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\ THE MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE, !E §ta.M is5iccl J’l a l y , 1 8 3 0 , BY FREEMAN RUNT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. VOLUME XI. NOVEMBER, CONTENTS 1844. N U M BER V. OF NO. Y, YOL. NI. A RT I C L E S . ART. PA G E . I. Duties on Portuguese Wines. By C harles E dwards, Esq., Counsellor at Law, 395 II. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana...... .......................................................... 411 III. Banking in the United States. By J ames H. L anman,....................................... 424 IV. Mercantile Biography— Henry Laurens,............................................................... 439 V. The Fair o f the American Institute...................................................................... 444 VI. The Question fo r Accountants, and a Question fo r Accountants. By W illiam B. H eriot, of South Carolina,................................................................................. 449 VII. A rt and Science Applied to Commerce, No. 3. Ship-Building— Pine Wood— Improvement in the Manufacture o f Iron.............................................................. 450 MONTHLY COMMERCIAL CHRONICLE, EMBRACING A FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC., ILLUSTRATED WITH TABLES, AS FOLLOWS : Imports (quarterly) into New York, for the year ending 30th Sept., 1843 and 1844,. Customs Duties paid at New York, (quarterly,) 1843 and 1844,................................... Exports (quarterly) of the Port of New York, in 1843 and 1844,................................ Drawback on Foreign Goods exported from New Yoik, in 1843 and 1844,.............. Imports (quarterly) into New York, from 1832 to 1844,................................................ Boston Bank Dividends in 1842,1843, and 1844,........................................................... Prices of Stocks in the New York Market, at different periods,.................................. Pro-Forma Account of Shipment of Mexican Dollars from New York to London,. Table showing the Rate of Exchange produced by Shipment of Spanish, Mexican, United States, or other Dollars, froi# New York to London,..................................... Pro-Forma Account of Shipment of Mexican Dollars from New York to Paris,....... Table showing the Rate of Exchange on Paris, produced by a Shipment of Spanish, Mexican, or other dollars, from New York to Paris,................................................... 451 451 451 451 452 452 453 454 454 454 455 M E R C A N T I L E LAW D E P A R T M E N T . Decisions in the Supreme Court of Louisiana,................................................................. Suit to Recover Balance on ah Account Current,............................................................ Collision—Steamer Ohio Belle and Schooner Creole,...................... :............................. Bills of Exchange—Northern Bank of Kentucky us. Leverich,........ .................... . VOL. XI.— NO. V. 32 457 457 459 460 Table o f Contents. 394 PA.Q4E. COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. Tariff of Charges established by the Chamber of Commerce of St. Louis, to govern Merchants, Sept. 3, 1844,............................................................................................... Now Belgian Tariff of Customs Duties,.................................................. ......................... Regulation relative to Brazil Wood—Tonnage Duties of Brazil,.................................. Overland Route to India,..................................................................................................... Newspaper Postage abolished at Porto Rico,.............................................. ..................... Vessels bound to Porto Rico,.............................................................................................. United States Treasurer’s Explanation on the Duty on Coffee,.................................... 462 463 464 465 465 465 466 NAUTICAL INTELLIGENCE. Island of Ichaboe—Sailing Directions for the Island of Ichaboe,................................. Gangway Rock of Iiyannis,....................................................................................... - ...... Lights on the Toringen and Sandvigsodde,...................................................................... Lighting of the Lights on Udsire,....................................................................................... Lighthouse on the Island of Bangoe,................................................................................. Floating Light moored offFalsterbo—New Invention for Sailing Ships,.................... Passage of the Dardanelles,......................... ....................................................................... 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. Export of Agricultural Produce from the United States, for last 16 years,................. Exports of Domestic Produce from U. States to Great Britain, for last 16 years,...... Total Value of Agricultural Produce exported from the U. States, for last 16 years,. Exports of Cotton, and all other Produce, for last 23 years,........................................... Agricultural Produce and Consumption of the United States, for 1840, ’42, and ’43, Imports and Exports of the United States in each year, from 1821 to 1843,............. 470 471 472 473 473 474 MERCANTILE MISCELLANIES. Commerce of the Prairies, or the Santa Fe Trade,.......................................................... Poetry of Commerce—The Emigrant Ship, by J. R. Dix,............................................. Commerce, Manufactures, and Agriculture—Traflic with Africa,................................ Breach of Trust in Merchants’ Clerks,............................................................................. A Paragiaph of Commerce, translated from the German of Frederika Bremer,....... First Sale of American Hay at Liverpool,....................................................................... African Guano Trade,.......................................................................................................... Gold Coin—Counterfeit Sovereigns,.................................................................................. Bank of Jones, Loyd & Co., Manchester—Book-keeping,............................................ Wool of the Alpaca—American Provisions in England,................................................ Example of Mercantile Integrity,....................................................................................... Lake Superior Copper Company,....................................................................................... American Cheese in England—Imprisonment for Debt,................................................ 475 476 476 477 477 477 478 479 479 480 481 482 482 T H E BOOR T R A D E . Neal’s History of the Puritans—Anthon’s Homer’s Iliad—Fenelon on the Bible,...... Zschokke’s Social Life in Europe—Southgate’s V ^it to the Syrian Church,................ Ives’s (Bishop) Apostles’ Doctrine and Fellowship—Country Strolls.......................... Robert Hall’s Works—Blair’s Sermons—Hooker’s (Richard) W orks,.......................... Vandenhoff’s Clay Code, or Text-Book of Eloquence,................................................... Annuals: The Opal, for 1845—The Gift, for 1845,........................................................ Ranke’s History of the Popes—Barrett’s (Elizabeth) Poems— Simms’s Life of Marion, Davidson’s Sacred and Profane History—Luther’s (Martin) Galatians,........................ Willard’s (Emma) System of Universal History—Christian Fragments,..................... Works of Charlotte Elizabeth—Hastings’ and Bradbury’s Psalmodist,........................ Works in Pamphlet form, received since our last,........................................................... 483 484 484 485 485 48G 486 487 487 487 488 HUNT’S MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE. N O V EM B ER , 1844. A m .'X—D U T IE S ON PO R TU G U ESE W IN ES. T k e late circular of the Secretary of the Treasury, instructing collec tors and naval officers as to w hat duty shall be taken on the importation of the white and red wines of Portugal, has caused much discussion among m ercantile men. T he point involved was an interesting and a very se rious one. Our relations with Portugal, heretofore so friendly, w ere in danger of being severed : for we w ere, under the last tariff, claiming du ties on these w ines which amounted to prohibition ; while, by treaty, Por tugal w as rightly put on a footing with the most favored nations. T he subject has been clung to, and treated by the Commander De Figaniere, m inister for Portugal, w ith ability and diplomatic ta c t; while the officers of our own government have looked thoroughly into the sub ject, and not been unmindful of the rights of the United States. T he w riter of this article believes that a fair exposition of the case will conclusively show that Mr. Secretary B ibb’s views, (as expressed in his circular,) are sound; namely, that the following rates of duty, being those at w hich sim ilar wines of the most favored nations are now admitted to entry, are all that can legally be ex acted :— “ On Madeira, and other white w ines of Portugal and its possessions, w hen imported in casks, seven and a h alf cents per g a llo n ; when imported in bottles, fifteen cents per gallon. On port, and other red wines of the same country, w hen import ed in casks, six cents per g a llo n ; and when imported in bottles, fifteen cents per gallon, (the bottles being chargeable with a separate duty, agreeably to law .” ) It may give an additional interest to this article, w hen we say w e draw some of our resources as w ell from congressional documents as from head quarters ; and yet we do not feel disposed to say how w e got possession of one, at least, of the documents we shall use. Suffice it to add, that even our government will not gainsay its authenticity. L et us now go to the case. At the expiration of the revenue law known as “ the compromise act,” a statute was approved on the 11th of Septem 396 Duties on Porlvgnc.se Wines. ber, 1841, w hich imposed ad valorem duties on wine. T he Portuguese government directed their m inister to rem onstrate against this act, on the ground of its infringing the spirit, if not the letter, of the treaty between Portugal and the United States, the ratification of which was exchanged on the 24th of April of the same y e a r ; and to contend that Portuguese wine could not be subject to a duty higher in amount, or different in form, than was then, or might thereafter be, imposed on the wines of other n a tions ; and that an ad valorem duty did, necessarily, subject the w ine of Portugal to a higher duty in amount, although not in form ; and also that, in changing the latter from a specific to an ad valorem duty on wine, it was a deviation (to the disadvantage of Portugal) from a long established system, adopted ever since the first tariff, in 1789. W hile the question was pending, came the tariff of August, 1842. It re-imposed specific duties on w ine ; but the Portuguese government con sidered that it saw how treaty stipulations were again infringed ; for the wine of Portugal, (i. e., the wine distinguished as M adeira and Port, and all wine of Portugal in bottles,) was selected for the imposition of the heavy specific difference of 1,000 per centum more on the M adeira, when compared with the duties on other wines, (some of w hich w ere far more costly than the Portuguese wine,) and of 250 per centum more on Port th an on other foreign wines. At this point, the Portuguese m inister was alive ; and, on his rem onstrating, a clause was inserted in the act, provi ding that it should not be construed, or perm itted so to operate, as to interfere with subsisting treaties. As the act then stood, and as no legislative relief appeared at hand, the Portuguese legation corresponded with our Executive. W e now refer to this correspondence, as we shall gather argum ent from it. T he Com mander D e F iganiere thus w rites to Mr. W ebster, on the 25th of August, 1842 :— “ Her Majesty’s Government understands the third article of the treaty of the 26th August, 1840, between Portugal and the United States, as expressly, clearly, and positively stipulating that all the wines of Portugal and of its possessions, on their importation into the United States, can be subject but to one duty alone; and that this duty shall not exceed the lowest which may be imposed on the wines of any other country; and that the only distinction which the said article of the treaty might admit, could be, perhaps, a difference between the white and red wines; but in both cases subject to a uniform duty respectively, and no higher in either case than that which may be imposed on other most favored white and red wines. In deed, this was one of the principal motives which led the Queen’s Government to conclude the existing treaty with the United States. Aware that the American tariffs had heretofore made distinctions in the various wines, the produce of Por tugal and of its possessions, the treaty was intended to do away with these diffe rences, which were generally prejudicial to Portuguese wines, when compared with the duties laid upon those of other countries, which, under the treaty, could be no longer similarly favored. And that this was the real purport of the stipula tion under consideration, is evident from the explanatory proviso inserted at the end of the said third article, respecting the then existing convention of 1831 be tween the United States and France. This clause would have been unnecessary, if the wines of Portugal and its possessions had been deemed unlike articles, in reference to French wines; and if we look into that convention, lately expired, we shall find that it stipulated the duty on French wines should not exceed, on the red wines, without reference to names, quality, cost, or value, six cents per gallon, on the white, ten cents, and those in bottles, twenty-two cents. “ Could the wines of Portugal, of Madeira, and of the Azores be subject, not withstanding the treaty, to a higher or other duty than the wines of France, or of Spain, &c., because they bear a different name, or have a different flavor, to what Duties on Portuguese Wines. 397 other equivalent, in lieu thereof, the undersigned will respectfully inquire, would Portugal be entitled to, for admitting Kentucky tobacco, Carolina rice, Richmond fiour, and other produce of the United States, on a parity in the rate of duty with Bahia tobacco, Para rice, similar flour, and other produce of other countries ? “ Were Portuguese wines not to be considered, in the language of this treaty, “ tike articles” or wines of other countries, the treaty itself, the undersigned would venture to say, would be then of no avail to Portugal and its possessions, (mostly wine-growing countries,) and its stipulations without meaning, or the possibility of compliance for the due and intended protection of Portuguese wines; when, and at the same time, the American Government, and also the Government of her Ma jesty, consider the same stipulations as restraining Portugal from laying liiglter or other duties on the produce of the United States than on the like produce of other countries, although the former be distinguished by the name of the State where produced, or may cost more, or be of a higher value than the latter. This is the case with the articles just mentioned, (mostly all differing in quality, color, cost, and value,) as with w ines; and nevertheless are subject, respectively, to one and the same duty, whether imported from the United States, Cuba, or Brazil; and so likewise the treaty literally and intentionally includes the article wine. “ The undersigned will submit to the consideration of Mr. Webster one more illustration, which he thinks will tlirow additional light upon the subject. He will advance, (and it will be conceded,) that, under the terms of the treaty, the grapes of Lisbon, for instance, of Madeira, or of Oporto, would be uniformly taxed, when imported into the United States; and that on neither could be levied a higher duty than on the grapes of France or of Spain: it follows, of course, that no difference can be made, as respects duties, in the juice of these various grapes of Portugal and its possessions, notwithstanding it may be called Port, Lisbon, or Madeira wine; nor can it, according to the treaty, be subjected to a higher or other duty than that which may be laid on the juice of the French or Spanish grape, however the one be jailed Burgundy, and the other Malaga wine.” On the 10th of November, in the same year, the Portuguese minister proposed to our then secretary of state, Mr. W ebster, that instructions should be given (to the same effect, in fact, as really has been since given by the circular of Secretary Bibb, namely,) that the proper custom-house officers should cease to levy higher or other duties on wines of Portugal and her possessions, w hether in casks or bottles, than were levied by the act of the 30th of August, 1842, on the w ines, in casks or bottles, of the most favored n atio n s; and to refund the excess of such duties as had been wrongfully, as was insisted, paid. And his Excellency ended his letter th u s:— “ You will undoubtedly have observed, sir, that, in this respect, Portugal asks for no special favor for her produce. She simply claims the fulfilment of a reciprocal engagem ent, to be treated upon an equality with other nations which have like produce with herself, and similar existing stipulations with the United States. In fact, Portugal but insists upon the common axiom, that the same causes must produce the same effects; con sequently, that her w ine must be upon an equal footing, in the revenue laws of the U nited States, with (for instance) the w ine of Prussia, which is uniformly taxed in the act of the 30th of August, although that country produces, and exports to this, wine as varied in quality, flavor, and cost, as is imported from Portugal and its possessions.” W e now come to an important document from the treasury department, dated January 10,1843, being a communication from Mr. Forw ard, secretary of the treasury, to Mr. W ebster, secretary of state, from which wo make the following extract. It will be found adverse to the views and wishes of the Portuguese legation :— 398 Duties on Portuguese Wines. “ It appears from the notes of the minister of Portugal, that, previously to the passage of the tariff act of 30th August last, and while the revenue law of 11th September, 1841, was still in force, under which duties ad valorem were levied on all wines imported into the United States, complaint was made, on the part of Por tugal, of the effect of that law, as violating, if not the letter, the spirit of the treaty between the United States and Portugal, concluded on the 26th August, 1840. The reply of the department of state to this complaint, under date of the 9th Feb ruary last, in the opinion of this department, placed the subject in its true light, and showed conclusively that the act of 11th September, 1841, did no violence to the treaty with Portugal, either in letter or spirit. “ On the passage of the act of 30th August last, in which specific duties are levied on all wines imported into the. United States, it appears that renewed remon strances were made by the minister of Portugal against alleged infractions of treaty stipulations, effected by the provisions of that act. These allegations, it is con ceived, are of no greater force than those formerly urged. In adjusting the rates of specific duties ad valorem on wines, it is assumed and believed that Congress acted with a special reference to the foreign values of the several kinds of this product; and in good faith intended, and did, in effect, attain as near an approxi mation to equivalent rates of duty, if charged on such values, as the complicated and uncertain nature of the subject would admit. This being conceded, it must be obvious that the objections presented in the notes of the minister of Portugal, of the 25th August and >0th November last, to the provisions of the act of 30'ch August, 1842, find their satisfactory answer in the note from the department of state, of 9th February la st; for, as “ neither of the contracting parties, in making the treaty, could have supposed itself precluded from the ordinary modes of exer cising its own power of making laws for raising revenue in its own accustomed modes,” the system of specific duties, or that of duties ad valorem, might unques tionably b^adopted by either government, at its own discretion, without any in fraction of treaty stipulations, although some inconvenience might unhappily follow, as an incident to the commercial interest of one or the other of the con tracting parties. In reference to the argument of the minister of Portugal, founded on the occurrence in the treaty of the phrase, “ like articles,” it is thought suffi cient by this department to express its concurrence in the opinion given in the note from the department of state, before referred to, that the wines of different places, or different character or designation, are, in fact, separate articles, liable, on their several importations, to be charged with different duties by this govern ment, without any violation of our treaty with Portugal. “ It may be added that, on an examination of the subject, with reference to the actual effect of the law, and taking the quantity and value of the various wines imported during 1841 as the basis of calculation, it does not appear that Portugal has any just reason to complain. The following table will show that, while the Madeira wine of Portugal, under the specific duty of 60 cents per gallon, pays a duty equivalent to 34.41 per cent ad valorem, all the principal wines of other coun tries, with scarcely a single exception, pay a higher rate ad valorem—some much higher; and several of them double the amount; and that, in the few instances in which a lower rate is paid by “ other countries,” the amount of importations is so small as to be hardly worthy of consideration. W ines imported in 1841. Duty, act Equiv. ad Wines. Galls, imp. For. cost, of 1842. Duties. val. duty. Madeira,.................................... 139,870 $243,827 60 cts. $83,922 00 34.41 p .c t Sherry,...................................... 133,876 141,793 60 80,325 60 56.65 “ Sicily,......................................... 420,887 146,689 25 105,221 75 71.73 “ Red of France,......................... 1,670,037 254,244 6 100,202 22 39.41 “ Other of France,...................... 683,036 156,541 6 40,982 16 26.18 « French, in bottles,.................... 259,761 451,110 35 90,916 35 20.15 “ Red of Spain, or...................... 302,584 59,007 12J 37,823 0 0 64.09 “ Other of Spain, or.................. 961,310 267,903 12J 120,163 75 44.85 « Of other countries, in casks,... 392,898 241,331 ... ........... Duties on Portuguese Wines. 399 W in es of other . C ountries , in casks. Duty, act Galls, imp. For. cost, of '42. Wines. From England,................ .......... 9,807 $9,952 15 Ct5. Tenerifle, and other Canaries,.... 81,164 36,108 20 Portugal,....................................... 255,476 169,728 G Fayal and Azores....................... . 30,651 G 11,921 Italy,........................................... 2,006 6,032 124 Sicily,............................................. 11,370 4,325 15 Other countries,......................... . 2,424 3,265 15 Total,............................... . 392,898 §>241,331 Equiv. ad Duties. val. duty. $ 1,471 05 14.78 p. ct. 16,232 80 44.95 « 15,328 56 9. 715 26 6. “ 250 75 4.15 “ 1,705 50 39.43 “ 363 60 11. “ $36,067 52 “ Viewing the question, then, in every respect, it must be apparent that the good faith of the government of the United States has been inviolably preserved towards Portugal, as it regards the existing treaty; and, with these views, this department can perceive no just ground to advise an interposition, on the part of the President, under the provision of law referred to by the minister of Portugal. A copy of this document was sent by Mr. W ebster to the Portuguese minister, and it brought out the long-gun of the latter, as we shall see by the following letter addressed to Sir. W ebster, dated the 21st of January, 1843. T his “ long-gun” carries far, but we are compelled to extract such portions, only, as bear more immediately upon the question. “ The ground of that decision (Mr. Forward’s) is based upon a note of Mr. Webster, of the 9th of February last, addressed to the undersigned, in reply to a former claim, arising from an act of Congress which has expired; but which reply, it seems, Mr- Forward has deemed pertinent to the new remonstrance, without considering that the points of the said note of the 9th February, which might be relevant to the matter in question, had been fully met, the undersigned thinks, by the remarks he had made in his last two notes. “ Mr- Forward supposes that, because Madeira wine, under the specific duty of 60 cents, does not pay, according to its cost, a higher ad valorem duty than other principal wines of other countries, there is no just cause of complaint, on the part of Portugal, against the provisions of the act of the 30th of August, 1842. Mr. de Figaniere begs leave to say that this is not the question; for the object of the treaty was to do away with every discrimination whatever, whether specific or ad valorem. The result which one or the other might eventually have upon any given article, is, therefore, perfectly immaterial. Still, what has been thus ad vanced, requires explanation. “ The table annexed to Mr. Forward’s letter either assumes the Madeira winej for instance, all to be of the same cost, consequently of the same quality, or to be of different qualities and cost, as is the case. It then shows an average price of all of them, and draws the conclusion that there is no violation of the treaty with Portugal, because, on an average, Madeira, and other wine of Portugal, pay no higher ad valorem duty than other foreign wines. This is perfectly arbitrary, it is thought, and inconclusive. The stipulation of the treaty, that “ no higher or other duty” shall be levied upon the article (wine) of Portugal and its possessions, than upon the “ like article” (wine) of any other foreign country, cannot have its proposed effect. Assuming even that wine be an article, in the meaning of the treaty, to be subdivided for the imposition of duties; the subdivision, in that case, must be carried out thoroughly as regards quality, quantity, and cost. This Mr. Webster will grant, and Mr. Forward acknowledges to be impossible, from the nature of the article; and yet this difficulty is to be conquered, to meet, under this construction, the stipulation in question. “ From the knowledge that the undersigned has of the wine trade, he does not hesitate to advance that the cost of the Madeira wine, in the table drawn up at the department of the treasury, and upon which the calculation of duties Is based, far exceeds the true cost of the same wine; because it is not unusual, but, on the 400 Duties on Portuguese Wines. contrary, very generally adopted by the exporters of wine in Madeira, to overcharge their invoices, that, by thus innocently enhancing the value of the merchandise, the consignee may be induced to obtain the highest market price. The table itself contains the proof of what has been advanced. Among the wines from other countries, there are 9,807 gallons, in casks, from England—this, or the last item on the table, of 2,424 gallons, must necessarily be Port wine, both from the place whence imported, and the rate of duty prefixed. Now, it is an established fact, that Madeira and Port wines are, according to their respective similar qualities, of the same cost; further, that only the rated “ first quality” of Port wine is ge nerally, if not exclusively, imported to England; and yet the table shows this wine not to exceed $1 per gallon cost, although overburdened with double freight, dou ble insurance, commissions, and other charges ; while the Madeira, of all qualities, (the lower exceeding vastly more the higher,) imported direct, appears to cost $1 75 per gallon—nearly double. “ Besides, without reference to wines of other countries, taking the table as it is, it shows a vast difference in the rate of duty on Portuguese wine alone, Madeira paying 60 cents, or 34.41 per cent; Port, 15 cents, or 14.78 per cent? red Lisbon, or Figueira, 6 cents, or 9 per cent; and, finally, Fayal wine, 6 cents, or 6 per cent. Surely, when Her Majesty’s government concluded the treaty of the 26th August, 1840, with the United States, it certainly had not in view, nor could have antici pated, that it should be a contract for the benefit of one part of Her Majesty’s do minions, to the detriment of other portions of the same dominions. “ Again—the table which has served as a basis of calculation to carry out Mr. 'Forward’s principle, shows that 683,036 gallons of French wine paid only an equivalent ad valorem duty of 26.18 per cent; that is, less by 8.23 per cent than Madeira; another large portion of French wine, in bottles, 14.26 per cent less; a small portion (however small the quantity may be, it cannot destroy the argument against the principle,) of Italian wine paid but 4.15 per cent, or over 30 per cent less than Madeira wine—and less, too, than all kinds of Portuguese wines. Now, at this stage of the question, the undersigned will not hesitate respectfully to in quire of Mr. Webster, and to abide by his judgment, whether there be not a mani fest violation of the treaty with Portugal ? “ But, the main question which has unfortunately arisen between the Govern ment of her Most Faithful Majesty and the Government of the United States, is in respect to the construction of the stipulation contained in the 3d article of their treaty, and especially what is meant by the words “ like articles.” “ Yattel, (b. 2, ch. 17, sec. 270, lays down as the general rule for a lawful inter pretation of a treaty, “ to discover what was probably in the thoughts of those who drew it up,” and (sec. 271) that, in the interpretation of treaties, “ we ought not to deviate from the common usage of language.” Now, to apply these rules to the matter in question, it must first be ascertained what was the intention of the con tracting parties in making the treaty, and then there will be but one opinion as to the true meaning of the words “ the like article.” “ First, then, it must be taken into consideration, that both parties were aware that the exports of Portugal and its neighboring insular provinces consist chiefly —indeed, almost exclusively—of wine ; that Portugal, in acceding at last to re peated invitations of the United States to conclude a commercial treaty, by which all the benefit to be derived by the shipping interest from such a contract would en tirely be in favor of the United States, her Majesty’s Government could only have had in view to obtain, and the United States to grant, a more favorable market for Portuguese wines, by the abolishment, in its most extensive sense, in the ports of the Union, of all discriminating duties whatever, specific or ad valorem, which had before been imposed by the tariffs of the United States ; in a word, that the wines of Portugal should be admitted on a parity, in the duty, with the wines of the most favored nation. “ That this was the intention of both Governments, and of their plenipotentia ries, in regard to all Portuguese and American products in general, and more es pecially with regard to Portuguese wines, cannot, the undersigned justly conceives, be disputed; when, moreover, the proviso to the 3d article fully corroborates this Duties on Portuguese Wines. 401 mutual understanding of the parties to the treaty, as it points plainly to this very article wine, in the sense just stated ; that so long as the convention of 1831 with Prance existed, and no longer, could the exception continue in favor of French wines; the consequence being, that, thereafter, Portuguese wines, with those of France, should be uniformly taxed, distinguishing only the red from the white, and wine in bottles, as in that convention, in contradistinction to the inode until then adopted in the revenue laws of the United States, to the detriment of the wines of Portugal and its possessions, which always suffered from heavy discriminating du ties, as is shown in the annexed table, No. 1.” “ The object of the treaty being clear and indisputable, as Mr. de Figaniere thinks, he flatters himself that the sense intended to be conveyed by the plenipoten tiaries, to the words “ like article,” cannot long remain a matter of controversy. (Vattel, b. 2, ch. 17, secs. 274,287, and 290.) “ Following the rule of construction already quoted, in common language, the ar ticle wine, means wine ; tobacco, means tobacco; and flour, means flour. The ar ticle is, therefore, the genus; and although this genus may have different kinds or species, still, all these are embraced in the genus, which is the abstraction of the species, the common denomination of all of them. It was evidently the intention of the contracting parties not to depart from the common signification of the word “ article,” as they certainly could not have contemplated an impossibility, (Vattel, b. 2, ch. 17, sec. 283 ;) for, if the words “ like article” are to be applied to the spe cies, in vain will a like article be sought for. Wine is wine ; but even Madeira wine is not Madeira wine, and Maryland tobacco is not Maryland tobacco, for there are within each species of the article numerous distinctions as to quality, price, co lor, &c. &c. ; and, certainly, under no circumstances can it be said that Port wine, or Madeira wine, is “ the like article” as any sort of wine growing in any other country. There may be a resemblance between two sorts of wine of different countries ; but they can certainly never be called, with propriety, the like article ; and so the case would never arise for the application of the treaty stipulation, which would, consequently, be null and without any effect whatever—a supposition which cannot, according to sound rules of construction, be entertained. (Vattel, as quoted above.) “ The plenipotentiaries would surely never have used the words “ the like arti cle,” had they intended any reference to the species, (which is nonentity in this case.) Had. such been their design, they would have used, with more propriety, Mr. de Figaniere thinks, the words similar articles, and have laid down rules clearly to ascertain what was to constitute the similarity, instead of leaving the question open to all those doubts which must necessarily arise under Mr. Webster’s con struction. “ The honorable secretary of state, in his note of the 9th of February, seems to think that the commodity of the same denomination—that wine, in fact, which has the like value—is to be considered as the “ like article and hence Mr. Forward argues, that Portuguese wine, being more valuable than most all other wine, the higher specific duty upon the former does not operate as a higher ad valorSn duty; and that only if other foreign wine of the same value were subject to a lower duty, could Portugal have cause of complaint. “ Even admitting this argument to be in conformity with the treaty, (which opinion, however, must be considered as refuted by the foregoing remarks,) the vio lation of that treaty is then evident; inasmuch as the act of the 30th of August, complained of, imposes 40 cents per gallon on the wine called Champagne—a spe cies of the article (wine) vastly more costly than the generality of that which is imported from Madeira, and yet this pays 60 cents per gallon ; and so with many other kinds of wine, which Mr. de Figaniere thinks superfluous to enumerate. “ But the above assumption is altogether ungrounded. Had the parties to the treaty intended to stipulate that merchandise of the same value as that from other countries should be treated alike, they would have said so, and not have used the phrase “ the like article,” which can alone have the meaning of alike in all the general features which constitute the genus, in contradistinction from the species. If articles were the like articles because they have the same value, other qualities 402 Duties on Portuguese Wines. might he. stated, with the same reason, to constitute the criterion of the likeness— the like color, the like strength, the like body, &c. & c .; for all these, and the likeconsiderations, determine the species or kind of wine, but not the genus or article wine. “ Mr. Webster says, that neither party to the treaty between Portugal and the United States supposed itself precluded, by its stipulations, from the ordinary modes of exercising its own power of making laws for raising revenue ; and be cause the United States have heretofore made distinctions in the general article wine, Mr. Webster argues that it would not be considered as any infraction of the treaty with Portugal to subject Pert wine to one duty, and Sicily wine to another, because they are separate articles, so regarded in transactions of commerce, in the duty-laws of various governments, and especially in those of the United States; and refers to the example, of the teas of China, which have heretofore been sub ject to different rates of duty, in the United States, as separate articles—as Bohea, Congo, Hyson, &c. “ In the first place, although the undersigned perceives, by the bill transmitted to the House of Representatives at the last session by the secretary of the treasury, that the American government abandoned the distinction alluded to as respects teas, and proposed a uniform duty on the black, and another on green tea, Mr. de Figaniere cannot perceive that this example can be applicable to the case; for tea is the product of a plant as yet peculiar to China alone, and no ques tion of a similar character can arise until the plant be transplanted, and other countries export the produce, and have like treaty stipulations with the United States. Secondly, in England, and, indeed, in all other countries, the undersigned believes ovine, as an article, without reference to quality, cost, or even color, is sub ject to one duty alone on the quantity; (the imperial gallon in England, the pipein other countries, & c.;) while, on the contrary, the United States have endeavored to discriminate between the different kinds, which discrimination has always been disadvantageous to the ovine of Portugal and its possessions, as has been shooom above; while it has equally been stated that “ the reason of the treaty—that is, the motive ovhich led to the making of it,” (Vattel, \ 287,) ovasto cause the cessation of the said disadorantage ; for, otherwise, Portugal would have required no treaty with the United States, so long as their known commercial policy continued. And the undersigned ovill take this occasion to call the attention of the honorable secre tary of state to the extraordinary feature this discussion has disclosed—and that is, that the wine of Portugal, and especially the kinds called Madeira and Port, which predominate in the trade with the United States, never bore, before the trea ty, so heavy a discriminating duty, with reference to other wines, as since the con clusion of that treaty ! When stipulations are entered into by one government with another, if the customary mode of raising revenue in the one operates as an infringement of the stipulations with, and to the prejudice of, the other, that go vernment is bound, in good faith, to change the mode, however prescriptive it might 1^| and adopt another in accordance with, or to meet its engagements ; and although, thirdly, the different species or kinds of wine maybe, in a commercial sense, separate articles, they are not such in the sense of the treaty, as has been already demonstrated. “ Besides, when two nations conclude a commercial treaty, it is reasonable to suppose they can have no other object in view than to give and to receive, mu tually, as near as possible, equal advantages. This equitable principle, invaria ble in such treaties, would suffice, the undersigned would think, to exclude the construction the American government gives' to the treaty with Portugal; for, Portugal having most faithfully performed her part of the contract, all the advan tages in this case accrue to the benefit of the United States, and all the disad vantages to the detriment of Portugal. This is no false inference, Mr. de Figa niere begs to say ; it is the actual state of things, brought about by, principally, the act of the 30th of August la st; for the traffic in wine, which, like all other trade, finds its level when untrammelled, is now at a stand, as respects wine from Portugal. While other qualities of wine continue to be imported, very little Madeira and Port has arrived since the passage of that act. Vessels with full Duties on Portuguese Wines. 403 cargoes of American produce are constantly departing for Portugal and its pos sessions ; they either find freights for other countries, bring a few bushels of salt, or return in ballast. Equity requires that the same, or equivalent benefit, be extended to both the contracting parties. “ Now, without prescinding from what has been stated, the undersigned begs leave further to call the honorable secretary’s attention to another, and, perhaps, a clearer and a more satisfactory mode of viewing the subject in question. “ It being established that the design of the treaty was to extend, in the ports of each contracting power, to their respective products the same rights, privileges, and favors, which are, or may be, granted to the most favored nation, (articles 5th, 8th, and 13th,) Mr. de Figaniere proposes to show that this stipulation has been disregarded in the act of the 30th of August, 1842 ; unless, indeed, such a use be made of the proviso in the law, as to adapt it to the treaty, as he requested in his note of the 10th of November last. “ The act imposes duties on wine, as per annexed extract, No. 2. It will be perceived that upon all the wines of Austria and Prussia, in casks, but one uniform duty is laid—on the white wine, 7 1-2 cents per gallon; on the red wine, 6 cents, uniformly also, Not so with the wine of Portugal. Madeira, however inferior in quality, pays 60 cents, or ten times more than Moselle, and other superior Rhenish or Hock wines; Port, nearly three times as much, or 15 cents per gallon. “ It will not be necessary, Mr. de Figaniere thinks, to enumerate ail the par ticular kinds of wine produced in these three mentioned countries, nor to undergo the difficult task of establishing their numerous qualities and cost. He presumes that, to make out his case, it is sufficiently known that there are, in the wines of these countries, different classes; of these, different qualities, and these yet sub ject to subdivision; and all bearing various and different prices, from the highest to the lowest cost. “ The undersigned does not complain of the above apparent favor with which the wine of Austria and Prussia is treated in the revemie law alluded to ; but he begs to say, with all respect, that Her Most Faithful Majesty’s government does complain (and lie contends that it has full cause of complaint) in not being equally favored with Austria and Prussia—the three cases being exactly similar ; similar in all three nations producing w ine; similar in their respective wines being sus ceptible of division and subdivision, as to quality and cost; and similar, again, in treaty stipulations with the United States. And, as an illustration of this latter fact, the undersigned will here copy the fifth article of the treaty between the United States and Prussia, of the 1st of May, 1828 ; which, Mr. Webster will perceive, corresponds, word for word, to the third article of the treaty of the 26th of August, 1840, between Portugal and the United States: ‘ No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United States of any article, the produce or manufacture of Prussia, (the growth, produce, or manufacture of the kingdom and possessions of Portugal;) and no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the kingdom of Prussia, (into the kingdom and possessions of Portugal,) of any article, the (growth) produce or manufacture of the United States, than (such as) are, or shall be, payable on the like article, being the (growth) produce or manufacture of any other foreign country.’ “ Either the United States government deemed itself bound, by this stipulation with Prussia, to admit her wines on the payment of a uniform duty on the red and on the white respectively; and, in that case, the same stipulation prevailing with Portugal, the same causes should produce the same effects; or, the United States granted' this special favor to the wine of Austria and Prussia; and, in this instance, Portugal can claim the same favor for her wine, according to the stipulation of the thirteenth article of her treaty with the United States.” No. I.—Referred to in preceding noter showing the Duties on Wines since 1789. Tariff—1789—Madeira,.............................................................................. Other wines,....................................................................... “ 1790—Madeira, first quality,........................................................ “ other qualities,................................................... Sherry,............ .................... .............................................. 18 cts. per gallon 10 « 35 “ 30 “ 25 “ 404 Duties cm Portuguese Wines. Tariff—1790—Other wines,....................................................................... “ 1792—Madeira, first quality,........................................................ “ second quality,................................................... “ third quality,..................................................... Sherry,......................................................................... ....... St. Lucar,............................................................................ Lisbon and Port,............................................................... Teneriffe and Fayal,.......................................................... All other wines,.................................................................. “ 1795—Same as above, and— Champagne and Burgundy,.............................................. Malaga,............................................................................... “ 1812—W ar with England—all duties doubled. “ 1816—Madeira and Champagne, Rhenish and Tokay,............ Sherry and S t Lucar,....................................................... Lisbon, Port, others of Portugal, and Sicily wines...... Teneriffe, Fayal, and others of Azores,........................ All others, in bottles,......................................................... “ in casks,........................................................... “ 1819—Same as 1816. Reducing the unenumerated, in casks, to....................... “ “ “ in bottles,......................... “ 1828—O f France, Germany, Spain, and the Mediterranean, in casks,............................................................................ Except red of France and Spain, in casks,.................... Of all countries not especially enumerated, in casks,... (When in bottles, duty on same.) On Sherry and Madeira,................................................... “ 1832— Of France, (convention of 1831,) red,........................... W hite,........................................................................... ..... Other, in bottles,............................................................... After 3d of March, 1834, reduction of one-half on all wines, therefore— Madeira,.............................................................................. All other Portuguese,..................................................... Act 4th July, 1830, a further reduction of one-half on wines of every nation, which reduced (besides peri odical reductions, as provided in “ compromise act” of 1833,) Madeira to..................................................... And all other Portuguese wine to................................... 20 cts. per gallon. 56 49 40 33 30 25 “ 20 40 per ct. ad val. 40 cts. per gallon. 20 S I per gallon. 60 cts. per gallon. 50 40 “ 70 25 “ 15 30 15 10 30 50 6 10 22 25 15 124 7i No. 2.—Referred to in Mr. Figaniere's note, showing the duties on wine, as per act of 30th o f August, 1842; and that all the white wines o f Austria, Prussia, and Sardi nia, are subject to one duty, and all red wines o f the same countries to a uniform duty, and Sicily wine, in bottles, to 15 cents. On Madeira, Sherry, St. Lucar, and Canary,........................................... 60 cts. per gallon. On Champagne wines,................................................................................ 40 “ On Port, Burgundy, and Claret, in bottles,............................................... 30 “ On Port and Burgundy, in casks,............................................................... 15 “ On Teneriffe,................................................................................................. 20 “ On claret, in casks,....................................................................................... 6 “ On the white, not enumerated, of France, Austria, Prussia, and Sardi nia, and of Portugal, and possessions,................................................... 7J “ In bottles,.......................................................................................... 20 “ On the red of the above countries, not enumerated................................ 6 “ In bottles,.......................................................................................... 20 “ On the white and red of Spain, Germany, and the Mediterranean, not enumerated, in casks,.............................................................................. 12J “ In bottles,.......................................................................................... 20 “ On Sicily-Madeira, or Marsalla, in casks,................................................ 25 “ On others of Sicily, in casks or bottles,................................................... 15 “ On all other, not enumerated, and other than those of France, Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia, and of Portugal and its possessions, in bottles,. 65 “ In casks,............................................................................................ 25 “ Duties on Portuguese Wines. 405 T he view taken of the case by the Portuguese minister, is upheld by the opinion expressed by Mr. K avanagh, who was our minister under the treaty with Portugal. In a letter w ritten by him to the former, he says— “ I regret exceedingly to find that Portugal has cause to complain of those provisions of the late tariff act that relate to the article wine. It was cer tainly the intention o f the negotiators of the treaty of 1840, that the pro duce of Portugal should be admitted into this country on as favorable terms, in every respect, as that of any other n atio n ; and the words that are used in the treaty did not appear to us to leave any ground, w hatever, for doubt or misconception. How that equality was to be produced, it did not occur to us that it was w ithin our competency to stipulate. I agree w ith you that the specifications in the act of August 30, 1842, are manifestly unequal and u n ju st; nor can I understand by w hat rule the committee w ere governed who reported the bill. I hope, however, that the proper officers will avail themselves of the proviso to do justice.” In the Congressional Document No. 41, of the tw enty-eighth Congress, Mr. Secretary Upshur confessed the claim of Portugal “ to be extremely s t r o n g w h i l e , in a letter w hich he had w ritten to the Portuguese minis ter a short time before, he said that “ the subject would be brought before Congress at an early date, and there was every reason to hope and to ex pect that it would be adjusted upon terms satisfactory to Portugal.” On the 10th day of January last, (1844,) President T yler transmitted a message to the House of Representatives, together with the above-men tioned letter of the secretary of state, and the correspondence also before alluded to. It was read on the same day, and referred to the committee on foreign affairs; and this committee, about a month afterwards, made a report, (unanimously agreed to,) sustaining the Portuguese cla im ; and accompanied it w ith a bill to carry into effect the spirit of the treaty with Portugal, and to authorize a refundment of the excess of duty paid. T his report ended with the following decisive language:— “ Your committee are satisfied that the claims of the governm ent of Portugal are just and reasonable, and that the rights guaranteed to her, by her treaty with the United States, have been overlooked, (unintentionally, no doubt,) in the tariff act of 1842. T hey therefore beg leave to report a bill putting the wines of Portugal on the same footing with the wines of the most favored nations, and providing for a repayment of all sums which may have been collected on the wines of Portugal, contrary to this principle.” T he bill was, for nearly two months, in charge of the committee of the whole House on the state of the Union, without any action being had upon it. M eanwhile, the committee of ways and means had reported a new tariff bill, in which it was proposed to levy a duty of 30 per centum ad valorem, on all wines. In this stage of the m atter, the minister for Portugal again remonstrated. H e insisted that an ad valorem principle was improper, raising a new ob servation : that an ad valorem rate, if applied to an article like w ine, would, most assuredly, tend to encourage the dishonest dealer, to the in jury of the honest m erchant. H e urged also the loss which the vineyards and commerce of Portugal had already suffered, by a misinterpretation of the treaty— a loss of a m arket that could not be compensated f o r ; while he conceded that, at all events, if the then specific duties on wine were to remain for any length of time, and the bill to carry the treaty into effect were to pass without further delay, Portugal might rep air that loss, in 406 Duties on Portuguese ‘W ines. part, however, only, by having the same chance of the American market on term s like those connected with wines which had enjoyed the market, to the exclusion, for two years, of Portuguese wines. T he effect of the tariff act of 1842 had been most serious. F or in stance, the importation of M adeira wine had fallen off from a yearly average of 194,824 gallons, for the five years preceding this tariff; to 4,79i gallons in the year subsequent to its passage, and to much less since that time. T his enormous difference had resulted, of course, to the advan tage of the wine of other countries. W e now come to a paper in which we, ourselves, had a hand. Im porters of Portuguese w ine felt that the tariff amounted to interdiction ; and the question was mooted as to how it could be legal, w hen it clashed w ith the term s of the treaty, and with the recognition of that treaty in the tariff itself. A case was laid before counsel; and D aniel Lord, jr., Esq., of N ew York, with the w riter o f this article,, gave a joint opinion on the question, mainly w ritten by Mr. Lord. T he principal part of this opinion fell into the hands of the Portuguese m in iste r; and he laid it, to strength en his views, (as he considered,) before M r. Upshur, the then secretary o f state. T his was in Decem ber, 1843. T he following em brace such parts of the opinion :— “ By the proviso in the eighth section of the act of 1842, August 30, ‘ that nothing in that act contained shall be construed or permitted to ope rate so as to interfere with subsisting treaties w ith foreign nations,’ wre a re relieved from considering the delicate question w hether, w hen an act of Congress is passed, (all parts of the legislative power, w hich includes the treaty-m aking powder of the country, concurring,) which-conflicts with an anterior treaty, the courts of this country can execute the treaty, by treating the act of Congress as inoperative ? “ By the proviso introduced into the section imposing the w ine duties, it is plain that Congress did not intend the law to conflict with the treaties; but that the executive and judicial functionaries, whose province it is— the one primarily, the other ultimately— to construe the law, should so construe it as not to infringe the treaties ; and, if no construction of the words of the law could relieve the latter from a conflict with the treaties, then they w ere not to permit the law to interfere w ith the treaties. The question, therefore, is fully open to the operation of the courts of jus tice. “ T hen, w hat is to be the true construction as to wines, under the third article of the treaty ? “ In the construction of an act of Congress imposing duties, it is settled, that articles are to be classed, not according to origin, use or value, but solely according to the com mercial nam e or designation w h ich they bear. It m ight result from this that an identity or difference of commercial de signation would indicate the identity or diversity of the articles. Does this mode of interpretation belong to a treaty ? T h e reason why it is adopted in the construction of a revenue law is, that, as it is addressed to m erchants, its terms shall be taken in a com mercial sense, and be ad judged com mercial term s. T his reason has not a like application to a treaty, w hich is based on a broad reference to the rules of natural reason. It is addressed, not so much to merchants, as to the princes who are par ties ; and it seems hardly accordant w ith a just construction of treaties to apply to them the technical rules w hich are applied by the functionaries Duties on Portuguese Wines. 407 of one of the nations in its adm inistration'of its revenue laws to the sub jects thereof. “ T he phrase ‘ like article,’ in the third article of the treaty, must be determined from the broad m eaning it bears in common understanding as applicable to a subject and to the position and relation to the subject of the parties using the language, thence inferring the sense in which the terms w ere or are to be deemed used. “ It is to be rem arked that the wines from Lisbon, Oporto, and Madei ra form a very large part of the merchandise which Portugal exports from her possessions into the United States. It is a subject, therefore, which could not fail to have come under the contemplation of the parties in the treaty. It was asubject on which the chief commercial advantage to P or tugal, from the reciprocity of the treaty, was to be derived ; and must be deemed to have been an object of prominent attention. “ At this period, the state of the legislation of the U nited States on the wine duty was as follows : T he tariff law of April 27, 1816, (3 Story’s Laws, U. S. 1587.) §1. class sixth, page 1590, had imposed a specific duty on wines as follow’s, viz : on M adeira, Burgundy, Champagne, R he nish and T okay one dollar per gallon, on Sherry and St. Lucar, sixty cents per gallon ; on other wine not enumerated, when imported in bot tles or cases, seventy cents per gallon ; on Lisbon, Oporto, and on other wdnes of Portugal and those of Sicily, fifty cents per gallon ; on Teneriffe, Fayal, and other wines of the w estern Islands, forty cents per gallon ; on all other wdnes, when imported otherwise than in cases and bottles, tw en ty-five cents per gallon. Although a specific duty is laid by this act, yet it would seem to have gone upon the notion of a charge according to the value of the article as a general guide, although it adopted the form of a specific duty for convenience of assessing it. “ In the next alteration of the tariff, by the act of 1824, May 24,,(3 Sto ry, 1942) no change appears to have been made in the w ine duties. By the act of May 24, 1828, (U . S. Law’s, vol. 8, p. 130) new duties w ere imposed on wines ; and the old duties ceased. T he new duties W'ere on the wines c f France, Germany, Spain, and the M editerranean, when imported in casks, unless specially enum erated, fifteen cents per gallon, except the red wdnes of France and Spain w hen not imported in bot tles, which w ere to pay only ten cents per gallon. On w ines of all countries w’hcn imported in bottles or cases, unless specially enumerated, oft wines of Sicily and on all w ines not enum erated, w hether imported in bottles, cases or casks, thirty cents per gallon in addition to the duty existing on the bottles w’hen thus imported. On Sherry and M adeira wines, w hether imported in bottles, casks, or cases, fifty cents per gallon in addition to the duty on the bottles w hen so imported- (4 Story, 2113.) In the act of 1832, July 14, (4 Story, 2321,) also act July 13 (1832, § 10,) is the following provision. ‘Twenty-third.. On the wines of F rance, namely, red w ines in casks, six cents a gallon ; white wines in casks, ten* cents a gallon ; and F rench w ine of all sorts in bottles, twenty-two cents a gallon, until the 3d of March, 1834, and from and after that day, one half of those rates respectively. And on all wines other th an those of France, one-half of their present rates of duty, respectively, from and after the day last aforesaid. Provided that no higher duty shall be charged un der this act or any existing law on the red wanes of Austria than are now 403 Duties on Portuguese Wines. or may be, by this act, levied upon red wines o f Spain, w hen the said wines are imported in casks.’ “ It is m aterial to notice that, at this date, a special provision had been made, reducing the French wines-duty, by the treaty with F rance, to the rates specified in the a c t : see treaty of Paris, 4th July, 1831, act 7. (8th vol. laws U. S. 1000.) “ T here was also a treaty with Austria, the fifth article of which, in substance and expression, is like the 3d article of the treaty w ith Portugal. (T reaty of W ashington, F eb. 10, 1831, art. v. 8 laws U. S. 948.) Here, the 4like article’ is confessedly the red wines of A ustria and the red wines of Spain. “ T he next act of Congress is that of July 4th, 1836, (acts of 1836, ch. 359, page 244) whereby the discriminating duties are taken off from the manufactures or produce of Portugal, including Madeira, Portosanto and Azores, w hen imported in Portuguese vessels, so that they should only pay the same duties as if imported in vessels of the United S tate s; and by § 2 of this act, the duty on all wines imported into the United States w as reduced from and after July 30, 1836, to one-half of w hat was then chargeable. “ In 1840, then, w hen the treaty was negotiated, the classification of the act of 1828, May 24th, existed ; and one-fourth of the rates of duty im posed by that act was levied, it being successively reduced by the acts of 1832 and 1836. “ U nder these circumstances, w hat did the parties understand and what ought they to be deemed to have understood by the article of the treaty, in using the term * like article,’ as applied to the wines of Portugal ? “ W ines, at that time, stood classified by the countries of their produc tion. T he wines of France, Germany, Spain, and the Mediterranean, diifered greatly in value, in flavor, and in kind, as distinguished in every w a y ; yet they certainly are classed together for the purpose of duty, and cannot but have been deemed a like article to each other. “ T he wines of Sicily are taxed along w ith wines of all countries, and S herry and M adeira are specifically and separately taxed ; not, it is con ceived, as being articles unlike the other xvines, but merely as articles of a different value. 44T he argument against the United States upon this act,i n the construc tion of the treaty, is very strong. This act cannot be read without per ceiving that these wines, as therein mentioned, w ere all considered as a 4 like article,’ although from a difference in value, the duty varied upon M adeira and S herry wine. 44On P ort w ine the duty fell under the general classification of wines of all other countries ; and it was subject to duty with wine of Sicily. It stood there, clearly, as a ‘ like article’ w ith the wine of Sicily, and of all other countries not mentioned in the act. 44 S herry and M adeira were certainly treated as articles like to each other. Indeed, if this act is to be a guide to the then understanding of the United States government, all wines w ere clearly ‘ a like article.’ 44Again, if resort be had to the act of 1816, although the duty on wines there is very various, according as the wines differed in value, it cannot be denied that strong corroboration is given to the position that the wines there spoken of are a like article each to the other. Thus Madeira, Bur gundy, Champagne, and Tokay, are classed together, under one rate of Duties on Portuguese Wines. 409 duty, as being articles to be viewed unitedly; and w here the duty is va ried in amount, still the whole law proceeds on the ground of their being all like a rtic le s; certainly it does not countenance the view that a mere difference of flavor prevents them from being like articles. “ And, in a general and extended view, it seems difficult in the extreme to conceive that an article of luxurious use, from the same fruit, by similar process of manufacture, devoted to the same uses, and all more or less coming as substitutes for one another in a consuming country, shall not be held in all its varieties a like article as betw een nations making a treaty. “ Portugal, looking to her wine trade, must be considered as looking to wines which could either supplant its wines, or compete with them in commerce. “ In each view, such effect would result from this being ‘ like articles,’ and they must be deemed to have been so contemplated by her in the treaty. “ Speaking with the hesitation which belongs to questions w here no authority of adjudged cases can be brought to our aid, it seems to us the fair and sound construction of the treaty, that all wines are to be treated as a like article to each other in relation to this treaty. “ Another question then arises as to the mode in which the treaty is to be carried out. I f Congress has laid a duty, in form, either ad valorem or specific, the basis of which is the value of the wines, either abroad or in this country, it would seem to have complied with the treaty, if it has applied the same rule to Portuguese as to other most favored wines. “ It cannot be that, by the treaty, Congress can be restrained from an ordinary and fair mode of assessing customs, provided it apply the same rule in substance to Portugal as to other favored nations. H ere would seem to be the chief difficulty of the present case. For, although by the act of 1842, Aug. 31st, the duties are specific, yet if, upon evidence, they should appear to rest on value, as the general basis, it can not be said that the treaty is infringed. But, in the absence of clear and strong proof to the contrary, it ought to be assumed, and will be, that by laying a spe cific duty, an ad valorem basis was not contemplated. I f so, the excess of duty on Portuguese wines must be recovered back. T here is a satisfaction in giving the above opinion to the. press, because the same conclusion has been come to by the present secretary of the treasury, as will appear by his decision, which we now give, but which has never before been printed. “ T he tariff of 1842, imposes on certain wines of Portugal, other and higher duties, than are imposed on the red and white wines of France, Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia. On Madeira wines imported into the United States of America, that act imposes a specific duty of sixty cents per gallon, in casks, or in bottles ; on Port in bottles, thirty-five cents per gallon ; on P ort in casks, fifteen cents per gallon. “ T he same act, however, imposes on white wines of F rance, Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia, in casks, seven and a half cents per gallon, and in bottles tw enty cents per gallon ; and on red wines of France, Austria, Prussia and Sardinia, in casks, six cents per g allo n ; in bottles, twenty cents per gallon. T his act of 1842 also imposes a duty on other wines of Sicily, in casks or bottles, fifteen cents per gallon. “ In the execution of subsisting treaties, the most scrupulous good faith is to be observed : in the exposition of them, the stipulations by the one VOL. x i.— no . v. 33 410 Duties on Portuguese Wines. party in favor of the other party, are to be construed liberally and benefi cially ; and most strongly against the party making the stipulation. “ W ines are described by color, therein the similarity of the wines of different countries, and even of the same nation, consists. “ T he value of wines are judged by their flavor, age, & c. ; and in this respect, wines of the same color, produced in the same country, differ, by reason of soil, and exposure to the rays of the sun in different degrees. T he same private estate produces w ine, red and white, of different quali ties and value from the same species of the grape, because of the differ ence of soil, heat, and moisture. Different countries and different cli mates produce wines of different values, but yet the separate articles are sim ilar. “ To lay a higher duty upon the wines of Portugal, red and white, than that imposed upon the red and white wines respectively, of France, Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia, by specific geographical description, would render the treaty, betw een H e r Most Faithful Majesty and the United States of America, a dead letter, denying to the former the beneficial re sults which superinduced the correlative stipulations in behalf of the Uni ted States. “ U nder this view of the effect of the treaty with H e r Most Faithful Majesty, so concluded by the United States, it is of higher and superior obligation than the act of the Congress of the United States of 1842, so far as that enaction conflicts w ith the treaty.” W e have, thus, gone through the m atter of Portuguese rights and American duties ; and we are strongly inclined to believe that the reader will take up w ith our view of the subject. At the time when the circular o f Mr. Secretary Bibb was promulgated, some of our leading newspapers mentioned that an amount equal to four hundred thousand, or even to half a million of dollars would have to be re funded. In this there was a m aterial error. T he amount of importa tions of M adeira and P ort wines under the tariff, from the time it went into operation, up to the issuing of Mr. Bibb’s circular, was as follows :— In the month of Septem ber, 1842, there was about 82 pipes of Madei ra ; but nearly all of it w as re-exported, being entitled to drawback. From the 1st day of October, 1842, to the 30th day of June, 1843, there was imported direct and indirectly, M adeira, 3,949 gallons, and of Port w ine, 38,921 gallons. And from Portugal direct, during the last six months of the year 1843, an amount of 18,390 gallons of P ort (1501 pipes;) but no M adeira. And, direct, in the first six months of the year 1844, (26 pipes of Madeira,) or 3,120 gallons, and of Port, also direct, (1,0734 pipes,) or 129,060 gallons. And, besides this, there may have arrived a small quantity from England and the Brazils ; but all the indi rect quantities during the times last aforesaid are hardly worth mention ing. So, then, w e have for a dutiable article, 7,069 gallons of Madeira, and 186,371 gallons. T he return duty upon which will scarcely exceed the sum of $20,000. But, the amount of return duty is nothing w hen compared with justice, and we cannot close this article better than by using the words of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, w hen they reported a bill to put Portu guese w'ines on a right basis. “ It is not in the nature of a treaty betw een nations to enter into the “ various qualities of commodities, or the different prices which they may Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 411 “ command. N or is it in the spirit which it becomes nations to interpret “ or administer treaties, to stickle on refined discriminations or arbitrary “ definitions in carrying out its obligations. T he obvious m eaning is “ usually the just m eaning; and even in matters of doubt, it is far better, “ where the interests are not vital, to yield to the demands of others, whet e “ we are satisfied that they are kindly preferred, than to withhold advan“ tages at the expense of imputations, which may be not entirely ground l e s s , against our integrity or honor.” A rt. II.—COM M ERCE AN D RESO U RCES' O F LOUISIANA . T h is state, the southernmost of the southern United States, was explored in 1682, by L a Salle, and named Louisiana, in honor of Louis X IV . It is bounded north by Arkansas and M ississippi; east by Mississippi, from which it is separated by Mississippi river, to the 31st degree of north lati tude ; thence east in that parallel, to P earl river, and down that river to its entrance in the G ulf of M exico; southeast and south by the G ulf of Mexico, and west by Texas, from which it is separated by Sabine river, to the 32d degree of north latitude ; and thence due north to 33 degrees north latitude, where it meets the south boundary of Arkansas. It is b e tween 29 and 33 deg. north latitude, and between 88 deg. 40 min. and 94 deg. 25 min. west longitude, and is 250 miles long, from north to south. On the G ulf of Mexico, it is about 300 miles broad, and continues this width for 120 or 130 miles inland, when it suddenly contracts to the width of about 100 m iles; and on the north boundary, it is 180 miles wide. The state is divided into thirty-eight parishes, answ ering to counties in the other states ; which, according to the official census of 1840, w ere as follows :— E astern D istrict . Parishes. Ascension,..................................... Assumption,................................... Baton Rouge, E.,......................... Baton Rouge, W .,........................ Carroll............................................ Concordia,..................................... Feliciana, E ast,............................ Feliciana, West,........................... Iberville,........................................ Jefferson,...................................... Lafourche Interior,...................... Livingston,.................................... Madison,........................................ Orleans,......................................... Plaquemines,................................. Point Coupee,.............................. St. Bernard,................................... St. Charles,................................... St. Helena,.................................... St. James,...................................... St. John Baptist,.......................... S t Tammany,.............................. Terre Bonne,................................ Washington,.................................. Total,, W estern D istrict . Pop. 6,951 7,141 8,138 4,638 4,237 9,414 11,893 10,910 8,495 10,470 7,303 2,315 5,142 102,193 5,060 7,898 3,237 4,700 3,525 8,548 5,776 4,598 4,410 2,649 249,641 Parishes. Pop. 6,616 Avoyelles,...................................... Caddo,....................................... 5,282 Calcassieu,......................................... 2,057 Caldwell,........................................... 2,017 Catahaula,......................................... 4,955 Claiborne,.......................................... 6,185 Lafayette,....................................... 7,841 Natchitoches,................................. 14,350 Rapides,......................................... 14,132 St. Laudry,.................................... 15,233 St. Martin’s ,....................................... 8,674 S t Mary’s,......................................... 8,950 Union............................................. 1,838 W ashita,............................................ 4,640 Total,................................... 102,770 Total of state,, 352,411 412 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. T he population in 1810, was 76,556 ; in 1820, 153,407 ; in 1830, 215,575 ; and in 1840 it had increased, as will be seen by the preceding table, to 352,411; of whom 16*2,452 w ere slaves. O f the free popula tion, in 1840, 89,744 were white- males, and 68,710 white females ; 11,526 colored males, 13,976 colored females. T he employments of the population, in 1840, are thus classified by the census, viz:— In agriculture, 79;289; in commerce, 8,549; in manufac tures and trades, 7,565 ; in navigating the ocean, 1,322; in navigating canals, lakes, and rivers, 662 ; and in the learned professions, 1,018. In 1699, a French, settlem ent was begun at Ibberville, by M. Ibbervilie ; who, in the attempt to plant the country, lost his life. H is efforts w ere followed up by M. Crozat, a m an of wealth, who held the exclusive trade of the country for a num ber of years. About the year 1717, he transferred his interest to a chartered company, at the head of which was the celebrated John Law , whose national bank, and Mississippi specu lation, involved the ruin of half the F rench nobility. In 1731, the com pany resigned the concern to the crown ; who, in 1762, ceded the whole of Louisiana to Spain. In 1800, Spain re-conveyed the province to the F rench, of whom it was purchased by the United States, in 1803, for about $15,000,000. This purchase included all the present territory of the United States, west of the Mississippi. Soon after the purchase, the pre sent state of Louisiana was separated from the rest of the territory, under the name of the territory of O rleans. In 1812, Louisiana was admitted to the Union as a state, and the part of W est Florida west of Pearl river w as annexed to it. In D ecem ber, 1814, and for several days afterwards, the British made an attack upon N ew O rleans; but w ere repulsed, Janu ary 8th, 1815, by the Americans, under General Jackson, with the loss of about 3,000 men killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. T he American loss is stated to have been only seven men killed, and six wounded. Gen eral Packenham, the British commander, was killed. In 1764, British vessels began to visit the Mississippi. They would sail past the city, make fast to a tree opposite the present city of Lafay ette, and trade with the citizens. T he exports during the last year of its subjection to France, w ere $250,000 ; and the population of the city was 3,190. T he commerce suffered by the restrictions of the Spanish. In 1785, the population of the city, exclusive of the settlements in the vici nity, was 4,980. A more liberal course of the Spanish government re vived the trade of N ew O rleans; and French, British, and American ves sels, began to visit N ew O rleans. In 1788, a fire consumed 900 houses. In 1791, the first company of F rench comedians arrived from Cape Fran cois, having fled from the massacre at St. Domingo. Other emigrants opened academies, the education of youth having been previously in the hands of priests and nuns. In , 1792, B aron Carondelet arrived. He divided the cit}' into four wards, and recommended lighting it, and em ploying w atchmen. T he revenue of the city did not amount to $7,000, and the lighting it required a tax of $1 12 1-2 cents on every chimney. H e erected new fortifications, and had the militia trained. In 1794, the first new spaper w as published in Louisiana. In 1795, permission was granted by the king to the citizens of the United States to deposit their merchandise at N ew Orleans, during a period of ten years. In 1796, the canal Carondelet was completed. On M arch 21st, 1801, Louisiana was ceded by Spain to the F rench republic ; and on April 30th, 1803, Bona- Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 4 '3 parte, as first consul, sold it to the United States for about $15,000,000, and it was taken possession of on the 30th of November. T he popula tion of the city did not then exceed 8,056, and of the province but 49,473 ; 42,000 of whom w ere within the present bounds of Louisiana. T h e du ties of the custom-house, the year preceding the cession, amounted to $117,515 ; which would have been greater, but for the corruption of the officers. T he Rom an Catholic religion was the only one publicly allow ed. T he revenues of the city, in 1802, w ere $19,278. T here entered the Mississippi, this year, 256 vessels; of which 18 w ere public armed vessels ; of American, 48 ships, 63 brigs, 50 schooners, and 9 sloops ; of Spanish, 14 ships, 17 brigs, 4 polacres, 64 schooners, and 1 sloop ; of French, 1 brig. In 1804, N ew O rleans was made a port of entry and delivery, and the bayou St. John a port of delivery. A city charter was granted N ew O rleans in 1805. January 10th, 1812, the first steamboat arrived at the city, from P ittsb u rg h ; having descended in 259 hours. T he whole southern border of the state, from Pearl river to the Sabine, consists either of sea-marsh or vast prairies, which occupy about one-fifth of the surface of the state ; and on the borders of the streams are tim ber ed lands. T he tract about the mouths of the Mississippi, for 30 miles, is one continued swamp, destitute of trees, and covered with a species of coarse reed, four or five feet high. T he prospect of the country, from the mast of a ship, is an extended and dreary w aste. Along the whole bor der of the G ulf of Mexico, a sea-marsh extends inland, for 20 or 30 miles. Back of this, the land gradually rises a little, and constitutes the prairies. A large extent of country is annually overflowed by the Mississippi, and its outlets. From lat. 32 deg. to 31 deg., the average width of over flowed land is 20 m iles; from lat. 31 deg. to the efflux of L a Fourche, the width is about 40 miles. All the country below the L a Fourche, with little exception, is overflowed. B y a survey made by order of the govern ment of the United States, in 1828, it was found that the river overflowed an extent of 5,000,000 of acres, a great proportion of which is at present unfit for cultivation. A part of this is covered by a heavy growth of tim ber, and an almost im penetrable growth of cane, and other shrubbery. This becomes dry on the retiring o f the river to its natural channels, and has a soil of great fertility, and which might, by labor, be rendered fit for cultivation. T here are, in some parts, basins or depressions, in w hich the w ater rem ains until it is evaporated, or absorbed by the earth. T hese, by draining, mig t constitute rice-fields. T he sea-marsh is partially overflowed by the tides, and especially when driven in by the equinoxial gales. In the alluvial territory, are small bodies of prairie lands, slightly elevated, without tim ber, and of great fertility. More extended prairies constitute a large portion of the state. T he pine woods, which are ex tensive, have generally a rolling surface, and a poor soil. T he g reater part of the prairies has a second rate so il; but some parts of those of Opelousas, and particularly of Attakapas, have great fertility, and feed extensive herds of cattle. More earth is deposited by the Mississippi in its overflow on its immedate m argin, than further back ; and therefore the land is higher adjoining the river, than in the rear of its banks. This alluvial margin, of a breadth from 400 yards to one and a half miles, is a rich so il; and, to prevent the river from inundating the valuable tract in the rear, and w hich could not be drained, an artificial em bankment is raised on the m argin of the river, called the Levee. On the east side of 414 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. the river, this em bankm ent commences 60 miles above N ew Orleans, and extends down the river more than 120 miles. On the west shore, it com mences at Point Coupee, 172 miles above N ew Orleans. Along this portion of the river, its sides present many beautiful and finely cultivated plantations, and a continued succession of pleasant residences. The country betw een the Mississippi, Ibberville, and P earl rivers, in its south ern parts, is generally level, and highly productive in cotton, sugar, rice, Indian corn, and indigo. T he northern part has an undulating surface, and has a heavy natural growth of white, red, and yellow oak, hickory, black walnut, sassafras, magnolia, and poplar. In the northwest part, Red river, after entering the state by a single channel, and flowing about MO mites, spreads out into a great number of channels, forming many lakes, islands, and swamps, over a space of 50 miles long, and 6 broad. H ere the fallen tim ber, floated down by the stream, has collected, and formed the celebrated raft, which formerly extended 160 miles, obstruct ing the navigation of the river. Most of it has been removed by order of the general government, and the rem ainder will, ere long, be cleared away, opening this fine river to an extensive steamboat navigation. The bottoms on this river are from one to ten miles wide, and are of great fer tility, with a natural growth of willow, cotton-wood, honey-locust, papaw, and buckeye. On the rich uplands grow elm, ash, hickory, mulberry, black walnut, with a profusion of grape-vines. On the less fertile and sandy uplands of the state, are white pitch and yellow pines, and various kinds of oak. T he lower courses of Red river have been denominated the paradise of cotton-planters. T he staple productions of this state are cotton, sugar, and rice. Sugar cane grows chiefly on the shores of the gulf, and the bayous Teche, La Fourche, and Plaquem ine, and in some parts of Attakapas, south o f 31 degrees north lalitude. No cultivation yields a richer harvest, though the labor of the hands is severe. T here is a vast amount of sugar lands not brought into cultivation. T he quantity of land adapted to sugar has been computed at 250,000 acres ; of rice, at 250,000 a c re s ; and of cotton, at 2,400,000. Rice is principally confined to the banks of the Mississippi, w here irrigation is easy. T here w ere in this state, in 1840, 98,888 horses and mules, 381,248 neat cattle, 98,072 sheep, 323,220 sw in e; poultry was raised to the value o f 8283,559. T here rvere produced 60 bushels of w heat, 1,812 of rye, 5,952,912 of Indian corn, 107,353 of oats, 834,341 of potatoes, 119,824 pounds of tobacco, 3,604,534 of rice, 152,555,368 of cotton, 119,947,720 o f sugar, 24,651 tons of hay, 49,283 pounds of wool, 1,012 of wax. The products of the dairy were valued at $153,069 ; of the orchard, at $11,769 ; o f lumber, at $66,100. T here w ere made 2,884 gallons of wine, and 2,233 barrels of tar, pitch, or turpentine. T he climate is mild, though the w inters are more severe than in the same latitude on the A tlantic coast. T he summers in the wet and m arshy parts are unhealthy, and N ew Orleans has been frequently visited by the yellow fever. But a considerable portion of the state is healthy. T he Mississippi river divides the state from Mississippi for a course of 450 miles, and enters the state wholly, 350 miles from its mouth, by the course of the channel of the river, and divides into several branches or outlets; which, diverging from the main river, wind their w ay slowly to the G ulf of Mexico, carrying off its surplus w aters in times of flood, and dividing the southern part of the state into a number of large islands. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 415 T he Atchafalaya, called here the Chaffalio, leaves the Mississippi on the west side, a little below the mouth of R ed river, and is supposed to carry off as much w ater as Red river brings in ; and, inclining to the E . of S., it enters Atchafalaya bay-, in the G ulf of Mexico. T he outlet Plaquemine leaves the Mississippi 128 miles below the outlet of Atchafalaya, with which the main stream at length unites. Thirty-one miles below the Plaquemine, and 81 above N ew Orleans, is the outlet of L a Fourche, which communicates with the G ulf of Mexico. Below the L a Fourche, numerous other smaller streams leave the Mississippi, at various points. On the east side of the Mississippi, the principal outlet from that river is the Ibberville, which passes to the G ulf of Mexico through lakes Maurepas, Pontchartrain, and Borgne. This outlet on the east, and Atchafa laya on the west, bound w hat is denominated the D elta of the Mississippi. The Mississippi is navigable for vessels of any size, though the bar at its mouth has on it but 16 or 17 feet of water. Red river crosses the state in a southeasterly direction, and enters the Mississippi 240 miles above N ew Orleans. W ashita river runs in a southerly direction, and enters Red river a little above its entrance into the Mississippi. T he other rivers are Black, Tensaw , Sabine, Calcasieu, M ermentau, Vermillion, Teche, P earl, Amite, and Ibberville. T he largest lakes are Pontchar train, Maurepas, Borgne, Chetimaches, M ermentau, Calcasieu, and Sabine. T he vast trade of the valley of the Mississippi centres at N ew Orleans — a valley which, for its extent and fertility, has not its like in the world. The exports of this state amounted, in 1810, to $34,236,936; but these exports extensively belong to the great and fertile states of the great val ley. Its imports w ere $10,673,190. T he following table, exhibiting the value of the exports and imports of Louisiana, we have compiled with care, from the reports of the secretary of the treasury, on commerce and navigation. It shows the progress of the commerce of Louisiana, from October 1st, 1820, to the present time. Years. 1821,....... 1822,....... 1823,....... 1824,....... 1825,....... 182G,....... 1827,....... 1828,....... 1829,........ 1830,....... 1831,....... 1832,....... Imports. $3,379,717 3,817,238 125,770 4,539.769 4,290,034 4,167.521 4.531,645 6,217,881 6,857,209 7,599,083 9,766,693 8,871,653 Exports. $7,272,172 7,978,645 7,779,072 7,928,820 12,582,924 10,2=4,380 11,728,997 11,947,400 12,3=6.060 15,488,692 16,761,989 16,530,930 Y ears. 1833,....... 1834,....... 1835,....... 1836,....... 18.37,....... 1P3S,....... 1839,....... 1840,....... 1841,....... 18 42,....... 1843,*.... Imports. $9,590,505 13,781,809 17,519,841 15,117,649 14,020,012 9,496,808 12,044,942 10,673,190 10,256.350 8,033,590 8,170,015 Exports. $18,941,373 26,557,524 36,270,823 37,179,828 35,338,697 31,502,248 33.181,167 34,236,936 34.3C7,483 28,404,149 26,653,924 In 1840, there w ere 24 commercial, and 381 commission houses in Louisiana, engaged in foreign trade, with a capital of $16,770,000 ; 2,465 retail stores, with a capital of $14,301,024; 597 persons in the lumber trade, with a capital of 200,045 ; 3 persons employed in internal trans portation, xvith 291 butchers, packers, & c., employing a capital of $144,523. * For nine months, ending 30th of June, 1843. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 416 T he exports ot N ew O rleans consist chiefly of cotton, tobacco, sugar, molasses, flour, pork, bacon, lard, beef, lead, whiskey, corn, &c. The following table shows the quantity of cotton exported from N ew Orleans, to the different ports in the United States and Europe, for the last five years, commencing on the 1st of Septem ber, 1839, and ending on the 31st of August in each year :—* C otton— B ales . Whither exported. Liverpool,....................... London,.......................... Glasgow and Greenock, Cowes, Falmouth, &c.,. Corkj Belfast, &c.,....... H avre,............................ Bordeaux,...................... Marseilles,...................... Nantz, Cette, & Rouen, Amsterdam,.................... Rotterdam and Ghent,.. Bremen,.......................... Antwerp, &c.,................ Hamburg,...................... Gottenburg,.................... Spain and Gibraltar...... W est Indies,.................. Genoa, Trieste, & c.,.... China,............................. Other foreign ports,...... New Y ork,.................... Boston,........................... Providence, R. I .,......... Philadelphia,.................. Baltimore,...................... Portsmouth,................... Other coastwise ports,.. Western States,............. Total,.................. 1843-44. 1842-43. 1841-42. 1840-41. 1839-40, 488,817 518 21,265 14,893 2,182 107,973 1,418 7,462 3,127 1,360 512 2,770 8,499 3,156 402 33,151 19,704 1,208 82,814 72,400 211 6,919 4,698 4,136 3 280 2,500 895,375 624,681 61 35,831 15.939 2,926 159,658 2,861 9.982 8,374 2,593 2,17.3 13,303 17,693 13,664 114 401 21,177 17,662 4,303 1,342 48,036 73,891 674 3,253 3,278 393,990 38 15,574 10,740 1,108 161,103 2,247 16,992 2,930 584 2,907 6,369 5,209 5,678 286 78 12,818 10,610 396,010 304 20,415 9,183 4,393 157,277 2,807 21,933 1,914 1,706 2,264 2,983 2,793 561 19,002 16,801 459,943 113 26,603 13,560 4,549 206,311 6,581 21,989 5,609 3,688 709 1,084 7,377 6,846 2,994 1,508 30,594 25,652 90 55,930 81,626 3,132 5,721 4,832 9,025 581 1,044 46,354 54,042 1,811 6,195 3,045 5,099 6,020 2,000 174 31,215 54,062 1,910 2,846 1,703 2,658 3.716 1,722 1,088,870 749,267 821,288 949,320 .3,000 T he quantity of cotton exported as above, during the five years, (from 1839 to 1844,) was distributed as follows :— C otton — B ales . r Whither exported. Great Britain.................. France,........................... North of Europe,........... S. of Europe, and China, Coastwise,..................... Total,.................. 1843-44. 1842-43. 1841-42. 1840-41. 1839-40. 527,675 119,980 17,907 52,855 176,958 895,375 679,438 180,875 50,8-2 43,543 134,132 421,456 132,272 21,207 23,506 99,832 430,310 183,931 9,836 36,364 169,847 504,768 240,490 23,742 57,754 122,566 1,088,870 749,267 821,288 949,320 T he exports of tobacco, during the same years, (1839 to 1844,) were as follows :— (See next page.) * The New Orleans Commercial Intelligencer, and Merchants’ Transcript, issued their customary annual statement of the commerce of New Orleans on the 1st of September, 1844. From that statement, which is prepared with great care, and general accuracy, we derive most of the tabul-r statements in this article. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana, 417 T OBACCO— H hds. Whither exported. Liverpool,....................... London,.......................... Glasgow and Greenock, Cowes, Falmouth, &c.,. Cork, Belfast, &c.,....... H avre,............................ Bordeaux,....................... Marseilles,...................... Nantz, Cette, & Rouen, Amsterdam,................... Rotterdam and Ghent,. Bremen,.......................... Antwerp, &c.,................ Hamburg,....................... Gottenburg,.................... Spain and G ibraltar,.... West Indies,.................. Genoa, Trieste, & c.,__ China,............................. Other foreign ports,...... New York,..................... Boston,........................... Providence, R. I.,......... Philadelphia,.................. Baltimore,...................... Portsmouth,.................... Other coastwise ports,.. Western States,............. Total,.................. 1 8 4 3 -4 4 . 8,808 8,291 1842-43, . 6,788 9,851 1 8 4 1 -4 2 . 6,930 7,212 1 8 4 0 -4 1 . 1 8 3 9 -4 0 . 5,252 3.827 8,732 4,320 5,424 10,798 6,827 6,681 992 4,846 1,156 5,102 4,648 2,332 4,665 4,037 1,004 1,933 4,224 814 1,774 3,655 1,107 1,844 3,775 917 9,602 2,178 2,303 734 10,681 1,601 1,556 2,700 2,933 7,888 5,657 1,477 963 4,496 1,063 1,760 1,138 1,882 8,997 3,690 3,401 946 7,204 981 550 4,012 1,219 1,064 1,559 4,142 1,020 2 2,464 1,090 1,465 745 3,843 1,013 44 1,177 6,960 2,585 217 10,533 3,650 516 7,090 2,351 667 7,466 3,109 343 8,132 2,888 1,286 1,167 2,845 2,433 936 208 2,126 517 1,963 219 1,100 2,194 225 287 482 81,249 89,891 68,058 51,667 40,436 T he exports of tobacco, as above, w ere distributed as follows :— T obacco— H hes . Whi'her exported. Great Britain,................. France,........................... North of Europe,.......... S. of Europe, and China, Coastwise,...................... Total,.................. 1 8 4 3 -4 4 . 22,523 11,104 20,175 14,349 13,098 1 8 4 2 -4 3 . 27,437 11,645 21,618 7,536 21,655 1 8 4 1 -4 2 . 20,969 6,974 20,252 9,053 10,810 81,249 89,891 68,058 1 8 4 0 -4 1 . 1839-40, 20.665 9,139 6,606 6,812 8,040 6.005 5,645 5,002 13,505 13,684 54,667 40,436 T he following table shows the comparative arrivals, exports, and stocks of cotton and tobacco, at N ew Orleans, for ten years, from 1st of Septem ber to 31st of August, in each year :— Years. 1843-44........... 1842-43,.......... .... 1841-42,.......... 1840-41,.......... 1839-40,.......... 1838-39,.......... 1837-38,.......... 1836-37,.......... 1835-36,.......... 1834-35,.......... C otton— B ales . Arrivals. 910,854 1,083,642 740,155 822,870 954,445 578,514 742,720 605,813 495,442 530,172 Exports. 895,375 1,088,870 749,267 821,228 949,320 579,179 738,313 588,969 490,495 536,991 T obacco— H iids. ’ Stocks. 12,934 4,700 4,428 14,490 17,867 10,308 9,570 20,678 4,586 3,649 Arrivals. 82,435 92,509 67,555 53,170 43,827 28,153 37,588 28,501 50,555 35,059 Exports. 81,249 89,890 68,058 54,667 40,436 30,780 35,555 35,821 43,028 33,801 Stocks. 4,859 4,873 2,255 2,758 4,409 1,294 3,834 3,857 10,456 1,821 T he exports of sugar, in each of the five years, (from 1839 to 1844,) w ere— 418 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 1843-44. Whither exported. New York,................................ Philadelphia,............................ Charleston, S. C.,..................... Savannah,.................................. Providence and Bristol, R. I .,. Boston,...................................... Baltimore,.................................. Norfolk,...................................... Richmond and Petersburg, Va., Alexandria, 1). C.,.................... Mobile........................................ Apalachicola and Pensacola,... Other ports................................ Total,............................ 1842-43. Hhcls. Bbls. Ilhds. 11,422 8,478 1,502 483 217 697 31,549 14,474 1,090 240 217 5,492 562 1,590 280 3,257 1,070 42 34,395 Bbls. 17 548 22 2,814 8,660 610 2,337 592 3,011 565 102 1,544 60,044 42 1 708 100 1841-42. Ilhds. 13,620 4,170 014 313 Bbls, 405 438 2 375 306 100 212 6,504 364 1,419 539 759 517 303 102 548 335 2,280 29,334 2,232 663 28 58 268 56 E xports of S ugar—Continued. 1840-41. Whither exported. New Y o rk ,................................... Philadelphia,................................. Charleston, Si C.,......................... Savannah,...................................... Providence and Bristol, R. I...... Boston,........................................... Baltimore,...................................... Norfolk,......................................... Richmond and Petersburgh, Va.,. Alexandria, D. C.,..................... Mobile,........................................... Apalachicola and Pensacola,...... Other ports,.................................... Total,............................... 1839-40. Ilhds. Bbls. Ilhds. 18,759 6,726 1,716 357 422 7,588 664 1,520 374 1,530 566 304 822 431 1 39 3 114 48 48 64 2 445 782 1,293 18,556 8,622 1,513 722 20 951 8,403 819 1,923 372 2,214 947 234 Bbls. 315 1,567 1,880 40,526 4,092 45,296 6,595 598 134 88 12 327 942 553 179 T he exports of molasses, in each of the five 3'ears, (from 1839 to 1844,) w ere— 1843-44. 1842-43. 1841-42. Whither exported. New York,................................ Philadelphia,............................. Charleston, S. C.,...................... Savannah, .............................. Providence and Bristol, R. I., . Boston,....................................... Baltimore,.................................. Norfolk,...................................... Richmond and Petersburg, Va., Alexandria, D. C.,.................... Mobile,...................................... Apalachicola and Pensacola,... Other ports,............................... Hhds. Bbls. Ilhds. Bbls. Hhds. 1,882 354 15,744 4,214 5,467 1,254 7,285 1,288 63 6,377 882 270 475 55 1,001 586 5,231 2,039 1,581 350 2,836 2,440 750 576 976 1,162 800 28,030 9,091 3,986 1,640 106 4,809 8,459 947 2,316 575 313 2,260 1,369 T otal,............................ 3,409 42,962 12,366 66,901 9,314 112 216 345 411 826 11 192 Bbls. 23,525 2,lf9 3,311 886 347 3,208 11,842 1,242 2,843 934 4,190 1,290 1,378 57,165 E xports of M olasses— Continued. 1840-41. Whither exported. New York,...................................,........... Philadelphia,.................................. .......... Charleston, S. C.,......................... ........... Hhds. 5,496 1,002 550 Bbls. 17,081 4,694 5,216 1839-40. Hhds. 3,511 962 Bbls.* 15,105 3,078 2,309 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 419 E xports of M olasses— Continued. 1840-41. Whither exported. Savannah,................................................. Providence and Bristol, R. I.,................ Boston,...................................................... Baltimore,................................................ Norfolk,..................................................... Richmond and Petersburg, Va.,....... Alexandria, I). C.,................................... Mobile,...................................................... Apalachicola and Pensacola,................. Other port3,............................................... Total,.......................................... 1839-40. 1,424 Bbls. 1,008 103 2,756 7,275 539 716 153 4,778 1,124 2,661 38 51 1,942 Bbls. 1,309 251 4,451 5,850 971 1,694 98 3,867 1,710 1,704 11,284 48,104 8,937 42,397 llhds. 208 496 1,582 350 91 85 Hilda. 117 99 811 1,267 50 89 W e give, below, the exports of flour, pork, bacon, lard, beef, lead, and corn, for the two last years. T his table includes the exports to Mobile, via the Pontchartrain railro ad ; but the vessels reported in the clearances as having provisions and merchandise, are not included. E xports of F lour , P ork , B acon, L ard, B eef , L ead, W hiskey , and C orn , for two years , from 1 st S eptem ber to 31 st A ugust . 1843-44. Destination. New York,............ Boston,.................... Philadelphia,.......... Baltimore,............... Charleston.............. Oth. coastwise p’ts, Cuba,........ .............. Other foreign ports, Beef. Flour. Fork. Bacon. Lard. Bbls. Bbls. Hhds. Kegs. Bbls. 48,323 219,756 5,104 324,776 9,112 109,410 1,742 216,773 5,871 63,653 13,702 1,718 30,493 1,042 11.939 1,217 25,831 383 8.924 1,305 2,255 3,986 637 9,229 10,424 13,327 2,640 48.718 29,314 504 100,764 509 397 108,679 26.491 157 151,382 15,192 Lead. Whiskey. Bbls. Pigs. 264,834 2,216 111.614 J 38 53,901 730 12,561 631 4,332 2,455 33,536 154,955 Corn. Sacks. 44.367 27,536 2,775 60,278 15,809 53,516 Total,............. 300,082 393,179 24,852 872,270 35,386 600,320 42,127 204,281 Destination. New York,............. Boston,.................... Philadelphia,.......... Baltimore,............... Charleston,............. Oth. coastwise p’ts, Cuba,....................... Other foreign ports, Flour. Bbls. 101,336 81,955 3,540 67 1,494 40,717 26,747 82,916 1 8 4 2 -4 3 . Beef. Pork. Bacon. Lard. Bbls. Hhds. Kegs. Bbls. 69,275 6,669 203,057 1,140 561 60,278 1,359 115,475 8.953 4,794 1,363 6,881 1,343 12,630 3,441 137 2,986 30 6,705 6,974 6,678 638 255 88,607 150 550 10,885 2,810 298,861 1,905 Total,................ 338,772 159,774 23,383 737,729 Lead. Wluskey. Corn. Bbls. Sacks. Pigs. 225,077 5,402 160,707 216 166,599 112.670 534 2,873 55,954 12,765 2,573 2,613 20,507 20,663 128,266 510 50 135,556 135 193,314 4,424 542,172 32,136 672,316 T he arrival of ships, barks, brigs, schooners, and steamboats, at N ew Orleans, for five years, from September 1st, to 31st of October, has been as follows :— Years. 18391840184118421843- 40....... 41,........... 42,........... 43............. 44,........... Ships. Barks. 560 177 595 191 599 198 579 283 665 256 Brigs. 435 325 279 532 376 Schrs. 682 532 327 524 389 Total. 1,846 1,643 1,403 2,018 1,686 Steamb'ts. 1,937 2,181 2,132 2,324 2,570 T he following table shows the receipts of the principal articles of pro / 420 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. duce from the interior, into N ew Orleans, during the year ending 31st of August, 1844, with their estimated yerage, and total value :— * Articles. Apples,.............................................. bbls. Bacon, assorted,...........lihds. and casks Bacon, assorted,.............. boxes Bacon hams,.....................lihds. and tcs. Bacon, in bulk,.................................. lbs. Bagging,........................................ pieces Bale rope,......................................... coils Beans,............................................... bbls. Butter,.......................... kegs and firkins Butter,............................................... bbls. Beeswax,.......................................... bbls. Beeswax,............................................ lbs. Beef,..................................................bbls. Beef,................................................ hhds. Beef, dried,......................................... lbs. Buffalo robes,.................................packs Cotton,............................................. bales Corn meal,................ bbls. Corn, in ear,............................................. Corn, shelled,..................................sacks Cheese,.......................„ .................. casks Candles,.......................................... boxes C ider,................................................bbls. Coal, western,........ ................................. Dried apples and peaches,..................... Feathers,........................................... bags Flaxseed,............................................ tcs. Flour,................................................bbls. F urs,............. hhds., bundles, and boxes H em p,......................................... bundles Hides,....................................................... H ay,.......................................................... Iron, pig,........................................... tons L a rd ,................................................hhds. Lard,..................................................bbls. Lard,................................................. kegs Leather,....................................... bundles Lime, western,.................................bbls. L ead,................................................. pigs Lead, bar,.....................kegs and boxes Molasses, (estimated crop,......... gallons O ats,................................................. bbls. Onions,..... . Oil, linseed,... Oil, castor,__ Oil, lard,......... Peach brandy,. Potatoes,......... Pork,............... P o rk ,............................................... hhds. Pork, in bulk,..................................... lbs. Porter and ale,.................................bbls. Packing yarn,...................................reels Skins, deer,..................................... packs Skins, bear,.............................................. Shot,..................................................kegs Amount. 43,969 19,563 556 19,070 1,203,821 100,216 83,684 7,619 18,831 500 1,909 510 49,363 480 55,610 4,901 910,854 3,769 165,354 360,052 12,583 3913 1,419 227,788 2,001 4,568 4,273 502,507 33,062 76,490 35,132 100 212 119,717 373,341 1,785 3,767 639,269 851 5,000,000 130,432 6,443 2,260 2,757 2,647 49 56,587 412,928 8,800 7,792,000 604 1,164 1,939 69 4,714 Average. $ 2 00 25 00 14 00 30 00 3 10 6 00 3 50 4 00 12 00 40 00 27 4 50 33 00 6 40 00 32 00 3 00 50 90 12 00 3 00 3 50 45 2 50 15 00 7 50 4 00 11 1 2 25 45 11 2 18 1 2 12 20 2 30 32 20 13 2 6 20 5 4 25 15 13 00 25 00 00 00 00 25 00 00 15 00 00 75 00 00 00 00 00 00 50 00 H 00 00 00 00 00 Value. $87,933 479',075 7,784 572,100 36,114 1.002,160 502,104 26,666 75,324 6,000 76,360 135 222,133 15,840 3,336 217,800 29,147,328 11,307 82,677 324,468 150,996 10,239 4,961 102,492 5.002 67,860 32,047 2,018,028 8110.000 418,682 95,512 70,264 2,500 9,540 1,316,887 840,017 32,130 3,767 1,374,428 10,212 1,000,000 97,824 12,866 67,800 88,224 52,940 637 113,174 2,684,032 176,005 243,720 3,020 4,656 48,475 1,035 61,282 * In the Meichants’ Magazine, Vol. V., 1841, page 475 to 478, we gave a similar table foi each of the ten years, from 1832 to 1841; and in Vol. VII., page 391, a similar statement for 1842. In Vol. IX., page 569, , also a similar statement for 1842-43. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. Articles. Soap,..................... Staves,.................. ........................... No. Sugar, (estimated crop,)............... hhds. Spanish moss,....... Tallow,............................................ bbls. Tobacco, leaf,....... Tobacco, strips,.,.. Tobacco, chewing,.........kegs and boxes Tobacco,............... Twine,...................,. .bundles and boxes Vinegar,................. W hiskey,............... Window glass,...... Wheat,.................. Other various articles, estimated at........... T..tal value,.................................. Total in 1842-43,..................... Total iii 1841-42,..................... Amount. 7,399 1.362,000 140.316 2,347 7,323 70,435 12,000 7,695 4,771 2,099 318 86,947 2,066 86,014 421 Average. $3 25 60 6 13 40 100 12 2 5 2 7 4 2 00 00 00 00 50 00 00 00 50 00 50 50 00 25 Value. $22,197 3,405,000 8,418,960 14.622 98,310 2,817,400 1,200,000 92,540 11,927 10,495 795 652,102 8,264 193,531 4,000,000 $65,863,866 53,728.054 45,716,045 T he manufactures of Louisiana are less considerable. Home-made, or family manufactures, amounted to $65,190 ; two cotton factories, with 706 spindles, employed 23 persons, producing articles to the amount of $18,900, with a capital of $22,000 ; six furnaces produced 1,400 tons of cast iron, and two forges produced 1,366 tons of b ar iron, employing 145 persons, and a capital of $357,000; 25 tanneries employed 88 persons, and a capital of $132,025; seven other manufactories of leather, as sad dleries, i c . , produced articles to the amount of $108,500, with a capital of $89,550; one pottery employed 18 persons, producing articles to the amount of $1,000, with a capital of $3,000 ; five sugar refineries pro duced to the amount of $770,000 ; 101 persons produced confectionary to the amount of $20,000; m achinery was produced to the amount of $5,000, and hardw are and cutlery to the amount of $30,000 ; 51 persons produced carriages and wagons to the amount of $23,350, employing a capital of $15,780 ; mills of various kinds produced articles to the amount of $706,785, employing 972 persons, and a capital of $1,870,795; ves sels w ere built to the amount o f $80,500; 129 persons manufactured fur niture to the amount of $2,300, with a capital of $576,050; five distil leries produced 285,520 gallons, and one brew ery 2,400 gallons, employ ing 27 persons, and a capital of $110,000 ; 75 persons manufactured 2,202,200 pounds of soap, 3,500,030 pounds of tallow candles, and 4,000 pounds of wax or sperm aceti candles, with a capital of $ 1 15,500; 248 brick or stone houses, and 619 wooden houses, w ere built by 1,484 per sons, and cost $2,736,944 ; 35 printing-offices, five binderies, 11 daily, 21 weekly, and two semi-weekly newspapers, and three periodicals, employ ed 392 persons, and a capital of $193,700. T he total amount of capital employed in manufactures, was $6,430,699. At the commencement of 1840, the state had 16 banks, with 31 branch es, with an aggregate capital of $41,736,768, and a circulation of $4,345,533. In 1842, the state debt amounted to $20,820,889. T h e public debt consists almost entirely of state bonds, issued to the different banks, which bonds have been sold in Europe ; and the proceeds consti tute the capitals of the banks, which are loaned to the stockholders on mortgages of their landed property. T hese mortgages are estimated to be worth $25,400,000. Several works of internal improvement have been undertaken. Pont- 422 Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. chartrain railroad extends from N ew O rleans four and a half miles, to Lake Pontcbartrain, and cost originally 8200,000; and, with its improve ments, 8500,000. W est Feliciana railroad extends from St. Francisville, on Mississippi river, tw enty miles, to Woodville, Miss. Orleans-street railroad, through Orleans-street, is one and a half miles long, and connects N ew Orleans with the bayou St. Johns, and cost 812,000. N ew Orleans and Carrolton railroad extends from N ew Orleans six and a h alf miles, to Carrolton, passing through Lafayette. It has city branches, making its whole length eleven and a half miles. Various other railroads and ca nals have been projected, and some work has been done upon them, but they are at present suspended. N ew Orleans,* the com mercial capital of the state, is situated on the left bank of the M ississippi; which, by a singular bend, causes the city to be on its N . W . side, facing the S. E . T he city is built on an inclined plane, descending gently from the river towards the swamp in the r e a r ; so that, when the Mississippi is full, the streets are three or four feet below the surface of the river. T o prevent inundation, an artificial em bank ment, called the Levee, has been raised at a great expense, extending from F ort Plaquemine, 43 miles below the city, to 120 miles above it, w hich is 15 feet wide, and 4 feet high. D irectly in front of the city, it affords a very pleasant w alk. T he position of N ew O rleans, as a vast commer cial emporium, is unrivalled; for the Mississippi, with its numerous tribu taries, brings to it for a m arket the products of 20,000 miles of navigation, and the immense resources of the great valley are yet but partially devel oped. T he city proper is in the form of a parallelogram , running along the river 1,320 yards, and extending back 700 yards. T his portion of the city is traversed by 22 streets, forming 84 principal, and 14 minor squares. T he whole extent of the city, including its incorporated fauxbourgs, is not less than five miles parallel with the river, and it extends perpendicularly to it, from a quarter to three-quarters of a mile ; and to the bayou St. John, two miles. T he houses are principally of brick, except some of the ancient and dilapidated dwellings in the heart of the city, and some new ones in the outskirts. T he modern buildings, particularly in the up per parts of the city, or Second Municipality, are generally three and fourstories high, with elegant and substantial granite fronts. Many of the houses in the outer parts are surrounded with gardens, and ornamented w ith orange-trees. T he view of the city from the river, in ascending or descending, is beautiful; and on entering it, the stranger finds it difficult to believe that he lias arrived at an A m erican city. T his rem ark applies especially to the central and low er parts, where the older buildings are ancient, and of foreign construction ; where the manners, customs, and language, are so various; the population being very nearly equally made up of Americans, French, Creoles, and Spaniards, with a mixture of al most every nation on the globe. D uring the business season, extending from the first of November until July, the Levee, in its whole extent, is crowded with vessels of all sizes, from all quarters of the world ; with hundreds of large and splendid steamboats, and numerous barges and flatboats, &c. Nothing can present a more busy, bustling scene, than the levee at this tim e ; the loading and unloading of vessels and steamboats, with 1,500 drays transporting tobacco, cotton, sugar, and the various and immense produce of the far west. In 1836, the legislature passed an act * Harper’s edition of M ’Culloch. Commerce and Resources o f Louisiana. 423 dividing the city into three municipalities, ranking them according to their population. T he first includes the city proper, extending, with that width, from the river back to L ake Pontchartrain, and occupying the centre ; the second adjoining it above, and the third below, both extending from the river to the lake. E ach municipality has a distinct council for the m anagem ent of its internal affairs, which do not encroach on the general government. N ew O rleans is often familiarly called the Crescent city, from its form ; for, though the streets are straight, those w hich follow the river have two turns at large angles, giving it something of this form. T he river, oppo site to the city, is half a mile wide, and from 100 to 160 feet deep, and it preserves the same width to near its entrance into the G ulf of Mexico. On the b ar at its mouth it has a depth of from 13 1-2 to 16 feet of w ater, with a soft muddy bottom. L arge and powerful steam tow-boats, some of which will tow six large vessels, are constantly employed, to facilitate the passage of vessels to and from the gulf. A canal, four and a h alf miles long, leads from a basin within the city to Lake Pontchartrain, through the bayou St. John. Through this canal, the trade of the coun try bordering on L ake Pontchartrain and Borgne, and all the coast of the north part of the G ulf of Mexico, as far as Florida, comes to the city, and a considerable fleet of sloops is often seen in the basin. A railroad, also, four and a half miles long, connects the city with L ake Pontchartrain, which will probably supersede the use of the canal. A harbor is formed in the lake, at the term ination of the railroad, and a considerable village is there springing up. T he facilities for trade are great, and well im proved. T he exports, including the foreign and coasting trade, are not less than $40,000,000, which are greater than those of any other city in the United S ta te s; but its imports are vastly less. Much of the w estern country, which exports its produce by the w ay of N ew Orleans, imports its goods from N ew York. In 1842,740,267 bales of cotton w ere exported to foreign ports, and coastwise. N ew O rleans is growing rapid ly, but will never probably equal N ew York ; though it is very likely to become the second city in the Union. T he licensed and enrolled tonnage, in 1840, was 126,613. Its unhealthiness is against it, though this has often been exaggerated ; and the same is true of its morals. It is said to be an orderly and peaceable city, and its inhabitants are distinguished for their politeness, hospitality, and kindness to the distressed. According to the census of 1840, there were 8 commercial, and 375 commission houses in foreign trade, with a capital of $16,490,000 ; 1,881 retail stores, with a capital of $11,018,225 ; 32 lumber-yards, with a capi tal of $67,800 ; 6 furnaces, with a capital of $355,000 ; hardw are was manufactured to the amount of $30,000 ; one cotton factory, with 700 spindles, employed a capital of $20,000; tobacco manufactures employed a capital of $60,000 ; 1 tannery had a capital of $50,000 ; 2 distilleries employed a capital of $56,000 ; 3 sugar refineries produced to the amount of $700,000 ; 3 steam saw-mills had a capital of $175,000 ; 18 printingoffices, 5 binderies, 9 daily, 6 weekly, and 2 semi-weekly newspapers, employed a capital of $162,200; 201 brick or stone houses, and 210 wooden houses, w ere built, at a cost of $2,234,300. T he total capital employed in manufactures w as $1,774,200. T here w ere 2 colleges, with 105 students; 10 academies, with 440 students; 25 schools, with 975 scholars. Banking in the United States. 424 A kt. III.—BAN KING IN T H E U N IT E D ST A T E S. T h e currency of our country is a subject that has long been a promi nent topic of discussion, and it must always exercise an important bearing upon the prosperity of the nation. It may be considered, indeed, the most important agent of m ercantile enterprise, being the representative of value, the standard that regulates the exchange of all kinds of p roperty; and its solidity and permanence tend to furnish a stimulus to labor, while its influence circulates throughout the entire circle of the community. It is well known that among the ancients, articles of various sorts have been employed as instruments of commerce and exchange ; for example, a spe cies of shells was used for this purpose in some parts of the coast of India, iron was the instrument of commerce among the Spartans, and copper among the Romans.* Yet, with the commercial nations of modern times, the use of gold, silver, and copper coin has been adopted, as the repre sentative of value, and the medium of exchange. T he benefit and design of money is obvious. From the various m ercantile operations of men, nu merous individuals have different articles to sell, and as the vendor may not wish any thing from the purchaser in exchange for the things sold, money is employed as a portable object, of w ell known and standard va lue, and a proper medium of exchange. T his money may be stamped coin, of gold, silver, or copper the two former of which, by the constitu tion, are the only legal tender for the payment of debts ; or it may be bank bills that are as good as coin when they can command it, these bank bills being the promissory notes of corporations. P aper money has comprised a considerable portion of the circulating medium of the country since the year 1690, and its use has come down in increased amount, and in proportion as business has expanded, to the pre sent tim e. D uring our colonial dependence, the paper money that was then circulated, consisted of w hat w ere denominated bills of credit, issued by the colonies, which pledged their faith for the ultimate payment of those bills. T hey were made receivable for debts due to the government, and also a legal tender for private debts, until it was ultimately prohibited by act of parliament. T h eir issue was first made by Massachusetts, which had incurred expenses in an unfortunate expedition against Quebec, then a colony of France, beyond its means of payment, during the year 1690, and those bills were subsequently circulated by the other colonies of what now constitutes the Union. T h ey w ere, however, called in from time to time, by taxes, and w ere receivable by the governm ent in the paym ent of those taxes. T he colonial bills thus issued, soon, however, becam e depre ciated, and less in value than gold or silver throughout the colonies. Yet they w ere denominated lawful money, under the valuation of six shillings for a silver dollar in the N ew E ngland colonies, in N ew York, at eight shillings, and in Pennsylvania at seven shillings and sixpence, which va luation constitutes the basis of the different currencies of those states at the present time. In consequence of the excessive issues of these bills, their value rapidly depreciated both in the north and the south. T heir circulation was in fact increased in 1745, by the colony of Massachusetts, to the amount of two or three millions of pounds, in order to pay certain * Smith’s W ealth of Nations. Banking in the United States. 425 expenses of an expedition against Louisburg, besides other liabilities in curred in the hostile preparations against France ; and this increased issue occasioned so great a depreciation, that, in the year 1748, the value of eleven hundred pounds of those bills was only one hundred pounds ster ling.* A large amount was likewise issued by North and South Carolina in consequence of their w ars with the Indians. T he sum of one hundred and eighty thousand pounds sterling was, moreover, paid by G reat Britain to the state of Massachusetts, for its expenses in the expedition against Louisburg, and the colony with that sum redeemed its bills, at the rate of fifty shillings for each ounce of silver.* T he occurrence of the Revolution, when the country was laboring un der severe pecuniary depression, produced the issue, by the colonies, of what was denominated “ Continental money.” Bills of credit to the amount of about three millions of dollars, w ere in 1775 issued by the Co lonial Congress, and to this amount an increase was subsequently added. Although they were made by the colonial legislature a legal tender for the payment of debts, the refusal to receive them being a forfeiture of the debt itself, their depreciation was proportioned to the increase of the issues. Yet it was in 1777, that this depreciation began seriously to be f e lt; and this was not strange, for two years alter, in 1779, the amount of these bills in circulation was one hundred and sixty million of dollars, and it would probably have been increased, had not Congress, during that year, passed an act limiting its circulation to two hundred millions, an amount that was issued before its close. At that period it is well known th at the country was in a depressed state. T he necessary consequence of this excess of issues was accordingly a large depreciation, and in 1780 they had nearly ceased to circulate. T he result is obvious. T he quantity in market pre vented their redemption at par, and at last, one hundred dollars of bills were frequently given for one genuine d o lla r; those that were redeemed at all, being called in at that rate, under the funding system established by the governm ent.! T he first national bank established in the country w ent into operation in December, 1781, under the auspices of “ the President and Directors of the Bank of North A m erica,” and was created by Congress at the sugges tion of Robert Morris, the superintendent of Finance. T h e Bank of North America was instituted and incorporated by ordinance, under the articles of confederation. Possessing a capital of four hundred thousand dollars, it contributed, under the judicious m anagem ent of its first projector and his associates, to relieve, in the measure w hich its limited resources would permit, the financial depression of the country. But, notwith standing the establishment of this institution, the scarcity of money after the peace of 1783 becam e so great in consequence of the depressed state of American commerce, and the w ant of an energetic national govern ment, that resort was again had to paper money and tender laws by some of the states ; and, indeed, personal property was sometimes made a ten der in the payment of individual debts, the value of which was appraised by individuals. T he result of those measures w as to injure rather than to benefit the condition of things, and to hasten the organization of the con stitution, by w hich the states w ere prohibited from issuing bills of credit, or making any thing but gold and silver a legal tender in the payment of * Holmes’ Annals. VO L. X I .— NO. V . t Pitkin’s Statistics. 34 426 Banking in the United Stales. debts. T he national government was, however, soon organized, and only two millions of dollars constituted the banking capital of the nation. This capital was embraced in the bank of North America, to which allusion has been made, the bank of N ew York, that was located in the city of N ew York, and the bank of Massachusetts, in the city of Boston. T he establishment of a national bank, by national authority, was strongly recommended by Alexander Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, in 1790, as necessary for the proper m anagem ent of the finances of the government, and the support of public credit. At this period commenced the constitutional objections to the establishment of the institution that have been urged with more or less zeal through successive administrations, down to the present time. It was opposed on the ground that the govern, ment was restricted to the exercise only of those powers specified in the constitution ; that the power to incorporate a bank was not one of them ; and that the power given to Congress to pass all laws necessary to exe cute the specified powers must be confined to all the necessary means to accomplish the end incident to the nature of the specified powers. Upon the other side it was contended that incidental as well as yjecified powers belonged to the governm ent; that where general objects were stated as w ithin the province of the government, all the usual means ne cessary to accomplish those objects, were incidental to th e m ; and that a bank was a well-known and usual instrument for accomplishing the ob jects specified by the constitution. It was, moreover, maintained by the opponents of the bank, that the pow er to incorporate banking institutions was not among the enum erated powers, and that to go beyond the speci fied powers prescribed by the constitution, was to take possession of a broad, undefined and dangerous field of jurisdiction. T he bank bill hav ing passed the two houses of Congress, it was discussed, so far as its constitutionality was concerned, w ith extraordinary zeal in the executive cabinet. T he secretary of state and the attorney general considered that Congress had transcended its p o w ers; but a contrary opinion was main tained by the secretary of the treasury. After profound and able debates by his cabinet, the question was referred to President W ashington, and he gave it as his deliberate conviction that the power was invested in the government by the constitution to incorporate a bank, and in conformity therew ith the bank was established.* T he advantages that had been experienced by those institutions else w here, and the benefits which w ere experienced by the former bank of N orth America, induced the incorporation of this institution on the 25th of February, 1794, and it soon w ent into operation. T he capital of the bank, thus incorporated, was ten millions of dollars, of which eight millions was to be subscribed by individuals, and two millions by the United States. Tw o millions of the amount subscribed by individuals was to be paid in specie, and six millions in six per cent stock of the United States. The bank was to continue in operation until the fourth of March, 1811, and in the meantime no other national bank was to be established. In order to show the advance of its stock, it may be stated that during the period of its existence, shares w ere sold, making a total profit of $671,000. It has been alleged, and this from sources entitled to credit, that the institution, thus established, was beneficial to the community, as it certainly was to * Kent’s Commentaries, Vol. I. p. 251. Banking in the United Stales. 427 the stockholders, since it furnished an annual average dividend of eight and a half per cent. On the expiration of the charter of the bank in 1811, numerous projects were agitated for the purpose of its renew al. As early as the spring of 1808, the stockholders had presented a memorial to Congress for that ob ject, and the secretary of the treasury, Mr. Gallatin, to whom the matter had been referred, made a report, during the following year, favorable to the measure, but without success. Various plans w ere at the same time proposed for the re-establishment of a bank of the United States, but, in consequence of the excited state of party feeling, no measures w ere adopt ed for this purpose. W ar soon followed, and the state banks, which had at this period increased to nearly ninety, established in most of the states, and possessing a capital of more than forty millions of dollars, not only furnish ed to the government the greater part of its loans in order to carry on the war, but aided it essentially in the collection and disbursement of the reve nue. Increased issues of paper w ere in consequence required, and the depression of commerce, consequent on that event, induced the banks south of N ew England to stop the payment of specie for their bills. A neces sary depreciation followed, and the government was unable to procure loans for the prosecution of the war, excepting upon very disadvantageous terms. A second national bank was soon alleged to bo necessary, in order to relieve the financial em barrassm ent of the country. D uring the session of Congress of September, 1814, Mr. Dallas, then secretary of the treasury, submitted ap ian for a national bank, holding such an institution proper for carrying into execution some of the most important powers vested in Con gress, and also useful in promoting the general welfare. In urging the importance of this m easure, the secretary of the treasury alleged, that its direct tendency would be to restore and continue an uniform national cur rency, declaring, at the same time, that this object could not be effected by the state banks. T he nation, as has been stated, had been severely la boring under the evils of a disordered currency, and it felt disposed to or ganize an institution that might, if possible, afford relief and establish the credit of the country upon a solid foundation. D uring the w inter of 1816, the last bank of the United States having been chartered, w ent into operation without much opposition upon consti tutional grounds, although some objections w ere urged against minor fea tures of the bill, regarding, among other subjects, the amount of capital and the agency of the government in the m anagem ent of its concerns. T he capital of the bank was thirty-five millions of dollars, which was divided into three hundred and fifty thousand shares, each of one hundred dollars. Seven millions of dollars, or seven thousand shares, were to be subscribed by the United States, and to be made payable in five per cent stock, which was redeemable at the pleasure of the government, and the rem ainder by individuals, companies or corporations, of which seven millions w ere to be paid in gold and silver, and twenty-one million in the funded debt of the United States, the funded debt thus subscribed being redeemable at plea sure. T he bank was to be continued until the third of March, 1836, and no other national bank was to be established during that time. T he D i rectors consisted of twenty-five, of whom five w ere to be appointed by the President of the United States and the Senate, and twenty by the indi vidual stockholders. A board for the transaction of business was to con- 428 Banking in the United States. sist of not less than seven directors. T he debts of the bank w ere not to exceed thirty-five millions of dollars above the deposites, and no loan was to be made to the government of an amount exceeding five hundred thou sand dollars, nor to any state, of an amount exceeding fifty thousand dollars, nor to any foreign prince or state, unless authorized by law ; nor was any foreigner permitted to be a director. T he directors w ere authorized to establish offices of discount and deposit in the District of Columbia, and in other pi ices that they might think proper. T hey w ere to furnish the heads of the treasury departm ent weekly statements, if such statements w ere required, of the amount of capital and debts due, money deposited, notes in circulation, and specie on hand ; the head of the department hav ing the right to inspect such general accounts in the books of the bank as related to such statements, but not the accounts of private individuals with the bank. No foreigner was permitted to vote for a director, nor was the corporation allowed to issue any note of a less amount than five dollars.* In all payments to the general government, the notes of the bank, paya ble on demand, w ere made receivable, unless otherwise directed by act of Congress, and the money of the bank was to be deposited in the bank or its branches, unless the secretary of the treasury shouli otherwise or der, in which case he was required to lay before Congress the reason for such order. T he bank was, moreover, required to pay a bonus of one million five hundred thousand dollars to the government, and to distribute the funds of the government in payment of the public creditors, without expense, w hen required by the secretary of the treasury. It was also to perform the duty of commissioner of loans for the several states, when re quired by law, and was subjected to pay twelve per cent interest on de posits or notes, from the time of refusal, or neglect to pay the same ac cording to contract. It was, moreover, made lawful by the charter, for either house of Congress to inspect the books, and to examine into the proceedings of the bank, and to report w hether the provisions of the char te r had been violated. On the report of such committee, or whenever the President of the United States should have reason to believe that the char ter had been violated, it was made lawful for Congress to direct, or for the President to order a scire fa c ia s to be issued out of the circuit court of the district of Pennsylvania, in order to try the question whether the ch arter had been forfeited. These w ere the general provisions of the last bank. T he bank, thus organized, w ent into operation, encountering numerous difficulties connected with a disordered currency. In order to provide against any future exigency, a special agent was sent to Europe, by the directors, and a large amount of specie was imported from abroad. From the 30th of July, 1817, to D ecem ber, 1818, seven million, three hundred and eleven thousand, seven hundred and fifty dollars in coin w ere brought into this country, for the institution, at an expense of five hundred and twenty-five thousand, two hundred and seventy-seven dollars, including the (loss of interest and premium. About this period, a scheme of stock-job' bing in the affairs of the bank was entered into by some of the directors, that was injurious to the interests of the bank as w ell as the public. A considerable amount of the money of the bank was used in loans to those individuals, who pledged the very stock purchased with the loan, at one * Pitkin’s Statistics. Banking in the United States. 429 hundred and twenty-five dollars per share. In consequence of these specu lations, the price of shares during the month of September, 1817, advanced to one hundred and fifty-sis dollars and a h a lf; but in D ecem ber, 1818, they fell to one hundred and ten dollars per share, as soon as the scheme had exploded. Betw een two and three millions of dollars w ere thus lost to the bank through this m ism anagem ent; so that for a long time it was unable to make any dividends. But, on a change of its president and directors, the bank soon recovered from its losses. Betw een three and four hundred millions of dollars of the public money had been collect ed and received in its vaults within a period of sixteen years ; and this amount had been disbursed and distributed through the country in the va rious expenses of the government, in the principal and interest of the pub lic debt, government pensions, and other matters of like character. Pos sessing twenty-five branches, scattered throughout different parts of the Union, it had furnished loans to enterprising individuals in the various branches of commercial and m ercantile pursuits, facilities for foreign and domestic remittances, and frequent credits in Europe to those engaged in foreign trade. On the first day of January, 1833, the directors of the bank, in order to give to the committee of ways and means, appointed by Congress, information regarding its actual condition, furnished a view of its state at that time, a condensed abstract from which we here subjoin.* C laims against the B ank . The notes in circulation,.......................................................................... The deposits, public and private,........................................................... The debt to the holders of the funded debt of the United States, for principal and interest,........................................................................... §17,459,571 79 13,547,517 95 T otal,............................................................................................ §37,807,322 74 6,723,703 16 I ts R esources. Specie,........................................................................................................ Notes of state banks,................................................................................ Balances due by state banks,.................................................................. Funds in Europe, and foreign bills ofexchange,.................................. Real estate,................................................................................................ Debts due by individuals on notesdiscounted,....................................... “ “ on dona, bills of exchange,........................... Mortgages, &c.,......................................................................................... §8,951,847 2,291,655 1,596,252 3,190,225 3,036,241 43,626,870 18,069,043 103,330 60 04 08 43 52 32 25 75 Total,............................................................................................. Claims as above deducted,....................................................................... §80,865,465 99 37,807,322 74 And there remained, according to this estimate, a surplus of............ §43,058,143 25 In accordance with that estimate, the funds o f individuals as well as those of the government, continued to be entrusted to its v aults; and the price of the stock indicated public confidence in its condition and m anagement. In loans and discounts, by the actual distribution and application of its capital, the southern and w estern states, that is, the states south and west of Philadelphia had shared an amount exceeding forty-three millions of dollars, in May of 1832, which w ere then out. In the states lying upon the Mississippi and its waters, it had exceeded thirty millions of dollars, of which, nineteen or twenty w ere in the discount of promissory notes, and the residue was composed of discounts of bills of exchange, foreign * Pitkin’s Statistics. 430 Banking in the United States'. and domestic.* T he executive of the United States, (President Jackson,) in a message of December, 1832, not only called in question the constitu tionality and expediency of the bank, but also its solvency; and his policy soon showed a disposition to remove the governmental deposits from its vaults. T his xvas done in 1833. In a very short time, the treasury withdrew the sum of eight million of dollars, within a fraction. The bank was, in consequence, obliged to strengthen itself, and the state banks fol lowed the example, by endeavoring to strengthen themselves, and the amount of credit upon which the business -of the country was prosecuted, was suddenly diminished to a great extent. Property declined in value. Thousands of failures occurred in consequence of the w ant of bank accom modations. Thousands maintained their stand only by enormous sacri fices. Public works and individual enterprises stood still. T he means of la bor w ere cut off from those who most desired it, and a general pecuniary dis tress seemed to pervade the country. W hen it was finally settled that no re-charter of the national bank was to be obtained, a plan was projected to combine the advantages of the long established correspondence, name, and m achinery of the former bank, by incorporating its stock with a n e w institution, under the name of “ T he President, Directors, and Company of the Bank of the United States o f Pennsylvania,” which was chartered on the 18th of February, 1836, by the legislature of that state. T he transfer of the funds of the old institu tion was made into the new state bank. More than fifteen per cent xvas restored to the government, beyond its subscription, at the period of the tran sfe r; and three and a half per cent had been paid to the same source every six months, for a long course of years. In consequence of the ad vantages to be derived from the new state institution, the stockholders w ere content to subscribe anew in the state bank ; and it is alleged that all of them might, at this juncture, have received their investments back, not only at par, but with a large advance. This the government actually did; and no power xvas possessed by the government, that was not equally enjoyed by every individual. Indeed, it xvas alleged by Mr. Nicholas Bid dle, (xvho had held the administration of the affairs of the state bank, as he had done that of the national bank,) as recently as April, 1841, that the state institution xvas prosperous doxxm to the end of his administration in March, 1839. T he downfall of the state institution, hoxvever, soon oc curred, bringing disaster upon a large circle of stockholders xvho had en trusted their funds to its keeping. W ithout entering into a consideration of the particular causes of that event, it may be rem arked that the period in which it occurred was a crisis bringing disaster upon the g reater part of the stocks throughout the country; and it is believed that its fall arose out of causes xvhich had not acted upon the national bank. From March, 1839, to March, 1841, the stock of the state bank declined from 116, to 17 per c e n t; and this loss fell in considerable part upon those xvho had been the original stockholders of the bank of the United States, from which this was created. But that new institution did not rest upon the broad foun dation of national aid ; it xvas not backed by the national confidence ; it had a more local and a narroxv basis, and it is believed by many judicious and honest minds, that the facts to which xve have alluded, were among the principal causes of its doxvnfall. * Webster’s Speeches ; vol. 2, p. 100. Banking in the United Stales. 431 W e would now direct the attention of our readers to the progress of the state banks that were created during the existence of the last bank of the United States. It has been already seen that only three state banks were in being at the commencement of the government, holding a capital of about two millions of dollars. On the first of January, 1811, their num ber had increased to eighty-eight, possessing an aggregate capital of forty-two million, six hundred and ten thousand dollars; the total bank ing capital of the country, at that time, being more than fifty-two million of dollars. From that year to 1815, one hundred and tw enty new state hanks w ent into operation, with a capital of forty millions of dollars. So great, indeed, was the increase of the state banks, and so extensive were the issues, that banking capital was not only increased much beyond the legitimate demand for it, but a considerable portion of the recently created banks failed, bringing disaster to a large portion of those persons who had confided in them. T he secretary of the treasury, Mr. Crawford, esti mated the paper circulation of the country, during the year 1816, at ninetynine millions, and the specie circulation at eleven millions, making the whole, one hundred and ten millions of dollars. But few banks w ere at that time obliged to make known the exact amount of their circulation. Loans to the government were effected by some of the banks of the mid dle states during the w a r ; and as those were made, for the most part, in bills, the issues must, through that means, have become greatly increased. The pressure became so great, in fact, that in September, 1814, those banks, as well as the banks of the south, w ere obliged to suspend the pay ment of specie for their bills. A deep and general distrust necessarily grew out of the suspension of specie payments, by the several banks, and the rapid depreciation of their bills was the natural consequence. T he measure of this depreciation was, however, different in the different states. Thus, the bills o fth eb an k of Baltimore w ere at a discount o f twenty per c e n t; those of the banks of the city of N ew York, of ten per c e n t; and in January of the following year, the discounts at Baltimore w ere twenty per cent, and at N ew York, fifteen per cent. In consequence of that state of things, the financial con cerns, both of the government and of individuals, became much depressed ; each state possessing a currency of its own, the revenue was paid in bills of unequal value, and loans could only with difficulty be procured by the general government. T he news of peace, which reached the country in February, 1815, appears to have restored confidence in the state banks; and it was anticipated that specie payments would be resumed. T he publie, were, however, in that respect, disappointed. T he depreciation of the bills of the state banks continued, and the debts due to the United States, as well as the amount for the payment of large importations consequent upon the peace, could only be paid in those depreciated bills. Although gold and silver w ere alone receivable in the payment of debts since the dissolution of the national bank, yet the government was obliged to take those, or to go without payment. It is alleged, indeed, that the state banks did, in fact, control the government, inasmuch as gold and sil ver could only bo brought into circulation through their agency, while they kept themselves entirely beyond the reach of the government itself. In consequence of the disordered state of the currency, it was found difficult, by the secretary of the treasury, to make payments in the various parts o f the United States ; and efforts were accordingly made to unite the state 432 Banking in the United States. banks in resuming specie payments, but without success. T he bills received in the different states in payment of the revenue, w ere of unequal value. It has been seen that the last national bank was established in 1816, and measures w ere soon adopted to cause the revenues to be collect, ed in the legal currency of the Union. F or this purpose, Congress in structed the secretary of the treasury to receive nothing in payment but the legal currency, or treasury notes, or notes of the national bank, or notes of banks that w ere paid in specie on demand. D uring the follow, ing year an arrangem ent was made betw een the bank of the United States and the state banks of-New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Virginia, which induced the resumption of specie payments. From 1811, to 1830, one hundred and sixty-five state banks, posessing an aggregate capital of about thirty millions of dollars, either failed or dis continued their business; those failures occurring in nearly every state and territory of the Union. T he government had about one million, three hundred and ninety thousand, seven hundred and seven dollars, deposited within their vaults, the. g reater portion of which it lost, while the loss to individuals was that of many millions, the bulk of which fell upon widows and orphans, whose property had been entrusted within their vaults. These failures arose in some cases from the multiplication of banks in places w here they were not required ; from injudicious discounts and over issues ; from ignorance of the principles of banking and the nature and ope ration of banking institutions ; and in some cases from a desire of gain, at the expense of individuals and the public. T he number of the state banks continued, however, to increase. On the first of January, 1834, they had advanced to the number of five hundred, with a proportionate increase of capital. It is well known that within a more recent period they have increased to a much larger number, and their operations have been at tended with numerous failures. In order to aid the circulation of coin throughout the country, the go vernment has, through the pow er vested in it by the constitution to coin money, established a mint. T he first mint was instituted under a law which passed Congress in 1792, and the place of its location is the city of Philadelphia. T hat was the only institution in the country until the year 1835, w-hen three branches of this principal mint were created. T hese were to be situated in the town of Charlotte, state of North Caro lina, and D ahlonega, in the state of G eorgia ; both in the centre of the gold region of the south, and w ere to be devoted exclusively to the coin age of gold. T he third was established in the city' of N ew Orleans, and was devoted to the coinage, both of gold and silver. These branches went into operation in 1838, and are respectively managed by superintendents who are under the control of the director of the parent mint, the coinage of all being uniform. The whole mint is in fact a bureau of the treasury department of the general government, is under the supervision of the sec retary of the treasury, and its coinage consists of eagles, half eagles, and quarter eagles, of gold ; dollars, half dollars, quarter dollars, dimes, and h alf dimes, of silver, and cents of copper. T he discovery of valuable gold mines in the soil of the United States, adds another source of wealth to the already vast resources of the nation. Gold to a considerable amount has been already obtained in the states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee and Alabama ; and it appears from the last census, that more than a thousand men are employed throughout these Banking in the United States. 433 states in w orking those mines. T he total value of the deposits of Ame rican gold at the mint of the United States, down to the year 1843, it ap pears from the report of the director of the mint, is six million, three hun dred and sixteen thousand, two hundred and fifty-nine dollars. It is also well known that the principal part of our m etallic circulation is comprised of American and Spanish coin. T he officers of the mint are a director, chief coiner, assayer, engraver, m elter and refiner; a treasurer, and the necessary clerks and workm en. It is the duty of the director to superin. tend and m anage the operations of the mint, and all the persons engaged in the establishment. T he assayer assays the metals that require it, and delivers them to the coiner, and the chief coiner coins them, in such quan tities and forms as the director may prescribe. T h e engraver prepares the dies for the coin, with the proper devices and inscriptions ; the melter and refiner takes charge of all copper and silver, or gold bullion, reduces them into bars and ingots for the rolling mills, and delivers them to the coiner or treasurer, as the director orders. T he treasurer receives and gives receipts for all metals properly brought to the mint to be coined, and delivers to the assayer a portion to be. assayed. E very officer and clerk of the mint, before he enters upon the duties of his office, is required to take oath or affirmation before some judge of the United States, faithfully to perform his duties, while the assayer, chief coiner, melter, and refiner and treasurer, give bonds to the secretary of the treasury for the faithful performance of their own duties. All persons are permitted to carry gold and silver bullion to the mint, to be coined, and it is assayed and coined as soon as practicable after it is deposited. I f it is of the standard of the United States, it is coined without compensation, yet the treasurer is not obliged to receive silver in less quantity than two hundred ounces, or gold in less quantity than tw enty ounces, when less than the standard value. W e do not propose here to enter into a discussion of the various projects that have been urged on the one side and the other, for the re-estab lishment of the bank of the United States. It is w ell known, that, since the expiration of the last national bank, a bank charter was vetoed by President Jackson, although it passed both houses of C o n g ress; and an other bill, of a sim ilar character, w as presented to President T yler, and met the same fate. An institution that was more recently projected, and understood to have been framed by the late secretary of state, Mr. W eb ster, was not passed into a bill. T he question of a national bank has pro bably been the source of more excited party action, of late years, than any subject, excepting, perhaps, that of the tariff. Some of the opponents of the institution, looking at the topics that have occurred at various times, not only from a national bank, but also the banks of the states, have advocated the substitution of the precious metals exclusively, for a paper cur rency, as a circulating medium, holding that we should not depend upon banks at all for our currency. In regard to the general principles which should regulate the emission of bank paper, we would subjoin some of the remarks made by one of the most distinguished statesmen of the country, Mr. W ebster, during the month of June of the present year, in T renton, which, without reference to party, deserve consideration. “ T here are dangers and evils, as w ell as benefits and advantages, ill that mixed circulation of coin and paper which now exists among us. T hat that mixed circulation wrll continue, seems certain. T h at far the greater part will consist of paper, until there shall come another day of 434 Banking in the United States. disaster to the banks, seems certain, also. T hat this circulation, in its pre sent state, while the banks which issue paper are solvent, and do not issue it in excess, is convenient, and as beneficial as any local circulation can be, may be also admitted. But neither of these things is more certain than that danger hangs round the system, calling for care and discretion, over sight and watchfulness from the government, or in the absence of the ex ercise of any powers of the government, from the banks themselves, an I from the community. I have ever been and still am of opinion that this guardianship and superintendence of the currency, is one of the constitu tional, appropriate and necessary exercises of the authority of the national government. But that point I do not now propose to argue, or to touch. But I wish to state what I consider the danger to be, and whence it arises, to the end that the country may not be led to forget the existence of that danger, although it be not, at the present moment, standing in an appalling attitude before us. “ Gold and silver are the universal standard of value, and medium of pay ments, among all civilized nations. All the coin in the world belongs to all the commercial nations in the world, each having naturally a share of it, proportioned to its commercial business and use. I f bills of exchange w ere unknown, then coin would exchange hands from country to country, in order to pay debts and sfettle balances, as the course of trade should have created such balance, on the one side or the other. Coin is the uni versal solvent of commercial balances, the general paymaster, whose office it is to square accounts, arising from the interchange of commodities. If produce exported becomes debtor to produce imported, coin must pay the difference ; and where exports throw a credit over import, coin returns to adjust the accounts. All this is as simple, in the order of things, as is the proceeding of a farmer, who goes to the m arket town, with the produce of his farm, and with money in his pocket, if he wishes to buy more than he has to sell, or bringing home more money', if his sale exceed his purchases. “ But in the intercourse of nations, there are things which affect the simplicity of this proceeding, and render it a little more complicated, without changing its nature. T he use of bills of exchange is universal. Bills of exchange prevent, in a very great degree, in a settled state of trade, the actual transmission of coin from country to country. T hey run the round of the whola mercantile world, bringing nat ions to a settlement, each one with ail the rest, one paying its debts to another, by drawing on its funds in the hands of a third, and leaving coin to be called for, only where ba lances of debt are considerable, or appear to be accumulating at some one point. London may' be regarded as the centre of exchanges for Europe, and the city of N ew York, for this country; Paris, Ham burg and Amster dam being auxiliaries to Loudon ; and Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Mobile and N ew O rleans, auxiliaries to New York. “ T he state of exchange, then, at anytim e, between N ew York and L on don, shows substantially the state of trade, in the aggregate, between this country and Europe, and the balances actually existing, or soon to arise, on the one side or the other. Speculations founded in calculations re specting future events, such as the probable amount of the staple articles, for the year, or the results of manufacturing industry, the probable rise or fall of prices, and other such things, affect, to a certain degree, the actual rate at which bills of exchange are bougkt and sold, and thus qualify that which would otherwise be the m ere result of facts, with more or less of Banking in the United States. 435 th e in flu e n c e o f o p in io n . S till, th e g e n e r a l an d th e sa fe in d ex o f th e sta te o f trade is th e sta te o f th e e x c h a n g e s . “ To an accurate understanding of the subject, however, it is necessary to bear in mind that the nominal exchange betw een the United States and England does not correspond with the real commercial exchange ; by rea son of the difference which the laws of the two countries have established in regard to the value of gold, and of the incorrect estimate, usually made here, in the business of exchange, of the value of the pound sterling. In exchange the pound sterling is received at $4 4 4 ; its real value may be put at $4 80, and so the laws of Congress regard it. T his difference amounts to 8 per cent. So that when a bill of exchange is bought in New York, payable in London, in sterling money, if the premium given for it do not exceed 8 per cent, it is really purchased at about p a r ; and ill this state of exchanges, there is no danger of the export of specie. “ T he topic may be thought to be not altogether fit for discussion here. But I have made these rem arks upon it for reasons which I have already stated, and for the purpose of preparing the way a little for opinions which I entertain on the subject of a mixed metallic and paper currency, and the influences of this currency on foreign trade ; and which opinions I wish briefly to state. And I wish to do this at this time, because I think I fore see that in the progress o f no great num ber of years, probably sooner than most men suppose, the currency question will again come to be a question of great interest. “ Gold and silver, as I have already said, constitute the standard of v a lue, and medium of payment among nations. T he same is true, in effect, in domestic trade, and among individuals. But here comes in the modern use of bank paper as the representative of gold and silver, which supplies the place of coin, and almost supercedes it in domestic transactions. Most commercial countries authorize the circulation of paper, and this circula tion is greater or less, according to circumstances, and to the habits of the people. In the United States and England it is large, in France it is less. “ I am not now speaking of government securities, irredeemable tre a sury notes, or anything of that kind ; I am speaking of bank notes, promis ing payment in specie on demand, and circulating as cash. In the United States such bank notes are issued by many hundred different banks. T hey pass from hand to hand, as money, and little gold and silver is seen in the daily business of life. T his state of things is convenient, so far as local circulations are concerned, and while the use of paper is restrained within just limits. But then comes the question, w hat are the just limits, and who is to preserve them ? W hat is the standard, by which we are to de cide the question of excess, or no excess? and who is to support the stan dard ? “ Is th e r e , o r is th e r e n o t, o r m a y th e r e b e , or c a n n o t th e r e e v e r b e , e x c e s s , so lo n g a s th e b a n k s a r e a b le to r e d e e m th e ir p a p e r ? W h a t d o w e m e a n b y e x c e s s , o r o v e r issu es, or in ju d icio u s su p e r a b u n d a n c e o f p a p e r ? “ T o a n s w e r th e s e q u e stio n s, w e m u st r e m e m b e r th a t th e tru e o p e r a tio n o f b a n k p a p er is o f a r e p r e se n ta tiv e c h a r a c te r . It r e p r e se n ts c o in . B u t th is r e p r e se n ta tiv e , lik e o th e r r e p r e se n ta tiv e s, so m e tim e s fo r g e ts its c o n stitu e n ts, a n d se ts it s e lf up to b e so m e b o d y , o r s o m e th in g ; w h e n o f itself, it is n o b o d y , a n d n o th in g . T h e o n e d o lla r b ill w h ic h y o u h a v e in y o u r p o c k e t is n o b e tte r th a n b la n k (fcp er, e x c e p t so far a s y o u h a v e c o n fid e n c e th a t it w ill, w h e n e v e r y o u w is h , b r in g a d o lla r in to y o u r h a n d s. 436 Banicing in the United States. “ A bank note, professing to represent coin, and being a true represen. tative, acts a respectable part in the dram a of commercial affairs; but w hen it sets up for itself, or offers itself in an independent character, it only “ presents the person of m oonshine.” T he security of paper, first against the insolvency of banks, and secondly against the general evil of over-issues and inflated circulation, consists in m aintaining a just and di rect relation betw een the amount of paper and the gold and silver which it represents. I do not, of course, say a relation of equality, but a just re lation, and a direct relation. In other words, I mean to say that when the course of trade withdraws specie from the country, then the amount of cir culating paper should be proportionally diminished. “ Bank notes will not pay foreign debts. Strangers will not trust this representative of coin. T hey cannot judge of his credentials, and, there fore, demand the presence of the constituent itself. H ere, I think, lies one of the great temptations to excessive issues of paper. T h en trade is such that balances are rising against us abroad, and the exportation of specie commences. T here are those who always desire an enlargement of the paper circulation, to supply the deficiency, and to keep up prices. But enlargem ent of paper issues, under such circumstances, is the first step towards a crisis, commercial distress and revulsion. T h e country is full of enterprise. No people have more. Almost every man is active, while, at the same time, and for the same reason, capital is less abundant than in older countries. “ T hese circumstances keep up a demand for loans and discounts, espe cially in times of activity ; and although it is doubtless true that a well conducted system of paper circulation may, to some extent, act as expan sion of capital, and in that w ay be useful in a new country, yet men are too apt to delude themselves with the idea that paper is currency. “ But I am now considering mainly, paper currency at home, in its con sequences upon importations, and other branches of foreign trade, and a just limit to its, or these discounts. “ An opinion has prevailed, in E ngland, and I suppose still prevails, that it is safe in banks to discount every good bill of exchange, or promissory note, w hich bill or note is business paper, as it is c a lle d ; that is, if it has been given in a real transaction of buying and selling. This has been, heretofore, the rule with the bank of England. “ Now, if by this, no more w ere m eant than it might be safe for the bank itself, and so far as its own interests are concerned, to discount all such paper, the proposition might be admitted. Business paper, generally speaking, may be regarded as safe paper. But that all good business pa per may be discounted by banks, and the discount paid in bank notes, without danger of injury to the public from an excess in the paper circu lation, is a proposition which I do not admit, and which I think of dan gerous tendency. I am persuaded that enlightened bank directors, dis posed to regard the public good, as well as the interests of their own stockholders, can never act on such a principle. “ It is a fundamental error ; and in a country so full of enterprise, and so much disposed to activity as ours, its practical tendency is to stimulate bu siness too highly, to inflate prices unnaturally, to cause overtrading, over production, and over action, in all departments of business. It swells the amount of paper beyond its just relation^ko specie, and exposes the coun try to sudden revulsions. W hile specie is departing, to pay debts abroad, Banking in the United States. 437 it is the effect of this shallow and short-sighted policy to increase the paper circulation at home. How can such a course of things term inate, but in disaster and distress ? “ W e are now just recovering from a deep and long continued depres sion. All branches of business give evidence of revival and o f healthy action. T he danger is that we shall not be content to make haste slow ly; that a spirit of speculation may spring out of our state of prosperity, when it shall become flushed. T he danger is that paper will be issued to ex cess, prices become extravagant, and the symptoms of crisis be upon us, before we are aw are. All this may not h ap p e n ; but the only security that it shall not happen lies in this, viz :— that bank issues be kept within just bounds, with direct reference to the amount o f gold and silver. “ L et me illustrate my m eaning by a supposed case. Suppose the amount of coin in the banks of N ew York to be five millions. Suppose them to have issued, in paper, three millions for one, that is to say, fifteen millions. I do not intend to say that this is a just proportion, but it may be assumed, for illustration. “ Now, suppose the holders of one of these fifteen millions demand specie for it, for exportation. T hen fourteen millions of paper rem ain resting on a basis of four millions. I f a second million of specie be called for, then thirteen millions of paper rest on three millions of specie, and soon. N ow it is evident that if such a process as this begins, and threatens to go on rapidly, without contraction, general distress, and perhaps explosions of the banks themselves, would be the inevitable and immediate conse quences. “ T his catastrophe, and the tendency of things toward it, is to be guarded against, by just restraints upon the amount of discounts, by waiting the course of trade, and observing continually the index of exchange. It is not sufficient guard to look at the supposed responsibility of paper offered for discounts, or to inquire w hether it arose in any case from real transac tions of sale and purchases. I f the exchanges indicate that exportation of specie may be apprehended, more caution is n ecessary ; and when expor tation ordinarily commences, it should be met by an immediate and cor responding diminution of the paper circulation. T his will slacken that exportation, check it, and finally stop it. T he process may be inconve nient for the moment. It may more or less depress prices, and dash m en’s hopes a little But it is infinitely better to meet the occurrence, by its proper remedy, in the beginning, than to attem pt to hold up against the natural course of things, to m aintain trade in an artificial and forced state, tending every day to a final, ruinous and overwhelming fall of prices, and to a general prostration of credit. “ T h at which every branch of industry in this country most needs, is reasonable and steady, not extravagant or fluctuating p ric e s; sudden changes deprive men of employment, and distress families. “ Steady occupation, with reasonable gain, constant markets, with fair prices, with no apprehension of sudden change, and the security w hich a man feels that that is money which he has taken for money, freedom from alarm, and panic, and no fear of disorder or violence; these things com pose the elements of general and enduring prosperity among the indus trious and producing classes of the community. “ In the present state of things, in the absence of all oversight by go vernment, the continuance of the public prosperity very much depends on Banking in the United Slates. 438 the banks themselves. Subject to no control but their own discretion, they ought to feel responsible for the exercise of that discretion. “ T he great cities n ear to us, and other great cities, the sources of a great proportion of bank paper, are jointly called on to guard the country against such evils as it has already more than once experienced. “ T here ought to be an understanding among the leading institutions, and a just disposition to discountenance every where, either extravagant lend ing or extravagant borrowing. I do not presume to admonish the banks ; but I hope they will receive these suggestions as made in a friendly spirit. I f discretion and candor, in this respect, be not exercised, our present state of health will itself bring on disease ; our very prosperity will plunge us in disorder. W e are well instructed by experience— let us not be lost to experience. L et not all the good, all the comforts, all the blessings, which now seem in prospect for all classes, be blighted, ruined and de stroyed by running into danger w hich we may avoid. T he rocks before us are all visible— all high out of water. T hey lift themselves up, covered with the fragments of the awful wrecks and ruin of other times. L et us avoid them. L et the master, and the pilots, and the helmsman, and all the crew, be wide aw ake, and give the breakers a good b erth .” Tw o prominent parties have arisen in the country, the one advocating the charter of a bank, on the ground that such an institution is constitutional and expedient, and the other opposing it upon opposite grounds. I f we trace the political history of the national banks of the country back to the early controversies which have arisen upon the subject of their es tablishment, we find that the discussions have not always been made strictly party questions. T he bank of 1791, as has been seen, was estab lished under the auspices of President Washington, and was at that time deemed by him constitutional. T he refusal of Mr. Madison to sign the bank bill of 1811, appears to have been founded in honest doubts as to its expediency, and the bill of 1816 was passed into a law with his approval. T he vetoes of some of his successors seem to have been based upon its alleged inexpediency and unconstitutionality. It would seem that a solemn decision of the Supreme Court has fully set at rest the constitutionality of a national bank ;* but its expediency, of course, must depend upon vari ous considerations connected with its structure and operations. W e have thus traced a condensed history of the banks of the United States, not with any partisan view, but for the purpose of giving the pro minent facts connected with banking institutions in our own country. M any of these institutions have doubtless been established for m ere pur poses of speculation, and have been conducted in a fraudulent sp irit; but the g reater part, we doubt not, have met w ith the disasters w hich caused their explosion, either from over issues, injudicious discounts, or from an ignorance of the true principles of banking. It is admitted on all sides, that, in order to carry on the extensive business operations of the mercan tile community, we require a solid, stable, and unform currency. It is equally clear, that a system like banking, that has constituted a prominent engine of trade and commerce in all civilized communities, must possess fixed and ascertained principles ; and to discover and apply those princi ples in the most equitable m anner, should be the grand object of all who exercise any agency in the creation or the m anagem ent of those institu* McCulloch vs. State of Maryland, 4 Wheaton, 316. Mercantile Biography. 439 tio n s. It s e e m s th a t th e q u e stio n o f th e fu tu re e sta b lish m e n t o f a n a tio n a l b a n k r e sts u p o n v e r y c le a r g r o u n d . Is th e c h a r te r o f su c h a n in stitu tio n p rop er ? In ord er to a n s w e r th is q u e stio n , it is n e c e s s a r y to u n d ersta n d th o ro u g h ly th e p r a c tic a l o p e r a tio n s o f th e b a n k u p o n th e c o m m u n ity . I f it ten d s to th e p u b lic w e lfa r e , i f it p r o m o te s th e p u b lic g o o d , e v e r y ju d ic io u s m a n m u st b e c o n v in c e d th a t it is p ro p er to b e e sta b lish e d ; but if, o n th e o th er h a n d , it is to b e m a d e th e o r g a n o f p o litic a l c o rru p tio n , i f it is to su b se r v e se lfish a n d p a r ty en d s, n o h o n e s t and in te llig e n t m in d w o u ld a s s e n t to its e x is t e n c e . A rt . IV.—M E R C A N T IL E BIOGRAPHY. HENRY LAURENS. H e n r y L a u r e n s was born in Charleston, South Carolina, in the year 1724. H e was descended from ancestors who w ere F rench protestant refugees, and left F rance after the revocation of the edict of N antz. T hey landed at N ew York, w here they resided some time, and afterwards set tled at the place of his birth. T he superintendence of his education was first given to Mr. Howe, and subsequently, to Mr. C o rb e tt; but of the n a ture of his studies, or the extent of his acquirements we are not told. H e was regularly bred to m ercantile pursuits under the direction of Thomas Smith, of Charleston, afterwards of Mr. Crockatt, of London, and was re markable through lifer for his peculiar observance of method in business. W hen he returned from London he entered into trade with Mr. Austin, of Charleston. In whatever he was engaged, he was distinguished for his extraordinary punctuality. Allowing nothing ever to interfere with his own, he invariably discountenanced the violations of it by others. W hat a noble example for every young m an steadily to hold in v ie w ! It was the constant possession of these lofty and dignified feelings, and a rigid attention to his duties, which ensured him success through life, and served as a constant passport, in his progress, to that em inent distinction, which he afterwards so justly enjoyed. S u c h w a s h is r e p u ta tio n a s a m a n o f b u sin e ss, th a t to h a v e se r v e d a n a p p r e n tic e sh ip in th e c o u n tin g h o u se o f M r . L a u r e n s , w a s a h ig h r e c o m m e n d a tio n . In d u strio u s a lm o st to a n e x tr e m e h im se lf, h e d e m a n d e d a c o r r e sp o n d in g a tte n tio n an d la b o r o n th e p a rt o f th o se in h is e m p lo y . It is sa id , th a t h e req u ired b u t little s le e p , and a c o n sid e r a b le p o rtio n o f th e affairs o f th e d a y r e c e iv e d h is a tte n tio n d u rin g a g r e a t p art o f th e n ig h t. N o m a n su rp a ssed , p erh a p s fe w e q u a lle d h im , in th e e x e c u tio n o f b u si n e ss. R is in g e a r ly , an d d e v o tin g th e m o r n in g to th e c o u n tin g -h o u se , h e n ot u n fr e q u e n tly fin ish ed h is c o n c e r n s b e fo r e o th e r s had le ft th e ir b e d s. H is le tte r s , w h e th e r o n frien d sh ip o r b u s in e s s , w e r e c le a r an d fo r c ib le , and in a s ty le a d m ir a b ly ad a p ted to th is s p e c ie s o f w r itin g . T w o v o lu m e s o f h is o ffic ia l p u b lic c o r r e sp o n d e n c e , w h ile p r e sid e n t o f th e o ld C o n g r e ss, r e m a in in its a r c h iv e s. F e w m e n , p erh a p s, p o sse sse d a d e e p e r k n o w le d g e o f h u m a n n a t u r e ; and th e q u ic k n e ss w ith w h ic h h e fo rm ed c o r r e c t o p in io n s o f o th e r s from th e ir a p p e a r a n c e , w a s v e r y r e m a r k a b le . In p r o o f o f th is, w e a r e to ld th a t h e w a s e n g a g e d in tra d e a b o u t tw e n ty -th r e e y e a r s, and th a t a t th e c o n c lu sio n o f th e affa irs o f th e p a rtn ersh ip , w h ic h c o m p r ise d tr a n sa c tio n s to 9 440 Mercantile Biography. an immense amount, he proposed to take all outstanding debts as cash, at a discount of five per cent on their gross amount. H is colloquial powers Were very great, and afforded delight and instruc tion to every company. Reproving with gentleness, his advice was at all times valued for its soundness and sincerity. Such was his integrity, and such w ere his views of justice, that he would on no occasion draw bills of exchange till he first obtained an acknowledgment in w riting from those on whom he designed to draw, that they were indebted to him. H e cheer fully, but moderately, partook of proper diversions, but retained, during his whole life, an invincible aversion to playing any game for pecuniary consideration. W e are told that, in several instances, he yielded to the improper fashion of deciding controversies by single combat. In each instance, he received the fire of his adversary without returning it. O f his generosity there are many instances. H e was engaged, on one occasion, in a law suit with the judge of the court of vice-admiralty, and resisted the claims of the royal government, which, by some regulations, were opposed to A m erican rights. Failing in his suit, Mr. Laurens tendered to the judge, S ir E gerton Leigh, his legal fees, which were considerable. T he judge declining their acceptance, M r. L aurens presented the amount of them to the South Carolina society for charitable purposes. On another occasion, he received money in some official character, which had not been de manded. Disclaiming the idea of his having any right to keep it, he transferred it to the same society till it should be applied for by the owner. Strict and exemplary in his religious duties, he was found regularly at church. W ith the holy scriptures he was well acquainted, and took great delight in applying portions of them to the common occurrences of life. T hey w ere not only regularly read by himself to his family, but his chil dren w ere early instructed to read them also at stated periods. H is family bible contained, in his own hand-writing, several observations on passing providences. H e has been often heard to say, that many of the best pas sages of distinguished authors w ere borrowed either in the m atter or the style from sacred writ, and he quoted the following among other instances, “ God tempers the wind to the back of the shorn lam b” of Sterne, as an imitation of “ H e stayeth his rough wind in the day of the east wind” of the prophet Isaiah. H e was charm ed with the writings of Solomon, for the knowledge of human nature which they imparted, and conceived that the observance of their maxims would greatly contribute to the wisdom and happiness of society. Requiring of his servants the exact execution of their several duties, compelling the observance of decency and order, their wants and com forts w ere never neglected, and to their m oral and religious instruction he w as invariably attentive. H e once obtained of a favorite slave his consent, though much against his will to receive the small-pox by inoculation, but by which he lost his life. W ith a view of adm inistering to the faithful, though unfortunate do mestic, in his last dying moments, all the consolation that this distressing case seemed to admit, Mr. Laurens gave to him positive assurances, with w hich he afterwards most strictly complied, that his children should be em ancipated. H aving lost an am iable and beloved wife, and possessed of a large es tate, he entirely relinquished business, and in the year 1771, visited Eu- Henry Laurens. 441 rope, principally for the purpose of superintending the education of his sons, by whose attainm ents his highest expectations w ere fully realized. H e was one of the thirty-nine native Americans who endeavored, by their petition, to prevent the British parliam ent from passing the Boston port bill. Every exertion on the part of the colonies to prevent a w ar proving en tirely fruitless, he hastened home, w ith a determ ination to take part with his countrymen against G reat B ritain. Persuasions and entreaties w ere used to divert him from the resolution he had formed, dazzling prospects w ere held out to his view, and even large offers were made, by which he would be indemnified for any losses he might sustain, by his rem aining in England. But this ornam ent of his country, burning with patriotism and the love of liberty, ever dignified, firm, and incorruptible, rejected these despicable propositions, w ith a magnanim ity of spirit worthy of his exalt ed character. How beautiful, yet forcible, is his reply on his em barkation from F a l mouth for Charleston, to a m ercantile friend, Mr. Oswald, who urged him to continue in G reat B ritain :— “ I shall never forget your friendly atten tion to my in te re st; but I dare not return. Your ministers are deaf to information, and seem bent on provoking unnecessary contest. I think I have acted the part of a faithful subject. I now go, resolved still to labor for peace, at the same time determined in the last event to stand or fall with my country.” On his departure from England, he expressed his conviction, that Am erica would not submit to the claim s of the British parliam ent; and when he arrived at Charleston in D ecem ber, 1774, he mentioned to his friends his opinion, that B ritain would not only reject their demands, but that w ar would inevitably take place. From his ac knowledged w eight of character, it may readily be supposed, that such in formation would receive the most implicit confidence, and, accordingly, vigorous and extensive preparations for defence w ere made early in 1775 by the Carolinians. T he circum stance of his leaving E ngland at this important crisis, expressly to defend the cause of independence, served to confirm, in the highest degree, that unbounded confidence in his fidelity and patriotism, w hich his friends, through the whole course of his career, had such ample cause to entertain. On his arrival, no attentions w ere withheld which it was possible to b e stow. Offices w ere conferred and honors heaped upon him. Ho becam e president of the council of safety, w ith a full persuasion that his life was endangered by this situation. Soon affer the establishment of a regular constitution in South Carolina, in 177(5, he was elected a member of Con gress, and shortly after he had taken his seat, was appointed president of that honorable body, over w hich he presided with his usual integrity, in dustry, and decision. About this period, the British commissioners a r rived, under the delusive hope of being able to induce the Americans to abrogate their alliance with France, and to become once more free B rit ish subjects. Governor Johnson, one of the commissioners, presented private letters of introduction to Mr. Laurens. In D ecem ber, 1778, he relinquished his situation as president of Congress, for w hat reason we are not told, and received its thanks “ for his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public business.” H is acknowledgments w ere returned for the honor conferred upon him, which, he observed, “ would be of service to his children.” In the following year, he received the appointment of 35 VOL. X I.---- N O . V . 442 Mercantile Biography. minister plenipotentiary from the United States to H olland ; and being captured on his voyage, was taken to England, and there imprisoned in the T ow er of London on suspicion of treason, and was officially mention ed by Sir Joseph York, as “ styling himself president of the pretended congress.” T he commitment was accompanied with orders, “ to confine him a close prisoner— to be locked up every night— to be in the custody of two warders— not to suffer him to be out of their sight one moment, day or night— to allow him no liberty of speaking to any person, nor to perm it any person to speak to him— to deprive him of the use of pen and ink—to suffer no. letter to be brought to him, nor any to go from him .” Afflicted with the gout and other diseases— his head whitened with the snows of fifty-six winters,— in a situation full of misery,— his cup of sor row seemed to be full to overflowing. T his venerable and illustrious prisoner was confined to two small rooms, with a w arder for his constant companion, and a fixed bayonet, paraded under his window, enjoying neither friend to converse with, nor means of correspondence. Deprived of pen and ink, he at length fortunately procured pencils. After a month’s confinement, permission was granted to him to exercise on limited ground, but a w arder, armed with a sword, followed him closely. H e had availed himself of this indulgence for about three weeks, when Lord G eorge Gordon, who was also imprisoned in the T ow er, unluckily met and asked Mr. Laurens to w alk with him. Mr. Laurens declined the offer, and hastened to his apartm ent. G overnor G ore, provoked at this transgression of his positive orders, locked him up for thirty-seven days, though the attending w arder proved Mr. Laurens perfectly innocent of the violation of any established rule. About this time, one of his friends and m ercantile correspondents, interested in his welfare, solicted the secreta ries of state to grant Mr. L aurens an enlargem ent on parole, and offered his fortune as security for his good conduct. T he following message to Mr. Laurens was the re su lt:— “ T h eir lordships say, if you will point out any thing for the benefit of G reat Britain in the present dispute with the colonies, you will be enlarged.” T his proposition inspired him with the noblest feelings, and raising his proud soul above the acceptance of any allurem ent founded in ignoble views, induced the keenest replication. T he same friend, soon after, during a private interview with Mr. Lau rens, observed, “ I converse w ith you this morning, not particularly as your friend, but as the friend of G reat Britain. I have certain propositions to make for obtaining your liberty, which I advise you should lake tim e to consider.” Requesting to know w hat they w ere, Mr. Laurens added, “ An honest man requires no time to decide upon his answer in cases w here his honor is concerned. I f the secretaries of state will en large me upon parole, I will solemnly engage to do nothing, directly or in directly, to the hurt of this kingdom. I will return to America, or remain in any part of England which may be assigned, and surrender myself when dem anded.” T o which his friend replied, “ No sir, you must stay in London among your friends. T he ministry will often have occasion to send for and consult you. You can write two or three lines to the minis ters, and barely say you are sorry for w hat is past. A pardon will be granted. E very man has been wrong at some time or other of his life, and should not be ashamed to acknowledge it.” Mr. Laurens immediately exclaimed, “ I will never subscribe to my own infamy and to the dishonor o f my children.” H enry Laurens. 443 Such newspapers from America as w ere employed in the publication of British successes, especially in South Carolina, and subsequently to the surrender of its capital, w ere sent to him for his perusal w ith an insulting regularity* H e was there informed, that his countrymen, refusing to fight in the cause in which they had em barked, w ere flocking to the enemy for protection and rew ard, and that the estates of Laurens and other stubborn rebels were under actual sequestration by the British conquerors. But to every such communication Mr. L aurens calmly and characteristically re plied, “ none of these things move m e .” In the year 1781, his eldest son, lieutenant colonel John Laurens, arrived in F rance, as m inister of Congress. Mr. L aurens was desired to write to his son, that if he would withdraw him self from that court, it might possibly obtain his father’s release. T he reply was— “ My son is of age, and has a will of his own. I f I should w rite to him as you request, it would have no effect. H e would only conclude that confinement and persuasion had intimidated and overcome me. I know him well. H e loves me dearly, and would lay down his life to save mine ; but I am sure nothing would tempt him to sacrifice his honor, and I applaud him .” In w ant of money for immediate purposes, and desirous of draw ing a bill of exchange on a m erchant in London, and his debtor, he transmitted a pencilled request to the secretaries of state for the use of w riting m ate rials. T h eir lordships received it, but returned no answ er, though no provision had been made for his support. Mortified and disappointed, at not being able to m aintain himself from his own funds, he was suffered to languish in aggravated confinement, and under a complication of diseases, without the slightest prospect of release or melioration. W hen he had been confined a year, a demand was made upon him to pay ninety-seven pounds ten shillings, sterling, to two w arders for services in w aiting on him. H e returned the following answ er, “ I will not pay the w arders whom I never employed, and whose attendance I shall be glad to dispense w ith.” T hree w eeks after this, Mr. L aurens received per mission from the secretaries of state to have the use of pen and ink for the purpose of drawdng a bill of exchange, but they were removed imm e diately after its execution. Tow ards the close of the year 1781, his sufferings, which had by that time become well known, excited the utmost sympathy for himself, but kindled the warm est indignation against the authors of his cruel confine ment. E very attempt to draw concessions from this inflexible patriot hav ing proved more than useless, his enlargem ent was resolved upon, but difficulties arose as to the mode of effecting it. Pursuing the same highminded course which he had at first adopted, and influenced by the no blest feelings of the heart, he obstinately refused his consent to any act which might imply a confession that he was a British subject, for as such he had been committed on a charge of high treason. It was finally pro posed to take bail for his appearance at the court of king’s bench, and when the words of the recognizance, “ our sovereign lord the king,” w ere read to Mr. Laurens, he distinctly replied in open court, “ not my sove reign !” W ith this declaration, he, with Messrs. Oswald and Anderson, as his securities, w ere bound for his apperance at the next court of k ing’s bench for E aster term, and for not departing without leave of the court, upon which he was immediately discharged. W hen the time appointed for his trial approached, he was not only exonerated from obligation to The Fair o f the American Institute. 444 a tte n d , b u t so lic ite d b y L o r d S h e lb u r n e to d ep a rt fo r th e c o n tin e n t to a ssist in a s c h e m e for a p a c ific a tio n w ith A m e r ic a . T h e id e a o f b e in g rele a s e d g r a tu ito u sly b y th e B r itish g o v e r n m e n t, s e n s ib ly m o v e d h im , for h e h ad in v a r ia b ly c o n sid e r e d h im s e lf a s a p r iso n e r o f w a r . P d sse sse d o f a lo fty s e n s e o f p e r so n a l in d e p e n d e n c e , a n d u n w illin g to b e b r o u g h t u n d er th e s lig h te s t o b lig a tio n , h e th u s e x p r e sse d h im se lf, “ I d u rst n o t a c c e p t m y s e lf a s a g i f t ; a n d a s c o n g r e s s o n c e o ffered g e n e r a l B u r g o y n e for m e, I h a v e n o d o u b t o f th e ir b e in g n o w w illin g to offer e a r l C o r n w a llis for th e sa m e p u r p o se .” Close confinement in the tow er for more than fourteen months had shat tered his constitution, and he w as ever afterwards a stranger to good health. As soon as his discharge was promulgated, he received from Congress a commission, appointing him one of their ministers for negotiating a peace with G reat B ritain. Arrived at Paris, in conjunction with Dr. F ranklin, John Adams, and John Jay, he signed the prelim inarirs of peace on the 30th of November, 1782, by w hich the independence of the United States was unequivocally acknowledged. Soon after this, Mr. Laurens returned to Carolina. E ntirely satisfied with the whole course of his con duct while abroad, it w ill readily be imagined that his countrymen refused him no distinctions within their pow er to b esto w ; but every solici tation to suffer him self to be elected governor, m em ber of Congress, or of the Legislature of the state, he positively withstood. W hen the project of a general convention for revising the federal bond of union, was under consideration, he was chosen, without his knowledge, one of its members, but he refused to serve. R etired from the world and its concerns, he found delight in agricultural experiments, in advancing the welfare of his children and dependants, and in attentions to the interest of his friends and fellow-citizens. H e expired on the 8th of Decem ber, 1792, in the sixty-ninth y ear of his age. H is will concluded with this singular request, w hich was strictly complied w ith :— “ I solemnly enjoin it upon my son as an indispensable duty, that as soon as he conveniently can after my decease, he cause my body to be wrapped in twelve yards of tow cloth, and burnt until it be en tirely consumed ; and then, collecting my bones, deposit them w herever he may see proper.” M r . L a u r e n s had fou r c h ild r e n , tw o so n s a n d tw o d a u g h te r s. O n e o f th e m m a rried th e la te c e le b r a te d D r . R a m s a y ; th e o th e r , M r . C h a r le s P in c k n e y . O n e o f th e so n s, C o lo n e l J o h n L a u r e n s , r e sid e d for m a n y y e a r s in C h a r le sto n , S o u th C a r o lin a . A r t . V.—T H E F A IR O F T H E A M ERICA N IN S T IT U T E . e x h ib itio n of th is p o p u la r n a tio n a l in stitu tio n for th e y e a r 1844, w a s o p e n e d o n th e s e v e n th o f O c to b e r , in N ib lo ’s G a r d e n , b y a n a b le and e lo q u e n t a d d ress fro m th e H o n . L u th e r B r a d ish , th e la te L ie u te n a n t G o v e r n o r of th e sta te o f N e w Y o r k . In th e e x te n s iv e a n d b r illia n t d isp la y of th e m o st v a lu a b le s p e c im e n s o f d o m e stic sk ill a n d in d u stry , it p r e se n te d a g r a tify in g s c e n e to a ll th o se w h o fe e l a n in te r e s t in th e a d v a n c e o f m e c h a n ic a l in g e n u ity a n d m a n u fa c tu r in g e n te r p r is e th r o u g h o u t th e n a tio n . T h e r e w e r e p r e se n te d , in th e v a rio u s a r tic le s c o n n e c te d w ith m a n u fa ctu re a n d th e m e c h a n ic a rts, th e e v id e n c e s o f a m a r k e d a n d d e c id e d g e n iu s for th o s e p a r tic u la r su b je c ts o f A m e r ic a n e n te r p r ise ; a n d th e e x te n s iv e apartT he The Fair o f the American Institute. 445 ments of the saloon, and the adjoining garden, w ere daily filled, during the continuance of the exhibition, with throngs of visiters, who w ere, doubtless, gratified with the exhibition. T he exhibition itself consisted of the most approved specimens of Ame rican ingenuity and labor, connected with agriculture, commerce, m anu factures, and the arts, to advance which, the institution itself was origi nally organized. T he most highly finished models of manufacturing m a chinery, fire engines, and other utensils, too numerous to be described, were among the most elegant specimens of A m erican genius. T h e va rious sorts of cloth produced in our own manufacturing establishments, gave evidence of decided improvement in that particular departm ent of domestic industry. Numerous articles, both useful and ornam ental, ranged along the borders, and upon the shelves of the building in which the institute held its exhibition, w ere calculated to arouse the honest pride of our countrymen in the progress which has been made, throughout the nation, in the industrial arts. T he agricultural and silk conventions, designed to improve the condition of these two important branches of culture, w ere also held at the same time, and w ere calculated to add to the interest of the occasion. T he A m erican Institute has now held its seventeenth anniversary, and during that time it has accomplished much for the benefit of the industry of the country. Its objects, it is w ell known, are national, so far as they are designed to advance the various interests connected w ith the indus trial arts throughout the nation. By collecting individuals engaged in the same pursuits at one place, annually; by engaging them in mutual coun cil and deliberation, respecting the various interests with which they are identified ; and by exhibiting the products of their respective pursuits, they can at once com pare the relative advances w hich have been made in the several branches of their various occupations, and are induced to cultivate sentiments of a broad and patriotic character. Besides, the distribution of medals to the best specimens of American skill, is an equitable and ju dicious arrangem ent for the advancement of A m erican industrial en ter prise. M any a deserving and ingenious mechanic, who would otherwise, perhaps, remain in obscurity, w ere no public notice taken of the products of his skill and industry, is here honored with a medal, w hich is a sort of general letter of recommendation to the p ublic; and he thus assumes that place before the community, to which his substantial merits give him the just title. T he delivery of addresses, moreover, upon interesting topics connected with the industrial enterprise of the United States, or upon sub jects of a more general character, yet referring to the same interest, is calculated to shed new light upon the various topics of which they trea t. It can hardly have escaped the attention of the observing mind, that, within a recent period, a rem arkable degree of public interest has been directed to the industrial arts, as a branch of enterprise, w hich should be especially fostered. T his is not only true of our own country, w here in dustry has ever been respected, but in Paris, w e have noticed that within the last year, a splendid exhibition has been opened, w hich excited great interest in the capital of F rance. W ith us, annual fairs, of a more local character, are held in almost every state in the Union, which have no im mediate connection with the American Institute, but designed to advance the same general objects, the improvement of the agriculture, the m anu factures, the commerce, and the mechanic arts of the country. N o one The Question f o r Accountants. 446 w ill d e n y th a t th e d e s ig n o f th o s e in stitu tio n s is sa lu ta ry , b e c a u s e th e y te n d to sh e d n e w lig h t u p o n th e se v e r a l su b je c ts w h ic h th e y a r e d e sig n e d to a d v a n c e , e n c o u r a g e d o m e stic e n te r p r ise , and g iv e to su b sta n tia l m er it its d u e r e w a r d , b e sid e s im p r o v in g th e g r e a t in te r e sts fo r w h ic h th e y w e r e e s ta b lis h e d . T h e y p ro d u ce, m o r e o v e r , a n o th e r b e n e fit, in s o far as th e y in d u c e a s s e m b la g e s o f r e s p e c ta b le and e n te r p r isin g m e n , for p u rp o ses o f jo in t c o u n c il, m u tu a l a n d p a tr io tic d e lib e r a tio n . It is o b v io u s th a t w ith th e a d v a n c in g p r o g r e ss o f th is n a tio n , w e h a v e im p r o v e d in a ll th o se b r a n c h e s o f e n te r p r ise w h ic h e s s e n tia lly co n trib u te to th e p u b lic p r o sp e r ity . U p o n th e first c o lo n iz a tio n o f th e s o il, w e w e r e d e fic ie n t in m a n y o f th o se im p r o v e m e n ts w h ic h m a rk th e p r e s e n t d ay. T h e p e o p le o f th e c o u n tr y w e r e e m p lo y e d in c le a r in g a w a y th e fo rests, in o rd er to la y th e fo u n d a tio n s o f th e g o v e r n m e n t, a n d in d e fe n d in g th e fr a m e w o r k o f th e e d ific e a fte r it w a s e r e c te d . B u t th e a r ts o f w a r h a v e y ie ld e d to th e m ild b u t m o r e sa lu ta r y e n e r g ie s o f p e a c e . T h e a g r ic u l. tu r a l in te r e st is p u rsu ed w ith m o r e s c ie n c e , a n d w ith g r e a te r s u c c e ss. T h e fin e r d e p a r tm e n ts o f th e arts h a v e y ie ld e d in n u m e r a b le and b ea u tfu l s p e c im e n s o f in d u stria l s k ill. N e w an d im p ro v ed fo rm s o f m ac h in e r y h a v e b e e n in tro d u ced o r in v e n te d , in c r e a s in g th e a m o u n t o f a rti c le s p ro d u ced , a n d d im in is h in g th e p r ic e s o f p ro d u cts. N e w b r a n c h e s o f e n te r p r iz e h a v e b e e n a d o p ted , an d th e v a r io u s in te r e s ts o f A m e r ic a n e n te r p r ise h a v e b e e n p u rsu ed w ith m o r e in te llig e n c e a n d s u c c e s s . It c a n s c a r c e ly b e d e n ie d th a t th is im p r o v e m e n t h a s b e e n , in g rea t m e a s u r e , a d v a n c e d th r o u g h th e a g e n c y o f th e A m e r ic a n In stitu te , and o th e r in stitu tio n s o f sim ila r c h a r a c te r . T h e y c o n stitu te th e r a lly in g p la c e s o f th o u g h t, c o n n e c te d w ith th e p u b lic in d u stry , an d th e p o in ts o f d ep a rtu re to fu rth er im p r o v e m e n t. T h e ir in flu e n c e is fe lt in th e g r e a te r u n ity o f in d u str ia l a c tio n , in th e e le v a tio n o f p a tr io tic h o p e s, a n d in th e su b sta n tia l im p r o v e m e n t o f th e c o n d itio n o f th e p e o p le . W e tru st th a t th e y m a y go o n a n d w o r k o u t e v e n g r e a te r b e n e fits to th e n a tio n ; th a t th e y m a y ad v a n c e th e p u b lic m o r a ls, e le v a te th e n a tio n a l sta n d a rd , a n d c o n tr ib u te to th e r e a l an d so lid g lo r y o f th e U n io n . A kt. VI.—T H E Q U E ST IO N FO R ACCOUNTANTS. To the Editor of the Merchants' M agazine:— H a v in g s e e n th e so lu tio n g iv e n b y M r . J . W . W r ig h t, in th e O cto b er n u m b e r o f y o u r v a lu a b le jo u r n a l, to h is q u e stio n for a c c o u n ta n ts, a n d b e lie v in g th a t it is su sc e p tib le o f p r o o f th a t th e m o d e o f se ttle m e n t h e h as a d o p ted , is lia b le to p ro d u ce d e c e p tiv e r e su lts, I ta k e th e lib e r ty o f re q u e st in g th e fa v o r o f y o u r c o lu m n s, fo r th e p u rp o se o f e x h ib itin g th a t proof. In r e sp e c tfu lly e x p r e s s in g m y h u m b le d isse n t from th e v ie w s o f M r. W r ig h t, it is p e r h a p s d u e to m y s e lf to sa y , th a t I c a n n o t b e lo o k e d upon as a r iv a l, n e v e r h a v in g , o r e x p e c tin g to w r ite , a tr e a tis e o n B o o k -k e e p in g — m e r e ly p r o fe ssin g to k n o w s o m e th in g o f th e p r in c ip le s o f th e art, and o f th e th e o r y a n d p r a c tic e o f a d ju stin g in tr ic a te a c c o u n ts. W ith r e g a r d to th e v a r io u s form s o f m a k in g e n tr ie s a n d c lo s in g b ook s, it is m o r e a m a tte r o f ta s te , ( i f I m a y u s e th e e x p r e s s io n in su ch c o n n e x io n ,) th a n im p o r ta n c e . B o o k s m a y b e c o r r e c tly k e p t in v a r io u s w a y s, an d th e sa m e tr a n sa c tio n s m a y b e p r o p e r ly sta te d u n d er d ifferen t form s. N o t so w ith th e r e su lt to b e o b ta in e d from k e e p in g a se t o f b o o k s, o r from The Question f o r Accountants. 447 stating a particular transaction. T here can be but one true re s u lt; there may be many erroneous ones. T he only proper test of the truth of a statement, is to prove the result by a counter calculation. I have found the following rules to be useful in reducing the principles of book-keeping to practice in actual business. Study accu racy ; combine brevity with perspicuity; harmonise them as much as possible ; but never sacrifice one to the other. State the transactions as directly as their na ture will admit of, with as little circumlocution as possible.* Nominal accounts must be used in book-keeping, and there is no danger of their misleading any one ; and nominal amounts may be allowed while a trans action is in suspense ; but in closing a set of books, they should be entirely discarded, and those sums only used, which the property really repre sents. In the solution given by Mr. W right, he states that he has decreased his capital $15 22. In a statem ent I had made of the question, the capi tal was reduced $295 22. T he difference in the two results, arises from the fact of his closing his books with the cloth on hand, estimated at its first cost; w hereas, in my statement, it is put down at its actual value. Although it may answ er sometimes in closing a set of books, w here there has been no g reat variation in prices, to take an account of the merchandise on hand, at cost, yet, w henever there has been any palpa ble reduction in value, it does not show the true state of the case, to set down property at a valuation it no longer rep resen ts; and such a mode of settlement is, therefore, deceptive. Supposing that as soon as the m erchant to whom those books belonged, (as stated in the question,) had been called upon by Mr. Goodman, for the payment of the balance due him, he would bo led to infer from his books, as kept by Mr. W right, that, as the capital was decreased only $15 22, he would only w ant that sum, to be able to settle in full for the amount he had borrowed to trade with. But let us test the accuracy of such a result by the following plan :— H e owes Mr. Goodman..................... .. .$3,000 00 “ “ M r. Caleb W .............................. 104 00 $3,104 00 To pay this, he has in cash,.....................................$1,688 78 And, in 14 pieces blue cloth, worth per last sale only $80 each,............................................ 1,120 00 2,808 78 Deficiency of ca p ita l,.................................. $295 22 This, I think, proves the deceptiveness of the mode adopted by Mr. W right. For, although a m erchant, during his trading, could not be con stantly changing the valuation of his stock, to conform to the fluctuations in the prices of property, yet, I contend, that, if he w ants to close his books, and ascertain the actual condition of his affairs, he will be liable to be deceived, if he estimates his property at a sum it no longer rep re sents. * I apprehend that Mr. Wright’s plan of making use of a stock account, where a mer chant borrows all his capital, would, in actual business, be deemed a work of surplusage. The balance of profit and loss account, in such a merchant’s books, would, if on the debit side, exhibit the deficiency of assets, without the necessity of a stock account. 448 The Question f o r Accountants. T o illustrate my position, I will mention one or two cases in point, which have actually occurred, and have come under my own observation. A gentlem an engaged in business, hearing his neighbors speak of the advantages of “ taking stock,” concluded he would do the same. H e ac cordingly set about i t ; put down the various articles he had on hand, at cost, and on completing his work, and summing up, was much gratified to find himself richer than he had before supposed. H e was induced to in dulge himself and family in many things, which previously he thought he could not afford. T he next year he found him self em barrassed, and then discovered that he had deceived him self in valuing his stock at cost; w hereas, from the unsaleableness of some articles, and the inevitable de terioration that all goods undergo more or less, by being kept, the stock w as not, in the aggregate, worth by a considerable sum w hat it cost. Another case is this : two individuals who had been doing business to gether, agreed to dissolve copartnership. T hey came to me to make a settlement betw een them. T he party who was to continue the business, had agreed to take the property of the firm, at. cost. I was much surprised at th is ; but as they did not come to me for advice, (only to carry out and fulfil w hat they had previously agreed upon,) I did nothing more than m ake an incidental rem ark about it, and the thing passed off. Several months afterwards, the partner who had continued the business, came to me and expressed his astonishment that he should so have deceived him self, as to take the stock of his late firm, at cost, w hen any other person could have bought it for less. H e left me with a determ ination to write his former partner, and propose a new settlement. But with w hat suc cess I never heard, as one w ent away, and the other died. Y et another instance is the case of an adm inistrator, who, on his first examination of the books of the deceased intestate, stated that his estate was worth $20,000, after all debts w ere paid. H e afterwards, however, found that he too had deceived himself, and discovered that the estate was barely more than solvent, he having, in the first instance, valued the property at cost, when it by no means represented that value. Now, the mistake in all these three cases, arose from the same cause, viz., assuming a nominal value as the true value of the property on hand, w hen it was not. And this is precisely w hat is done in the solution of Mr. W right, when he assumes the value of the 14 pieces blue cloth at cost ($1,400,) instead of their actual worth at the closing of the books, ($1,120,) making a difference of $280, which is just the difference be tw een the result obtained by m e,....................................................... .$295 22 And that procured by Mr. W rig h t,............................ 15 22 E rro r in Mr. W right’s account,................................ $280 00 Fortunately for accountants, the principles of book-keeping, are fewer and more certain, and the modes of applying those principles more in subjection to the laws of common sense, than would appear to be the case w ith the principles and practice of the English law, from the differences of opinion entertained by the learned judges respecting the counts in the late “ m onster indictm ent.” I question very much w hether there can be a difference of opinion as to the deceptiveness of the result contained in Mr. W right’s solution. I have confined my critique mainly to the result given by Mr. W right, in w hat he calls the “ exact” solution of his question. H is plan may be a A rt and Science applied to Commerce. 449 good one, although I doubt the practicability of anticipating every variety of cases th at may occur in business, or of stating examples, so that a great many required adjustments shall not be provided for. It is to be reg ret ted that Mr. W right should have thought it necessary for the advance ment of his own work, not only to disparage those of others, but to cast reflections upon the -Competency of a useful and industrious class of men. I learned book keeping, not from any printed treatise, but from an un published manuscript essay of a practical m erchant and accountant. Still I have examined several of the treatises published both in this country and Europe, (one of which was w ritten by my m aternal grandfather,*) and have seen in all of them more or less to approve. W ith great regard, I am, Mr. Editor, Your much obliged servant, W i l l i a m B. H e k i o t . Charleston, S. C ., October 10, 1844. q u estio n fo e acco un tan ts . Tw o individuals bought a vessel together for the sum of $800, w hich was much less than her real value. O f the purchase money, A paid $500, and B $300. Afterwards a third person, C, having a profitable trade to employ her in, proposed to buy h e r ; but A and B refused to sell. It w as finally agreed among them that C should have a third of the vessel, and that all three owners should have an equal share in her. It was stipu lated, however, that C should pay for his third, a sum equal to w hat A and B had paid for the whole, viz : $800. C accordingly paid this sum to A. H ow is this sum of $800, received from C, to be divided betw een A and B ? Or how much has A to retain, and how much to pay to D ? A rt. VII.—A RT AN D SC IE N C E A P PL IE D T O COM MERCE. SH IP BUILD ING— P IN E WOOD. I t is w ell known that in some parts of V irginia and in N orth Carolina, says the Boston M ercantile Journal, edited by Mr. Sleeper, an experienced ship master, there are immense forests of pine, commonly known in com merce as Georgia pitch pine, w here the trees are of large size, and a vast number of them are found on an acre of land. T he soil is generally poor, and unsuitable for cultivation— offering but little inducement to settlers— and hence these trees are used only for the purpose of fuel, or for lumber, or for procuring tar and turpentine, great quantities of which are exported from North Carolina. It is not so generally known that for many purposes, pitch pine lumber is by far the best which can be used, it being stronger and more durable than other species of wood found in Europe or America. T h e trees may also be found of any reasonable size ; and it will thus be seen that for the keels of vessels, for beams, for carlins, & c., as well as for planks for the sides and bottoms of ships of every description, the pitch pine is decidedly the most valuable wood which can be procured. Our attention was lately directed to an article in a work published some *T he late Benjamin Booth, formerly of New York, afterwards of London, whose sys tem of Book-keeping is referred to in McCulloch’s Commercial Dictionary. 450 A rt and Science applied to Commerce. years ago, in which is recorded the results of numerous experiments made in London by Col. Beaufoy, to test the strength of various kinds of wood. From these trials it appeared that pitch pine wa» the strongest wood, which was te ste d ; next to that was the English oak, w'ith straight and even fibres ; then the English oak, irregular and cross-grained ; fourthly, the R iga fir ; and fifthly, the Dantzic oak. By caliihg the strength of the pitch pine 1,000, that of the E nglish oaks would be 980 and 867, R iga fir 782, and Dantzic oak 663. Again, Barlow, on the strength of timber, describes the results of some experiments, w here the pieces used were two inches square, and extend ed five feet from the fulcrum, as follow's :— Riga fir,..................................pounds Yellow pine,...................................... Pitch pine,......................................... W hite pine,....................................... 169 189 256 109 Ash,......................... . T eak,................................................. Dantzic oak,........... ........................ English oak,........... ........................ 274 167 234i It appears from this result, that the teak wood, a resinous tree which grows in the E ast Indies, is the strongest wmod used in ship-building; that next in value is the pitch pine, w hich is produced in such great abundance on our shores ; the English oak stands the third on the list, and ash the fourth. W e have seen no results of experiments to ascertain the strength of the various kinds of Am erican oaks. T he oak tim ber from the banks of the Rappahannock, is generally considered but very little inferior to the best E nglish oak. Our object, however, is chiefly to direct the attention of ship builders to the strongest wood which can ire procured in this country, and its excel lence for planks, beams, &c. W e understand that, the vessels built in the vicinity of Boston, lately, have been entirely planked with pitch pine, and we hope that this kind of tim ber will be used more freely in the con struction of our national vessels, than has hitherto been the case. IM PROVEM ENT IN T H E M ANUFACTURE OF IKON. I t is stated in an E nglish paper, that the attention of the ironmaster has been attracted to a process of considerable importance lately intro duced into their manufactures. T he application of electricity, to super sede several of the expensive processes, has been tried in the W elsh and D erbyshire furnaces with satisfactory results. It appears that the costly fuel and labor required for the purification of the ore from sulphur, phos phorus, and such subtle elements, create its high m arket value ; and these being all electro-negative, have induced the new process, w here, by the impure stream of metal, after flownng from the blast, is, in its moment of consolidation, subjected to a powerful voltaic battery, which so disengages the impure opponents, that in the process of puddling they are readily ex tracted. T he London blacksmiths, it is stated, have tested this iron after a single re-heating, and pronounced it equal to the best m etal in the mar ket. By the same process, an experiment was tried by D r. lire , by whom a soft rod of iron was held in contact with a moderate red h e a t; and that gentlem an is understood to have stated that in a few hours the metal was converted into steel. Should these facts prove w hat they seem, they are calculated to affect most seriously this important branch of our trade. Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 451 MONTHLY COMMERCIAL CHRONICLE. I n a former number, we remarked that an advance had taken place in the value of mo ney, from artificial causes, which must necessarily be temporary in their operation ; and that, therefore, a decline in rate might speedily be looked for. This has taken place, and money is very abundant at 5 per cent, for mercantile paper. The last returns of the banks show a considerable increase in their loans, which is necessary to maintain dividends, in the low rate of money. The nature of the loans does not, however, appear to be of the best character. A change in the manner of doing business has, in some degree, been pro duced by the situation of the markets. The imports during the past year have shown a great increase over the previous year, and are much larger than the wants of business re quire. The markets have, in consequence, presented a glut, with a downward tendency in prices that has induced city dealers to extend their credits to country dealers to a con siderable extent, and to depend on bank discounts to meet their own engagements. The import, as indicated in the business of New York, has been as follows:— I mports into the P ort of N ew Y ork , for the year ending 2 0 t h S eptem ber . 4th qr.,,, 1st qr., . 2d qr., . 3d qr.,,. 1843. 1844. Free. Dutiable. Dutiable. Total. Total. Free. $2,706,821 $3,574,731 $6,281,552 $2,050,484 $7,971,622 $10,032,106 2,799,149 5,906.616 8,705,765 2,070,877 16,959,728 19,030,605 9,145,115 6,979,795 16,124,910 4,585,383 15,063,974 19,649,357 2,442,987 13,112,758 15,555,745 2,763,558 23,926,660 26,690,218 Total,. . $17,094,072 $29,573,900 $46,667,972 $11,470,302 $63,921,984 $75,092,286 34,348,084 28,424,314 Deer.,.. $5,623,770 The decrease in free goods is mostly in specie. The total increase in consumable goods is over 116 per cent, and the duties collected have been as follows:— I n c r .,... C ustoms D uties , P ort of N e w Y ork , 1843 and 1844. Years. 1843,. 1844,. 4th Qr. $1,168,680 2,534,163 1st Qr. $1,876,874 5,537,023 2d Qr. $2,578,855 5,478,588 3d Qr. $4,310,814 7,829,946 Total. $9,934,923 21,379,720 Incr.,. $1,365,483 $3,660,149 $2,889,733 $3,519,132 $11,444,797 The increase in duties bears the same proportion as the increase in dutiable goods. The exports of the port of New York, for the same period, have been as follows:— E xports of the P ort of N e w Y ork , for 1843 and 1844. 4th 1st 2d 31 qr., . qr., . qr.,,. qr..,. 1843. 1844. Dom. goods. For. goods. Total. Dom. goods. For. goods. Total. $4,030,468 $1,105,059 $5,135,527 $4,916,771 $1,298,887 $6,215,658 4,570,793 829,876 3,875,286 715,507 6,385,089 7,214,925 6,225,764 8,291,635 1,612,474 9,904,109 4,755,386 1,470,378 2,119,816 6,386,111 4,268,295 8,000,000 3,000,000 11,000,000 $19,949,435 $5,410,760 $22,360,195 $27,593,495 $6,741,197!$34,334,692 The exports from the port of New York form no index, whatever, to the export trade of the country; because the proportion of the whole export sent from this port is so small, and fluctuates to so great an extent. The imports, on the other hand, form very generally two-thirds of the whole amount brought into the country. The drawback on imported goods has been as follows:— D rawback on F oreign G oods exported from N ew Y ork . Years. 1843,............ 1844,............ 4th Qr. $138,006 132,134 1st Qr. $112,137 113,892 2d Qr. $183,021 172,635 3d Qr. $165,877 230,000 Total. $599,041 648,661 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 452 The imports into the port of New York, for several years, have been as follows:— Q uarterly I mports into the P ort of N ew Y ork. Years. 1832,....... .. 1833,....... 1834,....... 1835,....... 1836,....... 1837,....... 1838,....... 1839,....... 1840,....... 1841,....... 1842,....... 1843,....... 1844,....... st Qr. §18,637,978 12,333,948 20,635,918 16,404,141 26,756,312 36,591,650 16,583,561 28,110,818 16,940,786 21,933,890 20,687,030 8,705,765 19,030,605 2d Qr. 3d Qr. 4th Qr. Total. §11,347,018 §10,976,281 §5,807,691 §46,768,968 16,297,190 21,079,873 11,233,033 60,944,044 20,578,745 20,276,504 15,384,198 76,875,376 22,453,541 33,491,833 16,954,593 89,304,108 37,937,582 36,052,430 18,139,870 118,886,194 17,807,206 12,004,980 7,970,722 68,374,558 17,026,091 21,915,547 21,689,530 77,214,729 22,748,183 31,598,322 14,621,364 97,078,687 10,647,872 11,402,346 17,854,920 56,854,924 18,736,421 23,285,626 11,312,078 75,268,015 6,281,552 18,724,686 9,722,287 52,415,555 16,124,910 10,022,106 15,455,745 50,308,526 19,649,357 26,690,218 T he imports of the second and third quarter have been larger, it appears, than in any year since 1839. These goods have been, added to the increased production of American manufacturers, greater than can find sale; and the dependence upon bank facilities to work them off, has improved the business of the institutions. The progress of bank divi dends is apparent in the periodical returns of the Boston banks, which have been as follows:— B oston B ank D ividends . 1842. A p r i l , 1843. O ctober, B a n k s. Atlas,.......... Atlantic, . . . Boston,........ Citv,............ Columbian, . Eajlle,......... Freeman’s,.. Globe,.......... Granite,....... Hamilton, .. Massachu., * Market, ---Mechanics’, . Merchants’,. N. England,. N orth,......... Shoe & Leather Deal’rs, Shawmut, .. S ta te ,.......... Suffolk, . . . . Tremont, ... Trader’s ,.... U n io n ,........ Washington, Capital. D ividend. 2i p. c. 3 “ 3J “ 2 “ 3 “ none. 3 i p. c. 3 “ 2J “ 3 « $7p. sh. 3 p.c. 2 “ 3i “ 3 “ 2 “ $12,500 15,000 21.000 20,000 15,000 500,000 500,000 1,800,000 1,000.000 500,000 400,000 800,000 500,000 31 “ 3 “ 3J “ 4 “ none. none. 31 “ 4 - $17,010,000 Dividend, April, 1842, A p r il , A in't.. D ividend. A in't . D ividend $12,500 21 P- c. 2 b p. c. $500,000 500,000 600,000 1.000,000 500,000 500,000 150.000 1,000,000 500,000 500,000 800,000 560,000 150,000 2,000.000 1,000,000 750,000 1844. 3 “ 31 “ 2 “ 3 “ 3 ‘ 3* ‘ 31 ‘ 3 “ 3 ‘ $7 p.sh. 3 p. c. 21 ‘ 3* 1 3 ‘ O it 15,000 21,000 20,000 15,000 15,000 5,200 30,000 15,000 15,000 22,400 16,800 3,075 70,000 30,000 15,000 31 21 2 21 3£ 3 2 2 2 3 3 3 21 2 3 “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ none. $12,500 21,000 25.000 10,000 12,500 5,250 30,000 10,000 10,000 16,000 16,800 4,500 60,000 25,000 15,000 17,500 15.000 60,000 40,000 3 ‘ 2.1 ‘ 3 ‘ 4 ‘ 2 “ none. 24.000 3 p. c. 13,750 11 “ 15,500 10,250 54,000 40,000 10,000 .... 24,000 7,500 21 2 4 21 2 . 21 Q “ “ “ “ “ “ “ “ 15,000 12.500 36,000 40.000 12,500 8,000 20,000 8,750 $471,150 $481,475 442,900 5,200 30,000 12,500 15,000 22,400 16,800 3,000 70,000 30,000 15,000 Increase,. . O ctober, 1844. A in 't . D ividend. Ain't. 3 p. . 2b 3* 2* 21 3 31 3 3 21 21 3 3 3 3 21 $15,000 12,500 21,000 25,000 12,500 15,000 5,250 30,000 15,000 12,500 20,000 16,800 4,500 60,000 30,000 18,750 It U “ it (( “ U (( (( “ ti “ « Cl it « 21 ( 4 “ 21 “ 3 « 01 <( 2 (( 15,000 12,000 45,000 40,000 12,500 12,000 20,000 10,000 3 2b $480,000 $426,300 • $38,575 This gives six dividends on a capital of §17,000,000, as follows:— April, 1842,.. October, 1842,............. April, 1843,.. §442,900 471,150 481,475 October, 1843,...... April, 1844,.......... October, 1844,...... §417,000 426,300 480,000 This is the largest October dividend, and shows considerable improvement in the pro fits of the banks during the past summer. Notwithstanding the low rate of money, as compared with 1843, there is an increase of 15 per cent in the profits, which probably arose from an extension of credits in that proportion. Neither banks or stocks, however, seem to command confidence, as a means of investment. The experience of past years has been such, as to prevent much disposition to put money in banking concerns, which Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 453 are exposed to such disastrous revulsions as has been experienced within a few years. In the stocks of the states, there is little disposition to invest, except in the best descriptions, as New York and federal government These have been bought up, however, and can not be obtained at rates which yield more than 4 f per cent In other sorts, the quantities upon the market, and the uncertainty in relation to the course of the delinquent states, prevent many purchases for investment; and the stock market presents large quantities floating in the hands of speculators. The following are the prices at which the latest transactions have taken place:— P rices of S tocks in the N e w Y ork M arket . Rate. Red’mable. U. States,. 54 1844 « 6 1844 ft 6 1862 it 5 1853 1848—40 N. York,.. 7 it 6 1850-54-60 ft 6 1861-62-67 it 5 4 1860-61-65 it 1845 5 ft 5 1846-7-8-9 it 5 1850-51-57 tt 1855-58 5 it 5 1859-60-61 ti 44 1849-58 « 1853 7 Ohio,........ 6 1850 it 6 1856-60 tt 5 1850-56 Kentucky,. 6 Illinois,.... 6 1870 Indiana,... 5 25 years. Arkansas,. 6 Alabama,.. 6 5 Penn’a ,.... 5 Ten’ssee,. 6 N. Y. city, 7 1857 ft 7 1852 it 5 1850 a 5 1858-70 April, 1843. a a a 112 113 a 105 a 106 103 a 105 103 a 105 97 a 98 97 a 98 ... a a 93 a 94 94 a 95 87 a 8 8 a 69 a 70 67 a 6 8 54 a 55 89 a 894 23 a 234 25 a 26 2 8 4 a 30 50 a 60 a 41 a 42 a 107 a i i o 106 a 108 94 a 95 94 a 95 October. a a 1024 a 1144 1154 103 a 1 0 3 4 107 a 108 107 a 1074 107 a 1074 102 a 1024 a 100 99 a 100 99 a 1 0 0 98 a 99 99 a 99 91 a 93 a 944 a 94 f 95 a 954 8 2 4 a 83 974 a 98 354 a 364 35 a 354 38 a 45 60 a 67 58 a 60 61 a 6 1 4 90 a 92 111 a 1 1 2 107 a 108 99 a 994 994 a 1 0 0 101 102J February. October 16. a 102 1 0 0 | a 1004 1024 a 102 j 1004 a 1004 1154 a 1 1 5 4 1 1 0 4 a 1 1 7 4 103 a 104 1054 a 106 1074 a 1 0 8 4 1074 a 1 0 8 4 106 a 109 1094 a 1094 1074 a 108 1 1 1 4 a 1 1 2 4 1034 a 104 105 a 1054 1 0 0 4 a 101 1014 a 1014 1 0 0 a 1014 1 0 1 4 a 1 0 2 4 101 a 1 0 2 4 104 a 105 1 0 1 4 a 1 0 2 4 104 a 105 1 0 0 a 101 104 a 1 0 4 4 92 a 98 96 a 98 a 108 a IO8 4 95J a 97 1 0 1 4 a 1 0 U 97 a 984 1 0 1 4 a 1 0 2 4 92 a 99 87 a 90 1 0 2 4 a 1 0 2 4 1044 a 105 424 a 424 46 ;a 464 34 a 37 414 1a 45 57 a 60 50 ;a 58 87 a 92 a 80 a 82 81 1a 8I4 a 6 6 4 74A ia 744 1 0 0 a 102 1044 i1 114 a ... 117 11 118 111 a 112 110 a 112 a 1 0 0 ... !1 994 a 1 0 0 1 0 2 11 1034 The speculations were mostly in the non-dividend-paying railroads, although the Ohio have been influenced, in some degree, by the supposition that, in case the new legisJature passes a free banking law, on the plan of that of New York, making Ohio stock the basis of a paper circulation, a demand for that purpose will cause an advance in the stock. Railroads are, however, fast growing in public favor, from' their permanency, safe ty, and the fair profits which they yield. The -immense increase in their receipts, this year, have directed public attention to them ; and there is every prospect that the surplus capital of the country will take that direction for investment. The apprehensions that were entertained early in the summer, that an export of specie would take place during the autumn, have passed away, although foreign bills have no minally advanced to 10 a 104 per cent This advance of J a 1 per cent, however, expresses rather the depreciation of the gold in our banks, subject to export, than any real improve ment in the value of the bills ; the actual demand for remittance, as compared with sup ply, being rather diminished, as the month draws to a close. Some considerable ship ments of silver, amounting in all to near $2,000,000, consisting chiefly of Mexican dolIars; to France, have been m ade; the rate of exchange favoring the export of silver, when gold will not reimburse a shipment. The following is a pro forma account of a shipment 6 ’s « Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 454 of Mexican dollars to France and England, the calculations by J. F. Entz, Esq., of the New York Life Insurance and Trust Company:— P ro forma A ccount of a S hipment of M exican D ollars from Y e w Y ork to L ondon. 20,000 dollars purchased at 1 | per cent premium,........ .......................... Cost of 4 barrels, packing charges, cartage, &c.,........................................ Insurance, at £ per cent., on $20,350,.... ........................... $101 75 Policy,.............. •........................................................................ 1 25 -----------Total cost in New York,. $20,350 00 10 75 103 00 $20,463 75 The same 20,000 dollars, weighing 17,320 ounces, and sold at 4s. 10£d per ounce,...................................................................................................... £4,194 13 10 Charges—Freight per packet, £ per cent,............................ .£10 8 4 Primage, 5 per cent,................................................................ 10 5 Landing charges, postages, &c.,............................................. 1 5 9 Brokerage, £ per cent,............................................................. 5 4 10 Commission, £ per cent.,.......................................................... 20 19 6 38 8 10 N ett proceeds, cash,............................................................................ £4,156 5 0 Add interest of about 45 days, at 4 per c t, until the draft drawn against the shipment becomes due,........................................................................... 20 15 7 Total,................................................................................ ................... £4,177 0 7 This amount, drawn at 60 days’ sight, to realize the above $20,463 75, the rate cf ex change would have to be 110 23-100 per cen t; which shows tha!t the shipment would not be profitable, unless at least 110^ per cent could be obtained for the draft Without com mission in London, the rate would be 109.67.6., or about 55-100 less. The following is a table by which the rate of exchange may be ascertained, at any given price for silver, in London:— T able showing the R ate of E xchange produced b y a shipm ent of S panish , M exican, U nited S tates , or other D ollars , from N ew Y ork to L ondon. PREMIUM DOLLARS IN NEW YORK. Lcndon price par. £ per ct. 1 p. ct. 1A p. ct. 2 per ct. 2A p. ct. 3 p. ct. 3£ p. ct. 4 p. ct. 4J p. ct. 5 p. c t per ounce. 110.06 110.61 111.16 111.70 112.25 112.80 113.35 113.89 114.44 114.99 Pence, 57£... 109.52 57f. . . 109.28 109.82 110.37 110.92 111.46 112.01 112.55 113.10 113.65 114.19 114.74 109.59 110.13 110.68 111.22 111.77 112.31 112.86 113.40 113.95 114.49 5 7 $ ... 1G9.04 109.35 109.89 110.44 110.98 111.52 112 07 112.61 113.16 113.70 11424 574.-. 108.80 109.11 109.65 110.20 110.74 111.28 111.83 112.37 112.91 113 45 114.00 5 8 .... 108.57 108.34 108.88 109.42 109.96 110.50 111.04 111.58 112.13 112-67 113.21 113.75 108.10 108.64 109.18 109.72 110.26 110.80 111.34 111.88 112.43 112.97 113.51 107.87 108.41 108.95 109 49 11003 11057 111.11 111.65 112.18 112-72 113.26 107.64 108.18 108.72 109-25 109.79 110-33 110-87 111.41 11194 112.48 113.02 107.41 107.95 108-48 109 02 109-56 110 09 110.63 111.17 111.70 112.24 112.78 107.18 107.12 108.25 109.79 109-32 109.86 110.40 110.93 111.47 11200 112.54 106 95 107.49 108.02 108.56 109.09 109 62 110.16 110.09 11123 111.76 112.30 106.73 107.26 107.79 108.33 108.86 109.39 109.93 101.46 110.99 111.53 112.06 E xample .—Mexican dollars costing 1£ per cent premium, and sold in London at 58 J pence per ounce, are equal to an exchange of 409.96. The intermediate prices for dollars are found by taking the difference as follows, viz:— Dollars, at l£ per cent, and 58 pence,.................................................. 1 per cent=109.65 1* « = 110.20 Difference,.................................................................................... One half of this, or 27£, added to 109.65=109.92. .55 P ro form a A ccount of a S hipment of M exican D ollars from N e w Y ork to P aris . 20,000 dollars, purchased at I f per cent premium,................................... Cost of 4 barrels, packing charges, &c.,........................................................ Insurance, at £ per cent, on $20,350,................................... $101 75 Policy,........................................................................................ 1 25 -----------Total cost in New York,, $20,350 00 10 75 103 00 $20,463 75 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 455 The same 20,000 dollars sold in Paris at f. 5.34,......................................... Charges in Havre—Import duty, and permits,........................... f. 12.40 ft Cartage, cooperage, postages, &.c.,., 20.10 ct Freight, ^ per ct. on $20,000,....... $50 tt Primage, 10 per cent,.................... 5 "$55 288.75 At f. 5.25,............... 114.50 Charges in Paris— Freight,................................................. a 6.50 Viewing and delivering,..................... u Brokerage, § per cent,...................... . 133.50 534.00 Commission, ^ per cent,..................... " f. 106,800 00 Nett proceeds, cash,............................................................................ Add interest of about 45 days, at 4 per c t, until the draft drawn against the shipment becomes due,....................................................... -............... Total,....................................................................................................... £• 105,690.25 1,109.75 528.45 f. 106,218 70 This amount, drawn so as to realize the above $20,463 75, the rate of exchange would have to be 5.19-; which shows that, unless this rate could be obtained for the draft, the shipment would not answer. Without commission in Paris, the result would be 5.21.6., or £ per cent more. The steamers charge per cent freight, but the additional expense is nearly compensated by the interest of about 15 days, thereby gained. T able showing the R ate of E xchange on P aris , produced b y a S hipment of S panish , M exican , or other D ollars , from N ew Y ork to P aris . Paris p r ic e p r e m iu m on d o l l a r s in n k w - y o r k . per dollar. par. \ per c t . 1 p. c t. IA p. c t . 2 p. ct. 2£ p. c t . 3 p. c. 3£ p. ct. 4 p. ct. 4£ p. ct. 5 p. c. Francs, 5.30........... 5.24.2 5.21.6 5.10.0 5.16.4 5.13.9 5.11.4 5 08.9 5.06.4 5.04.0 5.01.6 4 99.2 5.32........... 5.26.1 5.23.5 5.20.9 5.18.4 5.15.8 5.13.3 5.10.8 5.08.4 5.05.9 5.03.5 5.01.1 5.34 ........... 5.28.1 5.25.5 5.22 9 5.20.3 5.17.8 5.15.3 5.12.8 5.10 3 5.07.8 5.05 4 5.03.0 5.36........... 5.30.1 5.27.5 5.24.9 5.22.3 5.19 7 5.17.2 514.7 5.12 2 5-09.7 5.07-3 5.04.9 5.38........... 5.32.1 5.29.5 5.20.8 5.24.2 5.21.7 5.19.1 5.16.6 514 1 5.11.6 5.09.2 5.06-8 5.40 ........... 5.34.1 5.31.4 5.28.8 5.26.2 5.23.6 5.21.1 5.18.5 5.16-0 5.13 6 5-11.1 5-08-7 5.42........... 5.36.1 5.33 4 5.30.8 5.28 1 5.25 6 5 23.0 5.20.5 5.17.9 5.15.5 5.13.0 5-10.6 5.44 ........... 5.38 0 5 35 4 5 32 7 5.30.1 5.27.5 5 24.9 5.22.4 5.19.9 5.17.4 5 14-9 5-12.4 5.46........... 5.40.0 5 37.4 5 34.7 5 32-1 5 29 5 5 26-9 5-24-3 5.21-8 5.19 3 5-16-8 5.14-3 5 48........... 5-42.0 5.39.3 5 26.7 5.24.6 5 31-4 5-28-8 5-26.2 5.23.7 5.21.2 5.18.7 5.16.2 5 50 ........... 5-44 0 5-41-3 5 38 6 5 36 0 5-33 3 5.30.7 5-28.2 5 25-6 5.23-1 5-20.6 5.18-1 .01............ 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1-0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.9 E xample.—Mex. dollars costing 1£ p. ct., eold at f. 5.36, will allow to draw a t. “ “ “ “ 5.35, “ “ . The following is an account of sovereigns, as a remittance to London:— 1,000 sovereigns, bought in New York, at $ 4 90,.................................... Packing, shipping, bills of lading, &c.,....................................... $ 3 50 Marine insurance, £ per cent; policy, $1 25,.......................... 25 75 --------Total cost in New York,....................................................................... Value in London,.................................................*........ ........., ......................... Freight, £ per cen t; primage, 5 per cent,................... ,....... £5 5 0 Landing charges, postages, &c.,........-................................. 15 0 f. 5.22.3 5.21.3 $4,900 00 29 25 $4,929 25 £1,000 0 0 --------- 6 0 0 Proceeds,.................................................................................................. £994 0 0 $4,929 25 would buy a bill at 110.60 per cent, for.......... £1,002 15 5 Less 63 days interest, at 5 per cent,..................................... 8 15 5 --------------- £994 0 0 No commission is paid, or is included in this calculation. The present price of sovereigns in New York is $ 4 84; but they are generally light, and will average near 1 per cent under the sovereigns of the present reign, which alone are currently received in London. Therefore, $ 4 90 would be the fair rate for full weight sovereigns here ; but, as few such are to be obtained, a corresponding loss requires to be submitted to on the other side. The following is a table showing the equivalent of a bill at different prices of sovereigns in New York:—- 456 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. Price of sovereigns in U. S.,. $ 4 82 $ 4 83 $ 4 84 $ 4 85 $ 4 86 $ 4 87 $ 4 88 $ 4 89 Equal to a bill at per c en t.... 108.80 109.03 109.25 109.48 109.70 109.93 110.15 110.38 The greater proportion of the gold here is of English coinage, and came here previous to, and simultaneous with, the proclamation, calling in light gold for re-coinage; and, as it remains in the vaults of the banks in the same shape in which it arrived, the effect is the same upon exchanges as if the currency of the United States was depreciated, in compa rison with that of England. It is always a matter of profit for Europe to send her light coins here, as long as there is no mint at the port of entry, by which it can be converted into national coin, and made a legal tender only in that shape. If light sovereigns can pass currently here, we are wantonly exposed to the evil from which the government of England relieves itself, at great trouble and expense, by prohibiting the circulation of any but full coin, of the present reign. Notwithstanding all the expense attending four mints in operation, and one which has existed since the formation of the government, the na tional currency of the United States is in a most deplorable condition, because the mints are located at the wrong place. The mint at Philadelphia was the only one, up to 1835. In that year, three branches were organized—one at Charlotte, in the centre of the North Carolina gold region, and another at Dahlonega, in the heart of the mines of Georgia; the other at New Orleans, where the largest portion of silver is received from Mexico, and where the metals, as the centre of the southwestern trade, concentrate. The neces sity of having these branches at the places where the metals are produced, or where they accumulate, was fully recognized at their establishment; but, singularly enough, Boston and New York, where two-thirds of all the specie that arrives in the country is received, are without means of coinage. Of §23,000,000 of specie, received in the country last year, §18,000,000 in gold came to New York and Boston, and very little of it was coin ed, because there was no mint. T hat in Philadelphia is of as little use as a branch located in Detroit, to coin the gold of Georgia, would have been. The mint was located in Phi ladelphia when that was the seat of government; and it was idly supposed that the mint should be with it, rather than at the centre of commerce. New York is now the centre of commerce, and of the commercial exchanges. To this point, all the specie in the country tends, at certain seasons ; and at others it is the point of concentration from abroad, and from whence the imported metals radiate into all the channels of business, in all sec tions of the country. A mint situated here, would form the point to and from which all the metals would tend. The actual expense of sending gold to Philadelphia, to be brought back in the shape of American coin, is fully f per cent, counting the delay no thing, because the gold can remain in the mint at as little loss as in the bank vaults. This expense is, however, an effectual bar to coinage. The specie in the vaults of the New York and Boston banks is about §18,000,000. The expense of sending this to the mint for coinage, would be full §135,000 ; an expense to which it is clear no company or indi viduals would voluntarily submit. Hence, with such large sums of gold, idle and useless in the banks, the national coinage commands a premium of \ per cent in the street, be fore their doors. The gold is worth this premium, for the superior facility of its circula tion. It is known and recognized when offered in payments, and accepted readily; whereas the foreign coins are not so well known, and disputes as to their value always arise. They, therefore, although a legal tender, are scarcely available as a currency, and the paper of the banks is taken in preference to a strange coinage, which, being a legal ten der, the banks will not go to the trouble and expense of paying out American gold, all though it is frequently demanded. The location of a mint in this city would cause nearly all the gold which arrives to be converted promptly into the United States coinage; and, while the demand for that description of currency would thus be supplied, the foreign ex changes would be governed by the actual comparative values of the currency, according to the governmental regulations. Mercantile Law Cases. 457 M E R C A N T I L E LAW D E P A R T M E N T . DECISIO N S IN T IIE SU PREM E COURT O F L O U ISIA N A * SU IT TO RECOVER BALANCE OF AN ACCOUNT CURREN T. In the Supreme Court of Louisiana, March 11, 1844. Mullandon vs. Martin. Judge Garland presiding. The plaintiff claims the sum of $1,798 50, the balance of an account current between him and the defendant. The items in the account filed, are the balance of a former ac count rendered, and various charges of cash paid to the defendant, at different dates. The latter answers by a denial of any indebtedness to the plaintiff, but sets up a claim in re convention against him for $6,000, for services rendered as master of the steam tow-boat Pacific, which belonged to the plaintiff, for three years previous to May 1, 1839, at the rate of $2,000 per annum, for which he prays for judgment. W hen the cause was called for trial, the plaintiff offered no evidence to sustain his demand, but discontinued i t ; and at the same time pleaded the prescription of one year to the demand in reconvention. The defendant offered evidence to prove that, for about three years previous to May I, 1839, he was master of the steam tow-boat Pacific, belonging to the plaintiff, which was engaged in towing vessels from New Orleans to the Balize, and to sea, and back again, for hire. He proved that his services were worth $2,000 per annum ; and it is shown that the plaintiff sold the boat about the 1st May, 1839. The demand in reconvention was presented and filed May 27,1841, more than one year after the suit was commenced on the account, and more than two years after the defendant had left the service of the plaintiff. On the plea of prescription, the court below gave a judgment against the de fendant on his demand in reconverition, and he has appealed. The plaintiff, to sustain his plea of prescription, relies upon article 3,499 of the Civil Code, which provides that the action “ for the payment of the freight of ships and other vessels, the wages of the officers, sailors, and others of the crew,” shall be prescribed by one year. Upon this provision, apparently so clear, the counsel for the defendant have based a long and ingenious argument, to prove that the master or captain of a ship or steamboat is not an officer within its meaning, and that his wages are only prescribed by ten years. They tell us that, among nautical men, the master of a merchant ship is not considered or called an officer, and that he does not form a part of the crew. Upon this subject, the record gives no information; but, as our code was framed by legal men, we are to presume they looked to legal works for definitions, and the meaning of particular words. Bouvier, in his Law Dictionary, vol. 2, p. 105, gives a definition of the term “ master of a ship,” viz: “ the commander or first officer of a ship, a captain, &c.” The definition given by Professor Wilson, of the words maitre de navire, is master, captain or commander of a ship, vide Wilson’s French and English Dictionary—verbo maitre. The Lex Mercatoria Americana, p. 131, says the master of a ship is he to whom is committed the government, care, and direction of the vessel and cargo. In their nomination, the amount of interest, not numbers, predominates; “ but when constituted, they, like all other officers of the public,” are accountable, &c. The mate of a merchant ship is called “ the first officer under the master,” p. 181. Curtis, in his Treatise on the Rights and Duties of Merchant Seamen, p. 161, says, “ the master of a merchant vessel is that officer to whom is entrusted the entire command of the ship,” &c., appointed by the owners, and he stands towards them in a different light than towards third persons. Chancellor Kent says, “ the captain of a ship is an officer to whom great power, momentous interests, and large discretions are necessarily confided,” Ac. Notwithstanding these definitions, the * Originally reported for the New Orleans Bulletin. vol. x i.— n o . v . 36 I 458 Mercantile Law Cases. counsel insists that our code, and the acts of Congress, do not consider the master or cap tain of a merchant ship as an officer. They first refer us to article 3,904, Nos. 6, 7, 11. It will be remembered that this article is one which states what privileges are allowed upon ships and merchandise. The first clause gives a privilege to the captain for his w ages; and it was probably thought necessary to name him, as the commercial law, from motives of policy, did not give such a right The second clause gives a privilege for mo ney lent to'the captain, to purchase necessaries for the vessel. It was necessary to name the captain, for the purpose of designating the officer to whom the money must he lent, to entitle the lender to a privilege. We see nothing in the eleventh clause which can be viewed as declaring that the captain is not an officer of the ship, or calculated to raise such a presumption. It is the clause that gives the owners of goods or merchandise a privilege for damages sustained through the fault of the captain or crew. Article 3,213 gives the captain a lien for the freight on the merchandise he transports in his ship, with out which he would have lost a right accorded by the commercial la w ; but does that prove that he is not an officer? The right is given, not because the captain is not an officer, but because he is the commanding officer. The mate would have the same right, if, by the death of the master at sea, or any other such cause, he should become the commander of the vessel. The name of captain implies an office, and conveys an idea of an officer in the general understanding of the term. W e have been referred to the act of Congress of 3d March, 1835, section 3, to prove that the master is not an officer. It commences by declaring that, if any master or other officer of any American ship or vessel on the hwh seas, shall maliciously beat or imprison the crew, &c., he shall be punished, &c. These words, master or other officer, the counsel tell us, do prove that the master is no officer, and was not so considered by Congress. To sustain this assertion, we are referred to ano ther act of July 20th, 1790, section 3, which provides “ that if the mate, or first officer under the master, and a majority of the crew of any ship or vessel,” &e. Now will not the words “ mate, or first officer under the master,” as conclusively prove that the mate is not an officer, as the words “ master or other officer” prove that the master is not an offi cer? It appears to us they do. The counsel further rely upon a decision in 3 Sumner’s Reports, 209, to support their view of the case. This was a prosecution under the act of Congress of 1835, against the master of a ship, for beating and confining the mate ; and the question was, whether the mate, who was called the chief officer of the ship, made a part of the crew. Judges Story and Davis held that he did form a part of the crew ; and the opinion as clearly proves that the master, too, is often included as a portion of the crew. In the piracy act of 1819, ch. 200, the public ships of the U. S. are directed to protect merchant vessels and their crews from piratical aggression, &c. This expression as clearly includes the master and offi cers, as it does the sailors. So, in the piracy act of 1820, it is said if any person, being of the crew or ship’s company of any piratical vessel, shall land, &,c., they shall be punished, &c. There cannot be a doubt, we suppose, that these words would include the piratical captain, if he were taken and prosecuted. In common parlance, we often hear it said that “ the vessel was lost, but that the crew was saved.” Would any one infer from this that the master was drowned, because, in technical language, he formed no part of the crew, and was not an officer ? The counsel, in relying upon the French authorities, seem to forget that it is a matter of regulation in France, under the code of commerce, and various ordinances, which keeps up a distinction between the master and his subordinates. There are different grades of commanders; the captain, the master and patron, depending on the size of the vessels they command, and the voyages they make, whether foreign or coastwise. We have no doubt that the master of a merchant ship or steamboat is an officer within the meaning of article 3,499 of the code, and that the action for his wages is prescribed by the lapse of one year. W e do not think that, because the defendant chooses to call his Mercantile Law Cases . 459 compensation a salary instead of wages, it changes the law in relation to prescription. The argument that steam tow-boats are not vessels performing voyages, as other vessels or steamboats, was met and decided on in the case of Davis v. Heaton, &c. We are further of opinion that the defendant does not come within the exception of article 3,500 of the code, which declares that the prescription does not run where there is a note given, or account acknowledged. There was no note or account acknowledged in this case. On the contrary, the account of the plaintiff is denied in the answer. The last item in that account i3 dated the 26th of January, 1838, more than three years before the defendant set up his demand. It is not alleged nor proved that the sums which the plaintiff charges as having been paid to the defendant, were on account of his demand for services as master of the boat, nor can they be so supposed. The plaintiff has no t proved they were paid at a ll; and as the defendant denies it, we take it to be true that they were not. But, admitting they were so paid, the defendant cannot benefit by it, as more than three years have elapsed between the last payment and the presentation of his demand. Judgment affirmed. COLLISION— STEAM ER OHIO B E LLE AND SCHOONER CREOLE. In the Supreme Court of Louisiana, April, 1844, Judge Ballard presiding. Western Marine Insurance and Fire Company vs. Cassely, et al. Larose vs. the same. Judge Bullard—These two actions are instituted against the owners of the steamer Ohio Belle, to recover damages resulting from a collision between that boat and the schooner Creole, alleged to have occurred by the fault of its officers. One of them is brought by the owner of the schooner, which was sunk, and totally lost, and the other by the underwriters, who had paid for one hundred hogsheads of sugar, the cargo of the schooner, insured by them. The two cases were cumulated and tried together, and the defendants are appellants from a judgment in each case against them. The collision oc curred in the night, when the steamer was ascending the. river Mississippi, and the schooner was descending. In such cases, it is extremely difficult to ascertain with propercertainty the circumstances attending the accident, owing partly to the confusion and alarm with which such casualties are always attended, and partly to the bias on the minds of the crew, and even the passengers on board, in favor each of their own vessels. The mind of the judge or jury is thus liable to become bewildered and confused by these cross-lights of evidence, and finds it difficult to figure to itself the exact position of the two vessels immediately preceding and at the moment of the collision, and to ascertain the means used by one or both to avoid the catastrophe. In the present case, for example, if we be lieve the officers and crew of the schooner, it was a clear, star-light night; while it is equally well proved by the officers and passengers on board the steamer that it was very dark, and had been raining, although the outline of the bank of the river was visible, and sufficiently distant for safe navigation. One thing, however, appears certain, to w it: that the schooner struck the steamer head on, nearly at right angles, between the fore-hatchway and the boilers, and the starboard side; her bow was stove in, and she sunk very soon, while the steamer received no injury. Between a vessel propelled by steam, and another by wind, under ordinary circumstanetances, the means of avoiding a collision are greatly in favor of the former, in conse quence of the control which human ingenuity has contrived over the more powerful agent itself, by means of which the vessel may be stopped, its course changed in any direction, and even backed. In one respect, however, the steamer has no advantage over the sail ing vessel in the night. A steamer may be seen ; and, when on the high pressure prin ciple, may be heard at a much greater distance than a sailing vessel. The fires of the furnace, the lights from the cabin-windows, the volume of black smoke, and often pencils of sparks issuing from the chimneys, and the puffs of the escape-pipe, give warning of its approach. A t the same time, the noise of the engine and the wheels, and the escape of 460 Mercantile Law Cases, gteam, renders it more difficult to hear the hailing of another boat, or cries from the banks of the river. Hence it is not difficult to account for the officers on board the Ohio Belle not having heard the repeated hailing from on board the schooner. It is also well known that with a light near the eye, distant objects cannot be seen as well as without such light; and hence we find no difficulty in giving credence to the uncontradicted statement of the officers and passengers on board the steamer, that the schooner was not seen until she had approached very near the steamer, certainly not further off than two hundred yards, gome of the witnesses say much nearer, and approaching in a direction to cross the track of the steamer, nearly at right angles. In this, the concurrent positive testimony of all the witnesses who were on board the steamer must outweigh the negative statements, or opinions of others, either on shore or on board the schooner. The plaintiffs cannot complain if we take the statement of the captain of the schooner as true in relation to the circumstances which preceded the collision. It is admitted that the schooner was descending the river after having taken in her full cargo of sugar, and was under full sail. The captain says in his testimony, “ when they first saw the steamer, ehe was about a mile and a half from the schooner, and was hugging the shore, as they usually do, and the schooner was in the middle of the river—the wind was northwest, being in an excellent quarter to descend the river.” According to this account of the occurrence, about fifteen minutes elapsed from the time they first saw the steamer, to the moment when the concussion took place. W ith the wind and current both favorable, it is not easy to understand why the captain of the schooner did not change his course so as to avoid the steamer. It is not satisfactorily shown that anything prevented his doing so. On the other hand, there appears no good reason to doubt that there was a proper look out on board the steamer, and that the schooner was not seen until it was so near as to leave little time for proper measures to avoid her. It has been urged as a pjoof of culpable recklessness on the part of the officers of the 6teamer, that they did not stop to offer assistance to the sufferers on board of the schooner. Such an argument would have considerable force, if it were shown that the extent of the injury was known at the moment. But the thing was so sudden, and created such alarm for'the safety of the steamer itself, that, in the confusion and darkness, no one appears to have been aware that any serious injury had been inflicted. Upon the whole, an atten tive examination of the whole evidence leaves it doubtful, in our opinion, whether any fault was attributable to the defendants; and we think the plaintiffs have failed to make out their case. It is therefore ordered and decreed, that the judgment of the District Court be reversed; and it is further adjudged that ours be for the defendants, with costs in both courts. B IL L S OF EXCHANGE. In the Supreme Court of Louisiana, 1844, Judge Bullard presiding. The Northern Bank of Kentucky vs. Leverich, et al. The plaintiffs allege, in their petition, that about the 5th of May, 1841, one A. T. Bowie, drew a bill of exchange on J. H. Leverich & Co., in favor of Daniel Vertner, or order, for fourteen hundred dollars, payable seven months after date, which bill was trans ferred by Vertner to them before its maturity, and remitted to the Union Bank for collec tion ; but that the same was lost; and, upon application to their agent, the said Leverich & Co. assumed, and promised to pay the same out of the proceeds of property of the drawer in their hands, whereby they became liable as acceptors for the said amount, when the amount should be realized out of property of the drawer, which was subsequently done; and that they have failed to pay the same, though demanded. The defendant, James II. Leverich, in answer to interrogatories on facts and articles, admits that he was advised by Bowie that he had drawn a bill on J. H. Leverich & Co., and requested them to pay it, but such advice did not come to hand till several months Mercantile Law Cases. 461 after drawing the b ill; that about the 10th cf February, 1842, he received a letter from Bowie, informing him that he was about to ship cotton to his house, and directing them to pay the bill in question. This letter he exhibited to Major Tilford and Mr. F re y ; and, acting as the agent of Bowie, he did promise to pay the said bill out of the proceeds of said cotton to be shipped, as stated in the letter. T hat the cotton arrived about the 21st of February, 1842, and the owner Bowie came with it, and countermanded the order given by his previous letter. That on the day of his arrival, he (Leverich) called on Ma jor Tilford, and informed him that Bowie had directed him not to pay the draft, and at the same time told him that Bowie was in New Orleans, and that he, Major Tilford, had better see him, and arrange it between themselves; and at the same time told Major T il ford that J. H. Leverich & Co. would not pay the draft. Major Tilford, at that time, lodged at the St. Charles Hotel, as well as Bowie; and he, Leverich, apprised him of the fact, and they both remained in New Orleans several days afterwards. Major Tilford was President of the Northern Bank of Kentucky, and was their agent He further ad mits that the cotton shipped was sufficient to pay the draft; but lie paid the same to Bowie or his order. The above statement is substantially corroborared by the testimony of Frey. The pro mise to pay the bill out of the proceeds of cotton which should be received, was a condi tional acceptance of the bill of exchange, and that acceptance became absolute on the receipt of a sufficient amount by the defendants, unless they were discharged by the no tice given by Leverich to Tilford, as above stated. It cannot be admitted that a drawer can countermand a draft accepted, so as to discharge the acceptor, without the consent of the holder. Leverich ought not to have received the cotton on consignment, if he was not willing to pay the draft out of the proceeds. The order of Bowie could not release him from that obligation. But it is said that the president of the bank, who was at the same time its agent, was notified of this new order of Bowie, not to pay his draft. This is true ; but it cannot be fairly inferred that he, by his silence or inaction, assented to the release of Leverich from his conditional obligation; because, although he was the presi dent of the bank, and agent at the same time, it does not appear that he had authority from the corporation to release Leverich from his contract; and certainly, without such consent, either express or implied, he could not rid himself of his obligation. No such consent, in our opinion, is shown. But the appellant contends that there is no evidence of the transfer of the bill, and that the signature of Vertner, the payee, must be proved, before a recovery can be had. A witness testifies that Vertner admitted that he had transferred the bill to the plaintiffs. The circumstances of the case are peculiar. The bill never came to hand. The accep tance was given with a knowledge of that fact. The defendants are not, therefore, par ties to the bill by a written acceptance, and consequently run no risk of its being presented hereafter ; nor is it possible to prove the endorsement in the ordinary mode. The defend ants treated with the Bank of Kentucky, as the holders ; and, under these circumstances, slight evidence of the title of the plaintiffs ought to suffice. The acknowledgment of the drawee, that he had transferred the note, appears to us sufficient, and not liable to any objection. It is not hearsay, but rather an admission of a party to a bill; and would, per haps, not be good evidence, because secondary, if the bill itself could be produced on the trial. The declaration of Vertner would prevent him from ever recovering the amount of the bill of exchange as holder. ' Interest was allowed by the judgment, from the 9th December, 1841. In this, we think, there was error, as the draft was not protested. It should have been given only from ju dicial demand. The judgment of the District Court is therefore reversed ; and it is fur ther ordered and decreed that the plaintiff recover of James H. Leverich &, Co. $1,400, with 5 per cent interest from the 21st of February, 1843, the day of the judicial demand, with costs in the District Court, those of the appeal to be paid by the appellees. 462 Commercial Regulations. COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. T A R IF F O F CH A RG ES A T ST. LOUIS. TARIFF OF CHARGES ESTABLISHED BY THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE CITY OF ST. LOUIS, TO GOVERN MERCHANTS, SEPTEMBER 3, 1844. Commissions. On sales of country produce, tobacco in hhd., except where the amount is under $200,............................................................................................... 5 per cent. Over $200,......................................................................................................... 2£ « On sales of coffee, sugar, and molasses,......................................................... 2£ “ “ other merchandise, from the east or south,................................. 5 “ “ lead,....... ........................................................................................ “ For purchasing and shipping merchandise or produce, with the exception 2£ “ of lead, with funds in hand, on the aggregate cost and charges,............ For purchasing and shipping lead,................................................................... 1£ “ For guaranteeing sales on time, 1£ per cent per month. For shipping to another market produce or merchandise on which ad vances have been made, on gross sales,...............................................‘........ 1^ “ For accepting drafts, endorsing notes or bills of exchange, without funds, bills of lading, or produce in hand,.............................................................. 2£ “ For cash advances, in all cases, even with produce or bills of lading in 2£ “ hand, with interest from date, at 10 per cent per annum,........ ............. For negotiating drafts or notes, as drawer or endorser,................................ 2£ u On sales or purchase of stocks,........................................................................ 1 “ On sale or purchase of boat, without guarantee,........................................... 2£ “ For procuring freight, on amount of freight,................................................... 5 “ For chartering boats,........... * .......................................................................... 2£ “ For collecting freight or accounts,.................................................................... 2| “ For collecting delayed and litigated accounts,................................................ 5 “ For collecting dividends on stocks,.................................................................. \ “ For adjusting insurance losses, if paid promptly, at the expiration of 60 1$ “ days from proof,............................................................................................. I f not paid promptly, at 60 days from proof,................................................. 2£ “ For effecting insurance, on amount of premium,........................................... 10 “ On outfits or disbursements,.............................................................................. 2£ “ The above commissions to be exclusive of storage, brokerage, and every other charge actually incurred. The risk of loss by fire, unless insurance be ordered, and of robbery, theft, and other unavoidable occurrences, if the usual care be taken to secure the property, is in all cases to be borne by the proprietors of the goods. Interest to be charged at the rate of 8 per cent per annum, on all moneys, accounts, or debts, after maturity, until paid. Rates fo r receiving and forwarding Goods, exclusive o f charges actually and necessarily incurred. Sugar, per hogshead,............................................................................................... 37£cents* Tobacco,................................................................................................................... 37£ “ Pork, beef, whiskey, molasses, lard, and tallow, in bbls.,................................... 7“ Flour, beans, wheat, beeswax, and flaxseed, in bbls.,.......................................... 4“ Corn, oats, wheat, salt, barley, and flaxseed, in sacks, when under 100 sacks, 3 “ Over 100 sacks,......................................................................................................... 2 “ Lead, per pig,............................................................................................................ 1“ Nails and lard, per keg, when under 50 kegs,..................................................... 3 “ Over 50 kegs,............................................................................................................ 2 “ Wool and hemp, per bale,................................................................................... 6£ “ Bacon, in hhds.,........................................................................................................ 18 (t “ in bulk, per 100 lbs.,................................................................................... 10 “ Bagging, per bale,.................................................................................................... 4 “ Bale rope, per coil,................................................................................................... 2 11 Coffee, per sack,....................................................................................................... 5 “ Hides, each,............................................................................................................... 2 “ Commercial Regulations. 463 Gunpowder, per keg,.......................................................................................... 25 cents. Carriages or wagons, each,................................................................................ $ 2 00 “ Gigs or cart3,....................................................................................................... 1 00 “ Merchandise, assorted, per 100 lbs.,.................................................................. 10 “ Other articles in proportion. Rates o f Storage. Per mo. P e r mo. Tobacco,................................per hhd. 50 c. 1 0 0 lb s. d r ie d “ ................................. 10 C r a te o f q u e e n s w a r e , o r c a s k , s m a ll Sugar,................................................... 25 s i z e , ................................................................. 18| Molasses,.............................................. 50 Bacon,.................................................. 25 C r a te o f q u e e n s w a r e , o r c a s k , la r g e Liquor,......................per hhd. or pipe 50 s i z e , .................... ............................................ 3 7 $ c, 50 B a g s o f c o f f e e , p e p p e r , a n d p i O il,..................................................... Oil,.......................... per hhd. or tierce 37$ m e n t o ,........................................................... 5 Flaxseed or rice,..................per tierce 18f 1 0 0 lb s . ir o n , s t e e l , le a d , a n d s h o t ,. 5 B b l. t u r p e n t in e ,............................................. 10 Salt,.........................................per bbl. 6 Oil, molasses, orforeign liquors,........ 12$ B a le g u n n y b a g s ,..................................... 12$ Whiskey and cider,............................ 10 M a n u fa c tu r e d t o b a c c o , . . . . . .p e r b o x 8 Sugar, fish, lard, pork, or beef,......... 6^ 1 0 0 lb s . d r y - g o o d s , o r o th e r m e r Flour, apples, bread and beans,........ c h a n d i s e , in a s s o r te d l o t s , ................ 5 4 S a lt , p e r s a c k , la r g e s i z e , ...................... Bacon in boxes,.............. per 100 lbs. 4 6 Lard, in kegs,.......................................... 2 “ s m a ll d o .,....................... 3 3 W h i t e l e a d , ....................................p e r k e g 2 Window glass, in boxes,....................... 3 “ in half do.,.................... 2 N a i l s , ................................................................... Hemp yarn,......................per 100 lbs. 4 T o n d y e - w o o d ,.............................................$ 1 0 0 Hemp in bales,..................... per bale 8 H a m p e r o f b o t t le s ,................................... 18f Bale rope,................................ per coil 4 R e a m w r it i n g a n d w r a p p in g p a p e r , 1 Piece bagging, 50 yards, or less,...... 4 C a s k o f c h e e s e ,............................................ 8 Larger, in proportion. 1 0 0 lb s. t e a , ..................................................... 10 100 lbs. cordage, tarred or w hite,.... 4 O t h e r a r t ic le s , i n p r o p o r tio n . 100 lbs. salted hides,............................. 6$ The rules of commission under the head respecting fire, robbery, theft, &c., to apply also in case of storage. Under 150 Over 150 Over 300 Over 400 Agency fo r Steamboats. tons,............................................................................................... “ and not less than 300 tons,............................................... ** and less than 400 “ ............................................... “ and upwards,....................................................................... $10 per trip. 20 “ 25 “ 30 " N E W B ELG IA N T A R IF F O F CUSTOMS DU TIES. The Belgian government has entirely remodelled the tariff, and now adopted a scale of differential duties on colonial and other raw produce, with the special view of protecting national shipping and direct intercourse with transatlantic countries, and generally the countries of production. This new tariff entered into force on the 29 th instant. The details follow hereafter, as far as regards the principal American staple articles of export to this country, but the fol lowing points require particular attention:— 1. That, by a special disposition, all the raw produce of the United States, imported into a Belgian port by vessels of the United States, and duly qualified as such, will not pay any higher duty than the same produce imported direct by Belgian vessels; American being thus assimilated to our national vessels, in the particular case alluded to. 2. That, although the new tariff came into operation on the 29th of this month, many articles specified in the following list, and the duty on which has undergone an increase, will have to bear this increase successively, and in fractional rates; the full duty not coming to be levied before the 28th July, 1845. Thus, for instance:—Ashes, which, according to general tariff, are under a duty of frs. 2 per 100 kil., if imported direct from the United States, by any vessel neither Belgian or American, will not pay above frs. 4.35 until 28th July, 1845, always, if imported in that same mode. Commercial Regulations. 464 3. That the 16 pr. of syndicate, levied hitherto, over and above all the customs duties, will continue being levied on all articles, as a general rule. 4. Should a shipment be made from the United States to a Belgian port, by any vessel having to call for orders at Cowes, or at any other intermediate, and other than American or Belgian port, though not entering there into any operation of loading or unloading, (a circumstance which would annul the privilege of direct importation,) it will be indispen sable for the shipper to apply to the Belgian consul at the port of shipment, and to have it distinctly stated on the charter-party and bill of lading, or on the manifest, that the goods are for Belgian account, or go to the consignment of a party in Belgium. Should there be no Belgian consul at the port of shipment, the signature of the government agent of any befriended nation will suffice. This regulation will not, however, take its effect sooner than 1st October, 1844, for the whole western coast, and the islands of Northern and Southern America ; nor sooner than 1st January, 1845, for countries eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, or westward of Cape Horn. The Belgian consuls at the different transatlantic ports will, no doubt, receive govern ment instructions by this conveyance, and be able to give fullest particulars on all the points connected with the execution of the present new law, about the formalities required for bills of lading to order, shipments by other than Belgian or American vessels, &c., &c. 5. That for American produce, other than those articles specially denominated in the table of duties, Belgian consuls’ or (in the absence of consular agents) American autho rities’ certificates will be required to state the American origin. Antwerp, 31st July, 1844. R EG U LA TIO N R E L A T IV E TO BRAZIL WOOD. C onsulate -G eneral of the E mpire of B razil in U. S tates , ) New York, Sept. 24th, 1844. ^ The exportation of Brazil wood from the ports of Brazil, has always been an exclusive privilege of the Imperial government; but, as abuses have occurred, and some vessels, perhaps through ignorance of the Brazilian laws in relation to the trade, have exported on private account the said article to foreign ports, it is made known, to those whom it may concern, that the laws of Brazil forbid entirely the exportation of the article by private in dividuals, and impose a fine of 30 mil reis ($15) a ton on each vessel that may take the wood by contraband, from any part of the empire, to foreign countries. The fine will be enforced, even after the departure of the vessel from Brazil; for which purpose, the gov ernment has taken all necessary measures to arrest the aiders and abettors in the clandes tine shipment. L u ir H enrique F erreira D’A guiar , Consul-General. T O N N A G E D U T IE S O F BRAZIL. C onsulate -G eneral of the E m pire of B razil in U. S. of A merica, I New York, October 9th, 1844. ) Art. 1. From the 11th November, 1844, the anchorage dues upon Brazilian and foreign ships in foreign trade, will be reduced to 900 reis, and the dues upon the Brazilian coast wise vessels to 90 reis a ton, for what period soever they may remain in port. Art. 2. Ships arriving in ballast, and sailing with cargo, and arriving with cargo, and sailing in ballast, will pay one-ha]f the dues—entering and clearing in ballast, onethird dues. Art. 3. Ships entering for provisions, or in Franguia to try the market, whether in bal last or with cargo, will pay one-third. Art. 4. Ships entering under average, or in distress, will pay nothing, unless they dis charge or take cargo; being allowed to discharge the necessary cargo for the payment of the expenses incurred. Commercial Regulations. 465 Art. 5. Ships that have paid in any port of the empire the anchorage dues of the arti cles 1st, 2d, and 3d, arriving in another port in the same voyage, pay nothing excepting taking cargo, and then have to pay the difference of the dues. Art. 6. Coastwise vessels, trading between the ports of the empire, will pay one-half the dues when half the crew be composed of Brazilian citizens; and will pay nothing if, besides this circumstance, they be employed in the coast or in the high sea fishery. Art. 7. Vessels of countries that will charge more dues upon Brazilian tonnage, or port dues higher than dues paid by their own vessels, are subject, in the ports of Brazil, to pay one-third more of the dues established, or to be raised to the same difference imposed by said countries upon the Brazilian vessels. L uir H enrique F erreira D’A guiar , Consul-General. T H E OVERLAND R O U TE TO IN D IA . The arrangements made for extending the communications with India and China, are understood, says the London Times, to be as follows:—There is to be a communication with Bombay, as at present. The East India Company’s steamers are to leave Bombay on the first of every month, with mails, &c., for Suez, and the government is to provide steamers to convey them from Alexandria to Marseilles. This portion of the mails will arrive in London about the third and fourth of every month. Another, or immediate line of communication, is to be performed by the steamers of the Oriental Company, under contract with the board of admiralty. This line will leave Calcutta about the 10th of every month for Suez, calling at Madras and Point de Galle, in Ceylon, and will arrive at Suez in about twenty-five days after leaving Calcutta. From Suez, the mails will be carried across Egypt to Alexandria, where they will be embarked in the Oriental Compa ny’s steamers, the Oriental and Great Liverpool, for Southampton, where they will arrive about the 21st of every month. There will thus be a communication twice a month with India—one via Bombay, and the other to Calcutta direct. W ith the Calcutta line, a monthly communication with China is to be connected. A line of steamers is also to be provided by the Oriental Company, to run between Ceylon and Hong-Kong, and to touch at Penang and Singapore. These will take from, and deliver to the Calcutta steamers at Ceylon, the China mails. By this arrangement, the correspondence will be transmitted between London and Calcutta in forty to forty-two days, and between London and HongKong in forty-eight days. The Calcutta mail service is to commence in January next. N E W SPA PE R PO STA G E ABO LISHED A T PO RTO RICO. George Lattimore, Esq., United States consul at St. John, Porto Rico, addressed a note to Capt. Fessenden, of the brig North Bend, just previous to his departure from the island, stating that he had that moment received an official notice from the captain-general, in forming him that the heavy postage heretofore exacted on American newspapers is abo lished j and that, in future, they shall be admitted free. VESSELS BOUND TO PO RTO RICO. Pablo Chacon, the Consul-General of Spain, under date of “ Consulate-General of Spain, Philadelphia, August 22d, 1844,” publishes the following notice:— “ I hereby notify all shippers, owners, and captains of vessels bound to the island of Porto Rico, that the manifest roll of equipage, and all invoices, must be certified by the Spanish consul resident at the port of their departure; and without these requisites, the captains, supercargoes, or consignees of the vessels, will be compelled to give security in 10 per cent of the value of the vessel and cargo, until the presentation of said consular documents. Vessels touching at St. Thomas, or the adjacent islands, are not exempt from thi3 regulation; for the enforcement of which, the strictest orders have been issued.” Commercial Regulations. 466 EX PLA N A TIO N O F T H E U. S. D U TY ON C O FFE E. It will he recollected that, in the early part of August, the secretary of the treasury addressed a letter to the collectors of the customs, stating that the levying of a duty of 20 per cent upon coffee imported in vessels of the Netherlands from places other than those of its growth or production, as had been done under the tariff law of 1842, was a viola tion of the treaty with that nation, and directing them to refund the amounts so collected. The circular seems not to have been fully understood; and the following letter, in reply to some inquiries, contains the secretary’s explanations:— T reasury D epartment , Sept. 12, 1844. To Messrs. Oolrichs $ Lunman, Baltimore : Gentlemen—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th inst. By the treaty of the 19th January, 1839, between the United States of America and the king of the Netherlands, it is agreed in the first article, “ goods and merchandise, whatever their origin may be, imported into or exported from ports of the United States, from or to the ports of the Netherlands in Europe, in vessels of the Netherlands, shall pay no other or higher duties than shall be levied on the like goods and merchandise, so imported or ex ported in national vessels. And reciprocally goods and merchandise, whatever their origin may be, imported into or exported from the ports of the Netherlands in Europe, from or to the ports of the United States, in vessels of the said States, shall pay no other or higher duties than shall be levied on the like goods and merchandise so exported or imported in national vessels,” &c. This treaty, extending likewise to drawbacks, tonnage duties, harbor dues, &c., leaves the two contracting nations free to levy, by the laws of their respective nations, whatso ever duties, in their own ports respectively, upon their national vessels, and upon goods and merchandise imported in national vessels, or foreign vessels, which to the respective governments shall seem fit. If goods and merchandise, imported into the United States in vessels of the United States, are by the law of the United States exempted from duty, that exception, like goods and merchandise imported into the United States in vessels of the Netherlands, is, by the treaty, due to the goods and merchandise so imported into the United States, in vessels of the Netherlands. Whatsoever duties or exemptions may be levied or granted, by the law of the Nether lands, in respect of goods and merchandise imported into the Netherlands, in their port3 in Europe, in vessels of the Netherlands, no other or higher duties are to be levied, and the like exemptions are to be granted to the like goods and merchandise imported in ves sels of the United States into the ports of the Netherlands in Europe. By the law of the United States, of 30th August, 1842, “ tea and coffee, when imported in American ves sels from the places of their growth or production,” shall be exempt from the duty by that act levied upon those articles when imported in foreign vessels. The duty of 20 per cent ad valorem on coffee, imported into the United States in vessels of the Netherlands, had been levied and collected in certain instances, at the ports of the United States. Of this, the minister of the king of the Netherlands made complaint, as being in contravention of the treaty. That complaint is the subject treated in the circular to collectors and naval officers, sent from this department, and alluded to in your letter. The instruction in the circular relates to coffee imported in vessels of the Netherlands. No instruction is therein given as to coffee imported in vessels of the United States. As to coffee imported in ves sels of the Netherlands, the treaty i3 the rule and guide. As to the duty on coffee imported in vessels of the United States, (or foreign vessels other than those of the Netherlands,) the circular has left it to the collectors and naval officers to be ruled and guided by the law of the Congress of the United States, of 1842. The treaty is a supreme law of this land—the Congress cannot make a valid enaction in violation of the stipulations of the treaty. Such violation, if persisted in and executed, would be a breach of public faith, and a stain upon the national honor. The Congress have full power -to levy whatsoever duties they shall see fit, upon goods imported in vessels of the United States. To that, the treaty is not opposed. But the Congress cannot levy duties upon goods imported in vessels of the Netherlands, which duties would, if collected, be in violation or contravention of the treaty. In such cases of conflict, the treaty is the law and the rule—the enaction of the Congress is no law, no rule; but is over-ridden and made impotent by the superior obligations of the treaty. The advan tages resulting from the treaty in favor of the vessels of the Netherlands in the ports of the United States, are fully compensated by the advantages resulting from the stipulations of the treaty in favor of the vessels of the United States in the ports of the Netherlands. If those stipulations shall be violated in the ports of the Netherlands, (a case not to be pre sumed,) the government of the United States, upon information of such infraction, wall Nautical Intelligence, 467 not fail to interpose in seeking redress from the government of the Netherlands. Having the foregoing principles in view, it is the intention of this department that the duty of 20 per cent ad valorem shall be collected and retained on coffee imported in vessels of the United States, from places other than those of its growth or production Upon such cases, the treaty between the United States and the Netherlands has no operation. The collectors and naval officers, with the law of 1842, and the manifests before them, will determine whether coffee, imported in vessels of the United States, is subject to, or exempted from the duty. I am, gentlemen, respectfully yours, G eorge M. B ibb , Sec’y of Treasury. NAUTICAL INTELLIGENCE. ISLA N D O F ICIIABOE. importance attached to the guano trade, at this time, by a portion of our commer cial readers, will, perhaps, render the following directions for making the guano island of Ichaboe, useful to navigators. It is an extract of a letter received at Lloyd’s, London, dated Ichaboe, May 22, 1844. T he D irections for the I sland of I chaboe. “ Vessels bound to Ichaboe should by all means, if possible, make the land to the south ward of this place. I do not think it necessary to make Pedestal Point, for they may be deceived looking for the Pillar and Cross, as I have been informed by several ship-masters lying here, who have made the Point, that they do not exist* If vessels make the land to the southward, it is quite sufficient. Ichaboe lies in la t 26. 19. S., Ion. 15. E. If, un fortunately, a vessel should be driven to the north by strong gales from the southward, or otherwise, I would recommend working along 6hore; going in as near as is prudent towards the evening, and stretch off a part of the night, so as to be near the land again, an hour or two after sunrise. By so doing, they would take advantage of the land-breeze, which varies a few points at night from the land. The current is not always alike, neither does it always run with the same velocity. W hen about the latitude of between 26. 15., and 26. 25., and the land is made, mountains will be seen inland. Bring these to bear S. E., and steer directly for them—there will be no difficulty in making Ichaboe. “ The land to the north of those mountains is level, composed of sand-hills and decom posed granite. W hen the island is seen, steer for it until you come within two or three miles ; then go between the south part of the island and the main. I recommend this passage as the best, for many reasons. In the first place, there is a passage within a quar ter of a mile of the island, above a mile wide—the wind is generally from the southward, and the current is seldom from any other quarter than running to the northward. If you go by this north passage, it is more shallow; and, on account of the wind being southerly, and the current running northerly, it is next to impossible to beat up to a good berth, as the ships lying so close together will not admit beating, without doing or receiving da mage, or both. There is a reef off the south end of the island, as also one off the main land; but there is a mile between them, with a good depth of w’ater—so that a line-ofbattle ship might beat between them without any danger; and you can let go your anchor were you to windward, and drop your vessel in any berth you choose. * By subsequent information, it appears that the pillar and cross do exist, but of so small dimensions as to be invisible except when very close to it. GANGW AY ROCK O F HY A N N IS. There is a dangerous rock, says the Boston Mercantile Journal, off the harbor of I l y annis, called the Gangway rock, with only five feet water, with a buoy on it. To the westward of the Gangway, lies a reef, with several shoal rocks upon it, that have not more than seven feet water upon them. One of the rocks was lately struck by the barque Mo hawk, and the captain supposed it was the Gangway rock, and the buoy was out of place. We learn that an examination has been made, and the Gangway rock, with the buoy on it, was found, agreeing wuth the former land-marks. Nautical Intelligence. 468 L IG H T S ON T H E T O R IN G E N AN D SANDVIGSODDE. The following notice to navigators, respecting the lighting up of the lights on Toringen and Sandvigsodde, near Arendal, are published over the signature of Libbern of the Royal Norway Government, Sea Department, at Christiana, August 13, 1844, and now repub lished in the Merchants’ Magazine, for the information of mariners:— “ Referring to the notice of the marine department, under date of May 17, of the pre sent year, it has now been notified that two lights are erected on the Toringen, near Aren dal, which will, in the evening of 1st September, for the first time, be lighted. Both are fixed lights, which throw a glare all round, and are situated on the islands store (great) and lille (little) Toringen, 1,800 feet from one another, in N. 4 W. by corrected compass. The one on store Toringen is in 53. 23. 15. N. lat., 8. 53. 15. E. Ion. of Greenwich; and the other on little Toringen, in 58. 25. N. lat., 8. 53. E. Ion. of Greenwich. Both lights will burn 130 feet above the level of the sea; and, under ordinary circumstances, be visi ble at four and a half to five sea miles distance. In order to serve as day-marks, the light-towers are painted white. “ There will also be lighted, in the evening of the 1st of September of the present year, on the Sandvigsodde, near the entry of Arendal, a fixed light, in 58. 25. 30. N. lat, 8.52. 10. E. Ion. of Greenwich, 42 feet above the level of the sea, and will throw a light from N. N. W. through N. E. and S. to S. W., (all by corrected compass,) over every part which is not obscured by the land; and, under usual circumstances, the light will be visi ble at a distance of two and a half to three sea miles. In order to serve as a land-mark, the light-house is painted light yellow. “ Those three lights will burn throughout the whole year, and be lighted up from Easter to Michaelmas one hour, and from Michaelmas to Easter half an hour after sunset, and burn till sunrise. “ With the assistance of those lights, a ship may enter without a pilot both ways into Sandvig, half a league from Arendal, viz: when at the distance of at least half a sea mile from the shore, the light of Sanvigsodde land point bears N. 16 W. by corrected compass, (N. | E. by uncorrected,) or a sail’s breadth E. off the light of lille Toringen, steering in that direction along the shore E round lille Toringen, straight for the light of Sandvigsorlde ; the distance from lille Toringen to Sandvigsodde being one-quarter of a sea-mile. When within a cable’s length of the Sandvigsodde light, the course is east; in order to keep the same for some time farther, \ cable’s length at the same distance till quite oppo site it, when the course is to be altered to N. 2 deg. W. by corrected (N. N. E. by uncor rected) compass, for one to three cable’s length, by which the ship will safely arrive at an anchorage place, with twelve to sixteen fathoms water, and good anchorage ground. 2. Coming from sea, a ship may run in between the two Toringen, but so near store Torin gen, as to remain only a small cable’s length off the island till the light of Sandvigsodde appears N. 2 deg. W. according to corrected (N. N. E. by uncorrected) compass, when the course is straight for the last mentioned light; being one-quarter cable’s length off the same, and the same course is to be held as above described. The first mentioned entrance is, however, the easiest for foreigners to enter.” L IG H T IN G O F T H E L IG H T S ON UD SIRE. The following notice, relating to the lighting of the lights of Udsire, dated “ Admiral ty? August 8, 1844,” and signed “ Libbern, Norwegian Royal Department, Christiana, July 13, 1844,” is republished for the benefit of mariners:— “ In connection with the notice issued by the department on the 17th of May last, it is hereby made known that the two new lights erected on the island of Udsire, will be light ed on the evening of the 15th August next. These two lights, which are to be fixed, and to be seen from every side, are situated 330 ells (680 English feet) from each other, 68 deg. E. of S., and 68 deg. W. of N., by true compass. The lights will burn the year round, and will be lighted from Easter to Michaelmas an hour after sunset, and from Mi chaelmas to Easter half an hour after sunset, and continue burning till sunrise. The ele vation of the light above the level of the sea is 248 Norwegian feet, equal to 264 English. In order that they may serve as beacons during the day, the towers or light-houses are painted of a light red color. The latitude of the easternmost light is 59. 11. 18. N., and longitude 4. 53. 33. E. of Greenwich. The westernmost light is 59. 18. 20. N. lat., and Ion. 4. 53. 24. E. of Greenwich. These lights, it is supposed, will be seen, in ordinary weather, at a distance of from 18 to 20 miles. Nautical Intelligence. 469 L IG H T -H O U SE ON T H E ISLAN D OF BANGOE. The light on the island of Bangoe, between Asseus and Awesund, established for the guidance of the packets crossing the Little Belt, which had hitherto lit up the passage only south of that island, will, within the present summer, bo raised five feet higher, in a lantern at the top of the light-house. The light will thereby become visible from all sides, except in the direction of about N. E. by E., in which direction it would be concealed a short way, by the town of Bangoe. During the progress of the work connected with this contemplated change, which will prevent the original light being shown for a time, light will be afforded by a large lantern with reflectors, which will be fixed at the same height, and will light in the same direction as the red lights. In the course of the month of August of this year, two beacons will be laid down at the Lyse-ground in the Cattegat, N. E. of the island of Hesseloe, viz :—One beacon with two brooms at the top, at the N. E. end of the aforesaid ground, in 4 f fathoms w ater; and, by bearings, Hesseloe light-house S. W. i S., and the Koll E. S. E. f E. One bea con, with one broom at the top, at the N. W . end of the ground, in 4 4 fathoms w ater; and, by bearings, Hesseloe light-house S. W. by S., and the Koll E. by S. The beacons will remain exposed throughout the year. S. H erbert . General Board of Customs and Trade, July 12, 1844. FL O A T IN G L IG H T MOORED O F F FALSTERBO. The following information, respecting the establishment of a floating light, moored off Falsterbo, has been communicated to the department of state, at Washington, by the Charge-d’Affaires of Sweden and Norway, and is published officially, for the information of those trading in that quarter:— “ The Royal Department of Maritime Affairs of Sweden, gives notice that a floating light was moored off’Falsterbo in the month of September last. The light vessel has two masts, her sides painted red, with the letters F. S. in white paint on each side, carries a red streamer on the foremast, and shows two lights during the night, so placed that, when approaching her from either side, they are seen side by side ; or, when a vessel nears her in a line with her bows, they are seen one above the other, the highest light being on the foretop. “ The floating light-vessel will be lighted up from the 15th March to the 1st of Decem ber, every year. She lays in 6 4 fathoms water, one minute from the outermost point of Falsterbo reef, and whence Falsterbo light bears N. E., six minutes distant; and Stevensklint’s light-house bears W. N. W. 4 W. by compass. A bell will be tolled on board the floating light during thick and misty weather. The lights are about 50 feet above the level of the water, and may be seen two German miles, or more, in fair weather. “ The floating light will have five pilots stationed on board, and lays in such deep wa ter that the largest ship may approach her, and obtain a pilot. She will carry a pilot-flag as long as pilots are on board; and the flag will be taken down when they are all o u t” N E W IN V E N T IO N FO R SA ILIN G SH IPS. Mr. H. Demster, of Kinghorn, has invented a “ new rig,” the advantages of which he states are as follows:—The Problem, a vessel which he has constructed, is capable of being made to turn round, as if on a pivot, without even,a sail being altered—attention to shifting of the helm when she takes a stern-way, being all that is necessary to perform the evolution. The vessel can with ease be propelled stern foremost, and tacked or wore in that direction. The fore and aft triangle sails go round without touching a mast. It is in these sails where the principal advantage rests in the rig. Under them, a vessel pro perly managed will never miss stays in the heaviest sea, or in the highest wind. They are well constructed for lying to, backing, filling, or box-hauling; and it is his opinion that these two sails may be applied to the largest-sized fishing boats, particularly those that, from their size, are incapable of being rowed, but are obliged to set and haul their lines under sail. Commercial Statistics, 470 PASSAGE O F T H E DARDAN ELLES. The Department of State, at Washington, under date of Sept 20, 1844, publishes offi cially, in the Madisonian, the following translation of a new regulation in relation to the passage of the Dardanelles, recently received from the minister resident of the United States at Constantinople, for the information of those trading in that quarter:— W hen vessels endeavor to pass the Dardanelles after 11 o’clock, (6 o’clock 15 minutes,) 8, M., our unshotted gun is fired, for the purpose of bringing her t o ; and when this proves ineffectual, the second is fired, charged with a ball. This is in execution of an ancient custom; but, as every one knows that the guns are not fired with the intention of striking the vessel, it is useless. Besides this, a quantity of powder and ball is wasted ; to obviate which, the following regulation has been determined on, v iz:— W hen vessels attempt to pass the Dardanelles after the aforementioned hour, red, green and yellow flags will be displayed before the guard-houses, and at night large lights will be hung out in front of them ; and if no notice is taken of these, then a cannon will be fired, and the expense of the same, be the vessel whatever it may, be charged to it. This regulation has been notified to Hi3 Excellency the Pacha, governor of the castles of the Dardanelles, as well as to the other necessary authorities; the same to commence at the expiration of the said term, (one month,) and the present official note is now writ ten and sent to your excellency, with the particular request that you will be so good as to have the regulation also made known to the captains of the merchant vessels of the Ame rican government, and take such necessary steps as will require them to act in conform ance to it. [A correct translation.] July 7, 1844. (Signed) J. P. B rown. COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. U N IT E D S T A T E S E X PO R T O F A G RICULTU RAL PRODUCE, FOR T H E L A S T S IX TEEN YEA RS. T he tabular statements below, exhibit the amount and value of agricultural produce, embracing wheat, flour, Indian com, Indian and rye meal, rye, oats, & c.; ship-bread, po tatoes, rice, cottonyand tobacco, exported from the United States for the last sixteen years —i. e., from 1828 to 1843. The exports for 1843, in consequence of the change of the commercial year, includes only the nine months ending 30th of June, 1843. The pre vious years, (from 1828 to 1842, inclusive,) are complete years, and end on the 30th of September. Export o f W heat, Flour, and Indian Corn. W h eat. Years. 1828, 1829, 1830, 1831, 1832, 1833, 1834, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, 1843, Quantity. Bush. 8,906 4,007 45,289 408,910 88,304 32,221 36,948 47,762 2,062 17,303 6,291 96,325 1,720,860 868,585 817,958 311,685 Yalue. Dolls. 6,730 6,372 46,176 523,270 93,500 29,592 39,598 51,405 2,062 27,206 8,125 144,191 1,635,483 822,881 916,616 264,109 F lour. Quantity. Bbls. 860,809 837,385 1,227,434 1,806,529 864,919 955,768 835,352 779,396 505,400 318,719 448,161 923,151 1,897,501 1,515,817 1,283,602 841,474 Value. Dolls. 4,286,939 5,793,651 6,085,953 9,938,458 4,880,623 5,613,010 4,520,781 4,394,777 3,572,599 2,987,269 3,603,299 6,925,170 10,143,615 7,759,646 7,375,356 3,763,073 I ndian C orn . Quantity. Bush. 704,902 897,656 444,107 571,312 451,230 487,174 303,449 755,781 124,791 151,276 172,321 162,306 474,279 535,727 600,308 672,608 Value. Dolls. 342,824 478,862 224,823 396,617 278,740 337,505 203,573 588,276 103,702 147,982 141,992 141,095 338,333 312,954 345,150 281,749 Commercial Statistics, 471 E xport of I ndian and R ye M eal , R y e , O ats , & c. R ye M e a l . I ndian M e a l . Years. 1828....... 1829,...... 1830,..... 1831...... 1832,...... 1833,...... 1834,..... 1835,...... 1836,...... 1837,...... 1838....... 1839,...... 1840,...... 1841,...... 1842,...... 1843,...... Quantity. Bbls. 174,639 173,775 145,301 297,604 146,710 146,678 149,609 166,782 140,917 159,435 171,843 165,672 206,063 232,284 209,199 174,354 Value. Dolls. 480,034 495,673 372,296 595,434 480,035 534,309 491,910 629,389 621,560 763,652 722,399 658,421 705,183 682,457 617,817 454,166 Quantity. Bbls. 22,214 34,191 26,298 19,100 17,254 36,038 39,151 30,854 36,646 28,323 22,864 29,458 53,218 44,031 34,190 21,770 R y e , O a t s , & c. Value. jDolls. 59,036 127,004 87,796 71,881 75,392 140,017 140,306 129,140 173,976 165,457 110,792 145,448 170,931 138,505 124,396 65,631 Value. Dolls. 67,997 74,896 66,249 132,717 78,447 102,568 49,465 96,478 80,492 80,785 94,533 72,050 113,393 159,893 175,082 108,640 E xports of S h ip -B read , P otatoes , R ice , C otton , and T obacco. Years. 1828,....... 1829,....... 1830,....... 1831,....... 1832,....... 1833,....... 1834,....... 1835,....... 1836,....... 1837,....... 1838,....... 1839,....... 1840,....... 1841,....... 1842,....... 1843,....... Ship-bread. Value. $171,105 172,897 188,474 250,533 255,735 252,555 231,708 221,699 244,760 244,292 263,686 349,871 428,988 378,041 323,759 312,232 Potatoes. Value. $35,371 30,079 39,027 41,147 42,077 52,052 38,567 41,543 43,630 20,594 56,898 57,536 54,524 64,402 85,844 47,757 Rice. Value. $2,620,696 2,514,370 1,986,824 2,016,267 2,152,631 2,744,418 2,122,272 2,210,331 2,548,750 2,309,279' 1,721,819 2,460,198 1,942,076 2,010,107 1,907,387 1,625,726 Cotton. Value. $22,487,229 26,575,311 29,674,883 25,289,492 31,724,682 36,191,105 49,448,402 64,961,302 71,284,925 63,240,102 61,556,811 61,238,982 63,870,307 54,330,341 47,593,464 49,119,806 Tobacco. Value. $5,269,960 4,982,974 5,586,365 4,892,388 5,999,769 5,755,968 6,595,305 8,250,577 10,058,640 5,795,647 7,392,029 9,832,943 9,883,957 12,576,709 9,540,753 4,650,979 E xports of D omestic P roduce from t h e U nited S tates to G reat B r ita in . The following tabular statement exhibits the amount and value of the articles of do mestic products, enumerated in the preceding tables, exported from the United States to Great Britain and Ireland, during the same period:— W h eat. Years. 1828....... 1829,...... 1830,...... 1831,...... 1832,...... 1833,...... 1834,...... 1835,...... 1836,...... 1837....... 1838,..... 1839,..... 1840,..... 1841,..... 1842,..... 1843....... Quantity. Bush. 4,001 32,037 381,252 55,050 Value. Dolls. 6,359 33,184 492,680 62,287 3 6 6,033 615,972 119,854 143,330 11,073 685,609 129,309 183,696 F lour. Quantity. Bbls. 23,258 221,176 326,182 879,430 95,958 22,207 19,687 5,376 161 8,295 167,585 620,919 208,984 208,024 19,436 Value. Dolls. 111,871 1,635,174 1,544,194 4,931,951 479,321 121,169 96,834 25,341 1,134 62,510 1,326,600 3,387,343 1,003,465 1,242,787 84,815 I ndian C o r n . Quantity. Bush. 141,971 251,564 51,416 190,469 322 3,240 Value. Dolls. 68,432 135,196 29,425 133,447 180 2,174 253 230 12 135 519 104,841 12,548 123,665 15 110 467 61,569 7,136 75,901 Commercial Statistics. 472 R ye , O ats , and M eal , & c., exported from the U nited S tates to G reat B ritain . I ndian M e a l . R ye M e a l . R y e , O ats . Years. 1828,................ 1829,................ 1830,................ 1831,................ 1832,................ 1833,................ 1834,................ 1835,............... 1836,................ 1837,................ 1838................. 1839................. 1840................. 1841................. 1842,................ 1843,................ Quantity. Bbls. 52 130 50 17,718 Value. Dolls. 152 395 145 30,514 610 2,312 300 1 1 6 6 2 Quantity. Bbls. Value. Dolls. Value. Dolls. 2 44 9 187 1,831 4,500 41,546 160 658 630 100 3,346 550 5 20 1,381 6 3 21 10 8 899 5,884 2,574 29,844 1,015 14,842 2,178 36,490 2,751 R ice , C otton , T obacco, & c., exported from the U nited S tates to G reat B ritain . Years. Ship-bread. Potatoes. Rice. Cotton. % Tobacco. Value. Value. Value. Value. Value. $90 ....... $430,246 $15,626,901 1828,....... $1,720,571 1829,....... 407,363 17,514,389 1,533,115 368 $17 20,678,633 1830,....... 265,479 1,583,971 1831,....... 494 2 20,117,355 1,882,336 553,475 6 ....... 22,429,050 2,345,450 1832,....... 423,127 334 24 570,572 26,254,970 2,259,197 1833,....... 1834,....... 54 3 287,599 36,107,664 2,937,020 426 ....... 1835,....... 203,916 45,701,411 3,400,639 4,593,442 1836,....... 375 ....... 444,802 48,910,846 ........ 220 1837......... 319,993 44,857,118 1,879,868 221,790 2,857,203 1838,....... 45,787,687 1839,....... 423,654 5,404,967 46,074,579 1840,....... 100 10 28S,439 3,227,880 41,945,354 506 ....... 1841,....... 489,952 5,114,836 35,634,005 1842,....... 1,125 5 280,073 3,212,207 30,102,417 1843,....... 675 ....... 149,026 1,262,616 35,781,107 During the third quarter of 1843, there was exported to Great Britain and Ireland 29,062 barrels of flour—value, $136,963. T otal V alue of A gricultural P roduce exported from the U nited S tates , in tiie last S IX TEEN YEARS. Years. 1828,.................. 1829,.................. 1830,.................. 1831,.................. 1832................... 1833,.................. 1834,.................. 1835,.................. 1836,.................. 1837................... 1838,.................. 1839,.................. 1840,.................. 1841,.................. 1842,.................. 1843,.................. Agg. am’t in val. of exp’ts to Gr. Britain and Ireland. $17,958,263 21,234,207 24,139,540 28,183,987 25,739,421 29,212,309 39,435,058 49,337,883 • 53,980,994 47,058,601 48,929,306 53,242,358 49,611,187 * 42,381.397 35,134,709 37,280,990 Agg. am’t in val. of expt’s to all other places. $17,869,658 20,017,882 20,219,326 15,964,217 20,322,210 22,540,790 24,416,829 32,237,034 31,754,102 28,723,664 26,743,077 28,783,547 39,675,603 36,854,533 33,870,917 23,412,878 Total am't in val. of exp’ts. $35,327,921 41,252,089 44,358,866 44,148,204 46,061,631 51,753,099 63,881,887 81,574,917 85,735,096 75,782,265 75,672,383 82,025,905 89,286,790 79,235,930 69,005,626 60,693,868 Commercial Statistics, 473 EX PO RTS O F C O TTO N , AN D A L L O T H E R PRODUCE, FOR TH E L A S T T W E N T Y -T H R E E Y EA RS. The subjoined table, compiled from the official reports of the treasury, for the last twen ty-three years, shows the annual value of American produce of all kinds, exported from the country. Column 3 contains that of cotton alone ; column 4 contains the aggregate value of all other kinds—of flour, rice, tobacco, hemp ; of beef, pork, lard, lumber; of the products of the sea and the forest, the field, and the workshops. E xports of D omestic P roduce from t h e U nited S tates . Yrs. end’g Sept. 30. 1821,....... 1822,....... 1823,....... 1824,....... 1825,....... 1826,....... 1827,....... 1828,....... 1329,....... 1830,....... 1S31,....... 1832,....... 1833,....... 1834,....... 1835,....... 1836,....... 1837,....... 1838,...... 1839,....... 1840,....... 1841,....... 1842,....... 1843,........ Pounds. 124,893,405 144,675,095 173,723,270 142,369,663 176,449,907 204,535,415 294,310,115 210,590,463 264,836,989 298,458.998 276,999,784 322,215,122 324,698,604 384,717,907 387,359,008 423,631,302 444,211,537 595,952,297 413,624,212 743,941,061 530,204,100 584,717,017 817,253,446 Total,.. 8,283,768,718 Value. $20,157,484 24,035,058 20,445,520 21,947,401 36,846,649 26,163,339 30,518,959 23,497,461 27,834,768 30,993,066 26,415,805 32,954,256 38,723,622 51,534,396 67,819,983 73,540,662 66,071,575 65,315,574 64,214,015 67,419,914 57,452,887 50,564,154 53,855,218 All other produce. Value. $23,514,410 25,839,021 26,709,888 28,702,099 30,097,096 26,892,371 28,402,732 27,172,208 27,865,425 28,468,963 34,861,252 30,183,214 31,594,076 29,489,766 33,369,099 33,376,018 29,492,839 30,718,247 39,319,876 46,475,720 48,929,835 42,405,842 37,808,280 $43,671,894 49,874,079 47,155,408 50,649,500 G6,944,745 53,055,710 58,921,691 50,669,669 55,700,193 59,462,029 61,277,057 63,137,470 70,317,698 81,024,162 9 101,189,082 106,916,680 95,564,414 96,033,821 103,533,891 113,895,634 106,382,722 92,969,996 91,663,498 $978,321,766 $741,689,277 1,720,011,043 Cotton. Total value of exports. AG RICU LTU RA L PRODUCE AND CON SUM PTION IN T H E UN ITED STA TES, FO R T H R E E YEARS —1840-2-3. The National Intelligencer publishes the following table, constructed from authentic materials, of the quantities of agricultural products grown and consumed within the Uni ted States during the three last years:— A gricultural P roduce of t h e U nited S tates — Q ua n tity P roduced. Articles. 1840. 1842. W h e a t , ................................................b u s h . 8 4 ,8 2 3 ,2 7 2 1 0 2 ,3 1 7 ,3 4 0 B a r l e y , .................................................................... 4 ,1 6 1 ,5 0 4 3 ,8 7 1 ,6 2 2 O a t s ,...................................................................... 1 2 3 ,0 7 1 ,3 4 1 1 5 0 ,8 8 3 ,6 1 7 R y e .................................................................. 1 8 ,6 4 5 ,5 6 7 2 2 ,7 6 2 ,9 5 2 B u c k w h e a t , ......................................................... 7 ,2 9 1 ,7 4 3 9 ,4 8 3 ,4 8 9 I n d i a n c o r n ,...................................................... 3 7 7 ,5 3 1 ,8 7 5 4 4 1 ,8 2 9 ,2 4 3 P o t a t o e s ,............................................................. 1 0 8 ,2 9 8 ,0 6 0 1 3 5 ,8 8 3 ,3 8 1 H a y , ..................................................... t o n s 1 0 ,2 4 8 ,1 0 8 $ 1 4 ,0 5 3 ,3 5 5 F l a x a n d h e m p ,...................................... 9 5 ,2 5 1 } 1 5 8 ,5 6 9 } T o b a c c o ,................................................ lb s . 2 1 9 ,1 6 3 ,3 1 9 1 9 4 ,6 9 4 ,8 9 1 C o t t o n ,.................................................................. 7 9 0 ,4 7 9 ,2 9 5 6 8 3 ,3 3 3 ,2 3 1 R i c e , ....................................................................... 8 0 ,8 4 1 ,4 2 2 9 4 ,0 0 7 ,8 8 4 S i l k c o c o o n s ,......................................................... 6 1 ,5 5 2 2 4 4 ,1 2 4 S u g a r , ................................................................... 1 5 5 ,1 1 0 ,8 0 9 1 4 2 ,4 4 5 ,1 9 9 W i n e ................................................g a ll o n s 1 2 4 ,7 3 4 1 3 0 ,7 4 8 S u p p o s e d v a lu e o f t h e a b o v e a r t ic le s , fo r 1 8 4 2 , ...................................................... “ a t t h e s a m e p r ic e s , fo r 1 8 4 3 , ........................................................... VOL. XI.--- NO. V. 37 1843. 100,310,856 3,220,721 145,929,966 24,280,271 7,959,410 494,618,306 105,756,133 15,419,807 161,007} 185,731,554 747,660,090 89,879,145 315,965 126,400,310 139,240 $582,639,968 607,185,413 Commercial Statistics. 474 CONSUM FTTON OF T H E PRO D U C E OF T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S . 1840. Population,................................... Consumption. Indian corn,....................... bush. O ats,............................................. W heat, rye, &c.,......................... Potatoes,....................................... 1842. 1843. 17,069,453 18,646,367 19,183,583 290,180,650 95,588,920 85,347,265 85,347,265 316,988,239 104,419,644 93,231,835 93,231,835 326,120,911 107,428,048 95,917,915 95,917,915 Surplus, after deducting one-tenth, fo r seed, and the above fo r consumption, Indian corn,....................... bush. 49,598,038 80,658,083 119,035,565 W heat, rye, &c............................. 18,082,613 31,360,028 27,276,218 O ats,............................................. 15,175,287 31,375,612 23,908,928 Potatoes........................................ 12,120,989 29,063,208 defic’y of 737,395 IM PO RTS AN D E X PO R TS O F T H E U N IT E D ST A T E S, F O R T W E N T Y -T H R E E YEA RS— FROM 1821 TO 1843. The following is a statement of the value of imports and exports into and from the United States, from 1820 to the present time, distinguishing domestic articles exported from those of foreign production. The year, in each case, ends with the 30th September, inclusive. Imports and exports for 1843, embraces only nine months— (i. e., from Octo ber 1, 1842, to June 30th, 1843.) The latter date will hereafter, as before stated, be the termination of the commercial year, instead of 30th September. » Dora, exports. For. exports. Years. Tot. exports. Tot. imports. 1821,......... $43,671,894 $21,302,488 $64,974,382 $62,585,724 49,874,079 1822,......... 22,286,202 72,160,281 83,241,541 47,155,408 27,543,622 74,699,030 77,579,267 1823........... 50,649,500 1824,......... 25,337,157 75,986,657 80,549,007 1825,......... 1826,......... 1827,......... 1828........... 1829,......... 1830,......... 1831,......... 1832........... 1833,......... 1834,......... 1835,......... 1836,......... 1837,......... 1838,......... 1839,......... 18 4 0 ,......... 1 8 4 1 ,......... 1842........... 1 8 4 3 ,......... $191,350,881 $96,469,469 $287,820,350 $303,955,539 $66,944,745 53,055,710 58,921,691 50,669,669 $32,590,643 24,539,612 23,403,136 21,595,017 $99,535,388 77,595,322 82,324,827 72,264,686 $96,340,075 84,974,477 79,481,068 88,509,824 $229,591,815 $102,128,408 $334,720,223 $349,308,444 $55,700,193 59,462,029 61,277,057 63,137,470 $16,658,478 14,387,479 20,033,526 24,039,473 $72,358,671 73,849,508 81,310,583 87,176,943 $74,492,527 70,876,920 103,191,124 101,029,266 $239,576,794 $75,118,956 $314,695,705 $349,589,837 $70,317,698 81,024,162 101,189,082 106,916,680 $19,822,735 23,312,811 20,504,495 21,746,360 $90,140,433 104,336,973 121,693,577 128,663,040 $108,118,311 126,521,332 149,895,742 189,980,035 $359,447,622 $85,386,401 $444,834,023 $574,515,420 $95,564,414 96,063,821 103,533,891 113,762,617 $21,854,962 12,452,795 17,494,525 17,809,333 $117,419,376 108,486,616 121,028,416 132,085,946 $140,980,177 113,717,404 162,092,132 107,141,519 $408,894,743 $69,611,615 $479,020,354 $523,931,252 $106,382,722 92,969,996 77,793,783 $15,469,081 11,721,538 6,552,697 $121,851,803 104,691,534 84,346,480 $127,946,177 100,162,087 64,753,790 Mercantile Miscellanies. 475 MERCANTILE MISCELLANIES. COM M ERCE OF T H E P R A IR IE S ; OR, T H E SA NTA F E TRA D E. The interesting work of Mr. Gregg, on this subject, has furnished us with materials for an article on the commerce of the prairies, which we have been compelled to defer to a future number of this Magazine. In the meantime, we giv£ below some more recent par ticulars of this trade, furnished partly by the S t Louis Republican, and partly by a new paper recently established at Independence, Missouri. The editor of the Independence Journal, says he has been at some pains to collect information in regard to the Santa Fe Trade, and he estimates the exports at $400,000 dollars in specie, and buffalo robes, furs, &c., to the amount of $50,000 more. Several of the companies which came in last spring, have not returned, in consequence of the unfavorable state of the weather. For this reason, the exports are much less this year than usual. Four companies went out this year, taking with them merchandise to the value, at eastern cost, of $200,000—the insu rance, freight to that point, outfits, &c., cost another $100,000; making the whole sum invested in this trade $300,000, which would have been increased to $500,000, but for the bad weather. In the four companies, there were 160 men, and the outfit for them is stated as follows:— 780 mules, worth each $ 25,................................................................................. 60 oxen, “ 30,................................................................................. 5,000 lbs. bacon, at 3J cts.,....................................................................................... 39 bbls. flour, at $ 5 ,............................................................................................. 90 bushels meal, 30 cents,................................................................................... Merchandise, outfit for hands,............................................................................. Harness for teams,................................................................................................ Blacksmiths’ work,................................................................................................ $27,300 1,800 182 120 27 3,500 2,500 500 Making, altogether, the sum of.................................................................... $35,959 exclusive of wagons, wagon sheets, and many other articles purchased at that place. The number of wagons was 92, each costing $180, many of which were made there; and the total number of wagon sheets was 1,300, including blankets to put between them. The trade with Santa Fe is thus made to amount to $750,000; but even this sum is said to be considerably short of what it is in ordinary seasons. The Independence editor insists that the trade should no longer be neglected by the government. “ Give us a port of entry; give us the right of drawbacks, and our traders will supply the whole of the provinces of Santa Fe, Chihuahua, Sonora, California, and others, instead of being sup plied with British goods through Metamoras, Vera Cruz, and other ports. Instead of the trade being worth half a million of dollars, it will reach to four or five millions.” The east is said to be deeply interested in this trade, as furnishing an outlet for their calicoes and domestics—Missouri is interested; and the editor hopes that Congress will act upon this matter next winter, and give to our traders all the benefits which those of other na tions enjoy. The wagon-makers of Independence have orders to build seventy-five wagons for the Santa Fe trade, by next spring—only fifty were made the past spring. Several new mer cantile establishments have just been located there, and all are doing well. A tumpikeroad from Independence to W ayne city, on the river, will be completed as rapidly as pos sible. All that is wanted to make Independence one of the most important towns in Missouri, is to make it a port of entry, and for the legislature to establish a branch of the bank at that place, to accommodate the traders, and the commerce of the western part of the state. % Mercantile Miscellanies. 476 T H E P O E T R Y O F COM MERCE. T H E EM IG RAN T S H IP . H er anchor is heaved, her sails unfurled—from her prow the cleft waves flee, 1 And she speeds her way to the western world, o’er the bounding Atlantic sea. She is freighted with treasure, more priceless, far, than gold or diamonds rare ; Her decks are crowded with life and breath, and hearts and hopes are there. Hearts which, ere long, may^be crushed—and hopes to be quenched in despair’s deep gloom, For the land of promise may only yield to the seeker a lonely tomb. There are smiles—bright smiles, on the young child’s face, as it gazes on sea and sk y ; But stern sad thought on the father’s brow, and tears in the m others eye. The boy is dreaming of ancient woods, of waters so crystal clear, They seem amid verdurous solitudes, like a liquid atmosphere. And will they e’er homeward turn once more, those pilgrims upon the wave, Or where dark pines wave, and cataracts roar, find rest in a foreign grave ? A few may behold the homes of youth, but more shall in dust repose, And find relief in a stranger land, from life and its countless woes. Within the shade of the English tower, mother and sire may dwell, And rolling waves divide their graves from the children’s they loved so well. W hat wonder, then, as we voyage on, and billows fond hearts dissever, They seem to shriek in each startled ear, “ Thou hast quitted thy land forever!” But a truce to grief—as our white-winged bark speeds o’er the waters blue, Though we sigh for the old world left behind, we’ll hope on as we seek the new. j. e . d . COM M ERCE, M A NUFACTURES, AND A G RICULTU RE. Manufacturers and merchants are to the body politic what the digestive powers are to the human body. W e could not exist without food; but the largest supplies of food can not lengthen our days when the machinery by which nature prepares and adapts it for our use, and incorporates it with our body, is vitiated and deranged. Nothing, therefore, can be more silly and childish than the estimates so frequently put forth of the comparative advantages of agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial industry. They are all inti mately connected, and depend upon, and grow out of, each other. “ Land and trade,” to borrow the just and forcible expressions of Sir Josiah Child, “ are tw ins; and have al ways, and ever will, wax and wane together. It cannot be ill with trade, but lands will fall; nor ill with lands, but trade will fall.” These reasonings cannot be controverted; and on its authority we are entitled to condemn every attempt to exalt one species of in dustry by giving it fictitious advantages at the expense of the rest, as being alike impolitic and pernicious. No preference can be given to agriculturalists over manufacturers and merchants, or to the latter over the former, without occasioning the most extensively ru inous consequences. N E W T R A F F IC W IT H AFRICA. Several vessels have left Liverpool for the Western coast of Africa, with sealed instruc tions, to be opened in a certain latitude ; and each carrying an experienced practical che mist, furnished with test3 for ascertaining the real qualities and composition of ores and salts. The destination of these vessels, probably the pioneers of a new traffic, is under stood to lie between the 20th and 30th degree of latitude on the Western coast; and their object, the discovery of certain suspected veins of copper, lead, iron, or gold, stated to ex ist about forty miles from the sea-coast, and in a rich and fertile country. Mercantile Miscellanies. 477 BREACH O F T R U ST IN M ERCH A N TS’ CLERKS. Two cases of breach of trust recently came to light in Pittsburgh, which we record in the pages of this Magazine, in the hope that they may serve as a warning to the rising generation of American merchants, who may be tempted to make Shipwreck of that in tegrity which, if it does not always promote success in commercial transactions, imparts to its possessor what is of far higher value and importance—a peaceful conscience ; the only source of true happiness. One of the cases alluded to is that of a young married- man, formerly a partner in a house which failed there. He was entrusted with $>10,000, and instructions to buy pig metal on the Cumberland river. Unfortunately, after purchasing, and paying $1,000, he fell into the company of gamblers, and lost $3,000; then, in hopes of recovering, follow ed them to another place, and again played, and lost $3,000 more. Finally, he went to St. Louis with the balance, leaving his employer minus $9,000. The other case is that of a young man unmarried, who was entrusted with some $4,000 or $5,000, by a kindhearted friend, who wished him well, and did it, partially at least, to promote hi3 individual interest. His father is a respectable man, in very easy circumstances. The son had an excellent prospect of getting into business, aided by the capital of his father and friend, alluded to above ; but, for the sake of having possession of some $5,000, twice the amount of which he might have made in a few years, in a legitimate trade, with honor to himself, he absconded, ruining his prospects in life, and plunging a parent into the deepest distress. A PA RAGRA PH O F COM MERCE. TRANSLATED FROM T H E GERM AN OF F R ED ERIK A BREM ER . Long life to commerce! My soul expands at the sight of its life. W hat has not com merce done from the beginning of the world for the embellishment of life, or promoting the friendly intercourse of countries and people, for the refinement of m anners! It has always given me the most heartfelt delight, that the wisest and most humane of the law givers of antiquity (Solon) was a merchant “ By trade,” says one of his biographers, “ by wisdom, and music, was his soul fashioned. Long life to commerce! W hat lives not through it ?” W hat is all fresh life, all movement, in reality, but trade, exchange, gift for gift! In love, in friendship, in the great life of the people, in the quiet family circle, everywhere where I see happiness and prosperity, see I also trade. Nay, what is the whole earth, if not a colony from the mother country of heaven, and whose well-being and happy condition depend upon free export and import! The simile might be still fur ther carried o u t; yet, thou good Giver above, pardon us that we have ventured upon i t ! F IR S T SA LE O F AM ERICA N H A Y A T LIVERPOO L. W e copy from Gores’ Advertiser the following paragraph, for the purpose of placing upon record the first importation of American Hay into Great Britain. On Monday, the 16th Sept. 1844, 192 bales of American Hay, brought by the New York, and 40 bales, brought by the Concordia, were put up at auction, at the north end of the Waterloo Dock. As this was the first importation of American Hay to England, the sale attracted an immense crowd. W e understand that, in the absence of a more lu crative description of freight, it was brought over by the owners of the respective vessels mentioned, in the way of speculation, and as a sort of feeler. It is not what would be considered the be3t, or any thing like the best hay in England. It is the coarsest we have ever seen, portions of it resembling straw, or the strong, tough sprouts which grow on the margins of water-pools. Nevertheless the bids were higher, at all events as high, as could have been expected. The auctioneer on the occasion was Mr. J. H. Rayner. The lots, for the most part, consisted of eight or ten bales each, and were knocked down at prices ranging from 7£d. to 7fd. per stone. One lot of twelve bales fetched 8d., and this was the highest bid of the day. The sale was briskly conducted, and was all over in the course of an hour. 478 Mercantile Miscellanies. A FR IC A N GUANO TRADE. As this novel branch of commerce is exciting considerable interest among a portion of the mercantile classes, we have deemed it of sufficient importance to collect and lay be fore our readers from time to time such statements bearing upon the subject as we con sidered authentic and reliable. A late number of the London Shipping List contains the following letter, dated Ichaboe, June 20th, 1844:— “ "We arrived here on the 16th from Augra Pequena, where we lay three days, during which I examined that Island and the bays thereabout, but could find no Guano worth loading. There is plenty of excellent Guano here, but it is a wild place, and difficult to load on account of the heavy sea that rolls in from the S. W. and S. S. W . It is a most miserable place for a ship in winter. W e have commenced loading, and, if the weather keep fine, expect to be loaded in about a month ; but if the weather be rough, it is impos sible to say when we shall be loaded. There are about 45 English and one American vessel loading here, several of them from 500 to 600 tons register. About a fifth part of the Guano has been shipped off the Island; but what is left will last from 12 to 15 months, at the present rate of shipment, as the Island is one mass of Guano, about 50 feet thick in the centre, declining toward the water’s edge ; it is nearly half a mile long, and about a quarter broad.” Two cargoes of Guano, the last arrival at Liverpool, sold at £ 6 5s. About 100 tons, brought £ 6 2s. 6d. to £ 6 5s. For delivery the first three months of next year, several cargoes have been sold at .£6 to £ 6 2s. 6d. W e find the following paragraph in Burke’s account of the European settlements in America, (Burke’s works, Little & Brown’s edition, vol. 9, p. 176,) which apparently refers to one of the Guano Islands: “ The district which produces this pepper in such abundance, is small but naturally bar ren ; its fertility in pepper, as well as in grain and fruits, is owing to the advantages of a species of a very extraordinary manure, brought from the Island called Iquiqua. This is a sort of yellowish earth of a fetid smell. It is generally thought to be the dung of birds be cause of the similitude of the scent, feathers having been found very deep in it, and vast numbers of sea fowls appearing upon that and all the adjacent coasts. But on the other hand, whether we look upon this substance as the dung of these sea fowls, or a particular species of earth, it is almost equally difficult to conceive how the small island of Iquiqua, not above two miles in circumference, could supply such immense quantities, and yet after supplying upwards of twelve ship loads annually for a century together, for the distant parts, and a vastly larger quantiry for the use of the neighborhood, it cannot be observed that it is in the least diminished, or that the height of the island is at all lessened.” In regard to the origin of the name “ Guano,” as applied to this manure, a learned cor respondent of one of the religious magazines suggests that, as “ there is nothing new un der the sun,” it was this manure which in the following passage, (2d Kings, vi. 25) is mentioned as having been sold in Samaria, at a time of scarcity, at an enormous rate: “ And there was a great famine in Sam aria; and, behold, they besieged it, until an ass’s head was sold for four pieces of silver, and the fourth part of a cab of doves’ dung for five pieces of silver.” A more careful consideration of this verse must convince the critic that doves’ dung was not to be employed as manure for the rearing of a future crop, in a besieged place, in which there was ihen a pinching famine. To us, there appears no doubt that the doves’ dung, like the other unsavory articles classed in a category with it, was to be employed somehow as an article of food—probably for the sake of the undigested grain which it commonly contains, as it is well known that what grain the birds swallow whole is usu ally passed whole. Indeed, it will be remembered that during a grievous famine in India* comparatively recent, the people were represented as reduced to picking the grains of rice from ordure. The etymology of Guano might perhaps suggest curious matter for speculation to those having a taste for such inquiries. The words “ Geyona,” in Hebrew, signify Dove-valley, and the manure is certainly found in deep pits lying between ac clivities. Mercantile Miscellanies 479 GOLD COIN—C O U N T E R F E IT SO VEREIG NS. R. B. Bates, Esq., of Poultry, London, (Eng.,) has communicated to the government of the United States, through Lieutenant M. F . Maury, U. S. N., Hydrographical Office, Washington city, the following particulars relative to counterfeit sovereigns, which have made their appearance in England. It is supposed, by Mr. Bates, that this false coin must be principally intended for circulation on the European continent, or rather in the United States, (on account of the large quantity of sovereigns known to be in circulation in this country,) because, although the state of the coin indicates some degree of wear, there lias not yet been any passed through the Bank of E ngland; issuers being, without doubt, aware of the rigid scrutiny now exercised there. Mr. Bates says— “ The officers of the British mint brought me a false sovereign to examine, and report its specific gravity. W e found it to be 13. 58., (with reference to distilled water as Unity, at 62 Fr.,) which is about half the value of standard gold. The imitation of the coin is so perfect, as to have deceived the die-sinker himself; and its execution, altogether, is of such a quality as to excite the most intense interest and anxiety in all who have seen i t The impression of the sovereign imitated is that of Queen Victoria, and is so exquisitely done, as to defy de tection by comparison, except in two or three very minute instances; the most obvious of which is the difference in the dotting of the ground or field “ or,” in that quarter of the shield containing the single lion. W ith the aid of a magnifying glass, the dots on the ground of the false coin will be found to be more distinct, being crossed, or further asun der than in the real coin. The specimen Mr. Bates saw was gilt, of course, the color of fine gold; but, on being cut, it shows the redness arising from the alloy of copper. BANK O F JO N E S, LOYD & CO., M A N CH ESTER. It is stated in the Bath (Eng.) Chronicle, that Samuel and William Jones, the founders of the house in Manchester, were originally tea-dealers—worthy and excellent men. From discounting bills, according to the cash received in their business, they became bankers, without any large capital; probably, and according to general belief, with not more than £20,000 in the beginning. They did not issue notes payable on demand, be cause that was against the taste of the community; but everybody knows that they were very large issuers of small bills, at two or three months after date, drawn upon their own house in London—bills, in fact, as the common phrase is, of “ pig upon bacon.” And these issues w'ere in discount of other bills, or in the shape of advances upon other secu rities, convertible within a definite period. By tins system of credit dealing, the eminent firm of Jones, Loyd & Co. have now come to be possessed, upon a moderate calculation, according to the general opinion of the day, of wealth equal to three or four millions sterling. Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd, however, already the possessor of no inconsiderable proportion, and the sole absolute heir of all this enormous wealth, is preecisely one of the most leading men in the crusade against the free dealing in credit, by which his own, and the countless riches of his family, have been fabricated. The original Joneses—worthy men, we repeat—have died, leaving Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd sole heir to their large for tunes, as he is to the measureless hoards of his father. The capitalist of millions thus created out of credit, would, however, kick down the ladder by which he and his arrived at their present position. B ook- keeping .—W e are requested to state that J. W. Wright, Accountant, and Author of English Grammar, &.C. & c., will open his Evening School on the 4th of November, 1844. His system of Book-keeping embraces all possible cases of partnerships and their dissolutions. His system of Grammar includes style and composition, &c. Mercantile Miscellanies. 480 T H E W OOL O F T H E ALPACA. Probably few ladies who wear and admire the beautiful fabric called Alpaca, are aware of the source of its production. The Alpaca is a wool-bearing animal, indigenous to South America, and is one of four varieties which bear general points of resemblance to each other. The Lama, ohe of these varieties, has been long known and often de scribed ; but it is only within a few years that the Alpaca has been considered of sufficient importance to merit particular notice. Nine-tenths of the wool of the Alpaca is black, the remainder being partly white, red and grizzled. It is of a very long staple, often reaching twelve inches, and resembles soft glossy hair—which character, is not lost in dyeing. The Indians in the South American mountains, manufacture nearly all their clothing from this wool, and are enabled to appear in black dresses, without the aid of a dyer. Both the Lama and Alpaca are, perhaps, even of more value to the natives as beasts of burden than wool-bearing animals, and their obstinacy, when irritated, is well known. The importance of this animal has already been considered by the English, in their hat, woolen and stuff trade, and an essay on this subject has been published by Dr. Hamilton, of London, from which some of these details are collected. The wool is so remarkable, being a jet black, glossy, silk-like hair, that it is fitted for the production of texile fabrics differing from all others, occupying a medium position between the wool and silk. It is now mingled with other materials in such a singular manner, that while a particular dye will affect those, it will leave the Alpaca wool with its original black co lor, thus giving rise to great diversity. A M ER IC A N PRO VISIO NS IN ENGLAND. The London Trade Report, of September 18th, gives an account of the sale of Ame rican provisions which took place at the warehouse of Messrs. Keeling & Hunt, Pudding Lane, London, on the 12th September, 1844. “ The sale consisted of hams, pork, select ed for the country trade, ox-tongues, smoked beef, family beef, and sausages, the whole of them imported into England, and sold duty paid, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it were possible to bring this description of food into competition with home pro duce. The business of the day commenced with putting up 975 hams, from New York, of fair average quality, equalling what is generally found at cook-shops in London. These produced about 42s. per c w t ; a further quantity of 3,025 hams, from the same place, sold for 375. The pork, wdiich was a remarkably good article, net too salt, and apparently well fed, fetched 305. per cw t.; whilst 100 kegs of ox-tongues, which were remarkably good and well flavored, and equal to anything that could be obtained in London, produced at the rate of 15. l id . to 25. each. The smoked beef, very fair, sold for 395. per cw t, and 150 half-barrels of family beef, apparently well fed and sound meat, but rather too highly salted to please the majority of English eaters, found ready purchasers at 405. per c w t; the sausages fetched 9 d. per lb.; the undressed turtle, 5s. per lb. The quality of the pro visions exposed at this sale was very superior to anything heretofore produced from abroad. Indeed, the improvements made in the art of curing were the general subject of remark.” Mr. Lyford, of the Baltimore Commercial Journal, says that the first exports, after the modification of the British tariff, were made from that city. The following is an extract from a circular received by Mr. Lyford, by a late steamer, from Mr. James M ’Henry, a distinguished provision dealer in Liverpool, with whom some of the Baltimore packers have transactions, and is dated September 3d, 1844:— “ Since the first imports of American provisions, the trade has made rapid progress W e commence a new season with more settled prospects than we could, at the same pe riod last year, have anticipated. The supplying ship-stores has passed entirely from the hands of the Irish, and is now enjoyed almost exclusively by the Americans. The strong Mercantile Miscellanies. 481 prejudice against American beef and pork has disappeared; and these articles, which, during the elections, three years since, were exhibited on poles through the streets, as a disgusting spectacle, now command a sale which will shortly reach 30,000 tierces per annum. This gratifying and unexpected result has arisen from the favorable reports made by masters of ships, on return from long voyages, and from the perseverance of shippers, in the face of disastrous sales, and their facility in adapting their cure and packing to the wants of their new customers. The singular variety of the exports that have been thrown on the market with such astonishing rapidity, are sources of continual wonder to our English friends; and, if some of these adventures have turned out unprofitably, others have at once commanded favor; whilst a large portion will, no doubt, come into greater consumption, when their merits are mere generally known. American hams have had to struggle against a high duty, and competition with the excellent home-make, and the cele brated Westphalia, which are of such good repute even in America. The sales have not, therefore, been extensive ; but we have one or two parcels now here, that are destined to make their way into favor.” AN EX A M PLE O F M E R C A N T IL E IN T E G R IT Y . W e have occasionally recorded in the pages of this Magazine instances of commercial integrity on the part of bankrupt merchants, alike honorable to that class of community and human nature ; but we do not recollect of an example of the kind mere worthy of imitation, than that described in the paragraph below, which we copy from the Boston Courier. Its influence must prove more effective than a hundred lectures on the morals of trade, though emenating from “ thoughts that breathe and words that burn.” A failure happened in Boston yesterday to a large amount—unexpected probably, un less to a very few. The annunciation of the fact produced, generally, such indications of sympathy and regret aa we seldom witness on similar occasions. The gentleman who is at the head of the establishment has long been known and esteemed as one of the most open, generous, upright merchants in the community. W'hen such men fail, society suf fers. But the gentleman to whom we allude does not fail. He may suffer a transient eclipse, in consequence of embarrassments in trade ; but he has a capital in his character, which will carry him triumphantly through the storm. W e believe in his integrity—we know the generosity of his disposition, and the nobleness of his soul—and we trust in the sympathies of an intelligent and generous community to sustain and console him in this day of misfortune, and to encourage him in any attempt he may make to recover the in dependence and the affluence he deserves. This paragraph was published in the Courier of March 18,1842. W e republish it as a text, which needs no other comment than the following statement: The assignee in bankruptcy of the estate of the late firm of James Read and Company, having completed the liquidation of said estate, has notified the creditors that he shall this day pay a final dividend. The amount which tills firm owed at the time of its failure in the spring of 1842, was about §850,000. The sales and collections made by Mr. Morey, the assignee, have produced in cash nearly §800,000, by which he is enabled to pay the debts proved, within an amount somewhat over $50,000. Such a result as this has rarely happened in the settlement of a bankrupt estate. Both partners received, sometime since, a full and honorable discharge, and we now learn that the active partner, Mr. James Read, has added to what has thus been realized from the assets of the concern a sum ex ceeding f if t y thousand dollars , being the earnings of a prosperous commission business during the past two and a half years, by means whereof every creditor of said firm will receive a hundred cents on a dollar of the amount of his debt, as proved by him against said estate, and allowed by the court. When we consider the great amount of the debts of said firm, and of the cash realized from the assets, being nearly §800,000, and also the large sum now voluntarily furnished by Mr. Read, being the whole of his subsequent earnings, acquired, too, by intense appli cation to business ; and when also, we consider the extraordinary success of his efforts in accumulating so large a sum since the date of his misfortunes, and his willingness now, a second time, to dispossess himself entirely of property, for so honorable a purpose, we must pronounce this a case almost without a parallel in the history of this, or any other mercantile community. 482 Mercantile Miscellanies. L A K E SU PE R IO R C O PPE R COM PANY. The region bordering on Lake Superior abounds in various kinds of mineral wealth; but it is only recently that any systematic efforts have been made to develop its hidden treasures. A large tract of country, it is stated in the Detroit Advertiser, embracing the mineral district, was purchased by our government from the Indians in 1842; and the government at once adopted the policy, (and we think it was a wise one,) of granting leases to practical miners, of such portions as they should select for their mining opera tions. T hat tract thus selected, is termed a location, and embraces three miles square, or nine square miles of lan d ; and the proprietor of the lease enjoys the exclusive posses sion of it for nine years, upon paying to the government 6 per cent of the mineral, by way of ren t The company above named was formed last winter, and the stock is owned by gentlemen in Boston, Washington, St. Louis, and Detroit. They have obtained leases for fifteen such locations, said to be well selected, and rich in copper ore, and are now ac tively engaged in prosecuting their business. Their head-quarters are at Eagle Harbor, on Point Keweenan. About twenty Cornish miners, under the superintendence of C. A. Gratiot, of Mineral Point, are now digging the ©re; but the company do not intend com mencing the smelting process until next spring. Mr. C. C. Douglass, late assistant to Dr. Houghton, has been engaged by the company as their geologist. A M ERICA N C H E E S E IN ENGLAND. At a recent meeting of the South Derbyshire (England) Agricultural Society, Mr. Col ville, M. P., who filled the chair, drew the attention of the farmers to the import of Ame rican cheese, for the purpose of calming their fears. He showed that, although the im port of American cheese had considerably increased, it had driven the Dutch cheese out of the m arket H e produced a table which showed, that from 1831 to 1840, the importa tion from America had fluctuated, without any regularity, between nothing and 50 hun dred w eight; from Holland or Belgium the importation had increased, in the same pe riod, from 133,397 hundred weight to 224,957 hundred w eight; from other European countries the supply had remained insignificant and nearly stationary—1,049 in 1831, 1,464 in 1840 ; the aggregate importations advanced from 134,459 in 1831 to 226,462 in 1840. The last figures of the table we take as they stand: they show the imports of cheese, in hundredweights, from the places named for the last three years. Year. America. Europe. Total. 1841 ........................... 15,154 254,995 270,149 1842 ........................... 14,098 165,614 179,749 1843 ........................... 42,312 136,998 179,389 The importation of cheese had decreased during the last ten years by nearly 32,000 hundredweight, while the population has increased by 2,300,000 mouths. IM P R ISO N M E N T FO R DEBT. In looking over an old book the other day, saj^s the Journal of Commerce, entitled li A Memorial addressed to the Sovereigns of America, by T. Pownall, late Governor, Captain-General, Vice Admiral, &c. of the Provinces, now States, of Massachusetts Bay and South Carolina, and Lieut. Governor of New Jersey,” published in London in 1783, we met with the following passages on the subject of imprisonment for debt, which, it struck us, breathed sentiments in advance of the age in which he lived. “ Imprisonment for debt is a direct solecism in policy, not relevant to the ends of dis tributive Justice, and contrary to every idea of the advantages which the community is supposed to derive, in some degree or other, from every individual. Imprisonment can not pay the debt; is a punishment that makes no distinction between criminality, or the misfortune which may have occasioned the debt The* glaring injustice of this punish ment hath led to two remedial Laws, the Statutes of Bankruptcy and Statutes of Insol vency, which are sources of endless frauds. The locking-up the debtor from ail means of Labor or Employment, is robbing the community of the profit of that labor or employ ment which might be produced, is making the Debtor a burthen to his Creditor and the public. If any fraud or other criminality appears amongst the causes of the debt; or if it hath been occasioned by an undue course of living above the circumstances of the debtor; correct the vicious Follies, punish the Fraud. But taking the debtor, simply as a debtor, pity his misfortune; do justice, nevertheless, to the creditor.” The Book Trade . 483 T H E BOOK T R A D E . 1. — The History o f the Puritans, or Protestant Non-Confoi'mists, from the Reformation in 1517/ comprising an account o f their Principles, their attempts for a farther R e f or• mation in the Church, their Sufferings, and the Lives and Characters of their most con siderable Divines. By D aniel N eal , A. M. Reprinted from the text of Dr. Toulmin’s edition, with his Life of the Author, and account of his writings. Revised, corrected, and enlarged, with additional notes. By J ohn O. C houles, A. M. W ith nine portraits on steel. In 2 vols., 8 vo., pp. 534-564. New York: Harper & Brothers. This standard work exhibits, in a clear form, the relation of the Puritans to the Esta blished Church during the period of the important political epoch of which it treats. It is learned, full, and able ; and the direct bearing which the controversies here described had upon the early colonization of New England, renders the volume of peculiar interest to the American public. W e have, indeed, in these volumes, a complete ecclesiastical history of an interesting period in the English Church, when the passions of men were sharpened to the most ardent theological controversies. W e here behold the points in dis pute between the two great parties in that church, and the consequences which they pro duced, in a clear and accurate form. It is a source of satisfaction to the candid mind, that the bitterness of that day has been somewhat softened in our time, by the true spirit of Christian charity. The republication of solid and standard works, in our own country, has become, we perceive, a favorite enterprise with some of the leading publishing houses in the principal cities; and we trust that it will be encouraged by the improving taste and intelligence of the country. 2. — The First Three Books o f Homer's Iliad, with Notes, tfc. By C harles A nthon, L. L. D. New York: Harper &. Brothers. This is by far the best edition ever published of that part of the Iliad usually read in the preparatory course of classical studies. The notes are very copious, and furnish a most valuable exposition of the text. Professor Anthon has added to the work the origi nal text with the diagamma, a metrical index, and a Homeric glossary. His series of school-books is so universally known and adopted in schools, as to render unnecessary any further reference tjo their m erit The complimentary dedication of this work is wor thily bestowed on a gentleman, who came to the city of New York literally with a shilling in his pocket; but by industry, temperance, integrity, and, in short, the practice of all those virtues which, in our republic, are sure to command success in business, and the esteem of mankind, has risen, step by step, from the printer’s boy, through all the grades of the art, to the head of the first, and probably the wealthiest publishing house in the United States, and is now the Mayor of the commercial capital of the Union. W e say, therefore, that this work is deservedly dedicated to Mayor Harper, “ as a tribute of respect for the faithful discharge of public duties; a token of sincere regard for the many excel lent qualities that adorn his private character, and a memorial of old and uninterrupted friendship, by the editor,” (Dr. Anthon.) 3. —On the Use o f the Bible. By F enelon. W ith Fletcher's Illustrations. To which is appended the Celebrated Pastoral Charge o f the Archbishop o f Tours, on the Authority of the Church to Interpret the Scriptures. Translated from the French, &c. New York: Casserly & Sons. To the devout Catholic, this little volume will, no doubt, be highly acceptable at this tim e; and to those who are desirous of ascertaining the features that distinguish the Church of Rome from the different sects, in regard to the use of the Bible, and the au thority of the Church to interpret the Scriptures, we commend this w ork; although, we must confess, we know of no higher authority than a clear head and a loving heart; or the divine speaking to man through reason, faith, conscience. 484 The Book Trade . 4. — Incidents o f Social L ife amid the European Alps. Translated from the German of J. H einrich D. Z schokke. By Louis S track . New Y o rk : D. Appleton & Co. The delineation of European manners and sentiments, embraced in this volume, are selected from the works of Zschokke, a native of Magdeburgh, in Prussia, and now, at seventy-three years of age, a citizen of Switzerland. Several of his works have been translated, and published in London, where their popularity is said to be unbounded. The present contains four sketches. “ The Fugitive o f the Jura” reminds the reader of the beautiful poem of Montgomery, entitled “ The W anderer of Switzerland,” for the Grist and the professor seem to have drawn their materials from the same source. “ Marble and Conrad” is a very exemplary portraiture for youth; the embodiment, peradventure, in another form, of the author’s own wanderings. “ Mend the Hole in your Sleeve” is one of the most useful and attractive moral descriptions, to be found among our lighter litera ture. “ A Fool o f the Nineteenth Century” is an admirable satire upon the antiquated feudalism, and the aristocratic hollowness and injustice of the old European nations. In “ Hortensia,” tha author probably meant to disclose his own spiritually refined views of man in his loftier relations; and will, we predict, take rank among that complex and decorative biography, which is “ history teaching by example.” 5. — Narrative o f a Visit to the Syrian (Jacobite) Church o f Mesopotamia ; with state ments and reflections upon the present state and character o f Christianity in Turkey, and the character and prospects o f Eastern Churches. By the Rev. H oratio S outhgate , A. M. New Y ork: D. Appleton & Co. T hat the efforts of the modern missionary have been productive of benefits to the race, there can, we think, be no manner of doubt. Aside from the promulgation of the facts of Christianity, the social amelioration that follows in its train, and the valuable information gathered by the missionary in the field of his labor, are amplysufficient to pay back to the friends of the cause all they have expended, with interest. Mr. Southgate was sent out under the auspices of the Episcopal Church in this country, for the purpose of “ promoting a friendly intercourse between the branches (Eastern and Western,) of the one Catholic and Apostolic Church.” How far that object has been accomplished, wc will not antici pate the reader by attempting to decide ; but this much we will assure him, that he will find the present volume instructive as a narrative of travel and observation among an inte resting people of the great brotherhood of man, in a part of the world connected with as sociations in the history of the race, that will not soon cease to excite his curiosity as an enlightened Christian, in the search after the materials for philosophic investigation. 6. — The Apostles Doctrine and Fellowship. Five Sermons, preached in the principal Churches o f the Diocese during his Spring Visitation, 1844. By Rt. Rev. L. S illiman I ves, DD., LL.D., Bishop of North Carolina. New Y o rk : D. Appleton & Co. The five discourses in this volume are published by the unanimous request of the North Carolina Episcopal Convention. The object of publishing them, as stated in Bishop Ives’ reply to the committee appointed to communicate the request of the Convention, was “ to protect God’s truth from harm at a time of extraordinary confusion on matters of faith; a confusion growing out of unfounded and indiscriminate charges against Church Catholic doctrines, as Eomish heresy; thus unsettling the minds of some, and threatening loss to t he Church of Jesus, and to the souls for which he died.” The peculiarities of the Episco pal Church are discussed and defended with the usual ability of this distinguished prelate, and his labors will doubtless be appreciated by a large portion of the members of that communion in the United States. 7 . — Old Humphrey's Country Strolls. By the author of “ Old Humphrey’s Observa tions,” “ Addresses,” “ Homely Hints,” etc. New York: Robert Carter. Those who have read and admired the previous works of “ Old Humphrey,” know how to appreciate his pithy, sententious style, and the vein of practical good sense and philan thropy that run through all his writings. The present volume possesses all that individu ality that inspires the reader with a desire to know the author. The Book Trade. 485 8 .— The Works o f the Rev. Robert Hall, A. M . W ith a Memoir o f his L ife, by Dr. Gregory; Reminiscences, by John Greene, Esq., and his Character as a Preacher. By the Rev. Jons F oster. Published under the superintendence of O linthus G r e so r y , LL. D., F. R. A. S., Professor of Mathematics in the Royal Military Academy, and J oseph B elcher , D. D. In four volumes. New York: Harper & Brothers. The American public are here furnished with another standard theological work, from one of the most distinguished Baptist divines of Great Britain. It embraces the great bulk of his sermons, and also his political essays, exhibiting the full proportion of his moral and intellectual efforts during an active life. The prominent traits of his works, in our ju lgment, are clearness, eloquence, a full and flowing style; all borne along by an in genuous philanthropy, founded upon a desire to improve the moral and religious condition of those whom he addressed. They are a most valuable contribution to ecclesiastical lit erature, and will be highly and justly prized by the very large and respectable denomina tion, in our own country, to which he was particularly attached. 9-.— Sermons by H ugh Blair, D. D., F. R. S. Edinburgh, one o f the Ministers o f the H igh Church, and Professor o f Rhetoric and Belles Lettres in the University o f E din burgh. To which is prefixed, the Life and Character o f the Author. By J ames F in layson , D. D. Complete in one volume. From the last London edition. Printed verbatim from the original edition. 8 vo., pp. 622. New York: John S. Taylor & Co. Dr. Blair is too well known to the readers of the present day, to require our commen dation. His lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres have been long used as a text-book in the colleges and higher schools of this country, and have received the stamp of general popularity. The present volume, embracing his sermons, exhibits the clearness of argu ment and the elegance of style that we might reasonably expect from one who is most distinguished as a critic, and a learned teacher of the art of composition, as well as a popular theologian. George III., of England, was the friend and patron of Dr. Blair, and is said to have expressed the wish that the Bible and these sermons were in the hands of every youth in the United Kingdom. 10. — The Works o f that Learned and Judicious Divine, Mr. Richard Hooker. W ith an account o f his Life and Death. By I saac W alton . Arranged by the Rev. J ohn K eble , M. A., late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, Professor of Poetry. First Ame rican, from the last Oxford edition. In 2 volumes. 8 vo., pp. 511-447. New York: D. Appleton & Co. We here have another standard work of one of the great theological writers of E ng land. Although some of the arguments maintained would not suit the public opinion of the present age, the efforts of a man like Mr. Hooker, termed by courtesy “ the judicious,” will be read -with profound respect for their power of thought, their splendid but quaint diction, and their apparent honesty. They embody vast learning; they are full in discus sion of the ordinances of the church to which he belonged, and will doubtless form a part of every theological library. 1 1 . — The Clay Code, or Text-Book of Eloquence; a Collection o f Axioms, Apothegms, Sentiments, and Remarkable Passages on Liberty, Government, Political Morality, and National Honor, gathered from the Public Speeches o f Henry Clay. Edited by G. V andenhoff , Professor of Rhetoric. 12mo., pp. 150. New Y ork: E. Shepard. The volume whose title we havp quoted, contains the most brilliant passages from the speeches of Henry Clay, which have been made during a long and active political career. Those passages refer to almost every subject connected with the public interest, with which he has been closely identified for the last thirty years; and they exhibit clearly the promi nent traits which distinguish this most commanding orator and statesman. In them, wc behold a comprehensive genius, a fearless moral courage, an impressive eloquence, and a broad patriotism, which are as closely interwoven with the interests of his native land, as are the mountains and the rivers, the lakes and the forests of the nation, with its soil. It js a most appropriate text-book in aid of the purpose for which it is designed. 486 The Book Trade. 12. — The Opal; a Christmas G ift for the Holidays. Edited by Mrs. S arah J osetha H ale . Illustrated by J. G. C hapman . New Y ork: J. C. Riker. The little volume bearing the name of that gem which always appears to us to emit a lustre like the moon, contains some pieces of a substantial character, as well as those of a lighter cast. Mrs. Hale has been judicious in her selection of the contributions, as well as the adornment of the book. It is of a decidedly moral tone, and it constitutes a beau tiful and appropriate present for the holidays. W e are rejoiced to learn that the experi ment of last year convinced Mr. Riker, the publisher, that an annual prepared with reference to the true Christian standard, showing goodness in an agreeable light, virtue in her sweet loveliness, and piety cheerfully promoting happiness, cannot fail of success13. — The Gift, fo r 1845. 8vo., pp. 300. Philadelphia: Carey &, Hart. This is an unusually large and elegant annual, and its contents are in keeping with the physical character of the work. They embrace highly valued contributions from Henry W . Longfellow, N. P. Willis, W. H. Furness, R. W. Emerson, Mrs. Sigourney, Charles Fenno Hoffman, H. T. Tuckerman, and others, who have earned a well deserved repu tation in this department of periodical literature. The engraved illustrations are well exe. cuted ;■and the embellishments of the volume, in other respects, are elegant and appro priate. It is, on the whole, the gift-book of the season. 14. — The History o f the Popes, their Church and State, in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. By L eopold R anke . Translated from the last edition of the German. By W a lter K eating K e l l y , Esq. B. A., of Trinity College, Dublin. 8vo., pp. 664. Phi ladelphia : Lea & Blanchard. T he History of the Popes exhibits the most prominent circumstances which marked that gigantic hierarchy, the Church of Rome, during the time of which it treats. It ap pears to be a labored and solid work, and is written in a clear and popular style. It com mences with a consideration of Christianity in the Roman empire, traces the connection of Papacy with the state at different periods, with all its remarkable vicissitudes, and comes down as late as the year 1829; It is doubtless a work of standard value, and will go to form a part of every well selected library. 1 5 __ A Drama o f E xile, and other Poems. By E lizabeth B. B arrett . 2 volumes. New Y o rk : Henry G. Langley. W e may safely commend these volumes to our readers. They include at once some of the most elevated, sublime, and delicate poems of the present age. Their morality is Christian m orality; not the morality of a set religious purpose, appearing on the outside in mere vague declamation, but the deep devotion of the soul in a heart and mind mutu ally instructed in the sublime sorrows and hopeful joys of the Gospel. In truth, this is one of the rarest gifts of the muse in our time. It is poetry—lofty, noble, pure; inspiring zeal and devotion for all good and intellectual pursuits. Miss Barrett’s life is simple-mind ed, her objects devout. H er poetry gives us pleasure, and it leads us to a higher sense of enjoyment than mere pleasure. No better volumes could be read and studied by readers of her own sex. 16.— The L ife o f Francis Marion. By W . G ilmore S imms. New Y ork: Henry G. Langley. 12mo., pp. 347. Mr. Simms is certainly entitled to great credit for his industry and talent in illustrating the history of the southern portion of the Union. Besides placing before the public seve ral popular romances, he has compiled a clear and compact, though brief history of South Carolina, which is now followed by this life of Marion. The subject of the biography was a distinguished actor in the American revolution. He was a brave and patriotic officer, and his name is identified with the history of his native state. The author appears to have done justice to his subject, and has given us an account of the life of this daring and successful man, in a very appropriate form. The Booh Trade „ 487 17 .— Connection o f Sacred and Profane H istory ; being a Review o f the Principal Events in the World, as they bear upon the state o f Religion, from the close o f the Old Tes tament History till the establishment o f Christianity. By D. D avidson. 3 volumes, 12mo. New Y ork: Robert Carter. This is certainly one of the most valuable contributions to the historical and religious literature of our times, and affords new evidence of the importance of connecting the study of sacred with profane history. It differs in several important particulars with simi lar preceding works, particularly in regard to Nebuchadnezzar’s cpnquest; in tracing the events by which the Greeks ascended to universal empire; the Punic wars, & c.; but our space will only admit of the bare mention of the facts. The object of the work is to in duce readers of history, especially the young, to investigate the designs of God in his administration, and to recognize his unsearchable perfections and absolute goodness in all things. Three volumes of about two hundred and fifty pages each, at $1 50, is cheap. —A Commentary on St. P aul’s Epistle to the Galatians. By M artin L uther. New Y ork: Robert Carter. The admirers of that faithful and fearless champion of the Reformation will heartily thank Mr. Carter for reproducing in this country an edition of this remarkable work of Luther, on the Galatians. It is a very beautiful specimen of the typographic art in this country,-printed on a very fine white paper; and, although forming an octavo volume of more than five hundred pages, is afforded at the astonishingly low price of one dollar and fifty cents; thus placing it within reach of every family where the doctrines of the Refor mation are held with love and veneration. 18. 19. —A System o f Universal History in Prospective. By E mma W hlaied . Philadel phia: A. S. Barnes & Co. Mrs. Willard, who has been quite successful in the composition of several popular works, has executed this volume upon a new plan. It is amply provided with maps and engravings, as well as with chronological references. W e here have a general survey of universal history. The volume exhibits uncommon ofder, condensation, and clearness of style; and presents, in a succinct form, the most remarkable historical facts which have distinguished the progress of the human race. 20. — The Works o f Charlotte Elizabeth. Vol. 2. New Y ork: M. W. Dodd. We noticed, in a former number of this Magazine, the appearance of the first volume of the works of this popular writer. The second is now before us, and is equal, in all respects, to its predecessor. It embraces seven works, viz: Izram, a Mexican Tale— Helen Fleetwood—Passing Thoughts—The Flower Garden—Poems on the Peninsular War—Principalities and Powers in Heavenly Places—Second Causes; or, Up and be Doing. 21. — The Psalmodist; a Choice Collection o f Psalm and H ymn Tunes, chiefly new. Adapted to the very numerous Metres now in use; together with Chants, Anthems, and other Pieces, for the use o f Choirs. B y T homas H astings and W illiam B . B radbury . New Y ork: Mark II. Newman. The music in this volume, derived from interesting sources, appears to have been pre pared with the utmost labor and care. Most of it is now for the first time presented to the American public, and is adapted to fifty different metres, found in the most popular psalm and hymn-books of the present day. 22. —Christian Fragments; or. Remarks on the Nature, Precepts, and Comforts o f Re ligion. By J ohn B urns, M. D., F. R. S., Professor of Surgery in the University of Glasgow. New York: Robert Carter. Here is a collection of fragments, relating to the nature, precepts, and comforts of the Christian religion, that the devout reader may take up, and lay down, without breaking any train of reasoning. It is, in the popular application of the term, orthodox, or evan gelical. #■ The Book Trade . 488 W ORKS IN PA M PH LET FO R M , RECEIVED SINCE OUR LA ST. 1. —A New System o f Domestic Cookery, founded upon the Principles o f Economy, and adopted to the Use o f Private Families. By Mrs. R andell . From the sixty-seventh London edition. Augmented and improved by the addition of more than nine hundred receipts, suited to the present state of the art of Cookery. Philadelphia: Cary & Hart. [This is a reprint from the English edition, and it is stated that 280,000 copies of it have been sold in England, and that Mr. Murray, the London publisher, paid Mr. Ran dell 2,000 guineas for the copy right of the work. It was originally intended for the circle of the families of the authoress’s own daughters, and “ for the arrangement of the table, so as to unite a good figure with economy.”] 2. —Peter Ploddy, and other Oddities. By J oseph C. N eal . Author of “ Charcoal S k e tc h e s w ith ten Illustrations, engraved by Croom, from original designs by Dorley. Philadelphia: Carey & H a rt [The letter press sketches in this readable little volume, overflow with rich humor and pathos; and the designs of the artist are the best we have ever seen on this side the Atlantic. 3. — The Illustrated Bible History, a compilation o f the Important Events recorded in the Old and New Testament. New Y ork: Wilson & Co. [This handsome little volume con tains the most remarkable passages in the history of the New Testament, illustrated with one hundred and forty engravings. It is admirably adapted for Sunday Schools or families.] 4. — The Chairman and Speaker's G uide; or Rules for the Orderly Conduct o f Public Meetings. By T homas S m ith , E sq.; author of “ Perfect System of Elocution, &c.” New Y ork: Wilson & Co. [Here is a comprehensive manual, indispensible for all who expect to take part in debates, either in legislative bodies or popular assemblies, and more especially for those who are called upon to preside over the deliberations of such meetings.] 5. — The Physiology o f Health; being a view o f some o f the more important Functions of the Human Body, with observations on their management; to which are added a Dietical Regimen for Dyspeptics, or comparative nutriment o f different foods and drinks. By J onathan P ereira , M. D., F . U. S. L. S., author of “ Food and Diet.” New York: Wilson &. Co. 6. —Dunigan's Illuminated edition o f the Holy Bible, according to Douay and Rheimish Versions. New Y o rk : Edward Dunigan. [The present edition of the Bible, (Catho lic,) two numbers of which are before us, is to be continued weekly until completed, in twenty numbers. It is in royal octavo form, handsomely printed on fine paper, and afforded at 12£ cents a number. It has been revised by Bishop Hughes, and is by him recommended “ to the faithful, to be read with that reverence and respect which are due to the word of God,” &.c. 7. — The Emigrant's True Guide; comprising Advice and Instruction in every stage of the Voyage to America, the Purchase o f Lands, and Final Settlement. New York: J. Winchester. [This excellent little manual for emigrants contains just that kind of information that every man in the old world, who proposes emigrating to America, re quires, on leaving the land of his nativity, and through every subsequent stage of his progress, to his landing on our shores, and final settlement in our cities, or on the lands of the national domain, in the great west.] 8. — The Cruise o f the Somers; illustrative o f the Despotism o f the Quarter-Deck, and the unmanly conduct o f Commander Mackenzie. Third edition. W ith an Appendix. By Hon. W illiam S turgess . New York: J. Winchester. 9. —A n Address before the Phi Beta Kappa Society o f Dartmouth College. By Hon. L evi W oodbury. Hanover: Dartmouth Press. [The great doctrine of the progress of man and society, is explained and illustrated in the present essay, which we have read with deep interest, by a series of pertinent facts and arguments, that must convince every observing mind that the race is destined to reach a far higher state of moral, intellectual, social and material perfection, and is in fact capable of endless progression. Mr. Woodbury has presented the clearest and most comprehensive statement of the doctrine that has fallen under our observation, and the wide diffusion of the views advanced, although not new, cannot fail of producing the most beneficial results.] 10. — The Prophecies o f Daniel, No. 1. Nebuchadnezzar's Dream o f the Great Image. By G eorge B ush , Professor o f Hebrew, New York City University. New York: Harper & Brothers. [The first number published contains 72 pages—the whole work to be completed in ten or twelve numbers, of about the same number of pages.] 11. —Physiology fo r Children. By Mrs. J ane T aylor . New York: Saxton & Miles. [Thirty thousand copies of this admirable little work have already been published.]