication, before it was issued in any other form, with the writer’s name, and it struck us as a very fair, unimpassioned dis cussion o f an important financial measure. W e shall gladly publish any article o f equal ability on either side o f the same subject. This United States Currency A ct is, however, to us a strange piece o f legislation. W e can say, with the writer in last month’s Magazine, that if the success o f this scheme o f banking were necessary to the suppression o f the rebellion, we could submit to it. But in what respect does it benefit Government ? The only suggestion in its favor we have heard is, that it fur nishes a demand for United States bonds as a basis for the banks. But even granting it does, what advantage is that, sipce these same bonds are depos ited with Government and circulation is issued on them, so that the sale o f the bonds amounts simply to the issue o f ninety per cent in currency ? W h y, then, could not Government have issued that currency directly, with out the previous sale o f the bonds ? Certainly, the inflation caused is just as great, whether the Government issued the notes directly, or indirectly through the banks. W here is the use, then, o f Government selling the bonds, and paying these banks five per cent interest for the privilege o f is suing through them ninety per cent in currency, when it, could have issued the same currency without the banks and without paying any interest? If any o f our readers can see how the country is benefited by this operation, we should be glad to hear from them, for we are sadly in need o f light. According to our view of the matter, the success o f this banking scheme, as it now stands, not only will fail to advance, but must be directly opposed to, the best interests o f the Government. W e publish this month the Circular o f the Controller o f the Currency, which has excited so much remark. It will be found valuable, as em brac ing the views o f Government at the present time and for future reference. . N ational B anks up to O ctober 14, 1863.— The follow ing is the offi cial statement o f the number, location, and capital o f national banks form ed up to O ctober 14, 1863. It will be seen that the total capital amounts to less than $ 1 3,00 0,00 0: C onnecticut —New Haven, Stamford, Norwich.......................................... D istr ic t ok C olu m bia — Washington City.................................................. I llinois— Chicago, Aurora, Cairo, Monmouth............................................ I n d ian a — Indianapolis, Anderson, Blufftown, Cambridge City, Center ville, Evansville, Fort Wayne, Franklin (2), Kendallsville, Lafay ette, Lawreneeburg, Richmond, Rockville, Terre Haute, Warsaw, Valparaiso.................................... ........................................................... I owa— Davenport, Io(wa City, Keokuk, L y o n s .......................................... K entucky— None. .$600,000 500,000 250,000 , • 1,621,500 260,000 39 M 0 u a iM & l a in e Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. — B a th ..................................................................................................... M assachusetes — Springfield, Worcester, Barre.......................................... M ic h ig a n — Ann Arbor, Detroit, Fenton....................................................... M issouri — Columbia, St. Louis................. . .................................................... M a r y l a n d — None. N e w H a m p sh ir e — Portsmouth, Nashua......................................................... N e w Y o r k — New Y o r k City (8 ), Adams, Ellenville, Delhi, Danville, Fiehkill Landing, Moravia, Rondout, Seneca Falls, S. Worcester, Syracuse, Watertown................................................................................ N e w J e r se y — Newark ................................................................................................. O h i o — Cincinnati (4), Cleveland (2), Akron (2), Dayton (2), Cadiz, Can ton, Findlay, Fremont, Germantown, Greenfield, Hamilton, Ironton, Lodi, Logan, Portsmouth, Salem, Sandusky, Upper Sandusky, To ledo, Troy, Warren, Youngtown............................................................. P e n n s y l v a n i a — Philadelphia, Carlisle, Erie, Girard, Kittaning, Holliday sburg, Huntingdon, Johnstown, Newville, Pittsburg, Scranton (2), Strasburg, Towanda, Wilkesbarre (2), Marietta.................................. R hode I sland — None. T ennessee — None. V e r m o n t — None. W isconsin — Milwaukee, Hudson, Janesville.. . . .......................................... Total, to October 14, 105 banks. [November, $100,000 800,000 250,000 200,000 200,000 1,840,000 125,000 4,458,000 1,721,500 375,000 Capital............................................ $12,776,000 On the evening o f the 22d o f O ctober, Mr. M cC ullough , Controller o f Currency, addressed a m eeting o f gentlemen at the Fifth Avenue H otel. The object o f the meeting wa£ to take measures for organizing a large national bank in this city— probably the same one that was contemplated as the Third. The following was the call issued: N ew Y ork, October 19, 1863. S ik— You are respectfully invited to meet the Hon. H ugh McCullough, the Con troller of the Currency, at eight o’clock on Wednesday evening, October 21, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, for the purpose o f a conference in relation to the establishment o f a large national bank in this city. (Signed,) Pater Cooper, John J. Astor, Jr., Freeman Clark, John J. Phelps, Morris Ketchum, David Dows, Paul S. Forbes, Joseph Stuart, E. D. Morgan, Jonathan Sturges, George Opdyke, Isaac N. Phelps, O. De Forest Grant, Isaac Sherman, A. Arnold, Elisha Riggs, B. H, Hutton. Besides the gentlemen above named, there were present H on. Samuel H ooper, o f Massachusetts, Chairman o f the Committee o f W ays and Means in Congress; Mr. H. B. Hurlbut, President o f the First National Bank at Cleveland, O h io ; Samuel T. Dana, o f Boston ; Mr. Leonard Je rome, General W in . K . Strong, Colonel Vermilyea, Mr, Jaques, V icePresident o f the Metropolitan Bank, Mr. Cisco, Mr. David Iloadley and others. After listening to the remarks which Mr. M c C ullough had to make, the chairman o f the meeting presented the follow ing resolutions, w h ich were ^ lo p te d : Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, and after listening to the able exposition of the necessity which exists for such an institution from Hon. H ugh McCullough, that it is expedient to organize a national bank in this city, with sufficient capital to meet the wants of the country, under the system recently inaugurated by CoDgress. Resolved, That the capital of said bank be $5,000,000, with privilege to increase the same to $50,000,000, from time to time, as may be fouud expedient. Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed by this meeting to select seven suitable persons as commissioners to receive subscriptions to the capital stock of said hank. . Messrs. Hutton, Grant, and Vermilyea were appointed a committee under the last resolution, and after a vote of thanks to Mr. M cCullough for his interesting and able address, the meeting adjourned. 1863.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 391 T he $50,000,000 L oan to G overnment .— W e gave last month the history o f the late bank loan to Government. The follow ing have been the payments on i t : N e w Y o r k banks. O ther banks. 5 per cent when loan was taken...........____ 10 “ September 2 0 ........................ ____ “ “ 2 7 .........................____ 10 10 “ October 3 .................................-----“ “ 19 . . .» ....................... 10 $1,750,000 3,500,000 3,500,000 3,500,000 $750,000 1,500,000 1 500,000 1,500,000 1,050,000 T ota l...................................................... ____ $15,750,000 $6,750,000 M aking the total p a id ................................................................ A n d leaving still to be p a id .................................................... $22,500,000 27,500,000 A m ount o f loan......... ........................................................ $50,000,000 But two calls have been made on this loan this month, on account o f the unusually large receipts at the United States Treasurer’s office from increased sales o f bonds and custom duties. The balance with the A s sistant Treasurer, October 23d, was $35,745,688 77. The banks receive interest on the whole amount o f the loan from the time it was taken, irre spective o f the dates on which they actually pay the m oney. A s yet the banks have not been troubled in the least to make their payments to the Treasury on account o f the loan. It may not be known to all o f readers that the loan committee was revived to equalize the holding o f the legal tenders among the banks, as the specie was managed during a late finan cial crisis. Then the specie was put into a pool and the banks which ran below a certain per centage were allowed’ to draw from the banks which accumulated, by depositing securities with the com m ittee. In this way, however, there was an inducement for each bank to keep up its line, be cause when it ran down, and the bank had to borrow, interest must be paid, and this interest o f oourse inured to the benefit o f the stronger bank. In the recent arrangement, the legal tender notes were all to be held as com m on stock, with this exception, that no provision was made for com pelling each bank to maintain a certain per centage. Thus, a bank which foregoes interest to hold a million in legal tenders really maintains this surplus at its own expense, but for an equal benefit to the institution that allows its surplus to run out. If the latter were obliged to borrow o f the former when its balance run down, and pay interest for such accommodation, the arrangement would conform to that made con cerning the coin when the loan com m ittee was constituted. S emi- annual B ank D ividends of B oston.— The follow ing table from the Boston Shipping L ist, presents the capital o f each o f the Boston banks paying dividends at this time, together with the last two semi-an nual dividends, and amount paid on Thursday, O ctober 1st. O f the fortythree banks in the table, the dividends average 8 .6 4 per cent. Three banks divide 5 per cent, two 4£, fourteen 4, fourteen 3$, eight 3 ; the Massachusetts Bank pays 3]- per cent, or $8 per share, and the Traders’ passes its dividend. The Metropolis is closing up its affairs. Sixteen o f the banks increase their dividends : / 392 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. B oston banks. A tlantic................................ A t la s .................................... Blacbstone............................ Boston, (par $ 5 0 )............... B oylston .............................. Broadway.............................. C it y ...................................... Columbian............................ Commerce............................ Continental.......................... Eagle...................................... Eliot...................................... Exchange.............................. Faneuil H a ll....................... Freeman................................ G lobe.................................... Granite................................ Hamilton.............................. Hide and Leather............... Howard................................. Market, (par $70)............... Massachusetts, (par $250). Maverick.............................. Mechanics’ ............................ Merchants’ ............................ Mount Vernon..................... Mutual Redemption........... National................................ New E ngland..................... N orth.................................... North A m erica................... Republic............................... Revere................................... Safety Fund......................... Shawmut............................... Shoe and Leather............... State, (par $60)................... Suffolk.................................. Traders’ ................................ Tremont................................ U nion..................................... Washington........................... W ebster................................ Total, Total, Total, Total, October, 1863.. April, 1863___ October, 1862.. April, 1862___ ,----D iv id e n d s . ---- » A in opn t, Capital. A p ril, ’63. Oct. , ’63. Oct. , ’63. $500,000 1,000,000 750,000 900,000 400,000 150,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 2,000,000 300,000 1,000,000 600,000 1,000,000 500,000 400,000 1 000,000 900,000 500,000 1,000,000 500,000 560,000 800,000 400,000 250,000 4,000,000 200,000 661,700 750,000 1,000,000 860,000 750,000 1,000,000 1,000.000 1,000,000 750,000 1,000,000 1,800,000 1,000,000 600,000 1,500,000 1,000,000 750,000 1,600,000 $38,431,700 38,631,700 38,631,700 38,631,700 2 8 31 4 41 31 31 3 3 3 34 3 4 4 S 4 si 41 34 31 34 $8* 3 4 3 31 0 3 4 3 3 8 31 3 3 41 31 5 0 4 4 31 4 3 31 4 4 41 4 31 3 34. 3 4 3 4 5 f3 4 4 5 31 31 4 $8 Si 4 3 31 4 3 4 3 31 31 31 Si 31 41 31 5 0 4 4 31 4 15,000 35,000 30,000 36,000 18,000 6,000 35,000 30,000 70,000 9,000 40,000 18,000 40,000 25,000 12,000 40,000 36,000 25,000 35,000 17,500 22,400 25,600 14,000 10,000 120,000 7,000 22,468 22,500 40,000 25,800 26,250 35,000 35,000 35,000 26,250 45,000 63,000 50,000 60,000 40,000 26,250 60,000 [November, Stock, dividend on. A p ril, ’ 63. Sep., ’63. ss 84 103 103 70 116 102 105 111 105 99 110 102 118 116 99 125 112 135 101* 102 74 260 100 114 99 99 103* 107 64 116 104 103* 111 104* 100 112 103* 120 118 100 125 114 140 105 103 75 270 100 114 100 101 95 115 96 105 99 108 102 95 130 72 147 86 115 116 104 105 95 115 99 105 99 108 105 9S 130 69 147 88 115 116 105 107 $1,384,018 1,297,750 1,204,000 1,190,500 B ank of F rance v s . B ank of S avo y — P ower to I ssue N otes.:— A great com m otion has been excited in com m ercial circles at Paris, by a singular affair. A t the time Savoy formed part o f the dominions o f K in g V ictor Emanuel, there existed a Bank o f Savoy with a capital o f only 4,000,000f. ($800,000), but possessed o f the o f issuing notes privileges o f establishing branches, o f increasing its capital at will, and o f being o f in* The dividend of the Massachusetts Bank is S 1-5 per cent (par $250,) equal to $8 per share. f Freeman’s not official. 1863.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 393 definite duration. In the treaty annexing the province to France, no special stipulation was made with regard to this bank, and accordingly it came within the clause by which France guaranteed to all companies and establishments in that province the maintenance o f the rights and privi leges they had enjoyed. After a while the directors o f the Bank o f Sa voy fancied that they had no chance o f maintaining their ground against the Bank of France, and they accordingly proposed to sell purely and simply their business and their privileges to that establishment. N eg o tiations took place and extended over an unreasonably long time. But at last they were broken off, because the Bank o f France would not co n sent to give the price demanded by the Bank o f Savoy. On the rupture o f these negotiations, the directors o f the Bank went to Messrs. P ere ir e , and these great financiers saw at once that the Bank o f France had com mitted a gross blunder as regarded its own interests, and that the Bank o f Savoy m ight be turned to account in a manner which it had not the sagacity to foresee. They entered into a provisional agreement for pur chasing the privileges o f the Bank, and about the first o f O ctober that agreement becam e definitive. The Bank o f Savoy, therefore, is theirs. W h en their purchase had becom e a f a i t accompli, the great fact that the Bank o f Savoy can issue notes presented itself, with appalling sternness, to the directors o f the Bank o f France. This latter Bank, as our readers are aware, has hitherto had the exclusive privilege o f issuing notes ; and it has certainly good reason to be troubled at seeing that great privilege invaded by financiers o f such high authority and vast resources as Messrs. P ereire . Yet, although the Bank o f France is determined now to make a vigorous opposition to the Bank o f Savoy, it appears that it not only peremptorily refused to allow the Bank o f Savoy to amalgamate with it, as the latter wished, and as the Emperor himself, it is alleged, desired, but that it would not even consent to buy up its privilege o f issuing notes, except for a sum absurdly small ($120,000), and except on the condition that the bank should undergo a com plete transformation, which would have rendered its other privileges useless, and have made it an abject dependence o f the French establishment. W h at is still stranger is, that the Bank o f France strongly recommended the Bank o f Savoy, for its own sake and for the sake o f the people o f the province, to continue its operations— that is, to exercise its privileges o f issuing notes, increasing its capital at will, forming branches, &c. “ The maintenance o f this bank is useful and necessary,” said the Bank o f France directors, in a “ m em oir’' (as such things are called there) which they drew up against the projec ted am algam ation; “ it is desired by the Bank o f France itself.” “ The Bank o f Savoy,” they added, “ has been useful; it is still indispensable ; its suppression would be evidently injurious, and even a political error.” These facts, as to the action o f the Bank o f France, came out at the meet ing o f the directors o f the Bank o f Savoy, held Sunday the fourth o f O c tober. After thus refusing to buy up the Savoy Bank, and after making such admissions as these, the Bank o f France has clearly no moral right to raise clam ors against that establishment, because, follow ing the advice given, it has resolved to continue to exist, and in order to do so effective ly has obtained the co-operation o f two distinguished financiers. It must be evident to everybody that if the Bank o f France thought the main tenance o f the Savoy establishment “ useful and necessary ” before Messrs. VOL. XLIX.---- KO. V. 26 394 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. [Novomber, P ereire had anything to do with it, the contrary opinion cannot with any decency be expressed now that those gentlemen have taken it in hand. The Bank o f France has clearly put itself out o f court. Nevertheless, we are told that this bank pnd its friends— in which term is included most o f the principal bankers o f Paris— will, on what they call public grounds, make a vigorous opposition to the Bank o f Savoy. On this point, we take the follow ing from the Paris correspondent o f the London Economist, O ctober 10 th : “ The Bank o f France and principal bankers in Paris have already succeeded in in ducing the Government Commissioner who attended the meeting of shareholders of the Bank o f Savoy at Annecy the other day to declare that a vote which was passed for increasing the capital from 4,000,000f. to 40,000,000f. (£160,000 to £1,600,000) must be considered as given “ under reserve a mere matter o f form, it is true, but still indicative of a wish to thwart, if possible, the arrangements between Messrs. P e r e ir e and the Bank. Judging, however, from the reasons the adversaries of that arrangement have already presented, the opposition is not likely to succeed. The first objection they raise is that as the Bank of France has the exclusive privilege o f issuing notes in France, no other establishment can be allowed to create notes. This objection would have prevailed if France had retained the limits she possessed when that privilege was granted ; but it is of no weight when applied to a new territory annexed to France, and the commercial establishments in which were, by the treaty of annexation, guaranteed the maintenance of all the rights and privileges they had possessed under the Government to which the territory had previously belonged. M. D u fa u re , one of the most learned advocates in this country, having been consulted on the matter, has expressed the opinion that the Bank of Savoy, by French law, un doubtedly retains under annexation all the powers it held before. Another objection vis that two sorts o f bank notes in a country will present inconvenience and even dan ger. But when you ask— why ? no answer is forthcoming. Great Britain and Amer ica know something of banking matters; and in both there is more than one species of note in circulation. Moreover, the Bank of Frauce has itself demolished this ob jection: in the •Memoir ’ referred to, it proclaims that, though the Government “ is favorable to the unity of banks and the uniformity of circulating paper,’ it has ‘ not interdicted itself from coming to a compromise with that principle, and from admit ting exceptions.’ “ While these, and other objections equally unfounded, are urged against the great act which Messrs. P e r e ir e and the Bank of Savoy have accomplished, loud praises of it are uttered by a large portion of the financial and commercial circles, and— no small thing— it is almost unanimously approved of by economists. In the first place, a strong conviction is entertained by these classes that banking—including in that term the power o f issuing notes—ought to be free ; and they consider that the setting up o f a bank of issue in the presence of the Bank of France is the first step toward ob taining freedom— the introduction of the wedge which is destined to shatter monopoly to pieces. In the next place, they think that as the Bank of Savoy can issue notes of oOf and even 20f., whereas the Bank of France refuses to go lower than 100f., it can give a great impetus to credit. In the third place, the Bank of Savoy will discount bills with two signatures, whereas the Bank o f France cannot by its charter accept less than three; and the former will thus relieve the higher class of commerce from a heavy charge— for the third signature is almost always that o f a banker, and he of course does not give it for nothing—whilst at the same time it can accept the paper of a vast number of petty traders, who hitherto have had difficulty in obtaining dis count accommodation. Lastly, the Bank of Savoy can discount at four or six month's, or even longer dates, whereas the Bank of France never accepts bills of more than three months, though in certain important branches of commerce such a short period is not adopted. “ The report presented to the shareholders of the Bank of Savoy, in their meeting on Sunday, may be considered one of the most remarkable documents in financial history. It shows, on the one hand, the almost inconceivable blindness o f a great fi nancial establishment; on the other, the acuteness of two eminent men. The Bank of France had the greatest interest in preventing another bank of issue from being tolerated in France; and yet it obstinately refused to come to an arrangement with the only establishment which could compete with it in that capacity. Messrs. P e 1 S03.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 395 , on this point, saw at once that what the bank so disdainfully rejected was nothing less than the most powerful instrument that existed in the financial world, apart from the Bank o f France— inasmuch as it would not only enable a powerful opposition to be raised to that establishment, but would be a sort of revolution in the financial system of the country.” r e ir e C ity B ank R eturns.— The returns o f the Boston and Philadelphia banks exhibit no marked changes during the month ; but in N ew Y o rk city there has been a loss o f nearly fourteen m illions in the de'posits, w h ile the loans have not changed materially, as will be seen by the fol low in g statem ent: October 3 ................. “ 10.................. “ 17.................. “ 24................. Loans. Net deposits. *206,442,874 206,906,902 206,638,749 204,013,870 *182,653,494 180,037,283 178,050,317 172,487,596 Not deposits • D ecem ber.. “ .. “ .. ' “ .. *3,427,279 2,616,211 1,986,966 5,562,721 Decrease in net deposits since September 26.......................................... *13,593,176 It is said that the N ew Y ork city banks now hold about fifteen m il lion in legal tenders. Below w ill be found our usual returns for the three cities brought down to the latest dates : N E W YO R K BANKS. N ew Y ork B anks. Date. January 3....... . “ 10....... (( 1 7 ,.... “ 24....... February 7 ....... ii 14,. . . ii 2 1 ,.... « 2 S „ .. . March 7....... “ 1 4 ,.... (I 2 1 ,.... (4 2 8 ,.... 4 ,___ . April ii i i ............ ii 18....... u 25....... 2 May ii 9 „ ... it 16....... ii 23....... “ 3 0 ,.... June 6 ,. ... it 1 3 ,.... “ 20......., . “ 2 7 ,..., Julv 4 ....... “ 11....... it 1 8 ,... . . it 2 5 ,..., August 1 ,..., “ 8 ,... it 1 5 ,..... . “ 22....... ii 2 9 ,...,. . Sept. 5 ,..., . . {Capital, Jan., 1863,169,494,577 ; J im ,1862, *69,493,577.) Loans. Specie. Circulation. Net Deposits. *173,810,009 !$35,954,550 $9,754,355 !$159,163,246 175,816,010 36,770,746 9,551,563 162,878,249 176,606,558 37,581,465 9,241,670 164,666,003 179,288,266 38,549,794 9,083,419 168,269,228 179,892,161 38,243,839 8,780,154 166,342,777 173,103.592 38,426,460 8,756,817 167,720,880 178,335,880 37,981,310 8,752,536 170,103,758 179,958,842 39,512,256 8,739,969 173,912,695 181,098,322 39,705,089 8,693,175 174,689,212 177,875,949 36,110,085 8,657,016 172,944,034 173,829,479 33,955,122 8,609,723 167,004,466 172,448,526 34,317,691 8,560,602 163,363,846 173,038,019 34,257,121 8,348,094 160,216,418 170,845,283 35,406,145 8,178,091 159,894,731 169,132,822 36,761,696 8,039,558 164,122,146 171,079,322 37,175,067 7,555,549 167,863,99# 177,364,956 36,846,528 7,201,169 167,696,916 180,114,983 38,002,633 7,080,565 163,656,513 180,711,072 38,556,642 6,901,700 168,879,130 181,319,851 38,544,865 6,780,678 167,655,658 181,825,856 37,692,634 6,494,375 166,261,121 182,745,080 37,241,670 6,341,091 162,767,154 180,808,823'• 37,884,128 6,210,404 159,551,150 177,083,295 38,314,206 6,120,252 157,123,301 175,682,421 38,271,202 6,004,177 15S,539,30S 174,337,384 38,302,826 5,998,914 158,642,825 175,087,485 38,712,397 5,927,071 160,733,496 173,126,387 38,254,427 5,880,623 163,319,544 173,036,336 35,910,227 5,775,188 164,133,549 176,208,597 33,746,681 5,700,452 161,173,146 176,559,840 8?,156,548 6,706,024 155,368,116 175,305,471 32,874,913 5,613,177 155,950,043 175,713,139 31,520,499 5,545,970 156,588,095 176,748,618 32,030,055 5,475,964 156,671,695 178,477,037 31,989,881 5,456,016 158,110,687 Clearings. ;$186,861,762 249,796,489 814,471,457 298,861,366 302,352,571 265,139,104 291,242,929 340,574,444 344,484,442 307,370,817 277,881,351 281,326,258 287,347,704 264,468,080 259,417,565 258,654,781 355,557,732 367,560,731 353,346,664 380,304,748 307,680,918 289,757,539 302,377,276 259,483,221 264,819,850 267,785,773 319,945,652 251,168,769 284,684,421 292,211,821 297,384,006 298,936,160 373,755,680 392,404,680 394,814,312 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 396 Date. Loans. Sept. * “ “ October “ “ “ 12,......... 19............ 26............ 8......... 10............ 17............ 24,............ Specie. 200,028,980 32,018,107 207,679,456 31,014,411 204,501,984 30,008,566 206,412,874 30,064,614 206,906,903 29,927,281 206,638,749 28,382,473 204,013,870 28,804,915 . B oston Circulation. Net Depostis. [November, Clearings. 5,457,366 178,538.622 371,510,559 5,414,643 185,576,199 343,263,949 6,377,886 186,080,773 354,208,025 5,375,586 182,653,494 375,932,63* 5,522,178 180,037,283 899,288,092 5,618,764 178,050,317 427,981,203 6,799,097 172,487,596 469,176,465 BOSTOK BANKS. B an ks. {Capital, Jan., 1863, $38,231,700 ; Jan., 1862, $38,231,700.) Loans. Date. Specie. Jan . 5 ,.. $77,339,046 $7,672,028 (t 12, . . 77,427,173 7,751,000 “ 19,.. 76,624,700 7,710,600 it 2 6 ,.. 76,354,000 7,710,700 Feba 2 ,.. 76,496,800 7,685,000 (1 9 ,.. 78,421,000 7,707,000 (( 1 6 ,.. 78,431,000 7,794,000 2 3 ... 78,782,600 7,624,000 Mar. 2 ,.. 79,127,500 7,653,000 “ 9 ,.. 79,274,700 7,582,000 *< 1 6 ,.. 79,636,134 7,609,238 (( 3 0 ,.. 77,935,000 7,572,600 April 6 ,.. 76,933,600 7,703,800 II 1 3 ,.. 74,551,01* 7,812,895 a 20, . . 73,459,160 7,799,315 « 2 7 ... 73,558,000 7,838,800 73,218,155 7,854,731 M ay 4 ,.. (( 11, . . 73,062,789 7,847,849 it 18,.. 73,068,598 7,794,046 (( 2 5 ... 72,874,000 7,777,000 June 1 .. . 73,424,000 7,751,000 K 73,692,000 7,738,557 8 ,. . n 15,.. 73,237,000 7,730,000 u 22, . . 73,851,000 7,697,000 K 2 9 ,.. 73,421,084 7,683,987 July 6 ,. . 73,548,918 7,744,827 18,.. 73,485,675 7,774,991 (( 20, . . 73,421,000 7,684,000 ti 2 7 ,.. 72,850,716 7,811,513 Aug,. 3 ,.. 72,390,364 7,793,916 10, . . 71,997,503 7,798,276 ti 17,.. 71,860,078 7,813,497 it 2 4 ... 71,447,520 7,780,905 it 3 1 ,.. 71,478,116 7,752,516 Sept . 7 ,.. 71,717,995 7,637,402 it 14,.. 75,599,232 7,591,589 it 21, . . 79,595,740 7,595,358 if 28 ,.. 78,358,387 7,707,106 Oct. 5 ,.. 77,798,427 8,042,062 it 12, . . 78,160,899 7,991,999 it 1 9 ... 78,216,435 7,880,832 Due to banks. Due from banks. $8,190,496 $33,872,648 8,873,000 33,063,800 17,006,000 8,199,600 33,382,000 16,547,800 8,008,500 33,847,000 16,811,700 8,865,000 34,076,800 16,889,000 8,074,000 35,178,600 16,932,000 8,001,000 34,903,000 17,070,700 8,002,000 34,965,500 17,331,000 8,001,980 35,245,500 17,523,500 8,225,000 35,215,000 17,340,400 7,780,062 32,955,149 17,230,300 7,593,800 31,604,500 17,074,400 7,963,600 32,687,060 15.444,000 7,762,915 32,494,822 14,557,000 7,278,506 38,209,742 14,132,000 7,040,000 32,781,500 13,303,000 7,433,496 31,949,762 13,237,700 7,688,283 31,309,985 13,147,000 7,167,327 32,192,770 12,863,500 7,011,700 33,000,000 12,787,000 6,913,000 32,575,000 12,735,000 7,030,286 31,728,285 12,626,700 7,109,000 31,477,600 12,235,500 7,344,500 31,355,800 12,504,600 7,040,624 31,477,596 12,888,000 7,473,800 31,509,263 12,233,000 7,508,442 30,277,502 12,193,000 7,401,600 29,287,000 13,802,000 7,246,797 28,011,671 12,950,000 7,317,402 28,384,096 12,655,000 7,440,212 28,247,266 12,822,673 7,198,917 27,898,073 12,765,527 7,303,757 27,610,154 12,662,321 7,227,704 27,762,955 12,614,000 7,527,036 28,778,498 12,379,000 7,600,556 31,143,588 13,424,000 7,604,161 34,609,214 13,565,000 7,620,371 34,495,540 13,315,000 8.107,720 35,435,811 13,498,000 8,399,769 35,734,989 13,909,500 8,323,451 36,127,597 13,506,500 13,520,000 13,727,700 13,958,000 14,490,000 14,183,000 14,095,500 14,583,800 15,004,000 14,446,500 13,434,500 11,601,300 12,280,600 12,947,800 12,658,000 11,966,700 11,622,600 11,800,000 11,732,000 11,748,000 10,704,500 10,874,700 10,541,000 10,914,700 10,900,000 10,891,000 10,712,000 10,154,600 9,864,800 9,646,000 10,135,180 9,603,257 9,573,673 9,820,500 10,874,700 11,097,000 11,487,500 12,138,000 13,765,500 14,123,700 13,967,000 Circulation Deposits. PH ILA D E LP H IA BANKS. P h il a d e l p h ia Date. Jan. 6 ,.. . “ 1 2 ,... “ 1 9 ,... “ 2 6 ,... B an ks. Loans. {Capital, Jan., 1863, 111,740,080; 1862, $11,970,130.) Specie. Circulation. Deposits. Due to banks, Due from banks. 137,679,675 $4,510,750 $4,504,115 $28,429,189 $6,948,785 $1,994,928 37,533,757 4,544,786 4,450,676 28,018,792 6,890,963 1,848,932 37,416,694 4,649,369 4,382.620 27,877,069 7,050,847 2,275,905 37,479,712 4,572,419 4,284,947 28,773,517 6,755,980 2,638,985 1863.] Date. Feb 2 , . . . it 9 ,... U 1 6 ,... it 2 3 ,... Mar. 2 a . . it 9; : : : “ 1 6 ,... it 2 3 ,... it 3 0 ,... Apr.. 6 , . . . t< 1 3 ,... 2 0 ,... tt 2 7 ,... May 4 , . . . 1 1 ,... tt 1 8 ,... it 2 5 ,... June 1 , . . . “ 8 ,,.. June! l 5 , . . . “ 2 2 ,... tt 2 9 ,... July' 6 , . . . “ 1 3 ,.., tt 2 0 ,... “ 2 7 ,... Aug . 3 , . . . “ 10,. . . tt 1 7 ,... “ 3 1 ,... Sept 7 , . . . tt 1 4 ,... “ 2 1 ,... tt 2 8 ,... Oct. 5 , . . . “ 1 2 ,... “ 1 9 ,... Journal o f Banicing, Currency, and Finance. Loans. 37,268,894 37,336,367 87,710,851 87,720,460 37,901,080 38,603,871 39,260,028 39,458,384 38,937,612 37,516,520 36,250,402 36,295,644 36,482,058 36,587,294 36,593,179 36,887,301 37,116,093 37,143,937 87,157,769 37,228,627 37,219,216 37,250,665 35,936,811 34,866,842 34,662,966 34,517,347 34,390,179 34,645,243 35,390,179 35,296,376 85,773,596 39,575,410 40,175,698 39,485,313 38,798,830 39,046,434 38,833,337 Specie. 4,562,680 4,319,706 4,272,347 4,276,761 4,267,626 4,249,035 4,247,817 4,247,688 4,311,704 4,339,252 4,343,242 4,343,988 4,346,877 4,355,324 4,359 865 4,357,119 4,357,169 4,357,021 4,357,076 4,857,025 4,356,744 4,359,543 4,360,745 4,360,003 4,361,999 4,227,448 4,187,056 4,112,013 4,112,542 4,113,309 4,113,162 4,103,115 4,102,701 4,116,683 4,227,265 4,239,551 4,238,677 Circulation. 4,181,503 4,039,918 3,888,185 3,772,781 3,696,097 3,608,870 3,534,880 3,295,862 3,369,194 3,374,417 3,296,685 3,185,042 3,078,921 2,989,428 2,901,600 2,866,121 2,808,109 2,706,953 2,649,283 2,621,098 2,596,116 2,556,855 2,564,558 2,507,253 2,482,986 2,418,463 2,417.739 2,380,720 2,353,396 2,292,607 2,258,306 2,223,533 2,224,632 2,224,374 2,193,000 2,169,314 2,159,688 Deposits. 29,231,753 28,062,164 28,759,049 29,342,696 30,178,518 30,679,259 30,549,587 30,106,135 29,171,283 29,531,559 30,117,527 31,059,644 31,021,79930,859,231 30,949,781 31,892,308 32,455,953 31,888,763 31,549,839 31,648,959 81,293,830 31,466,204 28,504,544 28,701,813 29,931,608 30,448,430 30,799,448 30,513,961 29,959,127 30,195,167 30,654,672 33,626,702 33,039,035 32,402,783 32,258,554 32,536,502 32,684,915 397 Due Due to banks. from banks. 2,909,857 6,698,210 6,953,215 2,518,036 7,452,563 2,432,073 7,413,249 2,703,196 7,185,670 2,758,852 7,100,258 2.499,139 7,476,603 1,939,449 7,418,482 1,935,014 6,501,758 2,158,007 5,768,558 2,770,129 5,953,809 3,014,229 5,306,809 3,018,727 5,448,124 2,559,868 5,828,898 2,891,087 4,975,989 2,542,792 4,640,623 2,586,279 4,623,392 2,480,714 4,707,278 2,363,548 4,645,712 2,313,744 4,911,425 2,892,278 4,868,495 2.065,913 5,116,692 1,820,600 5,060,096 1,961,814 4,784,343 2,530,552 4,580,322 2,981,867 4,805,045 3,034,009 4.963,290 2,772,717 4,740,391 2,538,096 5,161,573 2,158,440 4,551,031 2,219,071 4,574,037 1,997,534 4,997,015 1,801,678 5,079,742 1,802,889 4,616,754 1,822,228 4,427,097 1,976,561 4,446,681 2,085,819 4,361,072 1,926,707 The follow ing is a statement o f the amount o f United States legal tender notes held by the Philadelphia banks at the dates mentioned : June- 22.................. “ 29................... July 6................... “ 13................... “ 20................... July 27................... Aug. 3................... “ 10................... Aug. 17................... ......... 6,916,751 ......... ......... ......... 8,430,782 7,780,640 7,530,339 tt 31................... ......... Sept., 7................... ......... 14................... ......... “ 21.................... ......... “ 28................... ......... Oct. 5................... . . . . “ 12.................................. ......... tt 19.................... ......... $6,853,540 7,382,810 7,081,480 6,573,404 6,375,334 6,273,091 6,342,746 6,625,827 E uropean F inances — B ank of E ngland R eturns.— The past month, (O ctober 8,) the Bank o f France raised its rate o f discount to five per cent, a considerable amount o f specie having been taken from the bank. W e take the follow ing from the L on don ,Economist, as it represents pretty fully the alarming condition o f the London and Paris money markets, together with the cause and future, prospects. It will be remembered that the Bank o f France makes its returns not weekly, but m onthly : The condition o f the Bank of France is not, indeed, very alarming; there is not enough to excite a panic; but it is impossible not to see that there must have been 398 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. [November, much in it to cause apprehension for some time past. It is only at the moment before publication that the rate of discount has been raised. It is impossible to imagine a greater censure on the present managers. They are willing to suffer in silence and inaction a progressive drain till the moment at which it is known ; and just before it becomes known, they take in haste the steps which ought to have been taken long since, and which would have been measures of precaution, if they had been so taken. The account is this, in comparison with that of last year: 1863, 18G2. £32,824,076 Notes in circulation o f the Bank and branches........ £31,688,810 Drafts drawn on the Bank by the branches, or by the Bank on the branches, and payable in Paris or 184,430 the provinces. ........................................................... 226,869 179,438 Acknowledgments for money deposited................... 259,406 2,135,136 Public deposits............................................................. 3,468,368 '7,686,082 Private deposits............................................................. 7,785,349 Total liabilities............................................................... 43,428,862 43,009,162 Against a reserve of bullion o f.................................... 13,674,772 10,899,184 — which should have caused caution lately, but which should not cause panic now. I f we turn to the account o f the Bank of England, we find that it has been affected by several circumstances, but that, even after allowing for those circumstances, it is not in a satisfactory state. The figures relating to the banking department are : Public deposits........................................................ Private deposits.................... Seven days’ bills............................................. Total liabilities...................................................................................... against a reserve of £7,737,662. £9,510,057 12,893,642 777,032 23,180,731 It is true that the reserve is always low at this season of the year ; that the dose of the quarter always augments the active circulation o f notes and the circulation of coin; that, on the whole, this period is not favorable to the position of the Bank ; still the mere figures, after every .explanation and mitigation, are far worse than any to which we have long been accustomed. The reserve is much less than one-third of its liabilities, and one-third is the very minimum with which the Bank ought ever to be content, and of late it has usually been nearer to one-half. As to the absorption of sovereigns, o f which so much has been^said, we have heard that there is nothing unusual in it. W e believe that the issue o f sovereigns at the Bank between the beginning of April and the end o f October was nearly six millions in 1861, nearly seven millions and a-half in 1862, and that it has been only about six millions since the beginning o f April to the present time. There is, therefore, no ab sorption of sovereigns to be accounted for, and the various recondite speculations on that head are so much waste paper. Much more serious matter remains. W e now have : The stock of bullion in the Bank o f England.................................... £14,836,037 The stock of bullion in the Bank of France........................................ 10,899,184 Total....................................................................................................... Against last y e a r: Stock of bullion in the Bank of England............................................ Stock of bullion in the Bank of France................................................. 25,735,221 16,548,156 13,674,772- Total....................................................................................................... 30,222,928 Although the rate of discount, as will be seen by the comparative table in our city article, is considerably higher now than it was last year, still such a reduction of bul lion in the two banks together (which, now that the two money markets are so close ly connected together, and practically so very near, should for many purposes be added together) must necessarily make the money market of both countries sensitive and delicate. The liabilities of Europe, and o f England perhaps especially, are Urge. The de mand for bullion for India must be considerable: 1863.] 399 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. In 1862 we imported up to 81st July, (the last date to which we have the figures) of cotton from Iu d ia ............................................ In 1868 ___ %............................................................................................. £4,883,899 11,950,999 And from “ other countries,” which are really barbarous countries, and therefore ab sorb bullion more or less, we imported— Of raw cotton in 1862.............................................................................. £991,858 O f raw cotton in 1868.............................................................................. 3,678,347 and all this must be paid for. The number of continental schemes and engagements (for solvent individuals have subscribed to them) is very large, and they will undoubtedly pull heavily on our store of actual cash. Many of them are banks or loan societies in rude countries, and whenever cash is lent in or taken to such communities, it is long before more civ ilized nations see it again. The greater part of the companies which have been start ed have not absorbed much capital, and have taken abroad little money, and we have good reason to believe that the public have shown lately a discretion in their invest ments far surpassing that of any previous period. But, nevertheles, we have been gradually engaging ourselves in many foreign undertakings which will cause a very important demand On our bullion. On the other hand, the effect of our good harvest— at least, of the expectation of it—is already written in the Board o f Trade tables. W e imported up to July 81st: W h e a t........................ Wheatmeal and flour Total.......................................................................... \m . 1S63. £11,380,516 3,198,310 £6,864,080 1,944,517 £14,578,826 £8,308,597 showing a reduction of about £6,000)000. Too much credit however must not be taken for this circumstance in face of the general liabilities we have enumerated. It will especially be for the Bank of Eng land not to delay too long to raise the value of money in the face of large immediate demands, and of a higher rate offered for money by its principal competitor. BANK OF ENGLAN D. The following comparative table will be o f interest, affording as it does a view o f the bank returns, the bank rate o f discount, and the price o f wheat in London during a period o f three years corresponding with the date o f our last returns, O ctober 7 th : A t corresp onding dates w ith the w e e k en din g O ctober 7, 1803. 1861. 1862. 1863. Circulation, including bank post b ills ... Public deposits......................................... Other deposits..................... ............ Government securities............................ Other securities.......................................... Reserve o f notes and c o in ...................... Coin and bullion........................................ Bank rate of discount............................. Average price of wheat........................... £21,674,563 4,893,914 12,028,835 10,788,123 17,440,363' 7,859,634 14,141,519 8J per cent. 57s. Od. £22,137,670 8,333,779 13,530,122 11,252,666 19,751,704 9,828,331 16,548,156 2 p. cent. 51s. Id. £22,545,407 9,510,057 12,893,642 11,141,227 22,591,537 7,737,662 14,856,037 4 per cent. 42s. 2d. Subjoined is our usual table with the returns b rou gh t dow n to O ctober 7th, 1 8 6 3 : W E E K L Y STATEMENT. Public Date. C ircu lation . D e p o sits. P r iv a te Deposits. Securities. Coin and Bullion. Dec. 1 7 .. . £19,932,360 £8,507,144 £14,033,994 £30,539,363 £15,031,658 “ 2 4 .. . 20,150,398 §,654,499 14,306,497 31,346,731 14,870,795 “ 3 1 .. . 20,516,435 8,338,717 15,469,254 32,488,020 14,956,421 Jan. 7 . . . 20,927,993 8,782,808 14,393,308 32,620,233 14,635,555 “ 1 4 .. . 21,018,849 4,280,730 16,772,782 31,165,075 14,102,169 “ 2 1 .. . 20,893,931 4,965,798 14,993,225 30,227,086 13,855,849 -Rate of Discount. 3 pr. ct. 3 “ 3 “ S “ 4 “ 4 “ 400 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. Date. 2 8 ... Feb. 4 . . . If 1 1 ... (( 1 8 ... if 2 5 ... Mar. 4 . . . ft 1 1 .. . it 1 7 ... tf 2 4 ... Apr. 1 . . . 8 ... 1 5 ... 99 “ if 2 9 ... 6 .. . 1 3 ... if 2 0 ... “ 2 7 ... June 3 . . . “ 10. . . “ 1 7 ... “ 2 4 .. . Hay Jrdy 1 . . . 8 . . . 1 5 .. . 2 2 ... A ug 5 . . . ii 12 . . “ 19... 26... Sept. 2 . . . “ 9... it 16... “ 23... “ 30 . . Oct. 7 . . . “ “ Circulation. 20,771,236 20,709,154 20,444.454 19,916,496 19,715,828 20,322,055 19,801,665 20,012,331 20,136,276 20,965,228 21,279,339 21,326,S20 21,413,226 21,452,800 21,376,999 21,252,916 21,268,315 20,909,819 21,009,892 21,080,460 20,655,473 20,525,655 21,738,756 22,088,478 22,194,996 22,230,612 22,340,809 21,937,198 22,003,176 21,699,696 21,920,722 21,646,811 21,487,105 21,515,731 22,312,747 22,545,407 Public Deposits. 6,416,863 6,351,617 6,952,808 7,413,275 7,901,658 8,036,003 8,673,899 9,343,499 10,364,471 10,107,041 6,714,109 5,769,276 6,816,413 7,178,312 7,241,739 6,735,137 7,610,278 8,002,346 8,779,387 9,782,830 9,882,135 10,279,053 10,856,373 5,593,834 4,948,458 5,386,948 5,577,268 5,754,863 6,126,668 6,713,801 6,818,182 6,997,402 7,371 510 8,291,491 9,270,486 9,510,057 Private Deposits. 14,414,763 13,352,287 13,596,356 13,769,276 13,367,153 13,368,086 13,282,605 13,003,088 12,742,282 13,172,090 14,829,832 15,013,391 14,739,897 13,606,939 13,122,087 13,727,556 13,983,654 13,842,718 13,896,460 13,783,263 13,904,506 13,809,996 16,274,739 18,595,718 16,381,914 14,675,625 13,790,855 13,578,358 13,005,322 12,806,568 13,261,512 12,909,484 13,484,939 12,859,580 18.717,460 12,893,642 Securities. 30,238,865 29,997,233 30,288,406 29,890,503 29,709,079 30,880,805 31,096,327 31,482,170 31,896,338 32,775,752 80,946,784 29,974,677 30,182,533 29,994,849 29,718,602 30,201,120 31,484,815 31,412,190 82,389,044 33,240,192 82,750,953 32,756,459 36,490,515 34,647,836 32,052,521 30,975,774 30,2S9,227 29,657,833 29,603,127 29,322,757 30,180,384 29,919,543 80,601,940 80,960,809 33,751,403 33,829,764 [November, Coin and Bullion. 13,611,823 13,692,136 14,070,661 14,589,222 14,614,096 14,504,517 14,328,178 14,547,812 15,025,274 15,141,755 14,963,835 15,229,237 15,387,151 15,848,492 15,141,760 14,653,141 14,529,451 14,500,019 14,425,553 14,556,121 14,850,156 15,026,118 15,080,271 14,824,969 14,749,876 14,620,872 14,843,185 15,040,819 15,081,152 15,309,384 15,494,219 15,345,488 15,461,566 15,532,838 15,277,885 14,856,037 Rate of Discout. 5 tl 5 * 5 if 4 “ 4 ii 4 ii 4 if 4 ii 4 “ 4 “ 4 4 if 3 H “ 3 ii 3 if 4 “ 4 ii 4 “ 4 ii 4 •i 4 “ 4 Ii 4 ii 4 4 ii 4 ii 4 ii 4 * 4 “ 4 ii 4 ii 4 If 4 .{ 4 it 4 R e t u r n s o f t h e C a n a d a B a n k s . — W e give below the A uditor’s state ment o f the banks o f Canada for January, May, August, and September, 1863: January. Capital authorized................... Capital paid u p ....................... M ay. August. Septem ber. $35,266,666 $35,266,666 $35,266,666 $35,266,666 26,455,298 26/739,878 26,781,194 26,807,642 LIABILITIES. Notes in circulation................... Balance due to other banks.. . Deposits not bearing interest.. Deposits bearing interest......... Total liabilities................... $9,940,423 1,249,808 9,580,143 9,662,483 $9,024,240 1,836,314 10,119,578 9,940,333 $9,097,116 1,218,069 10,499,900 10,827,585 $ 10,121,221 648,306 11,216,590 10,904,879 $30,382,357 $30,920,465 $31,642,670 $32,890,996 ASSETS. Coin and bullion......................... Landed or other p ro p erty ___ Government securities.............. Notes or bills of other banks.. Balances due from other banks. Notes and bills discounted___ Other debts not before includ’d Total $5,615,519 1,974,786 5,027,739 1,132,788 2,143,238 42,458,413 2,629,681 $5,394,927 2,017,810 4,990,334 1,087,414 1,050,523 44,605,11 1 2,768,772 $6,913,042 2,058,953 4,802,248 1,424,161 1,683,838 42,048,243 2,908,427 $7,247,381 2,068,676 4,808,250 1,405,385 1,856,699 42,818,444 2,921,563 $60,982,218 $61,904,891 $61,838,932 $63,126,398 1863.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 401 OFFICIAL L E TTE R OF CONTROLLER MtCDLLOUBII. ANSWERS OF THE CONTROLLER OF THE CURRENCY TO QUESTIONS IN RE LATION TO THE NATIONAL CURRENCY ACT. W e publish the following important Government document, as it forms a prominent feature in the financial history o f the times, and should be pre served. O ffice of T reasury D epartment , ) C ontroller of the C urrency , V W ashington , J u ly 14, 1863. ) Most o f the questions presented to the Controller, in regard to the Na tional Currency Act, have been answered in the forms and instructions which have been sent from this office, and by letters to the interrogators. There are a few, however, that can be more conveniently and satisfactorily an swered in this form than in any other. 1st Question. Is there any “ reasonable dou bt” o f the constitutionality o f this A ct ? Answer. The constitutionality o f the A ct o f Congress establishing, in time o f peace, a United States Bank, with power to locate in the States branch es thereof, having been affirmatively decided by the Supreme Court o f the United States, the constitutionality o f the National Currency A c t is hot considered to be an open question. In ordinary times the constitutionality o f this A ct would hardly be ques tioned ; but in the existing emergency o f the Government, engaged, as it is, in a war o f gigantic proportions— with specie no longer a circulating medium— with a large internal revenue to be collected in the States and Territories, such a currency as is provided for in this A ct is an absolute ne cessity. To deny to the Government, through such agencies as Congress might create, the power to provide a currency based upon its own resources, would be not only to deny its sovereignty, but its authority to perform prop erly and safely its acknowledged functions. 2d Question. W hat are stockholders o f State Banks to gain by discon tinuing their present organizations, and organizing under the national law • Answer. The chief gain will .be in a circulation o f notes, which cannot long be secured through the agency o f State institutions. Legal tender notes have created a taste and prepared the way for a national bank note circulation. These notes, in all sections o f the country, have a better credit and are in greater demand than the notes o f the strongest banks. Country bankers, notwithstanding the largeness o f the issue, find it difficult to sup ply the Call for them, and are frequently under the necessity o f ordering them, at considerable expense, from commercial points, to meet the demand that will not be satisfied with anything else. The preference for these notes is not chiefly to be attributed to the fact that they are a “ legal tender,” but to the fact that they are Government money, and must be good, if the Government is good. I do not say that their general credit is not, in a measure, owing to the fact that thev are declared to be “ lawful money,” or that it was not necessary to make them so, to place them beyond the in fluences that might, at the time, have been combined to depreciate them ; but I do say, that the people, who control the currency, as they do the legislation o f the country, prefer legal tenders to bank notes, because they 402 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. [November, are Government issues, are receivable for Government dues, and must, eve ry dollar o f them, be redeemed, if the Government is maintained. The National Bank Note circulation is intended gradually to take the place o f the direct issues o f the Government. It is not expected that it will, at once, have the credit that has been attained by the “ legal tenders,” nor that the notes o f the National Associations, scattered from Maine to Cali fornia, will be o f absolutely uniform value throughout the Union ; but it is expected that these notes, sustained by the credit and secured by the re sources of the nation, receivable for all public dues, except duties upon im ports, and in payment o f all claims against the Government, and, in case of the failure o f the banks, to be redeemed at the Treasury o f the United States, will challenge, to a greater degree, the public confidence, and pos sess more uniformity o f value than can be attained by the issues of the best managed State institutions. I will go further than this: through the in strumentality o f Clearing-Houses, or lledeeming Agencies, which, in due time, may become a necessary feature o f the system, the notes o f the N a tional Banks, wherever situated, will be as nearly o f uniform value through out the Union as the commercial interests of the country will require. There will not be, in my judgment, for any considerable time, two sys tems o f corporate banking (one State and the other National) in the United States ; not that there is a necessary antagonism between the two systems, but because both will not be equally acceptable to the people and equally profitable to the banker. One or the other will fully occupy the field ; and. aside from the manner in which the National system is being regarded by the people, and the rapidity with which National Associations are being formed, it requires no spirit o f prophecy to predict which o f tire two is des tined to give way. The losses which the people have sustained by bank failures ; the inadequate protection which State legislation, with rare ex ceptions, has given to the bill-holders; the fact that the good credit o f the issues o f the strongest and best conducted State Banks, outside o f the States or the section where they exist, is not the result o f public confidence in their solvency, but o f the influence o f bankers and money dealers, who can as easily depress that credit as they can sustain it, and who do not unfrequently depress or sustain it, as suits their own interests or convenience alone ; that all the credit that State Banks have at a distance from home is arti ficial and unreliable : all these things have given rise to a wide-spread dis satisfaction with the existing bank note circulation, and created a popular desire for a circulation, o f whose solvency there can be no question, and whose credit will not be at the mercy of bank note brokers. The Government o f the United States is not to be overthrown by the attempted secession o f the Southern States, and the war in which it is en gaged. On the contrary, it will be vastly strengthened by the severe or deal to which it is being subjected— strengthened by the evidence, which is every day being exhibited, of its inherent power, and the conviction that is constantly spreading and deepening in the minds o f the people, that their personal destinies are identified with it— strengthened by the very debt it is contracting, and the evidences of value that are to based upon this debt. Banks whose issues are secured by the Government, and which are to become the financial agents o f the Government, will, in m y opinion, ere long, be the only ones that will be tolerated by the p eop le; and if the banks o f the older and richer States continue, as they have done, and are now to a large extent doing, to furnish the newer and less wealthy States 1863.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 403 with a bank note circulation, they will have to do it through the agency o f National Banks. In availing themselves o f the National Currency Act, for loaning their capital and credit to the people o f the new States, they will have the satisfaction of knowing that while adding to their own wealth, they are strengthening the Government, and creating a powerful influence against repudiation, by aiding in furnishing to the people a circulation secured by the stocks, and representing the unity o f the nation. Aside from the matter o f circulation, the National Currency A ct is as favorable to bankers as the banking laws o f most o f the States. Should it prove to be too stringent, it is safe to expect that such amendments will be made to it as will accommodate it to the reasonable requirements o f capi talists, and the want o f a great and growing nation. Question. W ill State Banks be furnished with the national circulation, according to the provisions o f the 63d section o f the A ct ? Answer. This section is a part o f the law, and must be obeyed. I have hoped, however, that very few banks would claim the advantages o f it. The engrafting upon a national system o f banking o f a provision that, to some extent, denationalizes it, was, in my opinion, a great mistake. Nor can I understand how State Banks, without the aid of State legislation, can avail themselves o f the provisions o f this section without violating their charters, or the laws under which they are incorporated. But if enabling acts, au thorizing State Banks to circulate the National Currency, have been or should be passed by the Legislatures o f the proper States, I should still re gret being compelled to furnish this currency to institutions over which the Government can exercise no supervision or control. I trust that few banks will deposit bonds and claim circulation, under the 6 ‘2d section, but that the stockholders o f solvent banks, who desire to connect themselves with the system, will do so, by availing themselves o f the priviliges of the 61st sec tion, or, what would be better still, by winding up their present State insti tutions, and organizing new associations, independent o f the old ones. The intention o f the law was to provide a national circulation through the agen cy o f National Banks, which should be subject to Government supervision and control. Nothing would be more sure to destroy the symmetry o f the system, or be more likely to bring it into disrepute, than a distribution among the banking institutions o f the States, (“ good, bad and indifferent,” ) o f the national currency. I must, however, obey the law, and unless pre vented from doing so, by a judicial decision or an authoritative opinion, I shall furnish circulation under the section referred to as soon as it can be provided. As notes will be first supplied to Associations, organized under the Act, it is not likely that State Banks can be supplied, to any consider able extent, before the early part o f the next year. Question. Is it expected that State Banks that may become National Associations under the 61st section o f the A ct will give up their present corporate names ? Answer. Before I entered upon the discharge o f my duties as Controller o f the Currency, the Secretary o f the Treasury, after much consideration, had come to the conclusion, as a National Currency was to be provided through the instrumentality o f National Banking Associations, that all such associations should have a common name. Persons forming associations under the act have, therefore, been advised to take the names o f First, Sec ond, Third, &c., National Banks o f the places in which they are established, according to the order o f organization. This rule is expected to be o b 404 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. |November, served by State Banks that may be converted into National Banks, under the 61st section o f the Act, as well as by original associations. If, in their new organizations, they desire to retain, in some way, their former corporate names, it must be done in such manner as will not inter fere with the symmetry o f the circulation which is to be furnished to them, nor render illegal their acts as National Associations. All who connect themselves with this system have a common interest in making it symmet rical and harmonious, as well as national. The retention by State Banks o f their present corporate names, some o f them long, and differing from others only in locality, would prevent this, and interfere with the uniformity which it is desirable to maintain in the national circulation. I know with what tenacity and pride the managers o f old and well con ducted banks cling to the names which their ability and integrity have done so much to make honorable ; but I would suggest to them that it will be an easy matter for them to transfer to National Institutions the credit which they and their predecessors have given to State Institutions ; that it is not the name o f a Bank, but the character o f the men who conduct its affairs, and the character o f its securities, that give to it the confidence o f the public. The Merchants’ Bank o f Boston will not lose a particle o f credit by be coming the First National Bank o f Boston ; on the contrary, its credit will be improved by it. Nor would the stock o f the Chemical Bank o f New York be a whit the less valuable, nor would its reputation be in the slight est degree lessened, by its becoming the tenth or the fiftieth National Bank o f New York. II. M c C u l l o c h , Controller. STATISTICS OF TRADE AND COMMERCE. BREADSTUFFS— EXPORTS TO GREAT BRITALY AKD IRELAND— CROPS FOR 18G3. I t will be seen by the tables which we give below, that there has been a great falling o ff in the export o f breadstuffs the past year compared with the two previous years. Prices, too, have been lower, so that there is a much greater decrease in the value exported. For instance, the price o f wheat at London, August 19, 1863, was 45s. l i d . p r quarter, or $1 38 per bu sh el; but at the same time in 1862 it was o U . 4d., or $1 82 per bushel. The whole amount exported tp Europe for the year from Septem ber 1, 1862 to September 1, 1863, is as fo llo w s: Flour, bbls. Wheat, bush. Corn, bush. Estimated value in U. &. currency. 1,692,992 25,510,504 10,403,313 $53,81 9,11 0 The com ing year still less will be needed in Europe from the United States. The excellent harvests in England and France will supply their wants in a great measure. The latest accounts from Great Britain, how ever, are not as favorable as those previously received— recent rains hav ing done much injury. Y et our advices are, that the surplus yield o f wheat,, contrasted with ordinary years, will be 1,500,000 quarters, and that the weight will exceed the standard weight (usually 61^ lbs.) by about 3 or 4 lbs. In view o f these facts, and the reports from the Continent, we must o f course expect a great falling off in the demand for our breadstuffs 1863.] 405 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. in th e c o m in g y e a r , u n le s s s o m e u n e x p e c te d e v e n t s h o u ld h a p e n , lik e , fo r in s ta n c e , a w a r b e tw e e n E n g la n d , F r a n c e , a n d R u s s i a . *In t h a t c a s e , th e o r d in a r y s u p p ly fro m R u s s ia w o u ld b e c u t o ff, a n d w e s h o u ld b e c a lle d u p o n to fu r n ish h e r q u o ta . E X P O R T O F B R E A D S T U F F S TO G R E A T B R IT A IN A N D IR E L A N D , F R O M SE PT. 1862, F rom to F lo u r, bbls. New Y o r k .......... Philadelphia.. . . Baltim ore........... Boston................. Other p o r t s .. . . 1,164,119 121,927 46,553 46,123 100,691 F lou r, bbls. 1 8 6 2 -6 3 ................. 1 8 6 1 -6 2 ................ 1 8 6 0 -6 1 ................ 1 8 5 9 -6 0 ................. 1 8 5 8 -5 9 ................. 1 8 5 7 -5 8 ................ 1 8 5 6 -5 7 ................. 1 8 5 5 -5 6 ................. 1 8 5 4 -5 5 ................. 1 8 5 3 -5 4 ................. 1 8 5 2 -5 3 ................ 1 8 5 1 -5 2 ................. 1 8 5 0 -5 1 ................. 1 8 4 9 -5 0 ................. 1 8 4 8 -4 9 ................ 1 8 4 7 -4 8 ................. 1 8 4 6 -4 7 ................ Total for 17 years. 1,479,413 2,672,515 2,561,661 717,156 106,457 1,295,430 849,600 1,641,2^5 175,209 1,846,920 1,600,449 1,427,442 1,559,584 574,757 1,137,556 182,583 3,155,845 22,983,842 sept. 1ST, 1 st , 1 8 6 3. Corn meal, bbls. 1,064 33 .. 50 "Wheat, bush. Corn, bu sh .' 20,471,480 1,134,318 306,105 9,836,826 201,368 270,074 16,088 10,000 1,255,307 Corn meal, bbls. , W heat, bush. 1,147 1,124 4,416 944 58 143 685 6,816 4,768 41,726 100 1,780 5,620 6,411 82,900 108,534 844,188 23,167,190 25,754,709 25,553,370 4,938,714 439,010 6,555,643 7,479,401 7,956,406 324,427 6,038,003 • 4,823,519 2,728,4-12 1,496,355 461,276 1,140,194 241,300 4,000,359 1,111,260 :123,098,318 Corn, bush. 10,334,356 14,084,168 11,705,034 2,221,857 342,013 3,317,802 4,746,278 6,731,161 6,679,138 6,049,371 1,425,278 1,487,398. 2,205,601 4,753,358 12,685,260 4,390,226 17,157,659 110,315,958 TO TH E C O N T IN E N T , FR O M N E W Y O R K AN D O TH E R P O R T S. 1 8 6 2 -6 3 ................. 1 8 6 1 -6 2 ................. 1 8 6 0 -6 1 ................. 1 8 5 9 -6 0 ................. 1 8 5 8 -5 9 ................ 1 8 5 7 -5 8 ................. 1 8 5 6 -5 7 ................ 1 8 5 5 -5 6 ................ 1 8 5 4 -5 5 ................. T o t a l fo r 9 years.. F lou r, bbls. W heat, bush. Corn, bush. 213,579 626,672 142,129 49,243 51,388 303,100 483,344 748,408 7,763 2,343,314 7,617,472 3,452,496 178,031 57,845 390,428 2,875,653 2,610,079 4,972 68,957 322,074 101,145 19,358 25,519 16,848 543,590 282,083 308,428 435,205 1,612,926 347,258 2,625,626 19,530,290 1,688,002 4,635,398 R y e , bush. 13,100 216,162 1,975,178 35,569 In connection with the above, the follow ing statement o f the crops for 1862 and 1863, as returned to and estimated by the agricultural depart ment at W ashington, will be found o f interest: The answers returned to the circulars for September, of the Agricultural Depart ment, asking information of the condition of the crops, are given in tenths, above or below the crop of 1862. During the summer the department made an estimate of / 40'6 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. [November, the amount of the props of 1862. This estimate was based on the census returns of 1860. As th& crop of 1859, which was taken by the census, was below the average, and that of 1862 much above, allowance was made for this difference, varying in its amount according as the agriculture of each State required. The general per cent increase o f each State was added. One fourth of the amount given in the census was struck off from the returns for Missouri and Kentucky on account of the war. Thus calculated, the crops of 1862 were made the basis for estimating those of 1863, accor ding to the tenths, increase or decrease, of each State, as reported by the correspon dents of the department. The summer crops, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, for 1862 and 1863, were as follows : Total 1 8 6 3 ...bush. Total 1862............. W h eat. E ye. 191,068,289 189,993,500 20,798,287 21,254,956 Barley. 16,760,59'? 17,781,464 Oats. 174,858,167 172,520,997 *1,074,739 |456,669 f l , 020,867 *2,327,170 The fall crops of corn, buckwheat,andpotatoes,for 1862 and 1863, were as follows: Corn. Total 1862................................bush. 586,704,474 Total 1863........................... 449,163,894 Decrease........................... 137,540,580 Buckw heat. Potatoes. 17,822,995 17,193,233 113,533,118 97,870,035 1,529,762 15,663,083 The monthly report of the department for September shows that the amount of wheat and flour exported to all countries for the year ending September 1, 1863, is 40,686,308 bushels, and of corn 11,680,343 bushels. The domestic consumption, then, is as follows: Wheat crop for 1862.bush. 189,998,500 Corn crop for 1862.. .bush. 586,704,474 11,680,342 40,686,308 Exported.............................. E xported.............................. Domestic consumption.. Domestic consumption.. 149,307,192 575,024,132 These exports and domestic consumption exhibit the relative magnitude of the for eign and domestic markets. The report examines the probable foreign demand for breadstuffs during 1864, and shows that the principal portion of our exports of breadstuffs are purchased in the English markets; that the average annual importations of all grains with Great Britain and Ireland are 94,278,949 American bushels; but in 1860 the importation was 135,3S6,434 bushels, and in 1861, 142,529,106 bushels ; that it was as great in 1862, but not so large in 1863; that from the present condition of the crops in Eng land, the demand for 1864 would return to the general average, rather than to the great amount since 1860 ; that the home demand for 1864 would be at least equal to that for 1863, and that the condition of the currency would remain as favorable as it now is; that hence the amounts of wheat and corn for 1864 would be as follow s: Wheat crop for 1863.bush. Domestic consumption___ 191,068,289 I Corn crop for 1 863.. .bush. 149,307,192 Domestic consumption___ j 449,163,894 575,024,132 Leaving for export......... 41,761,047 [ Leaving a deficiency of.. 125,860,238 — which must be provided for by greater economy in feeding, and a greater propor tional consumption of wheat. The number of stock hogs is about the same as in 1862, and about five per cent below a general average in condition. These were early turned on the frosted corn. The buckwheat crop is not as much injured as was generally supposed, because most of it is produced in the States of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, where the frosts of August 36, and September 18, did not injure the crops materially. The tobacco crop of 1863 is larger than that of last year by nearly 50,000,000 lbs., although the frosts in the Western States were very injurious to it. But about onehalf of the crop there had been gathered before the frost of September 18, and seven ty-five per cent more ground had been planted than in 1862. The hay crop o f 1862 is estimated at 21,603,645 tons, that of 1863 at 19.980,482 tons— a decrease of 1,623,163 tons. Its quality is good. * Increase, f Decrease. 1868.] Valuation o f the State o f New York. 407 VALUATION OF REAL AAID PERSONAL PROPERTY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, A t a meeting o f the Board o f Equalization, held at the office o f the Secretary o f State, on the 23d September, a majority being present, the follow ing resolution, on m otion o f Controller R o b i n s o n , was adopted: Resolved, That the valuation, as now fixed by the Board o f Equalization, and hereto annexed, and amounting in the aggregate to the sum of $1,454,454,817, be and the same are hereby adopted, approved, and cer tified, as the equalized aggregate valuation o f the real and personal prop erty o f each o f the several counties o f this State, and that the same duly certified by the chairman and secretary o f this board, be deposited in the office o f the Controller as the assessed amount upon which the said Con troller is to compute the State tax for the year 1863, and that the said equalization, as made upon each separate county, be entered in the book o f minutes o f the proceedings o f this board. A lb a n y . . . . . . . . A l le g h a n y . . B ro o m e. . . . C a t t a r a u g u s .. C a y u g a ........ C h a u t a u q u a ., C h e m u n g .. . C h e n a n g o .. . C lin to n . . . . C o lu m b ia .. . , C o r t la n d . . . . D e la w a r e .. . . D u tc h e ss. . . E r ie ............ • E s s e x ......... F r a n k lin ... . F u lt o n ......... G en esee. . . . G r e e n e ....... H a m ilto n ... H e r k i m e r ... Je ffe r so n . . . K in g s ......... L e w is ......... L iv i n g s t o n .. M a d is o n .. . . M o n r o e .. . . M o n tg o m e r y N e w Y o r k .. N ia g a r a ... . O n e id a ....... $39,640,693 9,148,321 9,021,100 8,548,366 22,292,079 14,316,820 7,210,263 9,812,797 5,662,707 21,915,177 6,237,819 8,194,252 33,871,584 47,086,595 3,355,377 4,227,845 4,154,490 15,931,530 7,759,662 605,010 10,404,468 16,458,826 98,147,604 5,391,577 17,041,338 13,380,495 30,174,825 9,659,631 547,416,030 15,285,475 24,709,962 O n o n d a g a .. , O n t a r io ........ O r a n g e ....... O r le a n s ........ O s w e g o ....... O t s e g o ....... P u t n a m ...... Q u e e n s....... B e n s s e la e r ... R ic h m o n d . . . R o c k l a n d .... S arato g a. . . . S ch e n e ctad y S c h o h a r ie . . . S c h u y le r . . . S e n e c a ........ S t. L aw ren ce S te u b e n . . . S u ffo lk ....... S u lliv a n . T i o g a ......... T o m p k i n s .. U l s t e r ........ W arren . . . . W a s h in g t o n W a y n e ....... W e s tc h e s te r . W y o m in g .. Y a t e s ......... $26,676,600 19,181,263 26,350,113 10,893,252 13,032,095 12,322,037 5,457,976 21,345,318 30,153,490 5,694,715 5,966,243 12,345,237 7,305,794 7,146,713 5,507,289 10,523,440 15,771,727 12,919,912 8,452,188 4,760,548 6,942,397 8,715,849 14,883,049 2,143,469 16,503,401 16,036,115 41,685,997 9,729,568 8,503,276 ,454,454,817 State o f N ew Y ork, s s : W e d o h e r e b y c e r tify th e fo r e g o in g to b e a c o rre c t tr a n s c r ip t o f th e o r ig in a l r e so lu tio n th is- d a y a d o p te d b y th e B o a r d o f E q u a liz a tio n . D . R . F l o y d J o n e s , L t. Gov. and Pres, o f Board. E benezer B la k ely, Secretary. TH E MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE COMMERCIAL C O N T E N T S VOLUM E X L 1 X . OF No. REVIEW. V., V O L . NOVEMBER, 1863. X L I X . NUM BER V . A rt. pack I. L I A B I L I T Y O F T H E G O V E R N M E N T O F G R E A T B R I T A I N F O R T H E D E P R E D A T IO N S O F R E B E L P R I V A T E E R S ON T H E CO M M E R C E O F T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S , C O N S ID E R E D . B y C h arles P. K i r k l a n d ...........................................329 I I . T E X T I L E F A B R IC S . F l a x , H e m p , W oo l , 8 i l k , a n d C otton ......................................... 355 I I I . B O O K -K E E P I N G ; W h a t a C l e r k S ho uld B e......................................................................... 362 I V . R U S S IA — P O P U L A T IO N O F M OSCO W , F IN A N C E S , E t c ................................................... 365 V. TH E SU EZ CA N AL. V I . C O M M E R C IA L L A W . W h a t H as B een D one a n d W h a t R em ain s to B e D o n e . . 367 N o . 7. N E G O T IA B L E P A P E R ; or , N otes o r H a n d a n d B il l s of E x c h a n g e ............................................................................................................................. 370 V I I . C O M M E R C IA L C H R O N IC L E A N D R E V I E W ......................................................................... 382 JOURNAL OF B A N K I N G , CURRENCY, AND F I N A N C E . U nited States Banks us. State B a nks.............................................................................................................. N ational Banks up to O ctober 14, 1863............................................................................................................ T h e $50,000,000 L oa n to G overn m en t.............................................................................................................. Sem i-annual Bank D ividen ds o f B o sto n ........................................................................................................ 389 389 391 Bank o f F ran ce rs . Bank o f S a v o y ................................................................................................................ C ity Bank R etu rn s................................................................................................................................................. E uropean F inan ces— Bank o f England R e tu r n s ....................................................................................... R eturns o f the Canada B a nks............................................................................................................................ 392 395 397 400 391 Official L etter o f C ontroller M cC ullough—A nsw ers o f the C ontroller o f the C urrenoy to Ques tion s in R elation to the N ational C u rren cy A c t .................................................................................. 401 STATISTICS OF T R A D E AND COMMERCE. Breadstuffs— E x p orts to G reat Britain and Irelan— Crops in U. S. for 1863..................................... 4 0 4 Valuation o f Real and Personal P ro p e rty o f the State o f N e w Y o r k ................................................. 407