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THE MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE AND COMMERCIAL REVIEjW. MAY, 1 8 65. A B R A H A M LINCOLN. B y M atthew H ale S mith . T he past month will ever be most remarkable in our country’s history as furnishing perhaps its brightest and darkest pages, illustrating in that short period the two extremes ofjntense national joy and intense national grief. The lights and shadows of the picture could not be more strongly marked. Victory after victory had filled all hearts with gladness, until, at length, this most formidable rebellion was left without a capital, without a govern ment, without a military organization, and one earnest, united, joyful halle lujah of a country saved re-echoed throughout the length and breadth of the land. Then, as if to add one more drop to the full cup of happiness, came the welcome proclamation that no further armies were needed, for peace was at hand. W ith how light a heart each one went through his daily duties on that fourteenth of April 1 The gray-haired man looked younger, and the child’s laugh sounded merrier than for many a weary month and year before, and on all sides could be heard the earnest, joyful prayer— God bless A braham L incoln . But, before midnight, came the announcement of the death of the very one upon whom every eye was fastened, and about whom a nation’s hopes were clustered. Nor was it to him a peaceful fold ing of the hands to sleep, but an unnatural, violent, cruel end, at the hand of a cowardly assassin. To portray the sudden grief thus brought upon the nation is impossible. Every face showed it, every voice spoke it, and, instead of yesterday’s rejoicing, a cloud o f profound sorrow darkened the entire land. The head was stricken, and all the members of the na tional body quivered with agony. THE DAY BEFORE THE ASSASSINATION. Everything relating to Mr. L incoln, especially to the closing days of his eventful life, has a mournful interest at this time. It was the privilege of the writer to be at the executive mansion on Thursday, the day before the YOL. LII.--- NO. V. 21 330 Abraham Lincoln. [May, assassination. Since the inauguration, the President has been run down with calls of all descriptions. Before the morning mail was assorted, and some times before the President had breakfasted, office-seekers and their associates would be roaming round the White House, invading the private apartments in search of Mr. L incoln . His good nature and kindness of heart induced him to give an audience to almost every one who sought it, till the raid on his rooms became a positive nuisance, and hindered public business, and de nied to the President any moments o f leisure. If the heads of depart ment of the City of New York find it impossible to transact public busi ness unless the public are shut out, and calls limited in business hours to those only who have business with the departments; if our leading mer chants, among whom are S tewart , and men o f his range of business, are compelled to put a guard at their doors, and demand of all comers, for what they call, that their business may be transacted— how much more should the President of the United States be protected against that which is more burdensome than all the duties of his office, and which, in more than one instance, has literally worn the executive into the grave. On reaching the White House, a few minutes before ten o’clock— the hour appointed for public reception— a crowd was seen on the front steps awaiting the opening of the doors. A placard hanging from the bell handle announced that “ positively no person admitted till ten o’clock.” On the opening of the doors a rush was made for the Chamber of Audience, resembling a rush for dinner on board an over-crowded steamboat. The ante-chamber presented a sight. Senators, members of Congress, governors, judges, lawyers, generals, corporals, office-holders, office-seekers, sick soldiers and lame, colored men and boys. There were seats for lour persons, and there were fifty persons in the room. Men sat on the window sill, on the steps, on the wood-box, and on a champagne basket. Some reclined on the floor, and some walked im patiently about. Many had been in attendance for twenty-four hours, and some for twenty-four days. They had sent in their cards daily, and waited for the moving of the waters, no-wise discouraged though another stepped in before them. Every card was taken in by the gentlemanly usher, and laid before the President, and his face glowed with satisfaction whose name was announced with the assurance the President “ will see you, Sir.” Mem bers of the Cabinet were coming and going all day. They had the pre ference over all others, and were admitted without question or announce ment. While the crowd were waiting for an interview, a gentleman walked up the stairs unattended, passed through the ante-chamber, and into the room of the private Secretary o f the President. He seemed about fifty years of age, tall, well built, with black hair, without whiskers or mustache. He was genteely dressed in a black frock, pants, and satin vest. His ap pearance would attract attention anywhere as that of a man of mark. He spoke to no one, no one spoke to him. With his head inclined, like one on whom grave cares rested, he entered and closed the door of the room adjoining that in which the President sat. It was casually remarked, “ 't hat is A ndy J ohnson, the Vice-President.” He was not then in power. No one supposed him of consequence enough to be spoken to. Had those courtiers known what a day would bring forth, they would have asked the privilege of removing the dust from Mr. J ohnson ’ s boots. Those who were fortunate enough to obtain access to the President’s room that day could not fail to notice his robust health, his genial spirit, and unbounded humor, 1865.] Abraham Lincoln. 331 his hopeful tone for the future, his firm belief that the black cloud over our national horizon would soon be rolled back, and peace be proclaimed through out the land. None could believe that in a few hours he would be cold in death, and the nation mourn over him with a great lamentation. me . Lincoln ’ s early life . Mr. L incoln was born in LaRue County, in the State of Kentucky, on the 12th of February, 1809. He came from a poor but honest parentage, and received a good constitution and good principles as his inheritance, lie knew toil, suffering, and hard usage. But he had a genial humor that compensated and softened his hard lot. With his early labor as a lad— tending cattle or driving the plow— cutting his way through the woods with his axe— splitting rails to fence in the farm of J ohn H unter, or putting his shoulder to the pole as a flat-boatman— he was far happier than the pampered child of luxury. He made a pleasure of toil, and, through a long life, cultivated that “ merry heart that doeth good like a medicine.” Mr. L incoln was a self-made man in the best sense of that term. His educa tional privileges were few. Common schools were not known in the home of his youth, and he had no means to purchase the priceless boon of learn ing. But, with a vigorous constitution, he had that thirst for knowledge, a resolution to elevate himself, that prompted him to embrace every opportu nity to gain information— to tread all the paths o f knowledge he could find, and to drink at every open fountain. Diligent in his calling, and indus trious in his aims, he gained an education that enabled him to stand among the peers of the land, and to rule this great nation with credit and wis dom. He is a good illustration o f what our noble land can do for its humblest children. No man is so poor, or so ignorant, that a blessing may not rest on his household. The child of the lowly and of the exile, can gain an education free as the air, and good as that which V ictoria can give her titled children, with the treasury of her kingdom at her command. The sons of coal heavers and porters become millionaires. The store boy of one generation becomes the princely merchant of the next. The glory o f a nation is not its palaces, its luxury, its gold and silver and precious stones, its marble halls, its statuary and paintings. It is in intelligent toil, which is the charm of life, in its thousands workshops, in its marts of trade, in the moral rank of mechanical labor. By these, cities rise— schools, those hiding places of a nation’s power, abound— colleges grace the land— churches bless the people— enduring prosperity covers all the habitations o f those whose walls are salvation and whose gates are praise. No nation can be tranquil, and no man blest, without employment. The nations who rule the world are marked by intelligent industry. England is called a “ nation of shopkeepers,” but on her domain the sun never sets. When Dr. J ohn son expressed his hate of Scotland, because the men and the horses ate the same food, it was significantly asked him where he could find better men or better horses. Where spicy breezes blow softly over the land, and the fruits of the earth come forth without the sweat of labor, there “ man is vile.” The noblest men of our nation have laid the foundation of their fame and usefulness in the early toil that made their bodies rugged and gave them independence of soul. W ashington blest the discipline that attended his early career as a surveyor. F ranklin educated himself at the printing- 332 Abraham Lincoln. [May, press, and amid the daily work o f a laborious trade. It was worth sending a letter to France to tell the then Minister at St. Cloud, that his son, J ohn Q uincy, was going to be a man as he rode post to Boston from Braintree with the mail, and did it well. W ebster was never ashamed o f the log cabin home of his mother, so far on the frontier that the smoke of no white man’s hut stood between it and the Canadian line. He never tired of tell ing of his first investment of the little money earned by hard work with which he bought o f a roving peddler a cotton handkerchief, on which was printed the Constitution of the United States— nor how in that home, too poor to allow a candle, he sought out the best pitch knot on the farm, and by its light, as he lay on the hearth, he committed that wonderful instru ment to memory. I followed in his wake on his last eastern tour when he sought the little town of Fryburgh, in the State of Maine, to look once more on those “ town records ” that he, in his early days, wrote with his own hand to eke out a scanty living. Of those memorials of his early re solute purpose to rise he was justly as proud as o f any speech or paper that commands the admiration of the world. With the noble army o f selfmade men, Mr. L incoln was not ashamed to array himself. He took no pains to hide his humble birth, or the struggles with ignorance and poverty that attended his upward steps. In 1860, he was in New York. He visited one of the missions at Five Points, and made an address. He detailed his poverty and early struggles, the principles on which he had acted, how success had attended, “ And now children,” said he, “ I am a lawyer.” mr. Lin c o l n ’ s p u b l ic l i f e . It is not our purpose to write a full biography o f Mr. L incoln . His public career is well known. His life will be a study for the generations that are to come after us. He ate no bread of idleness. He entered any open field, when in want of employment, that presented itself. A t one time we find him in a small country grocery, and then tending a flouring mill. Not succeeding as principal, he became a clerk. On the breaking out of the Black-Hawk W ar he volunteered and was elected Captain of a com pany from New Salem. While his company wearied at the privations and exposures of camp life, their Captain, cheerful, jovial, and untiring, kept up the spirits of the party. With an ardent, active, ruling mind he became a politician amid a community that demanded a leader. He studied law under great difficulties, and made himself an equal among the leading members of the bar where he practiced. He entered the Legislature of his adopted State, became a member of Congress, and, though he failed to gain a seat in the Senate, yet, in his contest with Senator D ouglas , the marked ability with which he conducted the campaign, made him President of the United States. In all his public life he has been a favorite with the masses. He was trusted as an honest man. And the heart of the people was with him. MR. LINCOLN AS A STATESMAN. If a statesman be one “ versed in the art of government, or eminent for political abilities,” then the late President will rank high among the states men of the land. He came to the chair of State in a time of peril and civil war. The Government was at sea. The nation knew not whom to trust, nor what policy to adopt. Men who sat in Congress had joined the 1865.] Abraham Lincoln. 333 standard o f rebellion. Men educated at the expense of the nation, and who had sworn to protect its flag with their blood, had drawn the sword in the cause of men who had trampled the banner of W ashington in the dust. The air was full of treason. W e had no arms and no money. Meu-of-war, de stroyed by the hands of Americans, lay useless at the dock. In disguise, the President came into his capital to escape assassination. More than once Washington has been in danger. Parties and cliques have been orgmized against the President. His foes have often been those of his own house. Eminent members of the Senate sent out against him a bill of indictment. Chairmen of prominent committees of the House pronounced him unworthy of public confidence. Yet all these discordant elements have been harmon ized, and all the factions dissolved. He died, leaving a nation in tears, and ours the strongest Government on the face of the earth. A t no time have the various departments been more ably conducted. That Mr. S eward has kept us out of a foreign war, while civil commotion raged in our borders— that he has been more than a match for the astute and subtle diplomacy of the old world— meeting promptly and ably all the new and complicated questions that have arisen in our four years of war, is universally acknow ledged. The War Department is conducted with vigor. Dislike Mr. Stan ton , as some do, all must admit the eminent ability— the executive force and promptness with which he meets the gigantic labors of his department. If any doubts this let him visit the War Department at the hour when Mr. S tanton gives public audience to his visitors, ant see the promptness, kindness, and ability with which he disposes of case after case,— standing up in the center of the room, hearing all who wish to speak, and sending twenty men away in an hour with their business completed, and manifesting infinite patience towards the stupid and those who have no common sense. When the present head of the navy took his department the navy had only a name. Now our ships of war have changed the warfare of the world. Our navy is the admiration of all governments. It shares with the army the glory of its great conquest. And if G rant and S herman com mand the admiration of all military men, who by universal consent place them by the side of F rederick the Great, N apoleon , and W ellington , F arragdt and his associates will be remembered while N elson ' s name is honored. To create such an administration in four years indicates no com mon talent. In his own way, but with signal ability, Mr. L incoln has met all the great questions that have arisen during his administration. On Wednesday evening, before his death, a party of gentlemen called on Mr3. L incoln . In speaking on the question of reconstruction, she said it gave her husband no concern— his mind was made up, and he delighted in any thing that made him a lawyer again. This was a legal matter, and he would treat it as he would a case in court. It was a simple recreation, in which he enjoyed himself greatly. mr . Lincoln ’ s habits . The simple, unaffected habits that he brought with him from his Western home he maintained to the last. lie had no airs. The cares of State never sat heavily upon him. He saw no reason why he should not enjoy himself as well in the White House as at Springfield. If he wanted a paper from the department, instead of sending for it he went after it, as he would to the office of a brother lawyer—:now into the office of the Secre- 334 Abraham Lincoln. tary of State, now into the W ar Department. He had a round that he would run in the evening. If missed from the White House, those in the secret knew where to find him. And if he was not in one o f these places he was accustomed to visit, parties would track him from point to point till he was found. He seemed never weary with the calls and demands on his time. From ten till four the crowds daily beseiged his door for an audience. Many of them had no business there; many of them would bore the Presi dent and refuse to leave when an answer was given. But his patience and good-humor greeted the last of the throng, though weary with the visits, as they did the early comer. Difficult as it often was to gain access t o . Mr. L incoln , once in his presence the auditor had his attention till the close. He could say all he had to say. Sometimes the wearied President would ring his bell for a new comer to get rid of an intolerable annoyance, but generally he allowed the visitor to depart in his own time. Often at the close of the day he would give orders for all the company in waiting to come in together. With a quiet humor he received them as each were anxious to get the private ear, or be first heard among the company. Seated in his chair, sometimes with one leg thrown over the other, sometimes the leg thrown over the arm o f the chair, the President would hear patiently what the auditor had to say— reply— hear a rejoinder— make an additional reply, add some little incident, or make some witty remark, which usually ended the conference. Few men had the ability or desire to respond the second time. Some o f these mass interviews were humorous indeed, and we;-e highly enjoyed by the President. The great point was to get an audi mce. If a case was commended to his attention, he would hear it through. M -n beset him in his private walks, headed him off when he was on horse back, hid behind the trees in the public lawn to fall upon him as he passed along, knowing that he would give them a hearing if they could but speak to him. One day, after a fatiguing levee of many hours, the audience room was closed at 4 P. M., with the usual announcement, “ Gentlemen, the President will receive no more to-day.” At five the President passed from the Mansion to the War Department. He was intercepted by a woman, who seized him by the arm, and in impassioned tones said, “ O h ! Mr. L in coln I want to speak one word to you.” He replied that he could give audience to no one, that he was greatly pressed, and had no time to spare. She replied, “ Oh 1 I must see you just for one moment; for my poor old father’s sake you will not deny my request.” Mr. L incoln had the heart of a woman. Against this appeal he was not proof. He abandoned his visit to the War Department— went back to his room— heard her story— granted her request— and sent her home a happy daughter. Mr. L incoln was an early riser. Much of his private correspondence and business was done be fore his breakfast. At nine, the family came together for the morning meal. The after part of the day was devoted to domestic and social life, to rides and company, and to intimate friends. Dinner was served at 6, and coffee in the scarlet room, where, in the bosom o f his family, and among personal friends, the cares of State were thrown off, and generous, genial hospitality dispensed. HIS TENDER AND HUMANE SPIRIT. Mr. L incoln had the toughness and elasticity o f India-rubber. He seemed to yield when he was the firmest. He gained his ends by keeping 1865.] Abraham Lincoln. 335 the great point in view, and being not at all particular about the mode. His kindness was accounted incompetency— bis tenderness imbecility. Noth ing could change the goodness of his heart. Not the threats of assassina tion— not the repeated attempts to take his life— not the bitterness of the campaigns of ’60 and ’ 64— not the brutal treatment of our poor men in the rebel prisons. All these could not make his heart hard, nor his spirit cruel. As he, the second time, took his seat as Chief Magistrate of the nation, he could do so “ with malice towards none, with charity for all.” On the day o f his death he was the best friend the South had in the North. From him they could have secured better terms for reconstruction than from any other living man. He left his mansion, on the evening of the fatal 14th of April, with a face glowing with joy — with spirits buoyant over the hope o f return ing tranquility— and with a heart full of compassion towards the erring men of the South. The assassin that took his life silenced the beatings o f a heart that was full of good-will to men. His life was full of humanity. In him the widow and orphan found a friend. The lowly and oppressed were never turned away without relief. He arrested the mailed hand of military justice when he thought the blow could be averted with safety. The tears of many a pardoned soldier will fall on his grave. Among the cherished memories of the President, his humanity will be the most dearly prized. On one occasion a regiment came in from a long and fatiguing march. One of the exhausted men was put on guard. Wet, muddy, and tired, the soldier slept on his post. He was discovered, tried, and ordered to be shot. The President learned the circumstances, pardoned the prisoner, and ordered him to duty. The soldier died in the swamps o f the Chickahominy. On his death-bed he said to a comrade, “ Tell President L incoln ' how I loved him, and how I prayed for him with my dying breath.” The poor, lowly, and oppressed found in him a warm friend. Among the general mourning of this city, nothing is more touching than the marks of grief that hang around the homes of the humble. Well may they mourn, for the lowly and the oppressed have indeed lost a friend, whose compassion towards them was constant— the pleasant tones of whose voice, which had only kind utterances for them, are silent for ever. THE GREAT MOURNING. The news of the assassination ran through the city like light. It sad dened every heart. The sound o f wailing and woe were heard on all sides. Early in the morning, on Saturday, the porters and clerks opened the stores as usual. Slowly and solemnly the merchants came down town. The iron shutters were closed. Business was suspended. At noon, New York was quiet as on the Sabbath. When P rince A lbert died, the Queen com manded her people to put on mourning. New York waited for no man date, took no council. By a common impulse the city seemed at once to be draped in mourning. The rich and the poor met together to mourn the death of a common friend. The fish-women in the market put black on their baskets ; carmen hung mourning flags on their bridles— and the hackmen tipped their whips with crape. The homes of the dissolute and abandoned had on them marks of sorrow. On every part of the city seemed to be written— “ How are the mighty fallen.” Mr. L incoln died in the fullness of years and of fame. He could have found no fitter time for his own reputation’s sake. Enmities were hushed, and the heart of the people 336 Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. [May, confided in bis integrity and ability. His memory is endeared by thousands of ties. He is more beloved than any Chief Magistrate since the Father of His Country was carried to his burial by a sorrowing nation. May the Divine Power that has flung the blood-stained mantle of the martyred L incoln on his successor, endow him with his spirit. PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE OIL REGIONS. BY PROFESSOR E. W. EVANS, MARIETTA COLLEGE. I p r o p o s e in th is a r ticle to state a fe w g e n e r a l fa cts r e s p e c t in g th e c o n d it io n s u n d e r w h ic h p e tr o le u m has, thus far, b e e n fo u n d t o e x ist in th is c o u n tr y . 1. In what formations found. The best oil districts yet developed lie, geographically, within the limits, or on the outskirts, of the Appalachian bituminous coal field. Some wells in Ohio and West Virginia derive their supplies from the upper coal measures, others from the lower. The largest collections of oil in Pennsylvania are found below the coal mea sures proper, partly in the lower group of the subcarboniferous rocks, and partly, it is said, in the upper Devonian. The latter formation is well known to include some oil-bearing strata, for example, the Marcellus shales, and the sandstones o f the Chemung period; but experiments made in boring for oil in these, in places where not overlaid by carboniferous rocks, have not yet led to very profitable results. In Canada, a species o f oil, supposed by some to be of animal origin, is found in the lower Devonian, and even as far down as the Silurian ; but in the United States, the great supplies are found associated with the abundant vegetable fossils o f the coal formation and o f the rocks immediately subjacent to it. As a general fact, the lower carboniferous strata have been found more pro ductive of oil than the upper. The most abundant supplies, thus far, have been found on the western slope of the Alleganies, where the oil-bearing strata have their greatest thickness. From the fact that the quantity o f petroleum does not bear anything like a direct ratio to the quantity of coal locally associated with it, it may be inferred that it has not been derived from the coal, though probably they are of similar origin. 2. In what kinds of rock. The best deposits are found in the cavities of loose, brittle, much-fractured sandstone or conglomerate. Sometimes the sandstone is quite argillaceous, approaching a shale in character. In some places, the most productive oil-rock is a somewhat calciferous sandstone; but in pure limestone rock, the cavities are usually too extensive, and afford too free passage to running water, to hold good collections of oil imprisoned. The corniferous limestone (which is an ancient coral reef of the lower Devonian) contains petroleum in its minute cellules; but it has not yet, unless in Canada, yielded any in bulk. Strata of shale and slate often contain petroleum; but it is so generally diffused through the small fractures, and through the substance of the rook itself, that it cannot be obtained in large quantities. Indeed, it is a general fact that the rocks through which oil is universally diffused, and in which it may be conceived 1865.] Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. 337 to have had its origin, are not those which contain it in collections large enough to be profitably pumped. Hard, compact sandstone is usually, for want of cavities, unproductive. This kind o f rock, however, often serves as a cover to confine the oil in a looser rock underlying it. It is a common experience among borers to strike oil directly beneath such an impervious layer; for example, under the “ third sandrock ” of Oil Creek. It is known that beneath the oil-bearing sandstones, at greater or less depths, there are different strata of bituminous shales containing vegetable impressions. This gives plausibility to the theory that the oil had its origin in the vegetation of the shales, and that by a slow process of distil lation, caused by internal heat, it has worked its way up through the cracks and fissures, and gradually accumulated in such cavities in the rocks above as do not admit of its escape to the surface. The most gen eral source of petroleum may have been the so-called black slate, which is widely extended over the Western States, and is considered identical with the Marcellus shales o f Few Y ork ; but on the Western Appalachian slope, there are numerous strata of bituminous or carbonaceous shales above this, included in the carboniferous system. 3. A t what depths. Other circumstances being equal, deep wells, as a class, are more productive than shallow ones. To speak more explicitly, supplies o f petroleum found at a depth o f two or three hundred feet or more, are much more copious and lasting than those found at a less depth. Wells not over a hundred feet in depth often give good promise, at first; but they are soon exhausted. The best wells are, generally, not less than five hundred feet deep. Many o f the most celebrated wells in Pennsylvania derive their supplies from a depth of seven or eight hundred feet, and have been producing for four or five years without complete ex haustion. In shallow wells, it is common to find a heavy lubricating oil, the commercial value of which is greater than that of the light illuminat ing o il; but what is thus gained in quality is, as a general fact, many times lost in quantity. The shallow deposits have undergone more waste by evaporation and drainage, in proportion as their communications with the surface are more free and direct; and the more volatile oils have, of course, escaped more rapidly than the heavy. In regions where the oil-bearing strata are not covered by a considerable'mass o f superincumbent rock, no large col lections o f petroleum are likely to be found. 4. Connection with uplifts and depressions. Sandstone rocks lying horizontally, or in their original place of deposition, have few cavities. However general the origin o f petroleum may have been, the principal collections of it are now found in places where there are some marks of geological disturbance. In connection with other signs, uplifts and de pressions o f the strata, as indicated by an unusual degree of dip and marked changes in the direction of it, are justly regarded as important conditions of the existence o f large and numerous deposits o f petroleum. In that loose, brittle class of sandstones in which petroleum most abounds, there are numerous cavities and fissures in regions of disturbance, not only along the anticlinal and parallel synclinal axes, but also under the included slopes. Facts learned in boring demonstrate that oil cavities are irregular and zigzag in shape, but generally quite narrow, and run ning, not along the strata, but across them. In calciferous sandstones, 338 Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. [May, the cavities have doubtless been enlarged by the dissolving action of water, and its slow percolation, with carbonate of lime in solution, through transverse crevices to the surface. The same is true o f cavities in sand stones containing disseminated particles o f salt, or other soluble minerals. It seems that the looser class of sandroeks were thoroughly fractured by the disturbing force, while the more compact and homogeneous class interstratified with them were only bent, or slightly broken only at con siderable intervals, marked by oil and gas springs. But this idea of dislocation of the rocks being evidence of oil deposits, is subject to a very great limitation. There is an extensive system of lines of upheaval running parallel to the Allegany mountains, on both sides of them, as if all produced by the same force which slowly raised the mountain folds themselves, acting in a direction nearly at right angles to the Atlantic coast. It is important to observe that those which char acterize the most productive oil regions, west of the mountains, are sim ple flexures. The slopes are curved or polygonal, and the axial lines not sharply defined. Open breaks and wide disruptions are unfavorable signs, since they admit of the free escape of oil to the surface. In places where such marks exist, no considerable deposits have been found. East of the mountains, where there is little or no oil, and even the coal has been debituminized, the dislocations are violent, exhibiting great disruptions and faults. The somewhat popular idea of an oil-basin, except so far as limited to a synclinal axis of disturbance, indicating cavities, is a delusion. It seems to be imagined that petroleum would descend along the strata from the sides of a natural basin toward the centre. But being lighter than water, which is always found with it, its tendency is upward, not downward, even through the slight transverse crevices ; and we could not eonceive of it as running freely along the strata without supposing that it would be rapidly washed to the surface. 5. Metamorphism as a sign. In the uplifting and folding of the strata which took place in the so-called period of the Appalachian revolution, heat (followed by great cooling and contraction) must have been an im portant agent, as shown by the somewhat metamorphic condition o f the rocks in those places where the disturbance was greatest. In the region o f great uplifts and faults east of the mountains, this condition, though not complete, is exhibited in a much more marked degree than in the region of slight and wavy flexures west of the mountains. The absence of petroleum, as, also, the debituminized condition of the coal and shales, east of the mountains, is to be attributed not only to the more open fractures and clefts in that region, admitting of its escape, but in part, also, to the direct expulsive power of the higher degree of heat concerned in causing those fractures. It is certain that scarcely any petroleum has been found in regions where rocks of decidedly metamorphic character are seen. It is certain, also, that even within the limits o f the known oil regions, those places where the disturbance has been greatest, and the rocks approach nearest to that crystaline condition indicating metamorphism, have not been found rich in petroleum. Among the processes o f metamorphism may be enumerated the change of soft and brittle sandstones into those of a hard and crystaline character, and often from a pale color to red,— the change of the compact and colored limestones into bleached and granular 1865.] Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. 339 ones,— the change o f argillaceous shales into firm slates,— also, the partial or total obliteration of fossils. Another evidence o f the heat which attended these processes is the frequent occurrence of lodes, or transverse veins of infiltrated metallic ores, and other substances not soluble at low temperatures. The oil regions are characterized by loose sandstones and conglomerates, by the soft, shaly condition of the argillaceous rocks, by the absence of regular beds of granular limestone, by the rare occurrence of lodes, by the abundance and perfect condition of the fossils, as well as by the highly bituminous condition of the coal and shales. 6. Character o f surface. Too much stress is often laid on the nature of the surface rocks. Practically, the main question to be determined is, what is the character o f the strata at the depths where oil may be expected in remunerative quantities; and in order to determine this, the geologist observes the direction and grade o f the dip, and seeks the outcrop of the strata at a distance. But there are certain pecu liarities in the configuration of the surface which characterize the Appalachian oil districts generally. The hills are abrupt and precip itous, the valleys narrow and deep, exhibiting in a very marked degree the effects of the process of degradation. Originally, the face o f the coun try was higher than the tops of the present hills; but it has been worn down and cut deep by erosion, or the action of water. These effects are more marked than is common elsewhere; partly, because the rocks have been less hardened by metamorphism, and therefore wear away and crumble more easily. But the deep vallies o f erosion often have a signifi cance beyond this, and serve to define more nearly the location of oil de posits. Where the rocks have been most bent and crushed, the effects of erosion are naturally greatest. Hence we find that the narrow valleys of streams often coincide nearly with the anticlinal or synclinal axes of flexure. It is common to select, as sites for boring, the margins of creeks and runs, where the rocks either dip away to either side, or inward from both sides. These are sometimes on the axes of the main flexures ; but they oftener mark slight local disturbances occurring as waves on the sides of a larger wave, and generally parallel with it, though sometimes running trans versely. The surface rock would be most loosened along the anticlinal lines; hence these have oftenest determined the direction of narrow streams. Indeed, it is not uncommon to see the bottom of an original synclinal valley now crowning the top of a hill, while the original hills on either side of it have been worn down into deep gorges. But the mere fact of a deep valley or gorge is no proof of a line of disturbance of either kind. It is necessary in every case to determine the inclination of the strata in order to form an intelligent judgment. Often, the dip is in the same direction on both sides; but this, if considerable in degree, is of itself an evidence of dislocation and fracturing; for rocks lying in the position in which they were originally deposited are, as a general fact, either hori zontal or very nearly so. Many flexures are marked only by a change in the grade of the dip. 7. Surface oil. In every oil district there is more or less “ surface show,” though not always very close to the sites of producing wells. It varies so much in quantity and quality, as well as in the circumstances under which it appears, that some discrimination is necessary in order to judge of its value as a sign. Considered independently of geological evidence, it affords, 340 Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. [May, at best, no proof that there is oil beneath, in collections large enough to be profitably pumped; for it may come up from beds o f bituminous shale, or other strata that do not yield it in bulk. In the most productive districts, it is generally seen on low grounds, in a thin scum on springs and streams, where it comes up with water through slight crevices in the underlying rocks. Oil coming to the surface in bulk, so often prized as a good sign, is really nothing more than an indication of shallow supplies. In many places where “ Seneca oil ’’ used to be collected in gallons, and even in barrels, as it issued from the surface strata or oozed up through the sand, experiments in boring have resulted in finding only small collections at a slight depth. The oil, originally deep in the earth, has gradually worked its way up to ward the surface, through the too open cracks and fissures, and is rapidly undergoing the process of exhaustion. If, as on Oil Creek, other oil-bearing strata are found upon boring deeper, the kind of surface show here described afforded, beforehand, no evidence of their existence, but only o f that which lies near the surface, or perhaps crops out in the hillside. To find this stratum at a good depth, it may be necessary to go off a considerable dis tance in the direction o f its dip. Shallow oil is also indicated by collections of asphaltum, or a thick, tar-like oil approaching asphaltum. Owing to near communication with the surface, the more volatile parts have escaped, while the grosser parts remain. It is not uncommon to see thick oil, in considerable quantity, along those axes of uplift where the rocks are tilted up at very high angles, exhibiting too great disruptions and clefts. Some cases are known, as in one place on Hughes River, where such clefts are filled with a sort of solidified bitumen. The thinnest scum of petroleum on water is bluish; a little thicker scum exhibits the colors of the rainbow, especially when agitated. Petroleum may also be distinguished by its dividing, when disturbed, and closing again with a perfectly even margin ; while other scums, sometimes mistaken for it, break into pieces which do not perfectly re-unite. That which is oftenest mistaken for oil is a blue and somewhat iridescent scum, seen on waters holding carbonate of iron in solution, and precipitating a red ochreous sub stance (peroxide o f iron) to the bottom. But it is not uncommon to find oil floating on the same pool with it. Oil-seekers are sometimes misled, also, by a soapy-lookirfg scum which frequently arises from decaying vege tation in places where there are rills producing bubbles and foam. Two or three drops of petroleum will cover a spring of ordinary size for half an hour with what would be recognized as fair surface show. The pre sent production of petroleum must be very slow if it does not exceed the natural drainage through springs, which perhaps would require a geological period to exhaust the supplies now in the earth. Indeed, it is not difficult to suppose that these supplies have mainly come down from a period of much greater heat, perhaps the close o f the carboniferous era, when the folds and cavities now containing them were produced. 8. Gas springs. In many places where oil appears on the streams and springs, carburetted hydrogen gas is also seen bubbling up through the water. Sometimes it is found issuing where no water is present. In the so-called burning springs the bubbling is constant, so that when the gas is set on fire it supports a steady flame; but in the common class of gas springs the bubbles come up only at intervals. From the bottom, o f most Physical Features o f the Oil Regions. 341 oil springs they may be stirred up in considerable quantities, and burned as they rise to the air. Gas serves to define the location o f oil deposits more nearly than surface oil. The latter may have been carried by the subter ranean streamlets, up and down, to a considerable distance from its source. But gas, being more buoyant than oil, and not liable like oil to be borne along in minute quantities with descending currents, by the mere mechani cal action o f water, is less likely to wander far before it issues. But, as showing the quantity o f oil, gas springs, considered without reference to other signs, are quite unreliable. They may be supplied with gas from beds o f shale or limestone, or they may be connected with open fractures and rifts where the supplies are shallow. It is not uncommon to find a line o f burning springs along the anticlinal axis o f an upheaval. The gas which comes from oil deposits is heavy carburetted hydrogen, or, at least, contains it in considerable proportion. It may be distinguished from light carburetted hydrogen by its burning with a brighter flame. The latter commonly arises from decaying vegetation, and is known as marsh gas. It sometimes comes from coal, being the same gas which, among the miners, is called fire-damp. Heavy carburetted hydrogen may also be dis tinguished by its brighter flame from sulphuretted hydrogen, which is some times mistaken for it. The fetid odor o f the latter is another distinctive mark. 9. Connection with mineral waters. In the best oil districts there are numerous oil and gas springs in which the analysis of the water always re veals various minerals, such as common salt, chlorid of lime, carbonates of lime, soda and iron, sulphates of soda and potash, and sometimes sulphur etted hydrogen. These are variously called salt licks, chalybeate springs, sulphur springs, oil springs, and so forth, according to the mineral predomi nating. If, on the common springs o f pure water, whose source is usually near the surface, oil is not seen, but only on mineral springs, it affords good evidence that the source of supply is quite deep. It comes up through slight cracks and fissures in the strata from depths where the water has lain iu contact with many substances, and gathered its various mineral con tents. The high temperature of these oil and mineral springs, as compared with the ordinary springs of pure water, is another fact indicating a deep source. But decidedly thermal springs (in the Appalachian region) are located on the axes of more violent upheavals than those which distinguish the oil districts. The observed connection of petroleum with various soluble minerals, con taining carbon and hydrogen, has led some to suppose that it is directly formed from these minerals, by some chemical interaction not proved or ex plained. This connection, however, may be satisfactorily accounted for without the aid of such an hypothesis. For, aside from the fact already adverted to, that mineral springs, as a class, come up from a great depth, and are thus naturally rendered the common vents of various liquids and gases, it is evident that the same class of cavities, protected from running water, in which petroleum lurks, are also the best adapted to harbor water impregnated with salt and other minerals. In an article “ On the Action of Oil-Wells,” (Journal o f Science, September, 1864,) I presented some facts tending to show that the connection of the water in oil cavities with free currents is slight and indirect. The same is true of deposits of salt water, and mineral waters generally, for the simple reason that from cavities 342 Railway Accidents. [May, exposed to free currents the minerals must, in the progress of ages, have been washed away. The history of salt wells presents various points of co incidence with that of oil wells. For example, the wells of the great Kan awha salines, in the neighborhood o f Burning Spring, are located on a marked uplift. The salt water is found, according to Dr. H ildreth , in a “ white calciferous sandstone, full of cavities and fissures.” The water is stagnant, and contains, besides salt, various muriates and carbonates. The same wells have yielded large quantities of petroleum with carburetted hydrogen. Indeed, it is a general fact that the water on which collections o f petroleum are found is either quite salt, or brackish and nauseous with various minerals held in solution. Subterranean currents are almost always fresh, or nearly s o ; and experience has taught, that in fissures where pure water is found, no large deposits of oil are to be expected. RAILWAY ACCIDENTS. W e find the following recent railway accidents reported in the daily pa pers: Od the 31st of January last, a train of cars, on the Cleveland and Toledo Railway, wa9 thrown from the track by a defective rail, and four or five persons were injured. On the 4th of February, a passenger train on the Marietta and Cincinnati Railway wa3 precipitated a distance of fifty feet into Leer Creek, sixty miles east o f Cincinnati, by a defective bridge. Ten or twelve persons were killed, and a number seriously injured. On the same day, a train on the Central Ohio Railway was thrown down an embank ment near Newark, Ohio, by a defective rail, and a number of persons injured thereby. On the 8th o f February, the express train of the Ohio and Mississippi Railway met with an accident near Oakdale Station, sixty-eight miles west of Cincinnati. Three o f the hind-most cars in the train were thrown from the track by a defective rail. Many of the passengers were badly injured. On the 12th of February, a freight train on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway was thrown off the track by a defective rail, and the fireman instantly killed. On the 13th February, a train on the Grand Trunk Rail way of Canada was thrown off the track, near the town of Guelph, and a car, containing between thirty and forty passengers, was tumbled down an embankment twenty feet high. A number of persons were seriously injured. On the 15th Febru ary, the milk train on the New York and New Haven Railway was thrown off the track, near Westport, by a defective rail. A large number of persons were severely injured. On the same day (15th) an accident, caused by a broken rail, occurred on the St. Louis and Alton Railway. The two rear cars of the train were thrown from the track and nearly demolished, causing the instant death of two persons, fatally wounding a third, and bruising a number of others, one of them seriously. On the llth February, a locomotive on the New York and Erie Railway exploded at Binghampton, killed one fireman and seriously injured an engineer and another fireman. A large amount of damage was also done to the adjacent property by the explosion. On the 24 th Febru ary, a serious accident occurred on the Long Island Railway, between Lakeland and Islip. A passenger car plunged down an embankment, rolling over two or three times. It was filled with passengers, nearly all of whom were considerably injured, many of them haviDg limbs broken. Many of the passengers of the other cars also received injuries. The attachees o f the line attribute the accident to a broken axle, but the passengers believe it to have been occasioned by the bad condition o f the road. On the 16th February, eleven persons were killed and a number badly injured on the St. Louis and Chicago Railway, through an accident caused by a defective rail. On the llt h February, two freight trains on the Chicago and New Albany Railway collided, instantly killing one man, and completely smashing both locomotives. One of the 1865.] Railway Accidents. 343 engineers had gone to sleep with a bottle of liquor beside him, leaving the valves of his engine open. On the 20th February, a defective rail gave way on the Ohio Central Railway, and a train was dragged some distance over the cross-ties, by which several passengers were injured. On the 21st February, there was a collision on the Pennsyl vania and Erie Railway. Result, the death of two persons; one of whom was burned in a most horrible manner, and the injuring of many others. On the same day, the engine and a train on the Springfield and Albany Railway was thrown from the track by a defective rail. Casualities not reported. On the 23d February, a collision occur red on the New York Central Railway, by which five or six passengers were badly injured. On the 24th February, two persons were killed and seventeen badly wounded by an accident on the Pennsylvania Central Railway. Particulars not reported. On the same day, the passenger train from New York to Boston met with an accident, caused by the breaking of an axle. Particulars not reported. On the 22d February, a collision occurred on the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne, and Chicago Railway, forty miles west of Crestline, by which one passenger was killed and several others injured. On the 23d February, an accident, caused by a defective rail, occurred near Petersburg, on the Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, by which one passenger was fatally and many others seriously injured. Two passenger cars were thrown down an embankment fifty feet high, one of them making three revolutions before reaching the bottom. The wounded passengers were then plundered by a gang of thieves. On the '7th March, a collision occurred on the Camden and Amboy Railway. While the express train from Washington for New York was passing through Bristol, Pa., it ran into the rear of a passenger train from Philadelphia for New York, which, it is stated, was about two hours behimd time, and had no rear lights out to enable the engineer o f the Washington train to perceive it. The shock was terrific, and the results appalling. Many of the passengers were scalded, Borne thrown out o f the cars, and others crushed to death, or mutilated in a horrible manner. Nine persons were instantly killed, and over forty wounded— at least three of them fatally. Portions of both trains were smashed to atoms, and the wreck was so extensive as to completely block up the track for several hours. One of the cars also caught fire, thus adding to the peril and terror of the unhappy passengers. On the 10th March, the express train on the Ohio and Mississippi Railway was thrown off a tressle bridge four miles west o f Vincennes, and the express, baggage, and second class cars, precipitated to the earth. . A number o f persons were injured. No particulars reported. On the 23d March, the express train on the New York Central Railway ran off the track eight miles west of Utica. Five passenger cars were piled in a heap in water from three to five feet deep. Two persons were killed outright, and thirty persons badly injured. All these accidents, and perhaps many more which, in these busy times, fail to find their way into print, occurred within a period of fifty days. The occurrence of so many accidents at this time, after so much has been said and done in former years on the subject, naturally leads to an investigation of their cause, with a view to suggest safeguards against their happening again. Although the question of railway accidents involves the whole question of railway management in detail, yet as that question of management is itself included within the bounds o f a single principle, we shall find no difficulty in placing our finger at the proper time upon the source of all the blunders with which the history of railways is so plentifully filled. In England, where the subject has received far more attention than in this country, it has been a favorite principle with some people to attribute railway accidents mainly to excessive speed. Lord B rougham and Lord G eorge B entinck have especially identified themselves with this proposi tion. These gentlemen maintain that high speed is manifestly the cause of nearly all railway accidents. High speed should therefore be put a stop to, and Parliament should enact laws compelling companies to run their trains below a certain maximum velocity. Until the celebrated re port of 1858 their arguments met with but little effectual opposition, but 344 Railway Accidents. in that report the committee consisting of Messrs. B entinck , L o w e , C rossW m . H odgson, B lackburn , Lord A. V. T empest, Messrs. H ume, F. S cott, K endall , Lord A. P aget , and Mr. J ackson , after having treated the whole question exhaustively, came to the conclusion that legislative interference would do more harm than good, and that Parliament, with more chance of success, might better confine its action in the matter to a more rigid enforcement of that contract which railway companies virtu ally make with the public in regard to the time of departure and arrival of trains. W ant o f punctuality they regarded as one of the chief causes o f accidents. Trains depart behind time, and then run at double speed to make up for the time so lost, and thus not only disarrange the precon certed running of other trains, but increase the amount of destruction in case of collision. They also recommended that time tables should be ad vertised to the public some time in advance of their going into effect; that a signal rope should be used and a telegraph line connected with the road. Any further than this they did not feel warranted in going. The whole question of detail, including speed, etc., they justly considered to be a matter wholly beyond their jurisdiction.* Yet, even after the publi cation of this report, the Anti-High-Speedites continued to iterate their de mands for more legislation until the celebrated debate of 1863, when they were finally put down by Earls G ranville and H ardw icke , and by Messrs. M ilner G ibson , and R ichard H odgson. These gentlemen proved beyond cavil that the fastest trains and the fastest roads were not those upon which the greatest number of accidents occurred, but, on the con trary, it was upon those that the fewest occurred. And singular to say, Mr. H odgson also showed that the popular notion that accidents occurred more frequently at curves was totally erroneous, the truth being that they more often happened upon sections of the road whore the line was per fectly straight.f Many people in this country are apt to believe railway accidents in England to be of such rare occurrence that arguments drawn from the railway experience of that country must be more or less defective; but this is by no means the case. Besides the many who were injured by railway accidents through their own carelessness, and besides those who were employees o f railways, there were killed and injured as follow s: let , passe n gers k il l e d an d injured in years Englan d by 1857, 1858, 1859, 1860, 1861, 1862, r a il w a y an d part accidents op 1863, durin g from the causes be yo n d t h e ir ow n control .^ 1 ............................ ...................... . . . 1 ............................ ........... I860............................. 384 1861 ............................... 1862 .............................. 1863 (first six months)......... 827 560 169 This makes a grand total o f 3,670 passengers killed and injured. The total number of railway passengers during the period of six and a-half years, covered by this table, was about one thousand millions. The num * See Report of Committees. Parliamentary Reports, vol. xix, 1857-58. f H ansards’ Debates, vol. clxxii., p. 599. % London Times, September 13, 1862, and Board of Trade Reports for the various years. 1865.] Railway Accidents. 345 ber of passengers killed and injured was therefore one in 272,479. Doubtless the mortality and injury in this country is greater ; but we have no means of definitely ascertaining the fact. There are no statistics. In England the Board o f Trade takes cognizance of all railway accidents, and sends an officer to the scene of every one o f them. This officer makes a report which embraces the names and numbers of the injured, and a critical account o f the disaster. Here we have nothing of the kind. The establishment of companies to insure against accidents o f this nature, two o f which have recently been organized in this country, will, however, doubtless furnish us through the medium of private enterprise with that which in England is afforded by official renorts. W e refer to the Traveller’s Insurance Company o f Hartford, and the United States Life and Limb Insurance Company of New York. But it must be borne in mind that though we have single tracks where they have double ones, though we have open crossings where they have bridges or tunnels, and tressil work as substitutes for their magnificent viaducts, yet that we have much less way travel, that we employ cars in which passengers can go from one end to another while the train is in motion, and that we use the telegraph more often: finally, that we possess that invaluable treasure— the check rope. The want of a check rope might have prevented one-half of the accidents on English rail ways. W e read of one accident from the rear cars breaking their coup ling and running down the train in front which had slowed up to wait for them. This occurred on the Caledonian Bailway in 1862, and twentysix passengers were injured by it. Then we read o f accidents from em ploying single lines o f rail while portions of the double track were undergoing repair: on the Edinburgh and Glasgow and the Lancashire and Yorkshire Kailway. Then we read o f accidents from turnpike gates being swung across a track*— from employing inexperienced drivers]-— from using defective breaks]-— from boiler explosions];— from overhang ing timbers||— from bad roads§— from collisions— from falling in of tun nels— from animals on the track— from excursion trains being run at low rates for advertising purposes, and so being overcrowded, and gener ally behind time— from defective gearing— from the wheel tyres being bolted instead of dove-tailed— from having the break whistle too shrill to be heard by the guard above the noise of the train— from the difficulty of distinguishing the signal to “ down breaks,” from the warning signal — indeed from almost every cause it is possible to conceive of. Many of these accidents might have been prevented by the use o f the check rope, which has been in use in this country for so many years, but which has not yet been adopted in England. It certainly appears quite incomprehensible in a country o f so much general intelligence and utilarianism as England, that this simple expedient should not be in use, for without it, it is simply impossible for any person on a train o f cars in motion to communicate with the engineer in case of accident. Nearly all*§ * Dublin and Drogheda Railroad, 1862. f Great Northern Railroad, 1862. t Great Western Railroad, 1862. || London, Brighton, and South Coast Railroad, 1862. § London, Chatham, and Dover Railroad, 1862. VOL. LII.— NO. V. 22 Railway Accidents. 346 the loss of life which arises from the breaking of car couplings, from the breaking o f axles or other running gear, and from fire, is capable of being avoided by leaving in the hands o f the passengers the means of immediately notifying the engineer o f the accident. Strange as it may seem two-thirds o f the English accidents appear to have been from collisions,1'' while the remainder were owing to trains run ning off the track. O f the collisions five-sixths were between a passenger and a freight train, and one-sixth between two freight trains. Not over one accident in twenty is attributed in any way to high speed, but to im perfections in the permanent way. And the very few accidents attributed to excessive speed might all have been prevented had the running gear and the permanent way been perfect. This brings us to the main cause o f the railway accidents in this country— defects in the permanent way; for, though railway trains, in the matter of running gear, inattentive servants, etc., are probably far from being as dangerous to travelers as stage coaches used to be, yet it is doubt less true that to their peculiar roadway (compelling their carriages to travel over one or one of two lines of rails) is owing most of the de plorable accidents which distinguish this method of locomotion. The greatest number o f accidents is due to the carelessness of persons work ing on the tracks, etc.^f but of those accidents which involve the greatest number o f deaths and injuries, we must look to the main cause in the defects o f the permanent way— defects in the road-bed, the rails, the bridges, culverts, tressil work, etc., etc.J During the past two years the mortality from accidents of this nature * Board of Trade Report, 1857. f The number of persona injured in life or limb, the cause of the injury, whether passengers, persons employed, or others, and whether the persons reported as injured, survived or died, on the— NEW TORE CENTRAL RAILROAD, 1864. Passengers. Em ployees. Total. Others. K il’d. lnjr’d. Kil’ia. lnji’d. Kil’d. Injr’d. Kil’d. Injr’d. Causes of the injury. 2 5 3 Fell from the ca rs................................ Jumping on or off the trains or engines 5 1 2 2 2 3 1 6 while in m otion................................ Walking, standing, lying, sitting, or being upon the track....................... 9 . 39 48 17 17 A t -work on or near the track, or m 2 making up or detaching trains.. . . 5 5 2 Trains thrown from or running off the « 5 1 1 5 track................................................... 3 Striking bridges, or telegraph w ire .. 1 2 2 2 21 20 2 1 3 Explosion of en gin e............................ • . . . . . . . . . . . i Total ............................................ 4 28 24 7 42 18 . 70 53 % Railway men of course think differently. They put all the blame on their em ployees, or upon “ frosty rails,” the latter being a favorite theory with them. In order to turn public attention from the bad condition of their roads to the alleged careless ness of their servants, they have recently procured a law to be passed by the Legis lature of Pennsylvania, making the employees criminally responsible for all accidents clearly traceable to their neglect. This is well, as far as it goes, but we opine that it •will not be productive o f much practical reform. Railway Accidents. 347 has been frightful. In this State alone 347 persons in 1863, and 450 per sons in 1864 were killed or injured by railway accidents. These accidents were in nearly every case traceable to the bad condition of the roads. But wliy have the managers of the roads not found it to their interest to keep them in good order? If the sacrifice of human life occasioned by these accidents does not appeal to their sympathy, why does not the im mense damage to their rolling stock, which attends every serious accident, arrest their attention, and force them at least from interested motives to adopt proper precautions? Here we come upon the gist o f the whole question, at least so far as regards this country. Much as it may surprise the general reader, it is but the simple truth to state that railways, unlike almost any other species o f investment, are not made to pay. It will be remembered that we now speak exclusively in regard to this country. They are never commenced on a paying basis, and rarely ever become in a paying condition. They start with an in sufficient capital, and buy their supplies on credit, paying in bonds ex tortionate prices for them to the contractor. When a portion of the road is finished, and things come to a stand-still for want of funds, the con tractor is induced to go on with the work by the promise of §5,000 ad ditional per mile, and the issue of bonds based upon the expected income. After a struggle the rails are all laid, a light stock o f equipment is fur nished, but the company is unable to save anything from the earnings, because the road is indifferently stocked and badiy ballasted. The first year finds it with just money enough from traffic to pay running expenses, but saddled with a large floating debt, created by being short o f means at the start, and subsequently promising to pay nearly double for every thing bought on a credit, instead o f purchased for cash.* The road is then conducted wholly in the interest of the proprietors of the lands through which it passes, and wholly opposed to the interests o f the stockholders. Passengers are carried at ruinously low rates of fare, and freight transported for a mere nothing. But why does the public purchase railway stock if such is the usual course of management? Because the stockholders (at least originally) are also the property-holders ; and their interest as stockholders is much inferior to their interest as property-holders. Yet they do not neglect even their interest as stockholders. Dividends wholly unwarranted by the condition of the road are declared every half year, and the public is left to shift for itself in rieketty cars drawn by defective locomotives over perilous roads; left to shift for itself without attendance, without proper heat in winter or ventilation in summer, without proper conveniences for traveling, without proper stations, without proper refreshments, and at the mercy of a few over-worked and insolent officials. Is it any wonder that accidents happen ? How is a railway gotten up ? A few landed proprietors, in some out of the way locality, meet together and propose a railway which shall strike through the heart of their rustic regions. Mind, the wants o f the pub lic do not demand this railway. If they did, somebody would find it to his interest to build it at once, and pay for it, sure o f realising immediate profits in that plentiful patronage which would soon be bestowed upon it. * S tow ’ s Railway Manual, 1859, p. 10. 348 Railway Accidents. [May, N o ; only the interests of these Ten-cents-an-acre land-owners demand the road. W ell, they have no money. They scratch their heads and talk and talk, and finally the men whose lands are to be mostly benefitted are required to raise a cash subscription. If they do this, w ell; if not, the projected road is diverted towards another direction in order that it may strike through the lands of those men who can raise the cash. These men all become stockholders. The road is built in the manner we have described, and their cheap lands rise in value till they become worth thousands of dollars per acre. The stock may fall in the market until it becomes almost worthless, accidents may happen continuously, the road may be bankrupted, the cars smashed to pieces by hourly collisions, and shall we find the stockholders plunged into grief by their misfortunes ? Not at all. W e shall find them in the best of humor, their hands in their pockets, a smile upon their faces, and an offer upon their lips to sell us their once worthless farms, at a smart price, for building lots. Here, then, we come at the source o f railway accidents in the United States. The roads are built for the land-owners; built before they are needed; built in advance of any demand for them; built in debt through the needs of their projectors, and kept in debt through their rapacity. This latter point is one which we have not yet dwelt upon with suffi cient emphasis. Suppose a railway was owned by a single individual, who went into the business for the sake of profit. Suppose his road had cost him when he opened it in 1851 $24,000,000. Suppose that in 1864 its capital account, capitalizing its leased roads, was equal to $48,000,000. Suppose that $20,000,000 of net earnings had been applied to construc tion, making the total cost o f the road $68,000,000. Suppose it earned in 1852 $3,537,766, and in 1864 $13,346,457. Suppose that it had a very large and unmanageable floating debt, and its shares were but lately sold at 45. W hat would be thought of this individual if with this condition of affairs he was known to appropriate $1,832,623, or nearly 14 per cent of the entire receipts towards some other project, and charge the same to “ dividend account?” And yet this is precisely the condition o f one of the leading roads in the country. But the other companies act in noways differently. They may be in a better condition, financially, but they all practice the bad principle of setting aside a large portion of their earnings for dividends, while the condition of the road, as shown by the frequency of railway accidents, loudly calls for immediate repairs. But it is useless to compile statistics to demonstrate this point. All the railways devote too much of their earnings to dividends, and too lit tle to construction. They say : “ W hy shall we conduct the business of a road for the sake of posterity ? W hy shall we not reap profits from it as we go along ? W hy devote our time to the promotion of an enterprise from which only a distant generation shall reap substantial benefits?” Ah, gentlemen, we are afraid you are forgetting the profits you have already made, and are exhibiting a little of that quality to which some plainspoken people apply the name of rapacity. Where are your lands rendered ten, twenty, fifty-fold more valuable by this road ? Answer 1 Is this not enough profit for you? Are you not content with using the slave till he drops, but must sell his body, hair, skin, and bones, to “ reap your profit as you go along?” 1865.] Coal Fever. 349 I f American railways were built to supply the wants o f the traveling public, instead of in advance o f them, if they were built for the stock holders instead o f for the property-holders, if they were overflowing with wealth instead of being heavily in debt, we could even then see no reason why their rates o f fare should be limited by law, because whenever their profits became very large an inducement would exist for the establishment o f competing lines, and these would soon reduce their tariffs. But that such restrictions should exist when all these conditions are reversed is only an evidence o f that madness after inter-meddling legislation which is the bane of all our public enterprises. W hat is the practical result o f this tampering with affairs o f commerce and traffic. The New York Central is restricted by the Legislature to two cents a mile for passengers. Its published reports shows that this is its average rate o f fare even count ing way passengers, for it carries emigrants at one cent. Last year its iron rails cost 122 per ton for re-rolling, its wood cost $2 25 per cord, its car wheels $16. This year the first costs $52, the second $6, and the third $25. Lumber, hardware, paint, labor, machinery, all these items are doubled in price. The law does not keep its expenses down, but the law keeps its receipts down. W ithout inquiring into the motives which impel legislators to counte nance this injustice, we merely state the fact. How then can it be asked to carry passengers at a limited rate ? It will carry them. Oh, yes 1 Restrict the price o f razors to ten cents each, and razors will continue to be sold still. But what kind of razors? And what kind of traveling do we get for two cents a mile? The answer is self-evident. But the evil does not stop here. Because the Central is re quired to carry first-class passengers at two cents a mile, the Erie is obliged to do the same. The obvious consequences of this absurd inter-meddling is bad roads, bad engines, bad cars, in short, all the conditions which are highly favorable to the frequent occurrence o f appalling accidents and loss of life. When our legislators are possessed of intelligence enough to trace the obvious cause and effect between a non-paying road and frequent acci dents, and do not follow the example o f British legislators by totally ab staining from placing legal restraints upon their management, the name which we shall give to these deplorable occurrences will, instead o f Rail way Accidents, be the more deserved one of Railway Murders. COAL FEVER. THE PRICE AYD PROSPECTS OF A.YTHRACITE COAL, BY C. B. CON ANT. / W hy is coal so high ? A question that has been asked a few thousand times every month for the last three years, and which, answered or unanswered, has wrought widely and diversely on the public m ind. W henever a great staple, nearly related to the daily wants o f mankind, is advanced in price, an excitement prevails proportioned to its advance. 350 Coal Fever. [May, All classes are its consumers, and the consequence of the excitement is, that communities are soon arrayed into two factions— the first in clamor, and the numerically superior, being the poorer, whose only interest is to bring the price down ; and the other, less numerous, but more powerful, •who are not slow to see that their profit lies in keeping it up. The latter use the enhanced article as much as the former, usually m ore; but the added cost in their consumption is as nothing compared to the gain which accrues, or may accrue, to them, directly or indirectly, as producers or dealers. In almost all such cases the popular clamor increases the evil o f which it so loudly complains ; which, if let alone, would usually soon be equalized by the operation of the laws of trade. It is the interest of capitalists to encourage this unreasoning outcry, because they take advan tage of it. Capital has no bowels or patriotism, and capitalists are in stinctive. The usual degree of prejudice and ignorance has prevailed on the sub ject of the coal trade in this respect. Coal has advanced, to the consumer, nearly two hundred per centum within three years— in 1862, about fifty per cent.; in 1863, seventy-five per cent.; in 1864, seventy-five more— at about which figure it remains, at the time of writing this article— March 1, 1865. In the same period, flour has barely doubled. There are good reasons why the two articles cannot be judged by precisely the same standard. Flour is so much more a staple of life than coal that it has no substitute, and its production must engage a thousand hands where the other occupies one. I f the coal fields had as many tillers, as many conveyers, and as many merchants as the wheat fields, the disproportion in price would be much more than reversed, and coal would go begging; while if the wheat fields had as few as the other, a loaf o f white bread would be worth, to-day, a dollar. In the next place, this very importance of bread-stuffs, involving the employment o f so many hands, makes the trade transparent, and un controllable by monopolists. Men can know what is going on in grain, without serious chance of mistake. It is a glut in the market, it is foreign export, it is specific demand for emigration or the army, it is drought, it is weevil, it is failure of transportation, it is the holding o f the farmers, it is the scarcity of exchange. There are a hundred causes of the rise or fall of breadstuffs, which are patent to all who choose to make inquiry. The staple character o f this branch of trade, too— its absolute certainty as to sale and consumption— tempts the investments o f that large class of conservative capitalists, which always stands ready to use heavy sums o f money on perfect security for small returns. This, with the fact that comparatively little machinery is needed— warehouses, wharfs and boats only, which are, besides, continuously and variously useful— this makes the handling of crops comparatively easy. Money can be had by millions at simple interest from private capitalists; banks will do this business in preference to all other— many, indeed, being founded for this exclusive purpose, and refusing any different trade; and the attempt of any indivi dual or corporation to monopolize it, is only saved from infamy by its ridiculousness and impossibility. Every merchant knows that it is an axiom in business, that the nearer an article o f trade is to the daily and indispensable wants of men, and the more perishable or consumable it is, the more difficult to limit it— consequently to make it a means of large profit. Competition keeps prices down. 1865.] Coal lev er. 351 The coal trade is a different matter. The entire number of master colliers in this country, east o f the Alleghany mountains, mar be estimated at about two hundred and forty— in which are included the four great corporations, the Lehigh, Delaware and Hudson, Pennsylvania, and Scran ton companies— with forty or fifty other incorporated organizations. Of these, about two hundred and fifteen are at work in the Anthracite fields of Pennsylvania, and about twenty-five in the Bituminous regions of that State and Maryland. There is no record of coal operations in the great Bituminous area west of the Alleghanies— an important omission in our statistics that ought to be remedied— so that both the number of miners and quantity of products must be estimated. The coal in this region is usually mined by individuals, and may be estimated at about one million to one million and a-half tons. The total quantity of all kinds of coal mined in the year 1864 was about twelve and a-half million tons, of which ten million (in round numbers) came from Pennsylvania alone. W e will give, a little farther on, more exact and very interesting statistics. For our present purpose, we discard the limited and uncertain product of the Western country— little of which comes farther east than Buffalo, except what is sold in Canada— and confine our attention to the product of the Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia mines. It will be seen at a glance how limited (comparatively) the field of operations is, what oppor tunities exist for monopoly, and how difficult it may be for those who are outside the trade to know exactly what is going on within. These pecu liarities are still more apparent, when we consider the means of transpor tation. This is entirely in the hands of seven, and, virtually, of five cor porations— the Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company, the New Jersey Central Railroad, the Reading Railroad, the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, and the Delaware and Lackawanna Railroad. The Lehigh and New Jersey Central are fed by numerous lateral roads, which they con trol, inasmuch as their avenues are the main outlets of the regions from which they lead. The Reading Railroad is the great monopolist of the Schuylkill trade, which, down to 1858, comprised one-half, and, in 1864, more than one-third of the whole quantity o f Anthracite mined in Penn sylvania. True, the Schuylkill Navigation Company, which does about one-quarter of the carrying, stands as a separate organization; but the ownership of the two is interpenetrated, and they always work together, to a fraction— the latter constantly following the lead of the former. In the Lackawanna region, the Pennsylvania Company, which is the mighty and popular rival o f the Delaware and Hudson, is still dependent upon the former for the canal conveyance by which about half its coal reaches market. A law-suit for a difference in tolls that amounts to a million or more, between these two companies, has been decided, though not in the highest court, in favor o f the Delaware; and the state of feeling is such that the Pennsylvania will undoubtedly tend, as rapidly as possible, to become independent. As it is, this company transports a considerable quan tity of coal over its railroads to Newburgh, and to New York and Jersey City, by connection with the Erie Railroad at Lackawaxen— probably about 300,000 tons during the past year. W e have, then: The Lehigh Coal and Navigation Com pany, with its branches. The New Jersey Central Railroad and its laterals. 352 Coal Fever. [May, The Reading Railroad and the Schuylkill Canal, acting as a unit. The Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, and the Pennsylvania Coal Co..— the latter partially dependent upon the former, but recalcitrant. The Delaware and Lackawanna Railroad, or Scranton Co., which are the same. In all, five great avenues o f transit. Between special privileges and the difficulties which exist in the way of the creation o f collateral lines, these five or six avenues control the trade. There is undoubtedly some ground for the complaint of monopoly; but not so much as there will be, if the designs of certain very powerful par ties are carried out. There is a scheme to unite the interests of the Reading Road and Schuylkill Canal, with those of the Scranton Company. This latter concern is controlled by men of much capital and enterprize. They have introduced a feature into the coal trade, which, while it has worked like a charm for their interests, is viewed with much apprehension by all the “ middle-men”— those who stand between the miners and dealers, constituting a rich and powerful class— and bids fair to exert a * controlling influence upon the coal trade o f the country. This feature, which originated in the strong executive mind of the late President of the Scranton Company, C hristopher R . R obert, Esq., is the plan o f selling all the probable surplus o f the company, monthly, at auction. It was com menced in February, 1863, and has been continued regularly since, with an aggregate sale o f nearly 300,000 tons per annum, or about one-third the product of the company brought to tide-water. To the Company, the advantages of this plan are obvious. The sale is, substantially, for cash ; and the quantity being about 25,000 tons, places, at the average price of the year, $200,000 in the hands of the company every month, in advance o f shipments. Besides this, it is clear that the certain “ placing” of onethird the product of a mining corporation, monthly, in advance of produc tion, is a remarkably safe basis of procedure; for in case of the failure of other regular and calculable outlets o f sale, it would not usually be diffi cult to curtail the scale of operations sufficiently to avoid serious loss. A ll contracts made by mining corporations are made subject to their ability to fulfil them— a somewhat peculiar feature o f this trade, to which the Scranton auction sales are no exception. If the company is unable to furnish the coal sold, by reason o f accidents, floods, strikes, or other un avoidable causes, it returns the money to purchasers, and annuls its con tracts. On the other hand, whatever may be the state of the market, the buyer, having put up his money, has to send for his coal, or lose his advance. He is limited to the current month. The Scranton sale has become, as was inevitable, the thermometer o f the coal trade. Transac tions are virtually suspended, except those proceeding on regular con tracts, for the week before the sale, and the result is instantly telegraphed to all parts of the country. There is considerable reason for believing that this method of sale will become general, within a few years— a result which the middle-men and small miners deprecate exceedingly. It is dif ficult, however, to see what substantial harm would be done, beyond the temporary disturbance o f the trade o f these parties. Indeed, it is not im probable that the consumer, whose interest, after all, is the main thing, would be eventually benefitted, for nothing can be fairer than the auction 1865.] Coal Fever. 353 sale, or more exclusive o f monopoly. Nothing, o f course, can entirely neutralize the advantages o f capital, which is as it should b e ; for capital as well as labor has its privileges, is entitled to protection, and operates as a balance in society and civil government. If all the coal was sold at auction, the capitalist would have the same advantage, in kind, that he now possesses, and would undoubtedly exercise it, by accumulating quan tities of the staple, when prices ruled low. So the vocation of the middle men would only be modified, and they would continue, though perhaps in less numbers, to divide the profit with the great mining corporations. While, however, the limited number of coal carriers and prominent operators tends measurably to monopoly, and to keep the secret of their movements from the ken o f outsiders, it is absurd to suppose that a busi ness amounting, at the ante-war figures, to nearly eight billion dollars, and carried on by some two hundred and forty firms and companies, is beyond the power of the laws o f trade. There may be temporary influ ences of an accidental or subsidiary character, o f which capitalists or cor porations can avail themselves; but it is certain that, in the main, the coal trade must be governed, and is governed, by the great law of supply and demand. Let us look into this subject, somewhat narrowly, and see if we can discover, in a rational way, an answer to the question at the beginning of this article. First, although not in all its details essentially preliminary to this inquiry, yet because of general interest in the elucida tion of the subject, let us glance at the history and statistics of the coal trade in this country from its beginning. The first Anthracite brought to market was in the year 1813, when a small quantity of flinty coal was shipped down the Lehigh River in arks, by the firm of M iner , C ist & R obinson . Five arks were dispatched, but only two reached Philadelphia, the appearance o f which excited about as much astonishment as that of Noah would have done. The other three were lost on the passage, and the only wonder to any one acquainted with the Lehigh River, before its improvement, is, that any craft was ever gotten safely over its rocky, roaring bed. This stream is subject, too, to sudden and incalculable freshets— insomuch that with all the substantial dams, locks, breakwaters and other improvements and defences o f the present company, the last great flood, in June, 1S62, cost a million dollars to repair, and the upper section, which was worst damaged, was abandon ed altogether. These little ark-loads of coal were sold at Philadelphia for twenty-one dollars a ton, but the owners lost money and abandoned the business. It may be of interest to state that the first Lehigh Coal Company, and the first (it is believed) formed in this country, was organ ized in the year 1793. This company “ took up” from the Commonwealth o f Pennsylvania, under warrants, about ten thousand acres of land, being, with the addition of about two thousand more, the very same tract now owned and worked by the “ Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company.” This original company appropriated ten pounds currency (!) to the con struction of a road over the property; but the stockholders, wearying of such expensive assessments, gave up the job, and the lands lay idle till — after one or two leases in turn abandoned— the ark-builders before named took the matter in hand. In 1817, J osiah W hite and E rskine H azard entered upon the field, taking o f the original company a twenty year’s lease, for the annual rent of one ear o f corn, payable on demand, 354 Coal Fever. [May, and with the farther condition, that after a suitable time spent in pre paration, they should deliver at Philadelphia, for their own benefit, not less than forty thousand bushels of coal, yearly. To the enterprize and ingenuity of these gentlemen, the establishment of the present company is due. A doubt existing in the minds of many that the coal was of any value, two associations were first formed— the “ Lehigh Coal Company,” and the “ Lehigh Navigation Company,” with $55,000, and $50,000 capital, respectively. These united their interests and names in 1820, when, after great faith, perseverance and ingenuity, the first regular ship ments o f coal began, with a product, for that year, o f 365 tons. Its sub stance was found to be very different from the English bituminous coals — the only kinds known— and, of course, an entirely new method was needed, with new forms o f stoves and grates. It was opposed and ridi culed roundly, as all innovations upon established trade and usage are, hut experiments were made, with results so successful, that 1023 tons were brought down in the same way, the following year, and found a market at about fifteen dollars a ton. A t this time, the fuel o f the coun try was almost exclusively wood— Liverpool coal being considered a luxury of doubtful utility. The people did not understand coal, and did not like it. The entire importation of foreign coal (bituminous) in the year 1821 was only 22,122 tons, and it did not reach 100,000 tons until 1836, falling in 1844, from peculiar circumstances, to about 7,000 tons. A t about the same time, the Schuylkill coal began to excite attention, and the canal was projected and energetically prosecuted. A few speci mens were brought down, and found to be of the same general character with the Lehigh, but no trade was opened until 1822, when 1480 tons came through— the Lehigh Company bringing, the same year, 2240 tons. In 1828, the Schuylkill began to exceed its rival in quantity, and has ever since maintained a large excess of production. The Schuylkill region yielded in 1864, 3,642,218 tons— the Lehigh, 1,928,706 tons. The Delaware and Hudson Canal Company commenced operations in 1829, with a product of 7000 tons, rising the next year to 43,000. This company was followed, after some lesser intermediate operations, by the Pennsylvania Company, which began to work in the same general field in 1850, with a product of 111,014 tons. The Scranton Company followed in 1856, beginning with 122,773 tons. The product o f these companies in 1864 was, respectively, 852,130 tons, 759,544 tons, and 963,728 tons. The Shamokin region began to be worked in 1839, but its operations are comparatively inconsiderable, beginning with 11,93 0 tons, only reaching 100,000 in 1855, and 333,478 in 1864. It is' somewhat remarkable that our bituminous coals attracted little attention, east o f the Alleghanies, until 1842, when the Cumberland Company commenced operations on a very small scale. The increase was comparatively slow on this kind o f coal, though the aggregate product o f the various companies, in the year 1864, was 1,238,524 tons. To place the entire trade of the country, with the exception of the uncertain product o f the States west o f the mountains, before the eye, the following condensed table is presented : 1865.] PRODUCTION OF COAL IN THE UNITED STATES From 1820 to 1864. L ehigh . S chuylkill . — L ackaw ANA AND *VVyoming.----- -------------- , Canal & R.R. Canal & R.R. Del.&Hud. P enn. Co. Scranton, Other Shamokin. Wyoming. N. & S. Imported. *1,7*08 10,082 14,890 24,653 22,122 34,523 30,433 7,228 25,645 35,665 40,257 32,302 45,393 58,136 86,509 72,978 92,432 71,626 49,989 108,432 153,450 129,083 181,551 162,867 155,394 141,521 41,163 87,073 85 776 Total. .... 1,000 43,000 54,000 84,600 111,777 43,700 90,000 103,861 115,387 78,207 122,300 148,470 192,270 205,253 227,605 251,005 273,435 47,34*6’ 58,400 114,906 178,401 365 1,073 3,720 .... 6,951 11,108 34,893 48,047 63,434 77,516 112,113 174,734 176,820 363,871 487,748 376,636 560,758 684,117 862,441 ____ 725,697 11,930 797,863 15,505 841,584 21,463 942,312 10,000 1,076,649 10,000 1,241,110 13,087 1,598,378 10,000 1,975,085 Domostic. 22,122 34,623 30,433 7,228 25,645 35,665 40,257 32,302 45,393 58,136 36,509 72,978 92,432 71,626 49,969 10S,432 153,450 129,083 181,551 162,867 155,394 143,229 51,245 101,963 110,429 355 148,211 ,... 1,480 1,128 1,567 6,500 16,767 31,360 47,284 79,973 89,984 81,854 209,271 252,991 226,692 339,508 432,045 523,152 433,875 442,608 452,291 585,542 541,504 677,312 840,378 1,083,796 .-------Bitnm inous.------- * Coal Fever. 1820................. 1821,............... 1822................ 1823................ 1824............ 1825,............... 1826. . 1827,............... 1828,............... 1829,........... 1830................ 1831,............... 1832,............... 1833................. 1834................. 1835,............... 1 8 3 6 ,............. ................. 1837................. 1838................ 1839,............... 1840,............... 1841,............. 1842................ 1843............ 1844,............... 1845................. T otal 690,456 320,000 •••• 388,203 •••• 437,500 •••• 454,240 ..... 441,403 111,014 479,078 316,017 497,105 426,164 494,327 512,658 440,944 496,648 565,460 504,803 499,650 612,500 480,699 536,008 348,789 630,056 591,000 688,854 499,568 701,523 726,644 629,657 637,066 601,091 828,150 662,904 852,130 759,544 •••• .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 133,965 187,000 305,530 490,023 683,411 829,435 1,080,227 1,104,319 1,094,315 1,223,165 1,302,457 198,389 294,864 247,696 278,670 275,406 361,072 361,231 468,746 531,921 514,248 554,901 445,873 416,074 524,947 535,583 740,730 585.969 662,721 639,456 12,572 14,904 19,356 19,650 19,921 24,899 25,846 15,500 63,500 116,117 137,406 155,806 135,893 180,753 210,108 241,451 241,642 274,936 333,478 2,284,659 2,914,852 3,027,708 3,139,342 3,250,207 4,374,716 4,833,432 5,016,484 5,769,372 6,490,296 6,720,313 6,412,491 6,460,702 7,448,253 8,119,199 7,878,667 7,401,715 8,979,854 *9,457,989 29,795 156,853 62,940 148,021 79,571 196,168 198,213 167,774 234,611 180,439 331,879 214,774 426,674 183,015 231,508 631,987 830,181 252,865 780,493 287,408 924,488 173,055 893,749 238,192 989,695 259,885 1,119,951 281,208 1,244,820 240,697 831,412 533,115 813,754 545,433 1,166,210 1,000,775 1,238,524 510,608 186,648 200,961 275,739 365,9S7 415,050 546,653 609,689 863,495 1,083,046 1,067,901 1,097,543 1,131,941 1,249,580 1,401,159 1,485,517 1,364,527 1,359,187 2,166,985 1,749,122 Coal Fever. 1,351,054 1,236,582 1,583,374 1,652,835 1,605,126 1,712,007 2,229,426 2,450,950 2,470,943 2,895,208 3,318,555 3,258,356 2,985,541 2,866,449 3,004,953 3,270,516 2,697,489 2,890,578 3,433,265 3,642,218 356 1846.................... 1847,................... 1848,................... 1849,................... 1850..................... ............. 1851,................. 1852,................... 1858,................. 1854,................. 1855,................. 1856................... 1857................... 1858,................. 1859,................. 1860..................... 1861................... 1862,................... ............. 1863,................... 1864..................... * This sum is short of the actual production, about 500,000 tons. There are various miscellaneous items that are not easily classified, nor exactly attainable. Mr. B annan , the careful editor of the Miners’ Journal, published at Pottsville, who is the only regular and systematic tabu lator of the coal trade, makes the total, for 1864, 9,992,007 tons. But Mr. B an nan does not attempt even to estimate the Bituminous product of the coal-fields west of the Alleghanies—fields vastly greater in area than those o f Pennsylvania, Maryland and Eastern Virginia, and which, in the course of time, will perhaps supersede these entirely. For the Anthracite is limited, as far as known, to the Pennsylvania fields, and is by no means inexhaustible. Every known variety of Bituminous coal is found beyond the Alleghanies, from the common, blacksmith’s coal of Pitts burgh, to the rich steam coal, hitherto only brought from Wales, the blocky gas coal like that of Nova Scotia, aud the fatty Cannel like the Meehall. The West Virginia Cannels, only brought to this market in specimens, though shaped differently from the English, are quite as dense and inflammable. [May, * ■ 1865.] Coal Fever. 357 W e have thus before us the statistics o f the three great Anthracite coal fields, and it is important to understand that each is in competition with the others, and each divided by competition in itself. This competition extends, with the single exception of the Schuylkill, not only to the min ing but the transportation o f coal. As before stated, the Schuylkill trans porting interests are substantially in the same hands; and it is a remark able example o f the equalizing tendency of the laws which govern supply and demand, and the competitive interests that are aroused by consump tion, that the want o f another and independent line o f transit, which would break the Schuylkill monopoly, is the very thing that the miners there most desire. The interests of consumers and producers are not so far apart, after all, that they may not be subserved by the destruction of an intermediate monopoly. The Lehigh region is now worked b y some eighteen or twenty opera tors, besides the mother Company, com m only called the Old Lehigh. These operators have a road independent o f the old com pany, and two m ore are in process o f building. The W ilkesbarre mines (from which com es one o f our finest family coals) had, until this year, no means o f access to the Eastern market, except by the upper section o f the Lehigh Canal, and that section having been destroyed by the flood of 1862 , was not restored, because the W ilkesbarre tonnage was not worth enough to the Lehigh Company to pay them for rebuilding it. But the W ilk e s barre miners have now a road o f their own, connecting with the Pennsyl vania Central. Their coal, however, in quality, belongs to the Lackawana family, rather than the Lehigh. The Delaware and Hudson, Pennsylvania and Scranton Companies, as already remarked, are directly in competition, because they mine in the same general region ; and their coals, though not precisely alike, are more readily substituted, one for the other, than almost any others. The smal ler miners in this region generally sell their coals to these great corpora tions, but the natural competition between the companies produces a healthful state of trade, which is evinced by the fact that the Lackawana and W yom ing coals are the lowest priced^ and the most equably priced, in the long run, of any that come to the market. W hile the extent of their operations, under judicious conduct, makes these companies profit able to stockholders, the community o f dealers and consumers finds in their products a more trustworthy and cheaper staple o f trade than in any other. The relative qualities and uses of the Lehigh, Schuylkill, and Lackawana coals are as follows : The Lehigh is the hardest and purest anthracite in the world. When mined well and cleared o f slate, it is the best known coal for making iron— being substantially free from sulphur. From its density it requires a strong draught for its ignition, and consequently it is comparatively unfitted for open grates or stoves, and is less esteemed for steam than almost any other. But it makes at once the hottest and most substantial inclosed fire, and is therefore a favorite for close stoves and furnaces. The best qualities of" the Schuylkill and Malianoy coals (the latter is an intermediate between the former and the Lehigh) approach the Lehigh in density, but are not usually quite as hard, and are, therefore, more generally useful for families. These coals are very much liked. Their product, as already remarked, is about one third of the whole An 358 Coal Fever. [May, thracite list, and they occupy the intermediate or average position. They are good for iron making, good for steam— though rather hard— and ex cellent for family use. The Lackawana, Pittston, and Scranton coals, with the other W yom ing grades, are o f considerably less weight and density. O f these, the Scranton is the lightest and most easily kindled and con sumed. All of them will burn either in open or close grates, and are the most easily managed coals that we have. They are not highly esteemed for making iron, though they are used for that purpose, and largely, too, where they are so accessible that their waste is compensated by inexpen sive transportation. For steam they are valued above all others, because they are light to carry, and burn freely, without clinker— a peculiarity that saves the grate-bars essentially. It would certainly seem, to an unprejudiced mind, that the elements of independent-competition exfsted between these great companies, in a suf ficient degree to insure,.a fair pyifie to consumers— provided, they are able to keep their production up to the point of demand. This is the very thing. The*main reason why coal is so high— apart from the necessary advance on account of the depreciation o f the currency— is because the supply for the la^three years has fallen short of the demand. It is a simple matter, and easily demonstrable. Of the two hundred per centum advance since the war, it isveasonable to charge one hundred to the account of the currency. O i s had depreciated more than one-half, and if consumption and prodamfen remained unchanged, the fact would ne cessarily have doubled the^price of staples. Let us recur to the table, and in the light o f explanatory statements, see if the other hundred per centum is not fully accounted for. The greatest increase in the produc' s commenced, was in 1863— the The nearest approaches to this 1 and 1859, which produced, re spectively, 1,125,509 and 98^551 tons over the years previous. But there is a remarkable similarity k$Scircumstances in the three cases. The three years previous to 1851— fe£ 0 , 1849, and 1848— had gained only 334,355 tons together; though t\fb jteffr 184V had gained 630,203 tons by itself, and the gains of 1846, 1845, 1844, and 1843, had averaged 300,000 tons each. The three years prewous to 1859— 1858, 1857, and 1856— had gained only 28,594 tons panther ; though the years 1855 and 1854 had averaged 700,000’tons each. The three years previous to 1863— 1862, 1861, and 1860— had gain^cl only 46,353 tons together. Thus: Tons. 1856 1 1857 | [ Gained together together. 1858 ) 1859 Gained Gained............... 1860 ) 1861 [G ained together 1862 ) 1863 Gained........... In eight years an aggregate gain of. 28,594 987,551 46,353 1,578,139 2,640,637 This is an average annual gain for eight years, from 1856 to 1863, of 330,080 tons. A glance at the general table will show that the average annual gain for the twelve years preceding 1856, including the deficient Coal Fever. 359 years of 1850, 1849, and 1848, was fully 450,000 tons. For twelve years, then, from 1844 to 1855, inclusive, the average annual gain was 450,000 tons; for eight years, from 1856 to 1863, inclusive, it was only 335,080 tons. It would be an insult to the intelligence of any reader o f this arti cle to suppose that he believes the demand for coal has diminished in this country during the last eight years. There is, perhaps, no more convinc ing evidence to the contrary, than the increase of imported coals during these eight years. Every one knows that importations, when taken by terms of years, absolutely follow demand. In 1856 we imported 87,000 tons o f coal; in 1863, 1,000,000 tons. Not only was the usual demand for coal undiminished during the last eight years, but we all know that a large extra demand has arisen by rea son of the war. More coal was demanded by private manufacturers and carriers engaged in making and transporting arms, munitions, and sup plies for Government. The Government itself became a greatly increased consumer— using, the first year of the war, fully 200,000 tons; the sec ond and third 500,000 each, and the fourth, not less than a million. To supply this demand considerably more than the usual rate o f increase would have had to be maintained. But an incident occurred in 1862 which reduced the natural product of that year not less than 500,000 tons. This was the great freshet of June, which stopped the transporta tion of every Anthracite mine in the United States for a month, and o f some— as of the Lehigh region— for three or four months. It will be noticed, moreover, that the year 1861 closed with an actual decrease of production as compared with 1860 of 430,514 tons. It would thus seem, that no element of disaster to the coal consuming interest of this country was lacking. In 1861, the first year o f the war, involving an increased consumption of probably 350,000 tons, the supply fell off 430,514 tons. In 1862, the second year of the war, when the Govern ment demand alone had reached 500,000 tons, not to speak o f private manufacturers, the flood came, cutting off half a million tons. True, the country did not immediately feel these great deductions, on account of the large carrying stock in the hands of dealers. This quantity probably reached nearly 750,000 tons in the year 1861, and though a good deal reduced by the heavy draught o f that year, was not wholly exhausted until 1862. But during the flood o f that year it was entirely sold out, and has never since been replenished— there has been no chance to replenish it. The carrying stock in the United States, outside of the mining cor porations, is not two months supply this day, and the opening of trade in the spring finds the yards empty. It was so last spring, and it was so in the spring of 1863. In view o f these facts, does it require a ghost or a prophet to account for the high price o f coal ? It is not to be denied that more money has been made by somebody, to the extent, probably, o f at least fifty per centum o f the whole advance, and it is not difficult to decide into whose pockets this profit has gone. It is divided between the miner and the carrying companies. The Delaware and Hudson, Pennsylvania, and Scran ton companies are both miners and carriers, but only o f their own coal, (with a few unimportant exceptions,) and we have no means o f discrimi nating the sources o f their profits, as, whether by m ining or carrying. W e have their lists o f prices o f coals, and that is all. But the Lehigh 360 Coal Fever. [May, and Schuylkill avenues are open to all, and by their changes o f prices and tolls we can tell something. In the beginning of the year 1862 the cost of these coals was as follows : A t the Lehigh mines...................................................................... Transportation to tide-water.......................................................... Per ton. $1 85 1 44 At the Schuylkill mines................................................................. Transportation to tide..................................................................... $1 80 1 73 $3 29 $3 53 A t the close of the season in 1864 the cost was as follows A t the Lehigh mines....................................................................... Transportation, e t c ......................................................................... $5 60 4 26 A t the Schuylkill mines................................................................. Transportation................................................................................. $5 25 5 12 $9 76 $10 37 The mines in all parts of the country have been subject, during the past two years, to a continuous succession of strikes. In some districts much violence has prevailed, leading colliers having been even murdered in re peated instances. Rather an unusual proportion o f operatives have gone from the collieries into the army, and the canals and railroads have lost largely from same cause. The bounties offered have prevailed against the low wages current at the opening o f the war. The consequence o f these strikes, and this scarcity of hands, has been repeated suspensions o f min ing operations, uniformly followed by advances of wages. Suspensions of mining diminish the supply o f coal, and advances of wages under such circumstances, operate in increased proportion to advance the prices. Another important element demands at least a reference. A colliery of any magnitude— and none but large collieries are profitable— takes a great amount of capital. I f a colliery, producing 300 tons a day, requires a floating capital, in ordinary times, of $100,000 to carry on its opera tions, that capital, in times like these, must be fully doubled. If the col lier finds, in ordinary times, that a profit of fifty cents a ton is a fair com pensation for his risks, he will naturally calculate, that when the cost of coal is doubled, his profit and guarantee should advance in a similar pro portion. This is simply common sense. It operates, indeed, against the consumer, but it is an inflexible law of trade, so much so, that if not com plied with, capitalists will gradually withdraw their money and employ it where it will give them legitimate returns. And this brings us to two points, with the consideration o f which this article will be concluded. The first is the influence of the small colliers upon the trade, and the price of coal. There are, in each of the great coal fields, but particularly in the Lehigh and Schuylkill, many small colliers who work “ upon their own hook,” and from hand to mouth. In the Lackawana region most o f these parties sell their coal to the great companies near them, because there are no 1865.] Coal Fever. 361 other facilities of transportation ; but in the Lehigh and Schuylkill they ship directly to the market themselves. Some of them mine good coal— some of them, very indifferent; but almost all are obliged, in order to sell, to make concessions in price. This would seem at first glance to be a species of competition calculated to keep down the pj-icas of the large companies, and promote the consumers interest. So it does, but not im mediately. The circumstances of these small colliers create a class of merchants in the large cities, already referred to, as “ middle-men,” who need not be expected to pass the loaf without cutting from it as liberal a slice as its size will allow. This business has attracted a large capital, and the result of its operations is to keep the coals of these small colliers fully up to the market price of the companies. The profit is made by other men, but the result is the same. W e are not to be understood, however, as expressing an opinion adverse to this class of dealers. They stand as a very necessary check upon the operations o f the large companies, and add a distinct and important competitive agency to those already existing. There is a continual jealousy of their operations, on the part of the large incorporations, resulting in the exhibition of a scale o f prices generally intended to underbid them. Coal can always be bought of the companies when they have it to sell, cheaper than of the middle-men. The other point is the probable price of coal for the future. In the first place let us see what increase the regular trade and consumption of the country demand year by year. The average gain, as shown by our table, for twelve years, from 1844 to 1855, was 450,000 tons. This evi dently tended to an excessive stock; for though the average gain for the ensuing eight years, from 1856 to 1863, was only 330,080 tons, there was a heavy glut, and coal fell in 1862 to $3 29 per ton, the lowest price ever reached in this market. W e will assume, therefore, that 400,000 tons gain every year will supply the regular demand. For extraordinary war purposes and Government demand we will assume that an aggregate of 2.000. 000 tons was required for the years 1862, 1863, and 1864, and that 1.000. 000 tons will be needed for the year 1865. It thus appears that 3,200,000 tons was required in the aggregate for 1862, 1863, and 1864, more than the rate of production of 1861. But the aggregate advance product of these three years, at the largest figures, was only 2,145,268 tons; so that we are going into 1S65 with a deficiency of 454,632 tons, while the year itself will require for its regular increase 400,000 tons, and for extraordinary purposes 1,000,000 tons. The year 1865, therefore, must advauce upon 1864 at least 1,854,632 tons, in order to keep the market in as good a position as at present. Can this quantity be fur nished ? W e have seen that the mining facilities o f the country as they stood in 1863, were equal to the production o f 1,578,139 tons more than in 1862, and that the product of 1864— according to Mr. B annan’ s table, which we think very nearly accurate— was 1,000,000 tons in advance of 1863. The falling off in the latter year is easily accounted for bv the frequent suspension of mining operations by reason of strikes, which, in the Schuylkill region alone, amounted to fully 400,000 tons from this cause. W e think that there is reason to believe that the mini ng faoi lities of the present year will exceed those of 1863, and that the full quantity of 1,854,632 tons in advance of the product of 1864 will be easily supplied, VOL. lii.— no . v. 23 362 Coal Fever. [May, unforeseen disasters, of course, excepted. This quantity could be sup plied by the unassisted facilities of the present mining and transportation companies, f o r there is no avenue o f transportation w orked to its f u l l capa city, except the Reading Railroad. But there is another and important element at work. The high price of coal has called a great number of new companies into existence within the past year or two, many of which are now ready for operation. A new railroad has been constructed, as already remarked, which is bringing the products of the W yom ing Val ley to New York. Two new roads are building along the line of the Lehigh, and, although the Reading interest has been strong enough hitherto to prevent any interference with its route, the fact that it can not do the business of the region that it represents indicates clearly that a competitive line will be speedily called for and built. These being facts, the inference is unavoidable, that in case o f a considerable falling off in the demand for coal, a proportionate reduction o f prices may be expected. The inflation of coal stocks at the present time is a feature o f the mar ket that prudent men will do well to heed. W e may be sure that those who have been conducting the coal trade for the last few years have their eye upon it, and are taking advantage o f it. When an old collier, in times like these, invites capitalists and others to form a company, and buy his mines and machinery, they may depend upon it that he sees breakers ahead. They will reflect that he has bad much experience in the busi ness that he kindly proposes to resign— they, none at all. There is par ticular cause for caution, if he who, all his life, has been a producer and seller of coal, appears suddenly as a convert to the interests of the con sumer. When numerous companies, with unusual nominal capital are springing up, and inviting attention, prudent men of small means will look sharply to their earnings. This brings us to the exposure of a some what favorite fallacy of the day, with which this article will be conclu ded. A class of operations have come up lately called “ Coal-at-Cost Com panies,” or “ Consumers-Benelit Companies.” In plain English, they are humbugs. The ordinary “ Coal-at-Cost Company” is nothing more or less than a small collier, or his agent, or a dealer, who, having more coal than he can sell by his usual outlet, strikes off some hand-bills, rents a cheap office, puts his coal down fifty cents or a dollar, and so works it off rapidly from the boats. He keeps his new title as long as it suits his purpose, and then dismisses it. This does no harm— it is an irregular way of dking business, but if the coal is really sold cheaper, and the dealer does not cheat in the weight more than the difference he pretends to make in price, the consumer gets the benefit. There is another style, however, that is really mischievous. This is a regularly organized com pany, proposing to lease or buy certain mines, and promising to give each shareholder coal for his own consumption at actual cost. The prospectus of such a company lies at this moment before us. It proposes to buy a well-known and valuable mine which is now operated by an experienced collier, its owner. W hy does he wish to sell it? W e know, or may know, if behind the scenes, that it cost him somewhere about $300,000. W e turn to the prospectus and find that the proposed capital is $800,000, divided into shares o f twenty dollars each. I f the experienced owner can run this mine at no more than a satisfactory profit, at a cost of $300,000, 1865.] Coal Fever. 363 can the inexperienced company into whose hands he proposes to turn it, work it at a cost of $800,000, and sell coal without profit ? And to whom is this handsome difference of half a million going? If the old collier gets it, it seems likely that he can well afford to sell out. But suppose he is a man of moderate views, and has offered hi§ property (costing $300,000) to an .ingenious Wall-Street broker for $500,000, who, in his turn, has devised this “ Consumers-own-your-own Mines Company,” at a capital o f $800,000. If this seems incredible to any one, let him take the word of one who knows the wires, that it is a very pretty and prac ticable operation, if only there are found noodles enough to believe that great business operations are gotten up for benevolent purposes. One day a man came into the office of the writer— an honest, hard working letter carrier, who had proved his thrift by laying up from such a slender business, a little sum of $200. He came to ask about one of these companies— whether he would better invest his $200 in ten shares of the stock, and so be insured an annual perpetuity o f ten tons of coal at cost. “ W hy do you think of it ?” asked I. “ Because you fellows are making three or four dollars a ton out of me on coal.” “ Speak for yourself, my friend— I have no interest in coal, though I know others who have. But how do you know that anyone is making three or four dollars a ton out of you ?” “ Because everybody says so. Didn’t t h e ----------------- have an article last night saying that coal can be bought at Mauch Chunk at $3 50, and sent here for $3 50— making $7— and here,” (pulling out a receipt,) “ is Anthracite and Co.’s bill for my last at $12.” “ True, and in another column o f the same paper you find the notice of the *Consumers-own-your-own-mines Company,’ don’ t you ?” “ Exactly, and as I thought you knew something about it, I just came in to ask you.” “ Well,” I suggested, “ I don’ t know that there is any connection between the two notices, and I’ m sure the honest editor has no suspicion of it, but I happen to know something of the company spoken of, and advise you to turn over in your mind as you carry round your letters, the reason, if you can, why people are so anxious to sell their coal property, when they are getting five dollars a ton profit on the product.” The poor fellow scratched his head doubtfully; but suddenly a bright idea struck him. “ It is always the way with you fellows,” he said— determined to class me with the capitalists— Heaven send he be a prophet! “ You are always keeping a fellow down. You are in the trade, and you want to keep me from getting coal cheap. I’ll put into this company and try it.” “ But,” I replied, with missionary spirit, “ suppose a time comes when coal is sold by all the dealers at considerably less than cost, as it will be, if they have any stock on hand when the war ends, and gold goes down — what then !” “ Well, then I won’ t buy my coal of my company, but get it as cheap as I can.” “ But what will become o f your stock, then, in a company that was ‘ watered ’ 100 per cent, and that has to sell coal under that disadvantage below cost ?” Scratch. The House o f Hapsburg in America. 364 [May, “ And then, suppose coal continues high and profitable, what is to pre vent your company from passing a resolution some day that they find this supplying of subscribers at cost a losing operation, and rescinding the whole arrangement?” “ But they can’ t do it.” “ Don’t trust them— that’s my advice.” My friend gathered up his package o f letters, smiling. “ Ah, you fellows are always down on a poor man— I believe I’ll take the stock.” And so he will, and the fact may be a good enough comment on the uselessness of advising a man who has made up his mind. THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG IN AMERICA. B y P rofessor A ndrew T en B rook . (Continued from page 258.) T here has been one period in the later history o f this house which looks so like an exception to Hapsburg bigotry as to demand a reference. C harles VI., who reigned from 1685 to 1740, saw that a male successor to his honors was about to fail, and secured, by the pragmatic sanction, the succession of his only daughter M a r ia T heresa . She married F rancis , Duke of Lorraine, (and hence the house has since been called that of Hapsburg Lorraine,) who nominally reigned jointly with her, but really did not interfere in the government of her Austrian dominions. She was bigoted as any of her family, and wrote devotional books, one o f which was pubished. But her uncertain title to the throne, the fearful external pressure upon her from F rederic the Great of Prussia, the Duke of Bavaria, France and the Turks, drove her to a liberal internal policy to escape dis solution. When in immediate expectation o f the capture of Vienna, she fled with her infant child to Presburg, and threw herself upon her Hun garian subjects, at a diet there assembled. They entered into her cause, saved her throne, and ever remained her enthusiastic supporters; for she took the coronation oath as queen o f Hungary without any reservation, and kept it. Though she but barely tolerated other religions than her own, her internal administration was wise and liberal. She dismissed the Jesuits, limited the power of the clergy, introduced schools and the arts, and so improved her finances that from the brink o f bankruptcy she raised the revenue to a large excess over the expenditures, and left the internal state of Austria better than it had ever been before, or has been since. Her son and successor, J oseph II., played the great and liberal monarch. In 1769, the year after his accession to the Empire, and ten years before he succeeded, on his mother’s death, to the Austrian throne, he was at Rome, traveling incognito under the name o f Count F alkenstein , and among other places of interest he visited the Gesu, the great establish ment of the Jesuits. It was at the time when their suppression was immiuent, and was suspended upon the election o f a pope by the conclave then in session. The fathers of the order thronged around him. Their The Rouse o f Hanshuro in America. 365 Genera], R ic c i , prostrate at his feet, was about to address him, a petition which he anticipated by asking R icci when he intended to put off the habit of his order. He treated the matter o f the election of a Pope as of little moment. Contrary to the rule he was introduced into the Con clave, which no one was allowed to enter and retire until after an election had been effected, and, to avoid the fetes prepared for him, left Rome that very evening. In this same pert and flippant manner he governed in Austria on his accession. One act raised him above all the family before and after him— the toleration edict which gave freedom of worship to the religious sects ; but the rest of his acts— and indeed this too— were arbi trary. Even where they were liberal, their liberality was forced upon the people when they were unprepared for it. He neglected all precedents and constitutions, governed Hungary without the coronation or oath, and acted in like manner in everything else. His life looked much like an attempt to play F rederic the Great. He died just in time to escape the dissolution of his Austrian dominions. His brother L eopold , Grand Duke of Tuscany, succeeded him, and, by a master policy, restored in a single year the system of his mother and the good will of his subjects, and died at the opening of the French revolution, in which his sister M arie A ntoinette played so tragic a part. He was succeeded in 1792 by his son F rancis , who reigned— if it can be called a reign— until 183 ), em bracing.the whole period o f N apoleon ’ s career. He gave his daughter, M aria L ouisa, to the French Emperor in marriage, and survived and reigned for twenty years after the banishment of his son-in-law. He was succeeded by his son, F erdinand V., who abdicated in 1848, and still lives in retirement in the city of Prague. The history of the House of Hapsburg would show as narrow a range of variation in the character of its reigning sovereigns as that o f any dynasty that ever reigned. It would show a curious compound of benevolence with superstition. The late Emperor is said to be so benevolent that money is even now kept out of his hands lest he should beggar himself by bestowing it all in charity. He had a conscientiousness, however, which did not belong to every mem ber of the family. He would not violate his promises to Hungary and the other provinces of the Empire. As the counsels and policy of the house required this, he must yield his throne to one less scrupulous. It was in the reign o f this superstitious, conscientious man, that all the protestants of his province of Tyrol, numbering 137 families, were banished in 1837, and found a home in the Prussian province of Silesia. They must sell their houses and lands, situated in the most beautiful valley of Tyrol— the Zillerthal— and seek a home in a foreign land, because such was the counsel of the Jesuits, who were then the teachers of the province. F rancis J oseph , the present Emperor, by the abdication of his uncle, and the renunciation o f his father, came to the throne in 1848, when but 18 years of age. His dominions must first be conquered before they could be governed, and but for Russia’s aid the Empire would have been dis membered. The rebellion once subdued, he annihilated all constitutions and precedents and incorporated Hungary into the Empire as an integral part of it. Checked, foiled, and rendered more modest, especially by N apoleon , in 1859, he has greatly modified his policy, not, however, so as to make the following, which we cut from a religious paper, true in its full 366 The House o f Hapshurg in America. [May sense : “ Within three years Austria has adopted a constitution, securing perfect religious freedom to all, and admitting the Bible in all languages. A place of worship has been given by the Emperor to the protestants in Vienna.” Instead of the words “ Austria has adopted, etc.,” read, “ His Imperial Majesty has graciously granted his people a constitution,” and then remember that he who can give a constitution can revoke or disre gard it. Instead of “ perfect religions freedom to all,” read, “ religious freedom under certain defined provisions to all existing sects” The state ment that the Emperor has given the protestants a place of worship in Vienna, would.seem to imply that hitherto there had been no proteslant worship in that capital. But there were several such before this imperial gift. It must, however, be admitted that there has been greater progress in Austria for three years past than in any country in Europe, and the true American will set it down as a balance against many weaknesses of F rancis J oseph , that he is with us in our present struggle. As a true despot, he is opposed to all rebellions even in a republic. But it is the Emperor’s brother on whom our interest is now concen trated. His Imperial Majesty was making, in 1857, a tour with the young empress in his Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. This was characterized by the publication of amnesties and the distribution o f largesses. His brother, the Arch-Duke M axim ilian , now on the Mexican throne, was in his suite. He had been married but the year before, and perhaps felt no aversion to becoming the center of a vice-regal court at Milan. Field Marshall R ahetsky, then in his 91st year, had asked to be relieved of the cares of the Government, and the Emperor inclined to grant the veteran’s request, and put his brother in the place. It may not have been their fault that the court of this young couple was less brilliant than that which surrounded a man of about his age, and his widow-bride, in the same city, just 60 years before. He may not have been at fault that he failed in his attempt to govern Lombardy and Venice, for a good government from Austria would scarcely have been tolerated by these people. But he soon left them and was placed over the Austrian navy. In this character he did little that we know of, except to write a letter to Lieut. M aury — a compliment which we value less now than we did before the latter became a rebel. The motives which led the French Emperor to this choice o f a sovereign, for our neighbors on the south, were doubtless somewhat mixed. He who is most recently from the ranks o f the vulgar, is most ready to defend the prerogatives of the class to which he has just risen. His Majesty’s own rank has been questioned, and he must lay by a store of merit so that other sovereigns may feel bound to admit his divine right to their circle. Mexico has been over forty years without a government. More than seventy different chief executives (nearly two a year) have attempted in turn to administer its affairs, and have failed. If M axim ilian should suc ceed, the world would attribute to N apoleon the singular merit of giving a government to a land which had never been well governed, and for forty years not at all. I f he should fail it would only be as all others had failed before him. And why should we be unwilling to allow that true benevolence may play its part among the motives of this ambitious man ? In this respect the pamphleteers and newspaper correspondents who give to the public 1865.] The House o f Hapsburg in America. 367 the key note upon which they chant the praises and the curses of the world’s rulers, generally commit a grave error. They admit too little in fluence of higher motives in those whom they rightly represent as swayed in general by ambition or the more grovelling passions; they allow too little of baser metal in the composition of the good, the wise, the prudent, and the patriotic. W hy may not even N apoleon feel in his ex alted position some of the impulses which lead to beneficence, and yield them a place in his plans? W hy may he not, at least, be wise enough to perceive that the ends o f ambition would be more surely attained in the path which leads to the world’s highest weal ? He had not failed to notice the wretched condition of Mexico— the anarchy and violence which have long prevailed there,— and to feel the importance to that unhappy country and the world of some effort to introduce law and order in their stead. W e had lost our hope, and certainly N apoleon cherished none, in the weak and spasmodic efforts of a turbulent democracy. M ontesquieu taught, and we firmly believe, that virtue in the people is the only security of permanancy in a democracy. Virtue is wanting; honor, too, is want in g ; Mexico’s only remaining hope is in a strong and vigorous monarchy. N apoleon has hope that by establishing such a government he may still save Mexico and merit the world’s gratitude. The motives which sway the imperial mind in this matter are the same in general which rule us. He wishes to furnish a government to Mexico just as we would like to do. The same motive leads us to desire his failure. His own glory, and that of his dynasty, may indeed be a more immediate motive with him than personal and family considerations are with us. Refused admission to the circle of royalty by European sovereigns— long denied by them the epithet o f brother— repelled in his efforts to connect himself by marriage even with the petty, princely houses of Germany and Italy, much more the greater ones, he must finally take up with a Spanish princess, whose only hope o f escaping a return to the ranks of the vulgar lay in this offer. This alone would not rank him with royalty, much less do what he desired, raise him in the princely ranks far above a question able position. He must be not only o f the princes, but the lawgiver of the order. His success at home, and his merits in the Crimea and in Italy, were not exactly o f the kind to secure the personal favor of the mon irchs, except that of V ictor E mmanuel, which, in the unsettled state of Italy, is of little value. What can he do? The success of the American revolution reacted upon Europe. This reaction concurring with elements existing there and already in motion, came near overthrowing the monarchies of the Old World. W hen N apoleon was finally put down— when the sovereigns of Europe had just b*gan to raise their heads above the receding waves o f the terrible revolution which had well-nigh engulphed them, they saw their greatest danger in the American movement. Reflecting on their recent peril and narrow escape, and deeming that they saw the cause of their danger still in vigorous action in America, they formed what has been called the Holy Alliance, so called perhaps from the personal character of the class of men whose sacred functions had been disturbed, their occupation imperiled, their very existence put to so fearful a hazard, and their persons so often forced into degrading contact with common humanity. These men are declared everywhere to have reigned by the grace of God— a proposition 368 The House o f Hamhura in America. ■which we must in fairness admit, since there is no other way to account for their reigning at all. The words of scripture also, “ where sin abounded grace did much more abound,” greatly favor this claim, as every one must perceive who reads the history o f courts. To sustain this institu tion in Europe, and propagate it on this continent, was the main object of the Holy Alliance. It would restore to Spain— the land in which this institution had attained its highest perfection— her possessions in America, and thus spread the institution o f royalty over the whole continent. It was Spain, and that, too, when governed by the Hapsburgs, which developed the greatest activity of the holy office, and at home, in Spanish America, the Netherlands and Italy reduced all to the unity of the faith. This country had, therefore, the first claim on the services of the Holy Alliance, but President M onroe , in his message for 1825, forbade its interference. This compact o f sovereigns was dissolved, but now the last born and most remarkable of that race who reign by “ the grace of God,” a man who has passed through so many transformations that we scarcely know where to rank him— who is slanderously said to have belonged once to a lower but very useful order o f the ruling class— the London police, and to have been afterwards a great patron o f the same class in New York— this man has taken up the work o f the defunct H oly Alliance in America. The motive which swayed this compact o f royalty has doubtless its place, also, in this imperial mind, contemned as he had been by his royal brethren. One would naturally suppose that after rising so far above them all, he would scorn to descend again to their level and accept the brotherhood which they at first denied him, much more to become its champion. He knows that he would not have been so safe in New York if a Bourbon or a Hapsburg had reigned over these States, and that his predecessor, whose granddaughter he has now established on the throne of Mexico, might have been worse off than in school-teaching, or sleeping in hay lofts with stage drivers. He has, however, risen above the fear o f a return of such days. Even if he feared them, he might hope that a throne created by him would furnish him an asylum. W e may justly attribute to him a desire to restore hereditary monarchy wherever he can conveniently do it. The catholic church, too, may claim his services. By the overgrown power o f the Greek church in Russia, the advance of protestantisra in Europe and America, and the utter nothingness o f the Spanish catholic States o f the Western Hemisphere, as well as to make amends for the contempt which he has shown to the Holy Father, he may feel himself called upon to do something towards the equilibrium o f the forces and his own credit with the Roman See. What have been called the Latin nations, too, in contradistinction to the Teutonic and Sclavonic, have long been on the wane in regard to their influence in the family of civilized nations. Italy, from her endless divisions and her subjection to Austria, was either lost or was on the wrong side. N apoleon restored it mostly in 1859 to its natural alliance with the Latin race. The effort to regenerate Mexico is another movement in the same direction, as, also, the augmented dignity which he had given to his own Empire of France. This act of the Emperor falls in with those broad views of the world’ s commerce which he has been known to cherish. In his deepest humilia tion, he was occupied with the scheme of cutting the Isthmus of Panam a with a ship canal. He wrote a pamphlet setting forth its great advantage s V 1865.J * \ T he H o u se o f H a p sb u rg in A m erica . 369 to the world. He signed a contract when in the prison at Ham binding himself personally to expend 75,000,000 francs towards the carrying out of this work. He is now actually occupied with a similar cutting of the Isthmus of Suez. This project in Mexico has attached to it, in his own mind, without any doubt, the long cherished one of connecting the Atlantio and Pacific. The magnificent schemes which occupied his prison hours, when none but himself dreamed o f the destiny which awaited him, may be supposed still to exist, perhaps enlarged, but quite as likely made more modest by his elevation to power. He has commenced to translate his thoughts into acts. The results have just begun to develop themselves before us. W e must not, however, be strict in reasoning from his known plans to his acts; or, on the other hand, from his acts back to his long cherished plans. The latter will never be known until the secrets o f all hearts are revealed. Light may be shed upon them. If his purposes and achievements differ from each other only as those of most men, they will still remain too wide asunder to justify us in taking one as the exponent o f the other. He has of course had, and still has, some grand life-plan before him. Hitherto he has doubtless been much more occupied with the revision than with the execution of this plan. Section after section, chapter after chapter, perhaps book after book, must have been dropped from the original draught, as events have closed vistas once open, or re flection has modified his estimate of objects seen through them. So, too, new chapters must have been inscribed as events have opened new vistas. The structure has never been demolished and a new one erected in its stead, and yet, successively, almost every stone and stick of timber in it may hitve been changed, while, built by the same architect, and on the same general plan, it passes for the same old edifice. He is too wise to attempt the execution of an old purpose, which events have shown not feasible. He has not lived in the world so long, the sport of fortune, be fore he was adopted and became her favorite son, without learning the world’s tendencies. He dare not disregard them if he would. His uncle’s situation was very different. His great element of strength was the weak ness and rottenness o f the European monarchs and monarchies of his day. He played with them as a child plays with his toys. But he failed to notice the progress of their education under his own wonderful tuition. It is hazardous for the master to attempt to flog the young man o f twenty, because as a boy o f fourteen years he had patiently submitted to flogging. About the time of the Congress of Erfurth, in 1808, N apoleon had the continental sovereigns so schooled that, like good boys, they took their seats at his word and quietly kept them. But five years later, he attempted to flog the largest boy in the school, and was in turn put out. The nephew’s case is quite different. He has not educated Europe, but Europe and the rest of the world has educated him. No man knows better than Louis N apoleon the elements of which the world is made up. He will despise none of them. The general demand for religious freedom, the progress of the great missionary enterprise, which is doing more to make known and to improve the physical and moral condition of the world than all other agencies combined, as well as all the liberal and progres sive tendencies of the age are, well known to him. He will not forfeit the world’s gratitude by setting himself against them. The most he will attempt will be to show that they can thrive under monarchical as well 370 The House o f Havsbura in America. as under republican governments, and thus become foster-father to the child that will in the end assert his paternal rights, and restore republican, or, at least, constitutional government. W hile N apoleon has had in mind the great commercial interests of the world— which he will not only foster but develop to their highest capability— he has not forgotten, and dare not despise, these beneficent movements. He has done nothing, nor will he do anything, to promote those great enterprises o f Christian benevolence and philanthropy, and especially those o f free inquiry in matters of religious and civil govern m ent; nor will he, on the other hand, do anything to increase the power of the papal see over the human conscience, but, on the other hand, will ever check and limit it. He is doing more even now to humiliate and offend the Pope than he is to restrain the freedom of protestant worship. He is not fully characterized when called an ambitious man. His ambi tion is, no doubt, somewhat controlling, but it neglects no considerations of prudence. He is the most cautious o f men. When he attempted to free Italy from the Austrian yoke, his caution made him leave the work unfinished. He knew that Prussia would not interfere unless he should cross the Mincio and enter the territory o f the German Confederation, and that all the German powers were bound to defend that territory. He left Venetia to Austria rather than incur the risk. He has hazarded nothing y e t ; probably he will run no hazard in America. In alliance with Eng land and Spain he made an effort to collect some debts in Mexico. His allies withdrew without having effected anything. He more consistently pursued some real end. H e saw the United States struggling with a fearful rebellion. The effect of this was not merely to quiet his fears of interven tion ; he took a broader and more rational view. He would establish a government in Mexico ; but he saw no material therefrom which its subordi nate agents could be made. But he foresaw, that in case the government at Washington should succeed in quenching the rebellion, there would be enough— and those, too, skilled in matters o f government— who would be ready to take refuge in Mexico and subserve his purpose. If, on the other hand, the Southern States should establish their independence, he foresaw a relation between the new confederacy and the new empire which would still furnish him the agents for his government. If in all this, ambition has been his motive, it has never outrun his caution or prudence. Had there been no movement in progress which promised to furnish the means o f sustaining a government in Mexico, he would not have made the attempt. Rumor has already announced the beginning of the execution of this policy by taking an old United States Senator of Southern sympathies, and with a wife of courtly manners, and raising him to a dukedom. This, if true, shows the direc tion in which he is iooking for the agents for the government, whether of the empire bestowed upon M axim ilian , or any territory reserved to him self. His special motive in wishing to own a province in America, if such is the fact, we may not be able to tell. W e can, however, conceive of commercial advantages in such an arrangement. Some years since, when the P erry expedition to Japan was fresh in our minds, we talked o f the purchase of an island or islands off the Chinese coast, to be used as a naval or commercial depot. Had the thing talked of been realized, we might have been denounced as ambitious of gaining a foothold by which we might in the end subjugate the Celestial and Japanese empires, or Aus- 1865.] The House o f Hapsburg in America. S'? 1 tralia. W e, however, should have thought o f nothing more than a pru dent regard to our own commercial interests. So N apoleon would find a better name for that which we call in him ambition, just as we can do in our own case. In regard to M axim ilian . In choosing for this throne a respectable member of this old Hapsburg family, N apoleon shows that his shrewd ness and caution have not deserted him. Mexico was a province of the Empire of C harles V., the most renowned of M aximilian ’ s ancestors. Perhaps this imperial majesty of France wishes to give this testimony in favor of legitimacy. In this respect, it is true, he testifies against him self; but then the greatness of his service to the cause of legitimacy will merit an exception in his favor from legitimists. But M aximilian is a cherished brother of F rancis J oseph o f Austria. This connects him with most of the catholic reigning houses. His wife is a daughter of the very Nestor of European sovereigns, the King of Belgium. Her father was husband to the lamented princess C harlotte , daughter of G eorge IV. o f England, and she takes her name from that princess. Her father is also uncle to the late prince consort, and is a favorite in England. The new Empress is also grand-daughter to Louis P h ilippe , late king of the French. N apoleon could not well have made a selection which would have com manded a larger support from the reigning sovereigns. W ith much in the disorders of Mexico to repel M axim ilian , there is also much to lure him to the acceptance of the proffered Empire. The territory over which he is to reign, if he subjugates it, is from three to four times as large in extent, and in all the resources o f physical wealth, as that over which his imperial brother reigns. Mexico is, par excellence, the land of the whole earth for luxuriance and variety of natural produc tiveness. There the banana, the most prolific of all fruits, is at hom e; oranges, figs, whatever else the tropics produce, flourish there; Mexico has all climates, from that of the tropical to that marked by everlasting snows, and so as one rises from the low lands of the coasts, there are found flourishing all fruits, grasses, vegetables, and cereals of the temperate and frigid zones. Its mineral wealth— if gold and silver which have been its curse can be called its wealth— are its prime natural distinction above the rest of the world. The coinage of silver alone, since the conquest by C ortez, is variously estimated at from $2,000,000,000 to $12,000,000,000. The rest of the world together does not equal it. Precious stones are there. The ruby, the amethyst, the opal, the topaz, the garnet, the agate, the chalcedory, are found. As that gold-hunter from the land of goldhunters approached the imperial capital, M ontezuma in alarm sent pre sents to turn him back. They were, however, too rich. They suggested too vast an idea o f the stores from which they must have been drawn. They made the Spanish captain and all his men delirious, and the nation has never recovered from the delirium. It could not be cured in the presence of the exciting cause, and that cause remains to this day, and is perhaps still, to some extent, the lure which has drawn thither M axim ilian , as it did the original conquerors. The facts which ought to have caused M aximilian to pause, are but results of this natural wealth, the curse which has naturally resulted from the exuberance of blessing. The original delirium of the Spaniards, be came a chronic malady, generating a complication of physical and mental 312 The House o f Hapsburg in America. [May, weaknesses which must be cured, if at all, by a slow and gradual process. The pure Spaniards, the pure Indians, and the various grades o f mixture of the two races, make up the population, and their differences are but the different grades o f corruption. Neither person nor property o f native or foreigner is ever secure from seizure by bandits or government officials, if indeed the latter should be considered as anything but bandits with authority. There was an unpromising state of things in our neighbor republic which might well have caused hesitation in the minds of both N apoleon and M aximilian , before assuming their several responsibilities in the mat ter. They have weighed the reasons on both sides and have acted. What is now the duty and interest o f other powers, and especially of the U ni ted States ? The world is interested that Mexico be governed. This cannot be un less industry is encouraged and protected in the country itself. For this a vigorous government is necessary. W e need not further argue the question whether the people are capable of self-government. The re maining questions then will b e : S h o u ld the U nited S ta tes assum e the governm en t o f M ex ic o , eith er by conquest an d annexation , or by some kind o f p rotectora te ; or should other pow ers be allow ed to intervene and fu r n is h such governm ent ? It is an unfortunate time to argue that we should have undertaken, or should now undertake, the government of Mexico. None but rebels de sire that we should have had double the present extent of territory in re bellion, and none but those who wish to provide for future rebellions, will desire to see an authority extended over so large a surface, most of which must be, for generations to come, a theatre o f anarchy and disorder as hitherto. Our government could not be vigorous there, and, consequently, would be so nowhere else; even supposing that we could govern the country at all. It would cost us, too, ten times as much as we should profit by it, and we should be giving the world the benefit o f its com merce at our own expense. This would be true whether government were by a protectorate, or by annexation, for a protectorate would amount to nothing, unless it furnished a real government. Indeed it would be im possible for the United States to establish its authority in Mexico without violating the fundamental principle of our own government. It could not be governed like the rest o f our country— that is, allowed to govern it self— present constitutions of the people’s own make, and be received as States by the general government. W e should have to prescribe consti tutions and furnish the agents and means of carrying them into execution, and, certainly, to commence by a violation of our own principle would be to undermine our own government. Shall we then, like the dog in the manger, drive the oxen from the corn which we ourselves cannot eat ? This would be bad policy if it were good morality. The dog should have considered how much he might be dependent upon both the corn and the cattle for a living, which he could not at the moment realize from either. So should we consider how much more Mexico will be worth to us, if so governed that its resources shall be developed and opened to commerce, than if its present disorders con tinue. But does the government just inaugurated in Mexico promise to bring The House o f Hapshurq in America. 8Y3 order out of the chronic disorder and anarchy ? In reply to this ques tion, we may say that one o f two things is certain: either there will be vigor enough in the new government, to reduce the chaos to order, and keep it so, or else it will be subverted and expelled, as its more than seventy predecessors have been within the last forty-five years. If the former, then Mexico will be worth more to us as a neighbor than hitherto ; if the latter, she will be worth just as much ; if the former, then we should do nothing to check the progress o f improvement; if the latter, we may spare ourselves the trouble and expense of doing that which will surely be done for us. Our own interests are all against any interference in Mexican affairs, and there is no one of those moral principles recognized as binding upon the family o f nations, which requires interference. If N apoleon and his European allies had without provocation attacked and subverted an existing government, and violently put another in its place, the case would have been different. They went to chastise a violation or entire neglect o f international right. They found no responsible govern ment to chastise. The people were divided into numerous parties, some of which were found willing to accept of a government by a member o f a European house, and sent a deputation to offer it to M axim ilian o f Austria. Such is the origin of the present state of affairs in Mexico. W e have hitherto been disposed to encourage immigration, and to allow immigrants freely to pursue the callings to which they have been educated or inclined. This Hapsburg family has for 1,000 years past been accus tomed to rule, and that on a large scale. The one who has come to Mexico is now in vigorous and active manhood— about 83 years of age— and is one of the best o f the family. To govern is not only theoretically but practically' his profession. Many o f his German countrymen in our land, who have not been educated as rulers, have still been put to this work soon after their arrival among us, and some of them have done very well too; some have even been sent back to represent our country in the very lands of their birth, and that, too, without experience or preparation. W hy should we object to this man’s making trial of his talents for govern ing in a neighboring country? The Monroe doctrine was good in its time, when the sovereigns o f Europe seriously thought of extending monarchy over the world, and perhaps with some modification ought still to hold good. It would have been right, and perhaps duty, if an attempt had been made forcibly to subvert an existing government on our continent and establish a monarchy upon its ruins, to have interfered. But the case has really been much like that of the original occupation by European powers o f the Western hem isphere in disregard of the rights of the Indian who owned and occupied it ; only that the consent of the Indian tribes was not obtained, nor their wishes consulted, while the Mexicans were consulted in regard to M a x i milian ’ s government, and the majority are actually in favor o f it. The future policy and results of the new regime in Mexico present an inviting field of speculation. W e are not, however, skilful in foretelling the future. In regard to policy we would fain hope that Hapsburg his tory would furnish no key to the future o f Mexico. There is often a great difference between that member of a royal house who has been educated for the throne, and those who have not had their vision thus blurred. The late Archduke J ohn of Austria was a liberal man, and the one chosen The Law o f Place Where Contract is Made. 3V4 [May, by the revolutionary party of Germany in 1848 to take the lead in carry ing out the scheme of a United Fatherland. He was finally forbidden by the reigning member of the house to proceed. COMMERCIAL LAW-NO. 21. THE LAW OF PLACE WHERE CONTRACT IS MADE. WHAT IS EMBRACED WITHIN THE LAW OF PLACE. I f either of the parties to a contract was not at home, or if both were not at the same home, when they entered into it, or if it is to be executed abroad, or if it comes into litigation before a foreign tribunal, then the rights and the obligations of the parties may be affected either by the law o f the place of the contract, or by the law of the domicile or home of a party, or by the law of the place where the thing is situated to which the contract refers, or by the law of the tribunal before which the case islitigated. All of these are commonly included in the Latin phrase lex loci, or, as we translate the phrase, the Law of Place. It is obvious that this law must be of great importance wherever citi zens of distinct nations have much commercial intercourse with each other. In this country it has an especial and very great importance, from the circumstance that, while the citizens of the whole country have at least as much business connection with each other as those of any other nation, our country is composed o f more than thirty separate and inde pendent sovereignties, which are, for most commercial purposes, regarded by the law as foreign to each other. THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE LAW OF PLACE. The general principles upon which the law of place depends are four. First, every sovereignty can bind, by its laws, all persons and all things within the limits of the State. Second, no law has any force or authority of its own, beyond those limits. Third, by the comity or courtesy of nations— aided in our case, as to the several States, by the peculiar and close relation between the States, and for some purposes by a constitu tional provision— the laws of foreign states have a qualified force and in fluence, which it is perhaps impossible to define or describe with preci sion. The fourth rule is perhaps that o f the most frequent application. It is, that a contract which is not valid where it is made, is valid nowhere else; and one which is valid where it is made, is valid everywhere. Thus a contract made in Massachusetts, and there void because usurious, was sued in New Hampshire and held to be void there, although the law of New Hampshire would not have avoided it if it had been made there. But it seems that courts do not take notice of foreign revenue laws, and will enforce foreign contractsmadein violation of them. If contracts are made 1865.] The Law o f Place Where Contract is Made. 375 only orally, where by law they should be in writing, they cannot be en forced elsewhere where writing is not required ; but if made orally where writing is not required, they can be enforced in other countries where such contracts should be in writing. The rule, that a contract which is valid where it is made is valid everywhere, is applicable to contracts o f marriage. As contracts relate either to movables or immovables, or, to use the phraseology of our own law, to personal property or to real property, the following distinction is taken. I f the contract refers to personal property, (which never has a fixed place, and is therefore called, in some systems of law, movable property,) the place of the contract governs by its law the construction and effect o f the contract. But if the contract refers to real property, it is construed and applied by the law of the place where that real property is situated, without reference, so far as the title is concerned, to the law of the place of the contract. Hence, the title to land can only be given or received as the law of the place where the land is situated re quires and determines. And it has been said by high authority, that the same rule may properly apply to all other local stock or funds, although o f a personal nature, or so made by the local law, such as bank stock, insurance stock, manufacturing stock, railroad shares, and other incor poreal property, owing its existence to, or regulated by, peculiar local laws; and therefore no effectual transfer can be made of such property, except in the manner prescribed by the local regulations. ITS EFFECT UPON THE CAPACITY OF PERSONS TO CONTRACT. As to the capacity of persons to enter into contracts, it is undoubtedly the general rule, that this is determined by the law of his dom icile; and whatever that permits him to do, he may do anywhere. But it must be taken, we think,— for the law on this point is not certainly settled,— with this qualification, that a home incapacity, created entirely by a home law, and having no cause or necessity existing in nature, would not go with the party into another country. Thus, the law of France once fixed the age of twenty-five as that of majority. If, then, a Frenchman, in Eng land or in this country, twenty-four years old, made a purchase of goods, and gave his note for it, we have no doubt that note would be valid where it was made. But if a woman nineteen years o f age, whose home was in Vermont, where women are of age at eighteen, made in Massachusetts, while only visiting there, her note for goods, we incline to think this note could not be enforced in Massachusetts; if, however, a Massachusetts woman of nineteen, who could not make a valid note for goods in her own State, went for a short time from Massachusetts into Vermont, and while there made her note, for goods bought there, we think this note could be sued there. If it were sent back to Massachusetts, and there put in suit, we think the note should be open to no defence in that State that could not be urged in Vermont, where the note was made (unless it was ex pressly to be paid in Massachusetts ;) but it is quite possible that, as the law of the domicile (Massachusetts) and the law of the place of the con tract (Vermont) were in conflict, that law of these two would prevail which was also the law of the place of the forum, or tribunal, or court, and therefore such a note might not be enforced by the courts in Massa chusetts. 316 The Law o f Place Where Contract is Made. [May, THE PLACE OF THE CONTRACT. A contract is made when both parties agree to it, and not before. It is therefore made where both parties agree to it, if this is one place. But if the contract be made by letter, or by separate signatures to an instrument, the contract is then made where that signature is put to it, or that letter is written, which in fact completes the contract; thus, it has been held, that where a proposal to purchase goods is made by letter sent to another State, and is there assented to, the contract of sale is made in that other State, and if it is valid by the laws of the latter State, it will be enforced in the State whence the letter was sent, although it would have been in valid if made there. Where A, in America, orders goods from England, and the English merchant executes the order, the contract is governed by the law of England, for the contract is there consummated; and it is the law o f this place of contract, as we have seen, which, in general, deter mines its construction, and its force and effect. But this rule is subject to a very important qualification, when the contract is made in one place, and is to be performed in another place; for then, in general, the law of this last place must determine the force and effect of the contract, for the obvious and strong reason, that parties who agreed that a certain thing should be done in a certain place intended that a legal thing should be done there, and therefore bargained with reference to the laws of the place, not in which they stood, but in which they were to act. This principle has been applied to an antenuptial contract, and it was held, that when parties marry in reference to the laws o f another country as their intended domicile, the law of the intended domicile governs the construction o f their marriage contract as to the rights of personal property. But, for many commercial transactions, both of these rules seem to be in force; or rather to be blended in such a way as to give the parties an option as to what shall be the place of the contract, and what the rule o f law which shall apply to it. Thus, a note written in Boston, and expressly payable in Boston, is, to all intents and purposes, a Boston note; and if more than six per cent interest is promised, it is usurious, whatever may be the domicile of the parties. If made in Boston, and no place of pay ment is expressed, it is payable and may be demanded anywhere, but would still be a Boston note. But if expressly payable in California, (where there are at this time no usury laws,) and promising to pay twenty per cent interest, we are strongly of opinion that, when payment of the note was demanded in California, the promise of interest would be held valid. So, if the note were made in California, payable in Boston, and promising to pay twenty per cent interest, we think it would not be usurious. In other words, if a note is made in oue place, but is payable in another, the parties have their option to make it bear the interest which is lawful in either place. An interesting case occurred in Vermont, involving these principles. It was an action on two promissory notes given in Montreal, by persons living there, to the defendants, payable in Albany, N. Y., and by the defendants indorsed to the plaintiffs. The notes were thus made at Montreal, where the makers resided, and the indorsers and the plaintiffs resided in Vermont. The lawful rate of interest in Montreal was six per cent per annum, and in New York seven per cent. The court, after ex amining all the authorities, said: “ From all of which, we consider the 1865.] The Law o f Place Where Contract is Made. 377 following rules in regard to interest on contracts made in one country, to be executed in another, to be well settled: 1. If a contract be entered into in one place, to be performed in another, and the rate of interest dif fers in the two countries, the parties may stipulate for the rate of interest o f either country, and thus, by their own express contract, determine with reference to the law o f which country that incident o f the contract shall be decided. 2. If the contract so entered into stipulate for interest generally, it shall be the rate of interest of the place of payment, unless it appear the parties intended to contract with reference to the law of the other place. 3. If the contract be so entered into for money, payable at a place on a day certain, and no interest be stipulated, and payment be delayed, interest by way o f damages shall be allowed, according to the law of the place of payment, where the money may be supposed to have been required by the creditor for use, and where he might be supposed to have borrowed money to supply the deficiency thus occurring, and to have paid the rate of interest o f that country.” If a note made in Boston and payable in California were demanded in California and unpaid, and after wards put in suit in Massachusetts, and personal service made on the promisor there, we should say that any interest which it bore should be recovered, provided it were lawful in California. And indeed, generally, that such a note, being made in good faith, might always bear any inter est lawful where it was payable. So it would be if the note were made in Boston, and payable in New York, with seven per cent interest. But a note made in Boston, and intended in fact to be paid in Boston, and bearing seven per cent interest, could not escape the usury laws of Massa chusetts merely by being written payable in New York. In everything relating to process and remedy, the lex fo r i (by which Latin phrase is meant the law of the forum or court, or o f the place where the suit is brought) prevails over every other. This is true o f arrest. Thus, in a suit between A and B, both resident in England, on a contract made between them in Portugal, the contract was interpreted according to the laws of Portugal, but the remedy was taken according to the laws o f England where the suit is brought; that is, A could arrest B in Eng land for a debt which accrued in Portugal, while both resided there, although the Portuguese law does not allow o f arrest for debt. In New York, where a seal is necessary to constitute a deed, the action peculiar to sealed instruments will not lie on a contract to be performed in Penn sylvania, with a scrawl and the word seal in the place o f the seal, though, by the law of Pennsylvania, this constitutes a seal. The form of action relates to the remedy, and is governable by the law o f the forum. This is also true of the statutes of limitation and o f pre scription. Thus, a foreigner, bringing in Massachusetts an action on a simple contract debt more than six years after it accrued, would find his action barred by our statutes of limitation, although the debt accrued in his own country, where there might be a longer limitation, or none at all. DOMICILE. It is sometimes important, and very difficult, to determine where a per son has his domicile, or home. In general, it is his residence; or that country in which he permanently resides. He may change it by a change o f place both in fact and in intent, but not by either alone. Thus, a citivol . lii .— no . v. 24 378 The Law o f Place Where Contract is Made. [May, zen o f New Y ork, going to London and remaining there a long time, but without the intention o f relinquishing his home in New Y ork, does not lose that hom e. And if he stays in New Y ork, his intention to live and remain abroad does not affect his domicile until he goes in fact. H e may have his legal dom icile in one place, and yet spend a very large part o f his time in another. But he cannot have more than one dom icile. H is words or declarations are not the only evidence o f his intent; and they are much stronger evidence when against his interest, than when they are in his favor. Thus, one goes from Boston to England. If he goes intending not merely to travel, but to change his residence perm a nently, and not to return to this country unless as a visitor, he changes his dom icile from the day that he leaves this country. Let us suppose, how ever, that he is still regarded by our assessors as residing here, although traveling abroad, and is heavily taxed accordingly. I f he can prove that he has abandoned his original home, he escapes from the tax which he must otherwise pay. N ow , his declarations that he has no longer a home here, and that his residence is permanently fixed in England, and the like, would be very far from conclusive in his favor, and could indeed be hardly re ceived as evidence at all, unless they were connected with facts and cir cumstances. But if it could be shown that he had constantly asserted that he was still an American, that he had no other permanent residence, no home but that which he had temporarily left as a traveler, such de clarations would be almost conclusive against him. In general, such a question would be determined by all the words and acts, the arrangement o f property at home, the length and the character o f the residence abroad, and all the facts and circumstances which would indicate the actual inten tion and understanding o f the party. Two cases have occurred in the city of Boston, which illustrate this question. In one, a citizen of Boston, who had been at school in the city of Edinburgh when a boy, and formed a predilection for that place as a residence, and had expressed a determination to reside there if he ever should have the means of so doing, removed with his family to that city, in 1836, declaring, at the time o f his departure, that he intended to reside abroad, and that if he should return to the United States he should not live in Boston. He resided in Edinburgh and vicinity, as a housekeeper, taking a lease o f an estate for a term o f years, and endeavored to engage an American to enter his family for two years, as instructor of his children. Before he left Boston, he made a contract for the sale o f his mansionhouse and furniture there, but shortly afterwards procured said contract to be annulled, (assigning as his reason therefor, that, in case of his death in Europe, his wife might wish to return to Boston,) and let his house and furniture to a tenant. Held, that he had changed his domicile, and was not liable to taxation as an inhabitant o f Boston in 1837. In the other case, a native inhabitant of Boston, intending to reside in France, with his family, departed for that country in June, 1836, and was followed by his family about three months afterwards. His dwelling-house and furni ture were leased for a year, and he hired a house for a year in Paris. At the time of his departure he intended to return and resume his residence in Boston, but had not fixed on any time for his return. He returned in about sixteen months, and his family in about nine months afterwards. Held, that he continued to be an inhabitant o f Boston, and that he was 1865.] 379 Commercial Chronicle and Review. rightly taxed there, during his absence, for his person and personal property. This last case was distinguished from the former, by the dif ferent intent of the parties upon their departure from home. It is a general rule, that, if one has a domicile, he retains it until he acquires another. Thus, if a seaman, without family or property, sails from the place of his nativity, which may be considered his domicile o f origin, although he may return only at long intervals, or even be absent for many years, yet, if he does not, by some actual residence or other means, acquire a domicile elsewhere, he retains his domicile of origin. It seems to be agreed that one may dwell for a considerable time, and even regularly during a large part of the year, in one place, or even in one State, and yet have his domicile in another. If one resides in Bos ton five months in the twelve, including the day on which residency de termines taxation, and the other seven months at his house in the country, he will be taxed in Boston, and may vote there, and his domicile is there, A woman marrying takes her husband’s domicile, and changes it with him. A minor child has the domicile of his father, or o f his mother if she survive his father; and the surviving parent, with whom a child lives, by changing his or her own domicile in good faith, changes that of the child. And even a guardian has the same power. COMMERCIAL CHRONICLE AND REVIEW. LA TE VICTO RIES, ETC., NO EFFECT ON PRICE OF C O L D — LIST OF PRICES— PUBLIC DEBT OF UN ITED STATES — CURRENCY MOVEMENT AND PRICE OF GOLD— V A L U E D RY GOODS E N TERED FOR CONSUMP TIO N, ETC.— SPECIE RECEIPTS AND SHIPMENTS— RATK8 OF EXCHAN GE UNITED STA TE S PAPER— FLUCTUATIONS IN R A IL W A Y SHARES. T he belief which we expressed last month that, “ in regard to the probability of early recovery from the prevailing depression, the effect of whatever military successes may yet await us has undoubtedly been already discounted,” has turned out to be well founded. Events of the most important historical character have since come to pass, one after another in quick succession, but none of them have had any perceptible effect upon prices. During the past thirty days we have seen the fall of Petersburgh and Richmond, the flight of Jefferson D avis and his Government, the surrender of L ee’ s army, the capture of Lynchburg, Mobile, Selma and Montgomery, the closure of the Southern ports by proclamation, and the assassination of President L incoln, yet gold remains where it stood at our last writing, and the prices of general merchandise, as seen from the following table, have moved only in accordance with the downward tendency imparted to them by the purely commercial and financial causes which we then set forth: March 1. Ashes, pots, 1st sort............... $11 00 a 11 25 Coffee, Rio, prime................... 21 a 21* Cotton, mid., fair, upland. . . . 92 a 93 Flour, State, superfine........... 9 85 a 10 00 Hay, N. R. shipping................ a 1 65 Nails, cu t.................................. 8 50 a Petroleum, crude 40a4 7 gravity 43 a Pork, prime mess, new .......... 35 00 a 35 50 Tobacco, Kentucky lugs......... 10 a 13 Leather, oak (SI.) light........... 48 a 52 March 28. Nominal. 20*a 55 a 9 20 a 9 1 60 a a 7 33 a 26 00 a 27 8a 47 a April 29. $8 00 a 8 12* 21 58 40 50 00 10 51 6 1 7 26 a 21* a 68 90 a 7 10 00 a 1 5 00 a 39 a 40 50 a 27 60 8a 10 44 a 46 Commercial Chronicle and Review. 380 Lumber, spruce, Eastern........ Cora, -white Southern............. Wheat, white G enessee......... Sheetings, brown, standard.. . 23 a 27 1 93 a 2 00 2 50 a 2 65 62Ja Nominal. 1 70 a 1 80 2 25 a 2 40 25 a [May, 22 a 25 1 30 a 1 40 2 20 a 2 35 31 a 32-J Thus, beyond the elation produced by military successes, and the depression occasioned by the sudden and cruel death of the Chief Magistrate of the Repub lic, the daily life of the people is seen to throb with a pulse as regular as though it were passing through the most placid and peaceful portion of its history. There were times when events of vastly less importance shook the very founda tions of commercial prosperity, and produced the most violent perturbations in the markets of the world, when the taking of a village, or the death of some petty chief, threw all the operations of trade into confusion. But these times are past. Communities hang no longer by single threads. The interests of society are become so numerous and important that triumphs and catastrophies decide little besides private fortunes and personal interests. If it were only to learn this great lesson, it were an especial priviledge to live in these historic times ; but the merchant and financier has other advantages to reap from his contemporariety with the class of events which are now occurring. An immense store of useful facts may be gleaned from almost every department of human in dustry, and all should avail themselves of this era of extra activity to observe them aDd garner them up for future reference. "We want correct statistics con cerning prices and values, correct data concerning banking operations, paper money, &c., and now is the time to lay the foundations for such knowledge. A Treasury statement has been published by Secretary M c C u l l o c h , bearing date March 31. After this, it is to be hoped that the law which makes it the duty of the Secretary to exhibit his books to the public, at certain stated intervals* will be rigidly regarded. Since October last, this is the first official statement we have had. The two statements compare*as follows: PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. Official statement of the public debt, as appeared from the books, treasurer's returns and requisitions in the Treasury Department, on October 31, 1864, and March 31, 1865 : DEBT BEARING INTEREST IN COIN. Denominations. -Amounts.O c t 31, 1864. Mar. 31,1865. 6 per cents, December 81, 1867............... do. July 1, 1868............................ 6 do. January 1, 1874 ................... 5 January 1, 1 8 7 1 ................... do. 5 6 per cents, December 31, 1880............... June 30, 1881 ....................... do. 6 June 30, 1881 (exc. for 7-30s) do. 6 May 1, 1867-82 (5-20 years). do. 6 do. Nov. 1, 1869-84 (5-20 years) 6 do. Mar. 1,1874-1904 (10 4 0 y’rs) 5 do. Jan. 1, 1865 (Texas Indem.). 5 July 1, 1881 (Oregon War) . do. 6 Aug. 19 and Oct. 1, 1 8 6 4 ... 7-30 do. do. June 3 0 ,1SS1......................... 6 $9,415,250 8,908,342 20,000,000 7,022,000 18,415,000 50,000,000 125,801,650 510,756,900 37,781,600 81,680,000 2,052,000 1,016,000 14,145,900 74,176,150 $9,415,250 8,908,342 20,000,000 7,022,000 18,415,000 50,000,000 139,146,400 510,756,900 85,789,000 172,770,100 1,507,000 1,016,000 616,250 75,000,000 Aggregate o f debt bearing coin interest 961,170,792 1,100,361,242 Increase or Decrease. .... .... .... .... .... $13,344,750 48,007,400 91,090,100 545,000 .... 13,530,650 823,850 139,190,450 1865.] Commercial Chronicle and Review. 381 DEBT BEARING INTEREST IN LAWFUL MONET. 4 per cents, do. 6 6 do. 6 do. do. 5 6 do. 7-30 do. temp, loan 1 f $548,224 do. y 10 days notice •< 1,fill,125 do. J ( 45,989,626 certificates (one year)............ 236,373,000 one and two years n otes., . . 120,519,110 three years comp. int. notes. 102,329,480 three years treasury notes. . 76,66S,550 Aggregate of debt bearing 1. m. interest 584,039,315 $650,477 5,708,262 46,053,589 171,790,000 69,522,350 156,477,650 300,812,800 $102,253 4,097,137 103,963 64,583,000 50,996,760 54,147,970 224,144,250 751,055,128 167,015,813 DEBT ON WHICH INTEREST HAS CEASED. 349,420 7,300 400,000,000 83,160,569 20,725,871 400.000,000 33,160,569 24,254,094 8,528,223 453,886,440 457,414,663 3,528,223 Unpaid requisitions.................................... Less amount in treasury............................ 37,514,900 19,868,652 114,256,549 56,481,925 76,740,649 86,613,273 Net floating debt................................. 17,646,348 57,774,624 40,128,376 Aggregate of debt not bearing interest 471,532,688 515,189,287 43,656,599 961,170,792 1,100,361,242 584,039,315 751,055,128 349,420 856,720 471,532,688 515,189,287 139,190 450 167,015,813 7,300 43,656,599 Aggregate debts o f all k in d s............... 2,017,099,515 2,366,955,077 349,855,562 Bonds and notes— aggregate.................... 356,720 DEBT BEARING NO INTEREST. United States notes .................................. Do. do. in red. of temp, loan, Fractional currency..................................... RECAPITULATION. Debt bearing interest in c o in ................... Do. do. in lawful money . . Debt on which interest has ceased........... Debt bearing no interest........................... ANNUAL INTEREST. Payable in coin......................... .................. Payable in lawful money............................ 56.646,604 28,667,002 64,016,632 38,819,899 7,370,028 10,152,897 Aggregate interest.................................. 85,313,606 17,522,925 102,836,531 — not, however, including interest on the three years compound interest notes, which is payable only at maturity. LEGAL TENDER IN CIRCULATION. One and two years 5 per cent notes......... United States notes, currency ................. Three years compound interest n otes.. . . 120,519,110 433,160,569 102,329,680 69,522,359 433,160,569 156,477,650 54,147,970 Aggregate legal tender.......................... 656,009,359 659,160,569 3,151,210 50,996,760 The active circulation o f the country is now as follows : Legal Tender Paper.................................... Fractional Currency..................................... National Bank N otes.................................... .................................................. Coppers, say $659,160,564 24,254,094 111,634,670 110,000,000 5,000,000 S82 Commercial Chronicle and Review. [May, Besides the active circulation, the currency is inflated by means of several descriptions of Government paper which pass readily from hand to hand, in large transactions, as money—sometimes many times over,—and thus, to a certain extent, supply the place of currency, and, of course, correspondingly inflate the whole mass of circulation. We refer to the Certificates of Indebtedness and to the seven-thirty bonds. These securities are paid by the Government to con tractors as money, are paid out by the latter as money, and as money, either at par or at a small discount, are passed and repassed again. One of the daily journals of this city states that some twenty millions have lately been paid out of the Treasury in this way, “ with the promise that none of them are to be sold or brought upon the open market under four months from the date of reception.” Neither the amount stated, nor the supposed restriction which is said to be laid upon their circulation, furnishes any measure of the extent to which they are usedMuch larger amounts than this, and without any restriction at all as to their employment, are in active use every day. Of the theory of this and other inflations of the currency, we have treated in the article entitled “ Journal of Banking, Currency and Finance.” On the 1st of April, the tax of one-tenth of one per cent on the currency price of gold sales went into effect, and tended to add to the depression which other causes had previously produced in the premium. Such measures, in regard to their effect on prices, do not, as is generally supposed, materially discourage specula tion. Speculation can never be materially discouraged ; but it may be discour aged as to small fluctuations. The effect of such measures is, therefore, to confine speculations to transactions where large fluctuations are looked for, and this is what we may expect to ensue. Currency continues to be largely employed in moving Western produce, in the operations incidental to the usual Spring trade in the Atlantic cities, and in Government purchases; while, with the foreign imports of general merchandise at $16,012,373, to March 31st, against $23,667,119 for same period last year, the demand for gold, wherewith to pay duties, is very light. These combined causes tend to keep down the price of specie. As soon as they cease to act specie should go up again. The Western movement must soon come to an end, the Spring trade must decline, and quartermasters, having paid up to the 1st of December, and purchased their supplies for the season, will furnish no more em ployment for currency, at least for some time. The imports, too, which had been interrupted by the low level to which all prices have fallen, will be resumed in order to supply a market which is now but scantily stocked. Unless checked by some erratic operation of the Treasury, or by some unforseen public event, it would therefore appear that we are shortly destined to witness yet another infla tion of prices. But the new seven-thirty loan, and the payments of taxes, afford immense fields for the employment of currency. So long as the Treasury is in receipt of several millions a day, as is the case now, through the combined effect of the seven-thirty loan and the tax laws, so long will the premium on gold rule at low figures. The following table shows the import of dry goods into this port for the past month: , -t 1865.] 383 Commercial Chronicle and Review. VALUE OF DEV GOODS ENTERED FOR CONSUMPTION IN APRIL, 1865. 1864. 1865. April 6 ...................................................................... “ 13...................................................................... “ 20...................................................................... “ 27...................................................................... 11.037,086 932,566 1,169,467 1,134,372 $391,243 805,678 403,908 908,518 T o ta l............................................................... $4,273,441 $3,509,347 WITHDRAWN FROM WAREHOUSE. April 6 .................................. *.................................. “ 13...................................................................... “ 20...................................................................... “ 27 ...................................................................... $303,225 366,674 1,147.017 688,193 $350,433 571,799 107,053 427,694 T o t a l............................................................... $2,505,109 $1,457,029 $323,772 153,972 171,067 185,484 $502,891 621,472 22,016 213,980 $946,804 $1,360,359 Total entered for consumption. . A dd withdrawn from warehouse 1864. $4,273,441 2,505,109 1865. $2,509,347 1,459,029 Total thrown on the market $6,778,550 $3,966,376 Total entered for warehousing................................ A dd entered for consumption................................ $946,804 4,273,441 $1,860,359 2,509,347 Total entered at the port................................ $5,220,245 $3,969,706 ENTERED FOR WAREHOUSING*. April “ “ “ 6 .................................................................... 13.................................................................... 20.................................................. 27............................. Total............................................................... The specie movement has been as follows : SPECIE RECEIPTS, SHIPMENTS, AO. 1 8 6 4 --------- Received. Exported. Jan. 2 ,......... 9 ,____ 16,____ 23........ . . . It 30,____ . . . Feb. 6 ,-----“ 1 3 ,.... a 20,____ tt 27 ,-----March 4........ U 11......... U 18........ . . . u 2 5 ,.... April. 1........ U 8........ U 1 5 ,.... . . . 2 2 ,.... « 2 9 ,.... U 365,608 324,864 281,304 269,522 /------:-----------------1 8 6 5 .------------------------ , Received from California. $590,262 $1,147,745 1,216,204 383.519 1,985,057 511,088 1,000,000 668,747 662,616 631,760 1,219,808 264,322 325,632 448,132 531,700 794,149 629,803 465,920 431,163 83,881 273,900 168,912 345,471 1,463,437 1,002,384 632,521 3,226,000 1,271,836 The rates of exchange have ruled as follows : Received Exported. Gold in Bank. Foreign. $8,171 25,517 5,125 12,605 19,952 18,739 22,900 88,696 48,317 75,993 55,221 50,000 20,978 60,769 81,945 71,229 $594,353 $20,152,892 1,046,251 21,357,608 329,833 20,211,569 997,136 18,896,085 478,777 370,753 100,882 148,536 33,393 181,648 108,157 164,440 79,308 400,735 188,900 83,922 19,682,308 20,297,346 20,682,319 20,092,388 19,830,183 20,737,838 22,256,596 22,006,524 20,584,668 20,045,976 19,533,734 19,122,288 19,049,913 384 [May Commercial Chronicle and Review. BATES OF EXCHANGE IN GOLD. London, 60 days. Paris, 60 days. Amsterdam. Frankfort. Jan. 7 1081 a 109f- 5 .1 8 4 a 5. 15 414 a 412 414 a 414 K 14 108-1 a 109f 5 .1 8 4 a 5. 134 414 a 41$ 41 a 414 tt 21 1 0 8 $ a 1 0 9 | 5 .1 8 4 a 5. 13 f 414 a 414 414 a 41$ tt 28 108j a 109| 5 .2 0 a 5. 13| 41 a 41$ 41 a 4 1 4 ' Feb. 4 108 a 109$ 6 . 2 1 4 a 5. 15 41 a 41$ 41 a 41$ 11 108$ a 109 5 .2 3 4 a 5. 15 4 0 f a 414 404 a 4 l | “ 18 107 a'1084 5 .2 7 4 a 5. 20 404 a 41$ 404 a 41 25 108 a 108$ 5.2 74 a 5. 18| 404 a 404 404 a 41 Mch . 4 108 a 108-| 5 .2 -4 a 5.,214 40$ a 414 40$ a 40$ " 11 1074 a 1084 5 .2 7 4 a 5..224 404 a 414 404 a 40$ K 18 1094 a 1 0 9 | 5 214 a 5.-13* 41 a 41$ 41 a 41$ tt 25 109 a 1094 5 .2 0 a 5,.15 41 a 41$ 40| a 414 April 1 1094 a 109$ 5 .2 0 a 5 .15 40$ a 414 404 a 41 it 8 1 0 8 | a 1094 5.2 24 a 5 .15 4 0 f a 414 404 a 41$ tt 15 1 0 8 | a 1 0 9 J 5 .2 2 4 a 5 .164 40| a 4 l| 40$ a 41 tt 22 109J a 1 0 9 f 5 ,2 0 a 5 . 1 2 4 41 a 414 4 0 $ a 414 tt 29 109 a 1094 6 .2 0 a 5 .124 41 a 414 404 a 414 Hamburg. 36$ a 36$ 364 a 364 8 6 $ a 364 86$ a 36J 36 a 36$ 354 a 36$ 354 a 36$ 3 d| a 36$ S6| a 36$ 354 a 364 36 a 36$ 36 a 364 36 a 364 354 a 36$ 354 a 36$ 36$ a 36$ 36 a 364 Berlin. 72 a 724 724 a 724 73 a 724 72 a 724 714 a 72 714 a 724 714 a 72 714 a 72 714 a 714 704 a 714 714 a 72 714 a 72 714 a 714 724 a 714 72 a 714 714 a 724 714 a 72 PRICES OF UNITED STATES PAPER. e— 6’s, 1881.— t Beg. Coup. Jan. 7 ,.... ------- 5-20's.------ , Beg. Coup. 100 109 2 1 ........ ill 28......... 1104 Feb. 4 , . . . . 1094 1114 1124 11 0 1094 1094 1104 1114 110$ 1 02 1114 103 “ “ “ 14,____ “ “ “ n ......... 18......... 25......... March 1 . . . . “ 8 ,.... “ 15,___ “ 2 2 ........ “ 29,____ April 5 , . . . . “ 1 2 , ___ “ “ 19,____ 26......... 1114 1124 1 02 99 9S4 994 11 0 1114 111 1 02 108$ 108$ 1094 109$ 111$ 1114 111 111 no 105 105 1064 1074 .... 109 1104 1114 1 10 105 .... 110$ 105 105 .... 1074 .... 108$ .... .... 100 1044 1024 ... 1024 1104 109$ 105 105 1074 108$ .... 1084 10-40’s. 1 year certif. 96| 1 02 102$ 9S 1014 974 100$ 98 1014 97$ 1024 984 102$ 98| 98$ 1024 1024 98$ 98$ 97$ 984 97 97 914 97 914 98 92 98$ 934 •. . No • •. 994 97 Gold price. 227 a 2274 2174 a 221 1974 a 206 213$ a 220 209 a 2144 2044 a 209 204 a 205$ 198$ a 1994 1994 a 2004 196$ a 1974 1744 a 1774 1564 1514 148 1454 a a a a 1584 1524 1534 1464 quotations.* 1474 a 149 Indications o f a renewed inflation o f prices may be seen even in the above table ; but they appear more decided in the following comparative prices o f rail way shares: PRICES OF RAILWAY SHARES. New York Central........ Hudson River................. Erie................................... Reading......................... Mich. So. and N. I ......... Illinois Central............... . Cleveland and Pittsburg, Chicago and N. W ........... Chicago and R. I ............. Fort W ayne..................... March 29. April 3. April 27. 10 14 84 103 107 f6 1154 45 694 854 894 . •110$ 50 62 74 11 2 4 1174 934 74 83$ 52 314 34 214 964 854 105 764 934 103 * In consequence of the President’s death the stock and guld markets were closed. On the 15th, immediately after the news of the assassination transpired, a few sales of gold were made at 168 a 160, but this price was not sustained. On the 25th, gold ran up to 152. 1865.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 385 Erie, which, a month ago, stood at 45, is now quoted at 85; and, though this stock has made a greater advance than any other, prabably because of the previous sharp fall which it had sustained, the entire list affords strong indica tions of an early recovery from last month’s panic. JOURNAL OF BANKING, CURRENCY, AND FINANCE. SURRENDER OP LE E — T A X ON- STATE B A N K CIRCU LATION — CHANGE OP STATE BANKS TO NATIONAL CANNOT BE MADE W ITH O U T CONSENT OP E V E R Y STOCKHOLDER— W HAT CONSTITUTES MONEY— NEW YORK CITY BANK RETURNS— PH ILADELPH IA, BOSTON, A N D NATIONAL B A N K R ETU RN S— RETURNS OP B A N K OP ENGLAND A N D FRANCE. T he great event of the past month, an event which will fill an important page in the history of our people, is the peace which will virtually follow from the surrender of the forces under General L ee. This ends the great insurrection which for four years past has caused so much bloodshed, and so altered the face of commercial and banking interests in the United States. Some show of re sistance may yet be expected in the inaccessible regions westward of the Missis sippi, but the war upon a grand scale has ended. It is almost too soon to com mence the business of reform in the financial affairs of the country, until a defi nite and material diminution of the public expenditures has been effected ; but the time is drawing nigh, and the coming fiscal year may witness an entire change of public sentiment concerning the manner in which the Government finances are being conducted. Section 6 of the amendments to the Internal Revenue Act, passed by the late Congress at the close of the session, and published in another part of this num ber, imposes a tax of ten per cent “ on the amount of notes of any State Bank or State Banking Association,” paid out by any bank after the first day of July, 18C6. This is only in keeping with the general run of legislation which has been applied to banking. Under such a stimulus, and the facilities afforded by the other section of this act, it is not surprising that every effort is being made to convert the State Banks into National Banks. Besides this, there exists the further advantage of the large profits which the latter institutions are making in their circulation alone. Such is the desire to convert, that stockholders in State Banks who do do not feel quite so sure about the safety of having their com paratively free institutions trimmed down to the Procrustean standard established by Government, meet with no patience from such of their colleagues who differ from them, and the latter gravely demand to know why they have not the right, if they happen to be in the majority, to vote the matter their own way. Without saying that a change from the State to the National banking system may not be beneficial, it is very evident that the change cannot lawfully be made without the concurrence of every one of the stockholders. The agreement upon which they entered into business together compels them to remain in that busi ness, and to do no other during its continuance. Should a majority of the shareholders deem it to their interest to invest the funds of the institution in 386 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. [May, pork or petroleum, or railway shares, will it be contended that they have the right to do so ? If it be, then, why have had any agreement at all ? Why not have let every action of the institution be decided by a majority vote ? The agreement was clearly of no advantage to the majority, since they always possess the power to do as they please. It was only valuable to the minority, and it is the rights of the minority which it was designed to secure from abuse, and no force on earth can justly deprive them of the security it was designed to confer. Should the majority insist upon carrying out an organic change in opposition to the wishes of the minority, the law must enforce adequate damages for the act. Concerning the question of circulation, a popular misapprehension appears to exist, and its practical effect is this : it governs the daily transactions of many individuals. It being well understood that, other things being equal, an increase of circulating money effects an increase of prices, and vice versa, it is not an un common thing to hear men assuming that the circulation in this country before the war was so much, say $250,000,000, and that now it is so much, say $1,000,000,000, or quadrupled ; consequently, that gold should be at 400, and other prices in proportion. While admitting the corollary we regard the pro positions upon which it is established as entirely erroneous. The error arises from a misconception of what constitutes money. W e have no space here to prove the fallacy of the popular conception of what money is, but would refer the reader to the latter volumes of T ooke, and to M cL eod, M ill , and H er bert S pencer. These, and the more modern French and German economists, have frequently demonstrated that money is anything that effects exchanges of commodities. In other words, all the laws which are applicable to what is popu larly known as money, (specie and bank notes,) are alike applicable to anything that effects exchanges—to bank checks, to promissory notes, to bills of exchange, to book credits, even to the tenpenny nails and potatoes which were used for this purpose in some parts of the South during the past year or two. These several kinds of money, alike in their action upon prices, only differ in their various powers of intensity—in other words, their ratio of use—or circulation. Thus, for instance, while a bank note is passing through fifty hands, and per forming an equal number of transactions, a promissory note, in case it is endorsed, passes through but two, and in case it is not, through but one, and a book credit the same. A legal tender note will perform twenty offices, while a note which is not a legal tender, and possessing but a local, and consequently a slower, circu1 ation, may perform but ten, or fifteen, or nineteen. Therefore, to know how much the circulation of any country is at any time, it is necessary to know—1st, The amount of specie, and Government and bank notes in circulation, and their re spective ratios of activity; 2d, The amount of other paper or credit which is used in commerce, and their respective ratios of activity. This, in the present state of statistical knowledge, is impossible. Only very rough guesses can be made. We know that promissory notes and book credits have been but com paratively little used in this country since the break down of 1861, and that the use of specie has been superseded. An enormous mass of money has thu3 been withdrawn from use. A large vacuum remained, and Government paper has been forced in to fill it up. Meanwhile the business of the country has not sen sibly diminished, perhaps it has increased, and we think it has, and as this regu 1865.] Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 387 lates the requirement of money wherewith to effect it, the demand has been as great as it was before the vacuum was made. This accounts for the fact that while the circulation appears to be quadrupled, the price of gold is but 150. Let but the present amount^of Government paper remain in circulation after the re turn of peace invites renewed confidence among men, and so effects a return to the use of credit, and gold will soon go as high as it is believed it ought to be to-day by the erroneous advocates of the exploded currency principle. The following are the returns of the New York City Banks during the past month : NEW YORK CITr BANKS. N ew Y B anks . Date. Loans. D e c. 24,'$203,512,093 “ 81, 199,444,969 Jan. 7, 195,044,687 «( 14, 189,686,750 U 21, 187,060,586 « 28, 169,502,630 F e b . i , 185,639,790 it 11, 185,515,904 it 18, 186,365,126 (t 25, 183,534,735 M ar. 4, 186,569,665 U 11, 188,120,890 il 18, 211,486,651 « 25, 207,677,503 A p r . 1, 204,458,355 8, 204,153,839 « 15, 206,508,095 U 22, 204,723,195 u 29, 204,277,573 o rk (Capital, Jan., 1864, $69,494,577 ; Jan., 1865, $69,658,737.) Clearings. Specie. Legal tender. Circulation. Net Deposits. $20,600,441 $ ................ $3,383,346 $153,805,909 $593,336,137 19,662,211 3,288,832 147,442,071 471,039,253 20,152,892 3,183,526 147,821,891 535,055,671 21,357,608 3,074,029 148,931,299 638,780,682 20,211,569 2,979,851 146,068,355 611,194,907 18,174,316 2,906,194 143,842,230 656,828,378 19,682,808 2,868,646 152,703,316 663,814,434 20,297,346 2,821,996 156,711,166 584,179,409 20,682,319 2,855,982 156,150,634 518,305,222 2,739,383 153,948,481 481,028,121 20,092,378 19,830,183 2,720,666 153,009,588 511,361,387 20,737,838 26,713,408 2,741,684 152,134,448 412,302,453 22,256,596 33,645,014 4,662,505 174,479,367 635,736,233 22,066,524 35,295,156 4,457,162 166,965,508 604,796,728 20,584,668 42,989,382 4,888,980 173,350,491 509,148,691 20,045,976 46,424,957 4,773,528 174,850,185 483,653,634 19,533,734 51,061,462 4,757,862 177,815,945 427,761,675 19,122,288 57,964,937 4,700,210 184,244,399 272,740,215 19,049,913 66,096,274 4,660,659 196,188,733 359,950,814 The following are the returns of the Philadelphia banks : PHILADELPHIA BANKS. P h i l a d e l p h i a B anks. Date. 1865. Jan. 2 , . . . “ 9 ,... “ 1 6 ,... “ 2 3 ,... “ 8 0 ,... Feb. 6 , . . . “ 1 3 ,... “ 2 0 ,... “ 2 7 ,... Mar. 6 , . . . “ I S ,... “ 2 0 ,... “ 2 7 ,... April 4 , . . . “ 1 1 ,... “ 1 7 ,... “ 2 4 ,... Loans. $48,059,403 49,250,629 49,833,799 49,755,716 60,056,584 60,269,473 49,511,683 48,639,386 48,992,272 49,228,540 49,297,223 48,976,280 50,265,294 50,268,729 50,225,821 50,810,519 50,819,031 ( Capital, Jan., 1863, $11,740,080; 1865,$13,315,720.) Specie. $1,803,583 1,781,108 1,750,669 1,792,891 1.773,266 1,702,776 1,629,957 1,569,223 1,498,644 1,389,264 1,422,736 1,323,274 1,350,968 1,344,223 1,249,282 1,286,333 1,223,798 Circulation. $2,793,468 2,978,035 3,228,785 3,606,051 4,010,192 4,393,173 4,660,697 4,866,771 5,077,436 5,446,021 6,906,791 5,609,276 5,736,660 5,893,626 6,133,397 6,232,343 6,313,889 Deposits. $39,845,963 41,001,803 43,121,208 40,186,513 59,822,860 38,496,337 37,340,531 37,141,900 89,011,100 38,391,622 38,655,908 38,673,804 39,117,258 33,316,847 39,366,445 41,187,764 42,591,060 Legal tenders. $14,524,175 15,297,223 17,003,905 15,939,598 15,572,893 14,000,852 14,295,547 13,922,954 15,398,502 15,200,287 15,487,335 15,796,783 16,866,146 17,087,645 17,312,697 17,991,294 19,188,676 CHANGES IN CAPITAL STOCK. Feb. 27............................ Mar. 6 ........................... $14,485,450 1Mar. 13............................ 14,494,050 |Apr. 2 4 ............................ $14,495,550 14,682,U l) 388 Journal o f Banking. Currency, and Finance The following are the returns of the banks of Boston, except those which have reorganized under the National law. They make no returns. Their circulation is, however, included in these figures. With the other National Banks, they number about thirty institutions : BOSTON BANKS. B oston B anks . ( Capital, Jan., 1863, $38,231,*700 ; Jan., 1865, $22,350,000.) Date. 1865. January it (( U « 2 ......... 9 ................ 16......... 2 3 ......... 30......... February C......... (( 13......... « 20 ......... it 27......... March 7 ......... U 14......... it 21......... it 28. . . . April 3 ......... 10......... it 17......... Loans. Specie. Circulation. Deposits. $46,312,701 33,707,472 33,444,460 33,160,490 33,025,868 25,609,695 23,609,664 23,533,879 22,872,774 22,825,217 21,224,401 21,206,180 20,952,000 20,749,643 19,047,885 19,222,460 $3,484,323 2,903,469 2,862,939 2,797,093 2,659,568 2,245,510 2,087,995 2,039,669 1.932,769 1,877,323 1,700,714 1,524,401 1,426,700 1,385,954 1,258,019 1,178,336 $7,766,888 7,803,528 7,529,229 7,126,253 6,792,950 6,581,880 6,345,912 5,094,370 6,278,194 5,843,974 5,580,219 5,435,928 5,279,700 5,099,538 5,898,609 4,738,295 $23,086,775 16,772,600 15,926,720 16,058,310 16,343,192 12,641,033 11,031,733 10,621,322 9,789,000 9,961,545 9,435,578 9,393.224 8,958,800 9,264,451 9,036.604 9,185,149 The following table exhibits the aggregate National Bank circulation : n a t io n a l banks. Number, capital, and circulation quarterly to the end of 1864, and periodically to date in 1865. Date. Capital. Banks. ................... J a n u a ry, 1864............................... April, 1864............................... J u ly , 1864................................ October, 1864............................... J a n u a ry , 1865............................... J a n u a ry 7, 1865......................... “ 21, 1865............. ........... F e b r u a r y 4 ,1 86 5 ......................... “ 18, 1865......................... M arch 4, 1865......................... “ 18,1865......................... April 1, 1865......................... “ 8 ,1 8 6 5 ......................... “ 22, 1865......................... 94 $7,184,715 14,523,721 42,204,474 75,213,945 89,339,400 143,641,400 145,524,560 169,099,296 179,121,296 186,041,736 192,049,736 202,944,486 225,246,300 232,064,150 246,054,170 Circulation $29,155 12,144,650 25,825,665 51,394,150 76,309,890 78,724,520 83,058,200 87,288,300 93,666,380 99,325,600 104,750,540 111,634,670 114,524,000 119,961,800 The following are the returns of the Bank of England : THE BANK OF ENGLAND RETURNS (iN FOUNDS STERLING). Date. IS65. Dec. 7 , . . . “ 1 4 ,... “. 2 1 ,... “ 2 8 ,... Jan. 4 , . . . “ 1 1 ,... “ 1 8 ,... “ 2 5 ,... Circulation. Public Deposits. Private Deposits. Securities. 20,118,116 6,468,544 12,666,764 28,726,674 19,669,832 7,161,719 12,267,474 28,301,608 19,669,007 7,694,616 12,927,807 29,326,027 19,810,455 8,601,125 13,040,643 30,708,083 21,007,215 8,500,269 13,874,977 32,832,904 21,012,778 4,445,535 16,174,166 30,957,S80 21,223,848 4,186,614 14,658,015 29,292,273 20,614,794 4,836,799 14,553,933 29,173,458 Coin and Bullion. Rate of Discount. 13,840,691 14,122,711 14,307,760 14,100,974 13,933,592 14,097,390 14,168,227 14,317,215 7 per ct. 6 “ 6 « 6 “ 6 “ H “ 5i ‘ 5 “ 1865.] Feb. 1 , . . . “ 8 ,... “ 1 6 ,... “ 2 2 ,... Mar. 1 , . . . “ 8 ,... “ 1 5 ,... “ 2 2 ,... “ 2 9 ,... April 6 , . . . “ 1 2 ,... Amendment to National Currency Law. 389 20,998,478 5,541,452 14,447,994 30,040,983 14,461,224 20,743,805 6,252,892 13,814,063 29,908,102 14,511,611 20,399,763 6,572,512 13,969,659 30,007,199 14,553,871 20,101,978 6,665,364 14,140,885 29,910,491 14,600,233 20,381,080 6,854,409 14,158,331 30,424,108 14,801,367 20,281,455 7.677,728 13,904,702 30,949,096 14,758,607 20,095,563 8,348,481 13,785,825 31,204,694 14,882,258 20,028,891 10,198,989 13,551,794 32,384,622 15,308,636 20,388,744 9,839,430 13,478,242 32,271,054 15,358,999 21,352,503 9,331,615 14,172,353 32,723,269 15,255,433 21,750,643 5,826,354 15,414,509 31,226,403 14,937,379 5 5 6 4J 4i « it it U u tt H tt H ii 4i 4 “ 4 tt 4 U The alterations in the last returns are mainly owing to the payment of the dividends, which commenced on the 8th of April. The following are the returns of the Bank of France : BANK OF FRANCE. Loans. Cash and Bullion. Circulation. December 8 fr.566,921,053 fr.355,640,597 fr.722,291,475 “ 15 586,521,733 851,562,024 739,383,125 (4 22 561,603,376 364,008,378 721,487,475 44 29 597,157,830 359,969,767 726,212,276 January 5 690,129,259 830,071,913 790,526,625 12 677,690,909 314,771,593 806,325,675 44 19 667,121,414 318,170,064 817,443,275 “ 26 642,779,237 322,119,477 808,283,925 February 2 651,375,290 318,454,492 812,425,525 44 9 636,303,905 839,240,543 805,966,575 44 16 604,140,057 354,573,163 801,601,175 44 23 684,895,098 785,025,125 871,680,673 March 2 569,812,574 881,455,854 772,377,175 44 9 410,774,986 544,367,920 773,843,825 a 16 514,175,658 424,981,230 777,523,125 44 23 509,473,256 445,364,708 774,556,625 “ SO 533,202,250 456,899,812 764,788,125 April 6 520,398,578 454,945,361 786,434,775 44 13 432,776,299 522,800,231 806,557,975 Deposits. Interest. fr.l 78,968,028 161,270,492 153,193,515 171,821,867 190,488,131 153,188,354 142,120,960 139,123,008 143,430,627 153,039,752 139,995.788 150,235,834 192,866,298 166,985,971 153,467,097 148,899,173 158.286,600 167,028,900 130,834,687 5 5 44 4* 44 44 44 44 4 4 4 4 34 34 34 34 34 34 Up to the 6th of April an increase of sixty or seventy millions in specie, and a decrease of some thirty millions of discounts within a month testified to a state of depression almost alarming. The last return is the most satisfactory which has appeared for a long while. AMENDMENT TO NATIONAL CURRENCY LAW. [ p u b l i c — NO. 60.] to amend an act entitled “ An act to provide a national currency, se cured by a pledge of United States bonds, and to provide for the circulation and redemption thereof.” A n A ct Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of .the United Stales o f America in Congress assembled, That section twenty-one of said act be so amended that said section shall read as follows : S e c . 21. And be it further enacted, That upon the transfer and delivery of bonds to the Treasurer as provided in the foregoing section, the association mak 390 The Loan A ct of March, 1865. [May, ing the same shall be entitled to receive from the Comptroller of the Currency circulating notes of different denominations, in blank, registered and counter signed as hereinafter provided, equal in amount to ninety per centum of the cur rent market value of the United States bonds so transferred and delivered, but not exceeding ninety per centum of the amount of said bonds at the par value thereof, if bearing interest at a rate not less than five per centum per annum ; and the amount of such circulating notes to be furnished to each association shall be in proportion to its paid up capital as follows, and no more : To each asso ciation whose capital shall not exceed five hundred thousand dollars, ninety per centum of such capital; to each association whose capital exceeds five hundred thousand dollars, but does not exceed one million dollars, eighty per centum of such capital; to each association whose capital exceeds one million dollars, but does not exceed three millions of dollars, seventy-five per centum of such capital; to each association whose capital exceeds three millions of dollars, sixty per centum of such capital. And that one hundred and fifty millions of dollars of the entire amount of circulating notes authorized to be issued shall be apportioned to associations in the States, in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories, according to representative population, and the remainder shall be apportioned by the. Secretary of the Treasury among associations formed in the several States, in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories, having due regard to the ex isting banking capital, resources, and business of such State, District, and Ter ritory. Approved, March 3, 1865. THE LOAN ACT OF MARCH, 1865. [ official.] A n act to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to issue Treasury notes and bonds to the amount of six hundred millions of dollars. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized to borrow, from time to time, on the credit of the United States, in addition to the amounts heretofore authorized, any sums not exceed ing in the aggregate six hundred millions of dollars, and to issue therefor bonds or Treasury notes of the United States, in such form as he may prescribe; and so much thereof as may be issued in bonds shall be in denominations not less than fifty dollars, and may be made payable at any period not more than forty years from date of issue, or may be made redeemable, at the pleasure of the Govern ment, at or after any period not less than five years nor more than forty years lrom date, or may be made redeemable and payable as aforesaid, as may be ex pressed upon their face; and so much thereof as may be issued in Treasury notes may be made convertible into any bonds authorized by this act, and may be of such denominations—not less than fifty dollars—and bear such date audbemade redeemable or payable at such periods as in the opinion of the Secretary of the 1865.] The Loan A ct o f March, 1865. 391 Treasury may be deemed expedient. And the interest on such bonds shall be payable semi-annually; and on Treasury notes, authorized by this act, the interest may be made payable semi-annually or annually, or at maturity thereof; and the principal, or interest, or both, may be made payable in coin or in lawful money, provided that the rate of interest on any such bonds or Treasury notes, when payable in coin, shall not exceed six per centum per annum; and when not payable in coin, shall not exceed seven and three-tenths per centum per annum ; and the rate and character of interest shall be expressed on all such bonds or Treasury notes ; And provided, further, That the act entitled “ An act to provide ways and means for the support of the Government, and for other purposes,” approved June 30,1864, shall be so construed as to authorize the issue of bonds of any description authorized by this act. And any Treasury notes or other obligations bearing interest, issued under any act of Congress, may, at the dis cretion of the Secretary of the Treasury, and with the consent of the holder, be converted into any description of bonds authorized by this act; and no bonds so authorized shall be considered a part of the amount of six hundred millions hereinbefore authorized. S ec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury may dispose of any of the bonds or other obligations issued under this act, either in the United States or elsewhere, in such manner and at such rates, and under such conditions as he may think advisable, for coin or for other lawful money of the United States, or for any Treasury notes, certificates of indebtedness, or certify cates of deposit, or other representatives of value which have been or may be issued under any act of Congress; and may, at his discretion, issue bonds or Treasury notes authorized by this act in payment for any requisitions for mate rials or supplies which shall have been made by the appropriate' department or offices upon the Treasury of the United States, on receiving notice in writing through the department or office making the requisition, that the owner of the claim for which the requisition is issued desires to subscribe for an amount of loan that will cover said requisition, or any part thereof; and all bonds or other obligations issued under this act shall be exempt from taxation by or under State or municipal authority. S ec. 3. And be it Jurther enacted, That all the provisions of the act entitled “ An act to provide ways and means for the support of the Government, a#d for other purposes,” approved June 30, 1864, in relation to forms, inscriptions, devices, and the printing, attestation, sealing, signing, and counterfeiting thereof, with such others as are applicable, shall apply to the bonds and other obliga tions issued under this a ct; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be con strued as authorizing the issue of legal tender notes in any form ; and a sum, not exceeding one per centum of the amount of bonds and other obligations issued under this act, is hereby appropriated to pay the expense of preparing and issa ing the same, and disposing thereof. 392 [May, Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. STATISTICS OF TRADE AND COMMERCE. SUGAR. SHIPMENTS FROM M AURITIUS— TOTAL IM PO RTS OF SUGAR INTO EUROPE AND TH E UNITED STA TE S, AND STOCKS ON H AN D— TH E N E W ORLEANS CROP OF SUGAR. W b have given above the exports of sugar from Cuba, and in connection with those returns, the following will be of interest, showing the shipments of sugar from Mauritius from the beginning to the end of each sugar crop : COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF SHIPMENTS OK SUGAR FROM THE MAURITIUS, FROM AUGUST 1 TO JULY 81. United Kingdom— London........................................ Liverpool.................................. Falm outh.................................. Plymouth.................................... G lasgow ..................................... Cowes.......................................... Greenock ................................... Cork, for orders........................ 1861-62. lbs. .... 769,057 61,654,664 1863-64. lbs. 41,757,691 3,691,055 6,778,679 . ••• 689,775 2,076,926 « •• 63,261,043 170,709,066 118,255,069 4,387,318 20,701,779 8,669,017 1,722,989 5,767,685 ,,,, — 2,498,838 6,869,284 5,508,780 15,387,885 2,179,114 525,082 41,248,788 82,968,983 13,817,204 9,354,230 12,310,567 2,272,332 2,680,736 6,556,062 39,660,808 1,813,504 6,622,619 8,633,294 1,433,652 2,606,103 11,613,536 28,523,579 2,062,782 4,524,389 69,916,628 59,397,285 20,630,590 23,457,008 816,322,276 243,432,525 . . . . 82,718,558 France— Havre ........................................ Marseilles................................... B ordeau x.................................. Nantes........................................ Belle Isle.................................... St. Na zaire................................. Cherbourg ................................. 60,047,715 Cape of Good H ope....................... Australian Colonies— Port A delaide.......................... Hobart Town............................ Launceston................................ . Sydney.................... .................. Melbourne.................................. Other ports................................. New Zealand............................ 67,207,552 Sundry places................................. Total to end o f each c ro p .. . . ........... 1862-63. lbs. 88,851,733 7,259,903 11,531,795 642,014 220,417,237 The following table gives the total imports of sugar at the principal European ports, the last three years, and the stock on hand December 31 of each year: 1865.] Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. 893 IM P O R T S OF SUGAR AT THE PRINCIPAL EUROPEAN PORTS, FOR TEARS ENDING DECEMBER 31 AND 6TOCK ON HAND. 1864. In Holland,*......... ton9 H avre,f.................... A n tw erp ................. Hamburg................. B rem en................... Trieste..................... Genoa....................... Leghorn................... 108,100 46,530 12,070 26,500 5,860 7,700 ■Im p o r t s .— ________ % t------ S t o c k 31 st D e c e m b e r .------ , 1862. 1863. 1862. 1864. 1863. 119,600 52,180 12,360 30 000 11,570 15,370 2 1 ,1 2 0 2 2 ,2 0 0 9,650 10,820 108,200 45,920 14,970 28,500 11,820 22,570 30,860 11,360 Continent................. Great B ritain......... 237,530 518,570 274,100 492,970 273,700 461,990 35,330 201.890 20,970 148,060 37,400 122,800 Total................... 756,100 767,070 735,690 236,720 169,030 160,200 10,200 15,440 1,160 3,450 1,970 1,490 1,180 440 5,500 7,210 420 1,000 ___ 4,450 1,600 790 7,800 9,210 2,630 5,000 1,170 6,510 3,850 1,330 Below we give the total imports o f sugar into the United States, and also all other receipts, and the consumption for the past two yea rs: IMPORTS AND CONSUMPTION OF FOREIGN SUGAR IN THE UNITED 8TATES. A t New York, direct.. . . Boston do . . . . Philadelphia, do . . . . Baltimore do . . . . , New Orleans, do . . . . , Other ports, do ........ .Tons of 2,240 lbs. do do do do . do do Total receipts........ Add stock at all the Ports, January 1, 1864.. Total supply.......... Deduct exports and shipments inland to Canada, from ) all the Ports, in 1864.................................................... J 139,127 28,135 24,140 14,401 726 7,570 164,205 28,370 27,670 16,562 214 6,116 214,099 243,137 27,967 21,735 242,066 264,872 20,920 6,597 221,146 259,276 Deduct stock at all the Ports, January 1, 1865 28,486 27,967 Total consumption of foreign in 1864 , . . 192,660 231,308 Consumption of foreign in 1864, as above......... Consumption of foreign in 1863........ 192,660 231,308 Decrease in 1864.. 38,648 The amount of the receipts during the year, and consumption of sugar, from Louisiana is estimated at 28,000 tons in 1864, and 53,000 tons in 1863, making the total consumption in the United States during 1864, 220,660 tons, and in 1863, 284,308 tons. The following figures show the leading ports from whence the supplies received at New York were derived in the last two years : * Stock in first hands alone; all others in first and second hands. \ Exclusive of Beet-root sugar. V O L . L I I .— N O . V, 25 394 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. [May, IMPOETS OF SUGAR AT NEW YORK IN 1863 AND 1864. 1863. From Cuba.......................................................................tons Porto R ico................................................................... Brazil............................................................................ M anilla........................................................................ Demerara..................................................................... Jamaica and English Islands.................................... Martinique.................................................................... Total, including minor ports............................................. Add imports from Texas, Louisiana, and other coastwise ) ports . . . ............................................................................j Total receipts............................................................. 1864. 137,232 9,646 4,671 8,119 1,931 1,424 2,385 123,420 6,420 1,796 5,001 940 292 203 163,120 ^ 139,127 16 594 200,840 155,721 The total consumption of foreign and domestic sugar in the United States, the last seven years, has been as follows : CONSUMPTION OF FOEEIGN AND DOMESTIC IN UNITED STATES. Tear ending December 31, 1864........ do 1863 ___ do 1862 ___ do 1861 . . . . do 1860 ___ do 1859 ___ do 1858 . . . . Foreign. Domestic. Total. 192,660 231,308 241,411 241,420 296,950 239,034 244,758 28,000 53,000 184,600 122,399 118,331 192,150 143,634 220,660 284,308 432,411 363.819 415,281 481,184 388,492 SUGAR CROP OF LOUISIANA. The New Orleans Price Current has prepared a statement of the quantity of sugar made this season, on the comparatively limited number of plantations that were put under cultivation. It seems that the whole number of plantations cul tivated, or rather where cultivation this season was attempted, is 174, and that the number of hogsheads of sugar made, computing each hogshead at 1100 pounds nett, is some 6668, being an average of only about 38 hogsheads to each plantation, while for the season of 1861-62, the average was about 356 hogsheads. The past has been one of the worst of sugar seasons in Louisiana, and this fact, in conjunction with other most important considerations which it is unnecessary now to discuss, must account for the smallness of the crop. A good many plan ters finding their cane so inferior in quality as to not fully justify the expense of grinding preserved the whole of it for seed, so that it is hoped there will be a a greater breadth of land put under cultivation the approaching than there was the past season. Still there will be a great want of seed cane, and this must continue to be the case for many years to come, it matters not what -system may be adopted to increase its cultivation. Ordinarily it requires one hundred acres of cane to plant a field of three hundred acres. To ascertain the crop of molasses, it has been the custom to allow seventy gal lons of molasses for every thousand pounds of sugar, but this season the propor tion will be considerably greater, as on a good many plantations molasses only -was made. Possibly the production may reach to 15,000 to 16,000 barrels. The total number of plantations under cultivation within the limits of Louisi ana before the war, according to Mr. C h a h p o n ie r ' s valuable work, was 1291, 1865.] Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. 395 and of these the grinding on 1027 was performed by steam power, and on the remaining 264 by horse power. Below is the statement of the product this sea son, on the limited number of plantations cultivated, compared with the product for 1861-62: CROP OF SUGAR MADE WITHIN THE FOLLOWING PARISHES OF LOUISIANA. 1864-65. Hhds. Parish of Orleans . do. St. Bernard do. Plaquemine . do. Terrebonne do. Assumption . do. Lafourche do. St. Charles . . ■. do. St. John the Baptist . do. St. James do. Ascension . . . . do. Iberville do. Jefferson . do. St. Mary do. Point Coupee do. West Baton Kouge do. East “ “ : . , Total 1861-62. Hhds. 26 361 2,301 426 963 118 73 43 267 1,285 429 303 61 4 35 60 1,790 6,640 22.433 28,839 37,766 29,781 19,101 18,848 34,224 30,722 41,921 11.086 48,779 22,565 24,697 10,949 6,668 389,541 The total crop of sugar in the twenty-four parishes into which the cultivation o f the sugar cane had been extended in Louisiana was, in the season of 1861-62, 459,410 hogsheads. TIIE L U M B E R T R A D E . A lbany —B angor—T oledo. ALBANY LUMBER TRADE. T here was on hand, as estimated on January 1,1864, 30,000,000 feet of lum ber of the various kinds, and it was pretty well assorted. Gold then stood at 150. By the fore part of April, gold had risen to 170, and the spring sales were made at an advance of about 10 per cent on the closing prices of 1863. With gold still advancing, prices by the 1st of July had reached five per cent higher. The rise in gold on that day to 285, caused a still farther advance in lumber, making prices an average of fully 30 per cent over the closing prices of 1863. These prices were obtained until about the 1st of October, when, gold falling to 190, lumber receded, and a panicky feeling began to be observed in the mar ket. Buyers became timid, lumber accumulated, and dealers found it impossible to advance lumber to correspond with gold, which, with many variations, reached 396 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. [May, 230 at the close of the season. Indeed, many dealers, anxious to reduce their stock, sold at less than the cost of production and exchange, and the market was more or less unsettled till the close of navigation, when prices were but about 20 per cent over the corresponding time in 1863, while the advance in gold was 54 per cent. A greater proportion than usual of the pine received in 1864 came from Canada, the supply from southern New York having been largely decreased by the want of snow for logging last winter, and that from Michigan by the high rates of lake and canal freights, with the increased toll charged by the State. The following table shows the official receipts by the canals at Albany during the years named: RECEIETS OF LUMBER AT ALBANY. Tears. 1850......................... 1851........................... 1852........................... 1853........................... 1854.......................... 1855........................... 1856........................... 1851........................... 1858........................... 1859........................... 1860........................... 1861........................... 1 8 6 2 . . . . ................... 1863........................... 1864........................... Boards and scanting, Feet. Shingles, M. 84,246 84,136 31,636 27,586 24,003 57,210 36,899 71,004 31,823 48,756 41,522 31,782 82,622 21,223 24,004 Timber, Cubic Feet. 28,832 110,200 294,714 19,916 28,909 24,104 14,533 85,104 119,497 70,381 46,888 44,754 148,217 807,700 314,995 Staves, Pounds. 150,515,280 115,087,299 107,961,289 118,666,750 135,805,091 140,225,285 102,548,402 153,264,629 135,011,817 114,070,503 148,785,369 143,784,500 210,212,100 146,746,300 86,789,493 The following table shows the official receipts by the canals, at tide-water, dur ing the years named: RECEIPTS OF LUMBER AT TIDE-WATER. Tears. 1850 .................... 1 8 5 1 .................... 1852 .................... 1853 .................... 1854 .................... 1855 .................... 1856 .................... 1857 .................. 1858 .................... 1859 .................... 1860 .................... 1 8 6 1 .................... 1862 .................... 1863 .................... 1864 .................... Board and scanting, feet. Shingles, M. 1,868,100 47,900 62,800 38,200 32,800 67,600 61,800 86,900 54,600 177,000 63,400 45,200 49,800 36,100 30,832 Timber, Cubic feet. 1,666,300 4,237,800 4,003,900 5,234,300 3,244,300 2,494,500 2,967,600 1,801,600 1,269,400 1,454,200 1,299,800 1,190,000 2,506,800 5,560,600 4,121,000 Staves, pounds. 202,225,000 155,304,000 145,503,700 158,163,100 178,868,000 199,018,000 162,856,000 251,783,000 202,244,000 260,926,000 282,910,000 264.228.000 357.030.000 282,478,000 286,250,000 The following table shows the prices current, at the principal yards,at the close of the seasons of 1861 and 1864: 1865.] Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. 391 PRICES OF LUMBER AT ALBANY FOR 1861 AND 1864. D e c. 31,1861. Pine, clear, per M ................................ Pine, fourth quality, per M ................. Pine, select box, per M......................... Pine, good box, per M ......................... Pine, common box, per M ................... Pine, common box, £, per M ............... Pine, clap board strips, per M............. Pine, tally boards, good, each............. Pine, tally boards, 2d quality, each.. Pine, tally boards, culls, each............. Spruce, boards, e a c h ........................... Spruce, plank, 1 } inch, each............... Spruce, plank, 2 ineh, each................. Hemlock, boards, each......................... Hemlock, joist, 3 x 4 , each.............. .. Hemlock, jdlst, 4 x 6 , e a ch ................. Hemlock, wall strips, 2 x 4 , ea ch .. . . Ash, good, per M .................................. Ash, 2d quality, per M ....................... Oak, per M............................................. Maple, per M ...................................... Black walnut, good, per M .................. Black walnut, 2d quality, per M .. . . . Black walnut, f , per M ....................... Cherry, good, per M ............................. Cherry, 2d quality, per M................... Sycamore, inch, per i f ......................... Sycamore, §, per M ............................. White wood, chair plank, per M ......... White wood, inch, per M ..................... White wood, f , per M ......................... Shingles, 1st quality, shaved pine, p. M Shingles, 2d quality, shaved pine, p, M. Shingles, common, shaved pine, p. M. Shiogles, 1st quality, sawed pine, p. M. Shingles, 2d quality, sawed pine, p. M. Shingles, common, sawed pine, p. M.. Shingles, sawed hemlock, per M ......... 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 15 14 9 10} 12 } 18 8} 8 16 06 22 00 15 00 25 00 15 00 35 00 18 00 33 00 35 00 20 00 16 00 12 00 33 00 20 00 13 00 5 50 4 00 2 00 00 00 2 00 2 00 128 19 17 15 12 9 15 Dee. 31, 1864. a $30 00 a 20 00 a 18 00 a 16 00 a 13 00 a 10 00 a 20 00 a 16 a 15 a 10 a 11 a 13 a 20 a 08 a 09 a 17 a 06} a 25 00 a 18 00 a 30 00 a 14 00 a 38 00 a 22 00 a 38 00 a 40 00 a 30 00 a 18 00 a 15 00 a 35 00 a 22 00 a 15 00 a 5 75 a 4 50 a 3 00 a 4 00 a 3 50 a 2 25 a 2 50 $57 52 47 32 23 19 55 45 30 40 30 75 40 70 50 35 75 45 35 8 6 8 7 6 2 3 00 a $60 00 00 a 55 oo 00 a 50 00 00 a 36 00 00 a 30 00 00 a 21 00 00 a 60 00 80 a 32 27 a 29 00 a oo 24 23 a 30 27 a 38 a 40 00 a 16 20 19 a 86 a 40 15 00 a 00 a 50 00 00 a 35 00 00 a 50 00 00 a 35 00 00 a 80 00 00 a 45 00 00 a 75 00 00 a 55 00 00 a 40 00 00 00 a 00 a 00 00 a 80 00 00 a 50 00 00 a 40 00 00 a 8 50 50 a 7 50 00 a 4 00 00 a 7 25 00 a 6 50 50 a 4 00 50 a 4 00 BANGOR LUM BER T R A D E . The following is a statement of the amount of lumber surveyed at Bangor from January 1 to December 1, 1864, compared with the amount surveyed during the same period in 1862 and 1863 : 49,288,178 11,732,569 90,135,783 7,421,392 1863. 49.788,162 12,806,974 108,904,447 16,623,364 41,788,379 1 1,557,327 105,650,850 12,814,830 158,577,922 188,122,047 171,820,386 1862. Green pine.. Dry pine. . . . Spruce....... Hemlock, Ac. TOLEDO LUM BER 1864. TRADE. The receipts of pine lumber, lath, and shingles by lake, at Toledo, have been as follows for the last seven years : 398 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. RECEIPTS OF [May, PIN E LUMBER, ETC., B Y CANAL. Total, 1864.............................................. “ 1863.............................................. “ 1862............................. “ 1861.............................................. “ 1860.............................................. “ 1859.................. “ 1858.............................................. Lumber. Latb. Shingles. 55,799,200 88,833,884 85,562,113 24,426,877 ' 87,368,536 22,816,963 19,614,780 15,235,000 10,765,000 9,564,750 7,150,700 9,398,712 8,659,700 5,558,359 18,149,000 23,178,000 16,653,000 18,891,925 15,861,788 12,998,000 9,950,127 The Toledo Blade gives the following as the receipts of lumber—principally black walnut—by railroad and canal the last two years : RECEIPTS OF BLACK WALNUT LUMBER BT CANAL. By Michigan Southern Railroad......... Toledo and Wabash Railway. . . . Dayton and Michigan Railroad ., Canal................................................ 1864. 13,639,125 2,356,901 2,628,200 6,306,360 1863; 7.085.000 989,975 8.068.000 * 2,848,101 T o ta l................. ................... 24,828,586 13,791,076 The shipments o f black walnut lumber by lake were— SHIPMENTS OF BLACK WALNUT BY LAKE* To Buffalo......................... ............ Ogdenaburg.............................. Boston, Mass., (d ire ct)........... New York City, (direct)........ Sandusky................................. Kingston, C. W ....................... 23,428,423 2,833,300 230.000 182.000 110,000 17,000 T o ta l............................. 26,750,723 CUBA.— PRODUCTIONS AND TRADE. past year has been a prosperous one for Cuba. Her sugars have com manded a high price, affording ample remuneration, yet still exciting but little of that speculative feeling which in other times has proved so pernicious to that market. The prospects the coming season are good, and it is supposed that the yield will be equal to the last crop, although the cane in some localities suffered by the long draught. We avail ourselves of the annual review of the trade of the island by Mr. S . 8 . S p e n c e r of Havana, for the purpose of preparing the following comparative statements. The exports and destination of sugar from the principal ports of Cuba, the last two years, have been as follows : T he EX PO RTS OF SUGAR FROM THE PRINCIPAL PORTS 01 CUBA. From H a v a n a ...................... . M atanzas......... .. C ard enas...................... L ag u a............................ Remedios .................... N uevitas..................... 1863a ■Boxes.------------- 1 1864. 1,109,917 250,342 24,963 2,230 .... 3 «---------- Hhcte. 1863. 10,994 55,052 57,303 61,806 22,007 13,895 1864. 16,804 52,756 52,742 69,957 30,734 15,916 1865.] S ta tistics o f T ra d e and Commerce, St. Jago.............. Trinidad.............. Cienfnegos........... Total........... DESTINATION OF SUGAR S99 1,490 16,810 6,496 32,855 27,305 72,060 40,829 80,976 73,994 1,406,251 852,777 384,707 EXPORTED FROM CUBA. T )____ ^ 1863. United States.. . . Great Britain . . . . North of Europe., France................ South of Europe.. Other parts......... Total............ Total tons.., ' 160,926 622,508 58,304 242,226 288,1 162 33,525 1863. 238,361 95,256 2,866 1,350 1,384 13,560 248,735 109,149 3,028 4,724 2,626 16,445 1,406,251 267,188 852,777 217,840 884,707 237,557 1864. 1864. EXPORTS OF SUGAR FROM CUBA. We thus see that the total exports from Cuba of sugar, in tons, was in the— Year. 1863............... 1864................ Tons. 461 968 504,745 We have also prepared the following table showing the exports and destina tion of molasses the past two years : EXPORTS AND DESTINATION OF MOLASSES FROM PRIN CIPAL PORTS OF CUBA. Exports. From Havana........ Matanzas . . Cardenas . . ........... Lagua........ R em edios.. Nuevitas.. . St. J ago... . Trinidad.. . Cienfuegos . Total . . . .hhds. Total tons. . Destination. 1863. 89,261 262,225 To 13,699 United States . . 83,950 Great Britain.. . 75,307 North of Europe 23,235 France ............... 11,344 South of Europe 10,011 Other parts . . . . 61 11,685 33,493 1864. 262,775 1863. 185,381 47,213 162 6,954 530 21,985 205,557 29,641 817 1,032 216 25,492 262,225 170,446 262,775 170,804 1864. Below are the imports at Havana for the past ten years : IMPORTS AT HAVANA. Years. 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. 1859. 1860. 1861. 1862, 1863. 1864. Br. proy. 46,705 62,443 41,628 62,791 47,270 40,476 42,001 82,256 28,349 82,159 A v ... 42,808 -Codfish.—Quintals.----------------- » U. States. Europe. Total. 40,836 17,726 105,267 25,030 42,707 130,180 11,908 86,246 89,782 39,173 26,561 128,525 15,524 83,675 96,469 6,186 36,469 82,131 86,360 75,163 4,792 4,274 5,956 42,486 72,034 9,237 84,448 2,468 42,455 77,082 17,610 29,493 89,911 ,--------- Flour.—Barrels. Spain. U. States. Total. 162,593 971 163,564 159,478 6,835 166,313 191,228 22,356 218,584 243,132 6,478 249,610 200,937 1,747 202,684 194,024 2,579 196,603 247,931 40 247,971 231,10S 231,108 210,253 1,180 211,433 230,117 1,578 231,695 ., 207,080 4,376 211,466 400 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. 1859. 1860. 1861. 1862. 1863. 1864. A v... [May, Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. Jerked beef. S. Arner. 218,669 238,572 869,602 158,737 853,161 421,833226,802 864,177 278,891 299,268 Carolina. 102,542 84,620 79,444 86,951 89,313 98,234 47,549 675 292,621 58,933 .... .... --------Bice.—Quintals.------- -----» Spain. E. Indies. Total. 99.049 41,052 242,643 70.100 77,495 232,215 70,899 140,472 290,815 73,499 129,647 290,097 39,930 123,231 252,474 60,097 210,601 877,932 52,838 261,615 862,002 94,268 331,415 426.358 57.503 198,266 255,769 105,224 819,874 425,098 72,341 184,267 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. 1859. 1860. 1861. 1862. 1863. 1864. Boards. Box. Hhds. M. feet. Shooks. Shooks. N. Amer. U. S. &N. A. U. S. & N. A. 14,743 680,148 109,742 15,732 465,747 97,358 21,567 475,683 86,674 24,084 434,983 51,908 427,061 28,567 74,253 28,375 476,256 62,269 15,747 468,247 47,436 10,551 452,903 48,330 8,152 368,075 69,659 11,185 669,080 45,552 A v... 17,870 481,813 68,318 815,541 Coals. Tons. E . & A. 63,718 45,989 62,798 80,473 61,422 94,291 138,872 178,679 110,759 148,884 Olive oiL Jars. Spain. 517,987 587,869 273,645 672,698 602,647 869,838 479,740 475,192 350,522 322,172 98,588 455,231 Lard. Quintals. U. States. 80,975 68,823 63,514 87,043 117,726 99,569 162,554 171,304 113,342 129,361 Wine. Pipes. Spain. 82,854 31,065 85,347 44,758 43,748 51,659 49,718 44,947 48,979 64,025 109,421 44,710 Coal oil. Whale oil. Qtls. Qtls. U. States, U. States. 9,424 .... 9,546 •. • • 11,203 .... 10,324 .... 4,447 3,545 6S0 8,704 2,167 7,658 2,309 2,085 20,243 25,699 2,103 11,597 5,715 The following shows the number and tonnage of the American, Spanish, British, and French vessels engaged in the Havana trade the last five years : ENTRIES AT THE TORT OF HAVANA DURING FIVE TEARS. ------- 1 8 6 4 .--------, A m erican Spanish... B ritish .... French . . -------1 8 6 3 .--------, No. Ton. No. Ton. 410 201,814 467 177,210 790 215,805 636 159,819 598 180,523 537 131,667 77 29,27'7 64 22,287 ------- 1 8 6 2 .------- % No. Ton. 630 176,478 728 200,127 358 127,046 68 24,647 ,---- 1861. -----, ,----- 1860. ----- , No. Ton. No. Ton. 919 282,600 1,175 468,210 649 161,685 724 174,471 275 98,093 161 63,666 131 45,057 58 20,359 Besides the above there have been, each year, about two hundred and twentyfive vessels under other flags engaged in this trade. Last year (1864) the total number of other vessels was two hundred and twenty-four. TRADE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE FOR 1864. GREAT BRITAIN. value of the shipments of British goods and produce during the past three years has been as follows : T he EXPORTS OF BRITISH AND IRISH PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES FROM GREAT BRITAIN. 1862 1863 1864 ................................................................................. ................................................................................. .................................................................................. £128,992,264 146,602,342 160,436,302 From the above figures it will be seen that the increase in exports during 1864, compared with 1863, amounted to £13,833,960, and with 1862 to £36,444,038. 1865.J 401 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. The following arrangement of the exports and imports of Great Britain for the past four years was prepared by the editor of the Journal of the Statistical Society of London. We give in the first table the declared real value at port of shipment of articles of British and Irish produce and manufactures exported, and in the second table the computed real value (ex duty) at port of entry, (and, therefore, including freight and importers profit,) of articles of foreign and colonial merchandise imported into the United Kingdom : VALUE OF EXPOETS OF BRITISH AND IRISH PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES. British produce, etc. Manufactures—Textile— Cotton Manufactures......................... Cotton yam ........................................ Woolen manufactures......................... Woolen y a r n ...................................... Silk manufactures.............................. Silk yarn.............................................. Linen manufactures........................... Linen yarn .......................................... 1864. . . . . . 1863. 1862. £45,760,000 9,096,000 18,566,000 5,422,000 2,018,000 297,000 8,158,000 8,010,000 £39,424,000 8,020,000 15,519,000 5,065,000 1,959,000 270,000 6,510,000 2,536,000 £30,569,000 6,203,000 13,147,000 3,854,000 2,015,000 346,000 5,131,000 1,852,000 92,327,000 79,303,000 63,117,000 2,584,000 4,787,000 2,808,000 4,362,000 2,556,000 8,592,000 7,371,000 7,170,000 6,148,000 4,159,000 4,854,000 13,214,000 3,911,000 2,786,000 4,162,000 3,827,000 4,365,000 13,111,000 4,233,000 2,863,000 8,708,000 3,346,000 4,097,000 11,302,000 2,822,000 2,729,000 3,750,000 83,086,000 82,107,000 28,047,000 2,179,000 2,090,000 1 ,8 6 8 , 0 0 0 1,823,000 328,000 148,000 142,000 281,000 508,000 917,000 1,777,000 472,000 156,000 190,000 287,000 454,000 1,594,000 379,000 127,000 226,000 321,000 511,000 8 6 8 ,0 0 0 8 8 6 ,0 0 0 4,142,000 4,204,000 4,044,000 Leather manufactures....................... S o a p .................................................... Plate and watches............................. Stationery............................................ 466,000 259,000 2,404,000 231,000 427,000 354,000 457,000 302,000 2,318,000 256,000 463,000 345,000 416,000 276,000 2,565,000 227,000 505,000 286,000 Remainder o f enumerated articles . . . . Unenumerated articles........................... 4.141,000 9,648,000 7,542,000 4,141,000 8,669,000 8,805,000 4,275,000 8,839,000 7,805,000 160,486,000 146,486,000 124,138,000 Manufactures— Sewed— Apparel................................................ . Haberdashery and millinery............. Metals— Hardware............................................ Machinery........................................... Iron...................................................... Copper and brass............................... Lead and tin........................................ . Coals and culm.................................... Ceramic manufactures— Earthenware and glass..................... Indigenous manufactures— Beer and ale........................................ B u tter.................................................. Cheese.................................................. Candles................................................. Salt....................................................... Spirits ................................................. Soda....................................................... Various manufactures— Books, printed.................................... F u r n it u r e ................................................... T o ta l exports 402 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. [Ma7> VALUE OF IMPORTS OF ARTICLES OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL MERCHANDISE. Foreign articles imported. 1864. 1863. 1862. £73,081,000 15,959,000 12,081,000 5,283,000 3,955,000 2,316,000 £56,278,000 12,290,000 15,248,000 4,271,000 8,451,000 2,398,000 £31,093,000 12,109,000 15,897,000 5,206,000 2,645,000 2,446,000 112,675,000 93,936,000 69,396,000 2,751,000 3,149,000 4,273,000 1,512,000 10,866,000 3,217,000 4,075,000 4,087,000 2,439,000 10,754,000 8,188,000 8,951,000 4,604,000 2,508,000 9,293,000 22,551,000 24,572,000 23,544,000 1,217,000 8,548,000 2,659,000 3,372,000 1,635,000 8,211,000 4,765,000 6,031,000 4,846,000 8,226,000 3,615,000 16,827,000 2,676,000 1,375,000 911,000 5,110,000 2,056,000 10,666,000 4,155,000 12,367,000 3,017,000 1,866,000 1,562,000 4,497,000 1,706,000 9,176,000 3,303,000 12,019,000 2,351,000 2,400,000 1,228,000 3,649,000 1,692,000 40,796,000 39,836,000 35,818,000 20,291,000 8,928,000 25,886,000 8,789,000 37,748,000 8,564,000 Remainder of enumerated articles.. . . 29,219,000 5,391,000 84,675,000 4,776,000 46,312,000 4,213,000 Total enumerated imports............. Add for unenumerated imports (say)... 215,397,000 53,849,000 203,826,000 45,154,000 184,129,000 42,473,000 Total imports............................... 269,246,000 248,980,000 Raw materials—Textile— Cotton w o o l.......................................... W ool (sheeps’) ...................................... S ilk ........................................................ Flax........................................................ H e m p .................................................... Indigo....................................... .............. Raw materials—Various— Hides...................... O ils .................................... Metals........................... Tallow............................... Timber......................... Raw materials— Agricultural— G uano...................................... Seeds................................... Tropical, dsc.—Produce— T ea........................... Coffee........................ Sugar and molasses... Tobacco...................... Rice........................... Fruits........................ Wine...................... . Spirits........................ Food— Grain and flour........... Provisions.................. Below are the exports of gold and silver from Great Britain. exports of gold and silver from France in our last number : 226,602,000 W e gave the EXPORTS OF GOLD AND SILVER, IN MILLIONS STERLING, FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM. Exported to [Unit 000’s omitted—thus £8,321 — £3,821,000.] .— --------------- Gold.--------------------* ,-----------------Silver.---------------1834. 1862. 1863. 1861. 1864. 1863. 1862. 1661. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. France .......................... Hanse Towns, Russia, Holland, & Belgium . Portugal, Spain, and G ibraltar................... 9 £. 7,775, £. 8,502, £. 6,356, £. £. 998, 2,146, £. 1,258, 81, 3,812, 2,146, 21, 1,001, 791. 711, 854, 1,589, 1,746, 2,464, 30, 4, 8, 8. 9,445, 9,060, 10,966, 2,056, 3,177, 2,058, 1,037, £. £. 850, 1,052, 1,569, 1,909. 1865.] 403 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. China (via Egypt).................................., ..................... 1,698, 2,686, 8,806, 1,021, India (via E gypt)................................................................. 4,610, 6,229, 6,903, 6,187, United S tates............. 185, 40, 36, 7,297, . . . . 14, ......... 84, B ra zil........................... 927, 1,681, 409, 20, 142, 50, 43, 150, Turkey......................................... 35, 1,124, 1 , ....................... 905, -----E g y p t........................... 2,060, 3,473, 1,919, 796...................................................... A ll other countries.. . . 12,617, 14,289, 14,454, 10,170, 9,627, 10,932, 13,226, 9,422, 662, 1,012, 1,557, 68, 249, 356, 88, 151, T o t a l................... 13,279, 15,301, 16,011, 11,238, 9,876, 11,288, 13,314, 9,573, The following are the imports of gold and silver: IMPORTS OF GOLD AND SILVER, IN MILLIONS STERLING, INTO THE UNITED KINGDOM. [Unit 000’s omitted—thus £6,050 = £6,050,000.] /-------------------Gold.-------------------» 1864. 1863. 1862. 1861. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. £. £. £. £. ,----------------- Silver.------------------ . 1864. 1863. 1862. 1861. Mins. Mins. Mins. Mins. £. £. £. £. Australia................. 2,656, 5,995, 6,704, 6,331......................................................... British Columbia and British N. America. 123, 47, 61, 55, 12, 59, 19, 8, Mexico, S. America, and West Indies . . 5,240, 8,960, 1,631, 935, 7,002, 6,750, 6,242, 5,047, United States........... 7,480, 7,520, 9,731, 38, 155, 626, 332, 28, Russia ..................... 50, 904, 756, 557, 8, 8, 7, . . . . 15,549, 18,426, 18,884, 574, F ran ce.......... Hanse Towns, Hol land, and Belgium.. Portugal, Spain, and Gibraltar...... 133, Malta, Turkey, and Egypt...................... West coast of Africa A ll other countries. 220, 80, 96, 7,916, 7,172, 6,600, 5,083, 187, 91, 2,504, 1,115, 7,443, 1,256, 2,202, 690, 816, 430, 885, 2,272, 2,062, 2,707, 524, 16, 26, 42, 92, 80, 120, 160, 115, 69, 8, 100, 51.............. 78, 24, 3, 8, 13, 6, 31, 2, 16,652, 19,129, 19,539, 11,476, 10,675, 10,852, 11,648, 6,496, 245, 4, 364, 687, 157, 31, 104, 87, T o ta l............... 16,897, 19,133, 19,903, 12,163, 10,732, 10,883, 11,752, 6,583, The import table shows a large arrival of gold from the West Indies, caused by the extensive shipments made from California direct to Great Britain on New York account. The total import of gold and silver last year was £27,621,000, against £29,870,000 ; and the total export £23,155,000 against £26,461,000 in 1863. The large shipments of gold to France, last year, were made, in a considerable degree, for the purpose of buying silver for transmission to the East to pay for cotton.. The shipments of silver from Marseilles by the steamers of the Messageries Imperiales amounted to £3,043,300, or about one million and a-half sterling in excess of 1863; consequently, as a good proportion of this amount was shipped on English account, the actual decrease in the export of silver to the East for the past year shows but a moderate decrease, when compared with the preceding twelve months. The official statement showing the export of sil ver from the United Kingdom to India and China shows a diminution in 1864, as compared with 1863, of about £2,300,000. 404 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. [May, The following table shows the increase and decrease in exports to various countries in 1864, compared with 1863 : EXPORTS FROM GREAT BRITAIN TO VARIOUS COUNTRIES. Countries. Sweden.......................................... Norway.......................................... Denmark, including Iceland.. . . France............................................ Portugal P ro p e r......................... Spain................................ .. I t a ly .............................................. Illyria, Croatia, and Dalmatio.. Turkey, European....................... Natolia or Asia M inor........... Syria and Palestine................. Western Africa (foreign)............. Dutch pos. in India (Java, Ac.).. Philppine islands......................... China (exclusive o f Hong Kong). Cuba and Porto Rico................... Other foreign West Indies(including Hayti and San DomiDgo). United States............................... M exico................................. New Granada............................... Peru............................................... C h ili.............................................. B ra zil............................................ Uruguay........................................ Argentine Confederation............. Channel Islands........................... Gibraltar......................... .............. Malta and G ozo..................... . Cape of Good H o p e ................... 1S63. £2,695,276 606,987 556,979 1,004,904 1,917,345 568.337 10,806,092 6,324,696 2,107,332 8,673,309 2,225,777 8,608.556 6,901,112 864,736 4,427,886 1,044,668 1,026,562 4,406,295 656,407 650,424 556,863 2,416,705 2,131,087 1861 £2,854,898 731,980 771,728 1,290,609 1,136,416 689,904 13,373,131 6,895,463 2,305,521 8,200,760 2,084,073 3,088,123 6,601,345 792,280 4,872,837 1,069,853 1,365,949 6,070,221 671,306 796,582 765.764 3,093,865 2,997,720 1,365,706 15,344,392 1,678,572 1,558,188 1; 027,343 1,431,814 3,964,261 534,973 1,330,959 867,776 1,267,900 622,608 1,230,089 611,813 20,002,241 1,486,774 Singapore and Eastern Straits... 1,075,927 1,473,222 12,498,534 British North America................. 4,813,482 Bermudas..................................... 607,443 British West India Islands......... 2,623,847 512,391 1,371,548 16,704,080 1,808,743 2,029,344 1,334,875 1,691,410 6,258,906 993,259 1,758,085 1,016,171 1,206,206 746,385 1,814,877 19,895,145 1,185,680 828,368 1,610,957 11,858,679 5,611,276 656,777 2,659,778 803,503 Decrease. Increase. £159,622 124,993 214,749 285,705 ......... £780,729 121,567 2,567,039 660,767 298,189 472,549 141,704 420,433 299,767 72,546 444,951 25,785 339,387 1,663,926 85,101 146,158 208,901 677,160 866,633 5,842 1,359,698 130,171 471,156 ' 307,532 259,604 2,294,645 458,286 427,126 148,395 61,794 123,777 584,788 146,445 107,096 301,094 247,559 137,785 639,855 797,794 49,334 35,931 291,112 The increase and decrease inthe shipments o f various articles in 1864 thus compares with the previous year : EXPORTS OF CERTAIN ARTICLES FROM GREAT BRITAIN. Articles. Arms (small fire)......................... 1863. £866.715 2,808,968 856,009 1864. £917,262 2,583,653 344,476 Decrease. Increase. £50,547 ' £225,315 511,533 1865.] Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. A rticles. B ag9, e m p t y . . .................................. B e e r and a le ...................................... C oals, <fec.............................................. C otton y a r n ......................................... M anufactures— P iece g ood s . . T h r e a d .............................................. E arth en w a re and p orcela in .......... F ish — H e r r in g s ................................ H a b erd a sh ery and m illin e r y .. . . H a rd w a re and c u t le r y .................... L ea th er, w rought, b oots & shoes L in en y a r n .......................................... L in en m ann facthres—P iece g ood s T h r e a d .............................................. M achinery— S tea m en g in es.......... O ther s o r ts ..................................... M eta ls— Iron, p ig and p u d d led . Bar, <fcc........................................... H o o p , sheet, <fcc........................... W r o u g h t ......................................... C op p er, u n w rou g h t................... W r o u g h t .................................... O il, s e e d ............................................... P a p e r ................................................... S ilk — T h r o w n ..................................... M a n u fa c tu r e s ................................ S p irits (B r it is h ).............................. W oo l, sh eep and la m b s .................. W o o le n and w orsted y a r n ............ M anufactures —Cloth9, &c. . . . F la n n e ls ...................................... B la n k e t s ........................... C arpets and d r u g g e t s .......... W o rs te d stuffs o f w o o l on ly, and o f w o o l m ixed w ith oth er m at e ria ls ............................................... 405 1864. 1863. Increase. 565,282 749,454 194,172 1,746,238 1,823,162 76,924 3,713,798 4,161,338 447,540 8,063,128 9,096,209 1,033,081 37,633,535 43,887,387 6,253,852 746,470 787,697 41,227 1,341,069 81,061 1,422,130 501,032 601,954 922 4,359,659 4,786,899 427,240 3,833,149 4,159,1()7 325.958 1,482,631 1,405,819 76,812 2,530,404 8,010,109 479,705 5,920,859 7,591,535 1,670,676 527,105 494,312 1,595,036 1,626,342 31,306 2,772,976 3,227,848 454,872 1,287,968 1,411,513 123,545 2,568,034 2.559,009 8,260,781 3,278,304 740,310 656,085 1,720,881 1,780,359 59,474 2,237,038 2,152,754 84,284 881,503 935,517 ___ 1,188,713 588,305 2,727,085 . 2,920,692 193,507 761,673 773,864 483,098 513,877 1,309,673 1,264,100 1,255,961 999,077 256,8S4 650,092 548,257 1,835 558,419 541,278 17,141 1,421,261 1,460,014 38,753 454,328 503,357 49,029 696,302 688,300 7,002 5,422,162 5,087,293 334,869 3,964,910 4,546,054 581,144 503,984 554,613 50,629 796,144 792,134 4,010 810,783 872,598 • 61,815 8,336,957 10,801,854 Decrease. 32,793 9,025 17,623 84,225 54 ,014 600,358 12,191 30,779 4 5 ,573 2,464,897 The annexed returns shows the increase and decrease in the real value of the principal articles imported in 1864 compared with 1863 : IMPORTS OF CERTAIN ARTICLES INTO GREAT BRITAIN. Articles. C offee, r a w ................................. "W heat.......................................... B a r le y ......................................... O a t s .............................................. P e a s ...................................... B e a n s ......................................... In d ian corn or m a iz e . . . . . . W h ea tm ea l and flo u r ............ C otton, r a w ................................ C otton manufac. n ot m ade u p F l a x .............................................. 1863. 1864. £4 ,1 5 5 ,0 2 9 12,015,006 2,823,544 2,215,676 516,957 749,074 4,042,908 3,522,931 56,277,953 1,034,904 4,271,059 £ 3 ,6 1 5 ,7 5 9 10,673,226 1,624,291 1,827,990 42 8,07 6 344,908 1,977,955 2,8 32,2 00 78,203,729 83 3,62 9 5,3 23,0 53 Increase. £ 2 1 ,9 2 5 ,7 7 6 1,051,994 Decrease, £ 5 3 9 ,2 7 0 1,341,780 1,199,253 387,680 88,880 404,166 2,0 64,9 53 690,731 ............. 21 0,27 5 ............. 406 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. Articles. Fruit— Currants................. Raisins............................... Guano.................................... H e m p .................................... Jute........................................ Hides ................................... Metals— Copper................... Provisions.............................. R ice........................................ Seeds—Flax and linseed.. . Silk— Raw............................ Thrown............................. Broadstuffs......................... Silk or satin ribbons........ Velvet or plush............... Spirits— R u m ...................... Brandy.............................. Sugar— Unrefined............... Refined or sugar can dy.. T a llo w .................................. T ea......................................... Timber— Deals, battens, &c. Not sawn or s p lit........... Tobacco— U n ste m m e d .... W ine...................................... W ool .................................... Woolen manufactures......... 1863. 981,137 580,548 2,658,856 1,880,253 1,575,882 2,784,622 2,000,473 8,789,760 1,866,109 8,372,432 9,380,758 93,939 8,683,752 1,359,883 594,378 581,039 1,124,824 11,520,242 500.307 2,438,613 10,666,017 6,766,003 4,988,235 1,722,571 4,497,343 11,465,257 1,596,081 1864. 719,680 452,394 1,463,012 1,745,353 2,230,236 2,667,811 2,051,374 9,740,243 1,809,103 3,947,221 6,850,241 123,281 4,493,507 1,305,962 531,994 484,973 1,505,382 14,408,838 1,668,768 2,077,726 9,438,760 6,010,341 4,936,176 1,952,409 5,002,884 15,162,694 1,669,347 [May, Increase. 654,444 50,901 950,483 574,789 29.J142 809,755 380.568 2,878,596 1,168,461 244,338 229,838 505,541 8,697,437 73,266 Decrease • 261,457 128,154 1,195,844 134,900 ........... 116,811 ........... ........... 57,006 ........... 3,030,517 ........... ........... 53,921 62,384 96,066 ........... ........... ........... 860,887 1,227,257 ........... 52,059 ........... ........... ........... ........... FRANCE. T he official returns have now been made up showing the quantities and value o f the imports and exports of France the past year. It seems that the total value of the imports taken for consumption in the year 1864, was 2,480,214,000f. ; in 1863, 2,426,379,000f.; in 1862, 2,198,555,000f.; and 1861, 2,442,328,000f. The total value of the exports of French productions was, in 1864, 2,909,429,000f; in 1863, 2,642,559,OOOf.; in 1862, 2,242,681,000f.; and in 1861,1,926,260,000^ In the imports, the principal articles were hides, skins, and furs,silk, wool, sugar timber, cotton, coal. Of cotton, the value was 315,606,0001'. in 1864, which was 53,000,000f. more than in 1863, and 189,000,000f. more than in 1S62. In exports, the principal articles were silk, wool, and cotton tissues; articles in skin and leather ; turnery, mercery, and buttons ; ready-made clothes and linen, wines and brandies. A s to the precious metals, which are not included in the preceding totals, the value of them (comprising a small sum for copper and platina coin) was in im ports, in 1864, 733,500,OOOf.; in 1863, 532,603,000f.; 1862,536,418,OOOf.; and 1861, 491,586,OOOf.; and the exports were, in 1864, 655,406,OOOf.; in 1863, 587,818,OOOf.; 1862, 455,910,OOOf.; and 1861, 502,480,OOOf. We gave last month (March number, 1865, page 211,)- the full returns of the movements of the precious metals, with the countries from which the imports came and to which the exports went. It is unnecessary to repeat those tables now, but below will be found in detail the value of the principal imports and exports of French production for the last three years : 1865.] Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. 407 VALUE OF THE PRINCIPAL IMPORTS OF FRENCH PRODUCTION. 1864. francs. Horses........................... . . . Cattle................................. H ides................................. . Wool................................... . Silk....................................... Tallow ................................. Guano and manure.......................... Rice ................................... . Table fruits........................ Oleaginous fruits................. . Oleaginous seeds................. . Seeds for sowing................ Olive o i l ............................. Sugar................................. Cocoa................................. . Coffee................................... Pepper............................... . T e a ...................................... Tobacco.............................. Timber............................... Staves................................. Jute..................................... Hemp ................................. F la x ............................... ... Cotton.................................. Hops................................... Rags................................... C o a l.................................... Pig iron............................. Iron..................................... . Copper............................... L ead.................................. Tin...................................... Zinc..................................... Steel.................................... Indigo................................. Linen, hemp, and jute yarn Cotton yarn....................... Woolen yarn.. , ................. Goats’ hair yarn................ Linen and hemp tissues . . . Hair tissues........................ Silk tissues......................... Woolen tissues................... Cotton tissues...................... Machinery........................... Needles............................... Cutlery............................... Corn and flour.................... 25,148,000 1868. francs. 10,293,000 77,136,000 111,038,000 223,730,000 291,905,000 44,540,000 24,264,000 12,408,000 16,768,000 19,554,000 89,976,000 16,529,000 24,549,000 147,419,000 8,270,000 79,792,000 8,427,000 1,489,000 19,203,000 104,842,000 20,233,000 4,559,000 4,110,000 60,551,000 261,836,000 4,792,000 985,000 100,014,000 17,690,000 4,194,000 89,873,000 9,505,000 9,913,000 12,996,000 1,909,000 2,005,000 7,702,000 7,631,000 10,234,000 4,348,000 12,470,000 5,411,000 4 729,000 33,373,000 8,560,000 10,551,000 1,323,000 284,000 58,020,000 1662. francs. 9,084,000 60,983,000 69,271,000 185,134,000 286,958,000 40,134,000 16,990,000 12,796,000 17,250,000 18,281,000 49,251,000 15,519,000 32,490,000 130,922,000 6,630,000 75,974,000 4,251,000 1,520,000 16,929,000 89,411,000 23,970,000 3,780,000 5,879,000 35,808,000 126,159,000 3,839,000 3,631,000 102,167,000 22,207,000 22,889,000 34,832,000 9,285,000 11,385,000 14,172,000 2,646,000 25,035,000 5,830,000 12,942,000 7,493,000 4,933,000 13,483,000 7,236,000 4,624,000 40,961,000 14 305,000 10,770,000 1,354,000 369,000 157,509,000 VALUE OF THE PRINCIPAL EXPORTS OF :FRENCH PRODUCTION. 1864. francs. Silk tissues.......................... Woolen tissues.................... Cotton tissues.................... Linen and hemp tissues . . . Woolen yarn...................... Cotton yarn ........................ 1863. 1862. francs. francs. 370,293,000 293,583,000 98,179,000 18,952,000 15,223,000 1,881,000 363,151,000 221,691,000 63,294,000 14,467,000 12,539,000 1,694,000 408 Statistics o f Trade and Commerce. 1864. francs. Linen and hemp yarn.................. Prepared skins............................. Felt hats....................................... Machinery..................................... Cutlery.......................................... Arms............................................. Tools and other articles in metal. Turnery, toys, buttons................ Millinery and artificial flowers... Furniture..................................... Ready-made clothes and linen... Parisian articles........................... Books, engravings, &c. . ............. Paper and pasteboard.................. Pottery and porcelain.................. Looking glasses........................... Glass and crystal......................... Wines........................................... Spirits........................................... Perfumery ................................... Soap............................................ Refined sugar.............................. Beet-root raw sugar..................... Copper......................................... Coal............................................... H ops............................................ B ags............................................. Cotton*......................................... Rosin............................................. Butter........................................... W"ool............................................. Silk............................. .............. Horses........................................... Cattle........................................... Corn and wheat........................... Articles in leather and skin........ 28,403,000 61,763,000 10,088,000 9,520,000 2,391,000 7,198,000 44,869,000 174,752,000 18,189,000 20,461,000 111,640,000 4,892,000 20,190,000 18,557,000 11,348,000 4,797,000 16,184,000 252,904,000 79,856,000 15,529,000 7,930,000 67,126,000 6,238,000 7,694,000 4.360,000 1,099,000 10,810,000 57,357,000 36,078,000 40,550,000 63,866,000 89,014,000 15,189,000 23,325,000 56,850,000 91,459,000 1863. francs. 26,615,000 51,928,000 7,882,000 7,535,000 2,371,000 11,361,000 43,714,000 146,732,000 12,261,000 13,603,000 82,654,000 3,767,000 19,096,000 17,799,000 10,723.000 3,762,000 13,887,000 229,738,000 66,832,000 14,656,000 8,304,000 76,552,000 7,297,000 4,331,000 3,680,000 4,090,000 9,041,000 52,168,000 36,040,000 32,382,000 48,156,000 96,166,000 7,376,000 18,887,000 48,486,000 78,545,000 [May, 1862. francs. 3,127,000 38,866,000 5,474,000 8,332,000 2,232,000 15.080,000 41,877,000 130,559,000 7,623,000 10,830,000 94,712,000 2,723,000 18,468,000 14,774,000 9,591,000 3,102,000 12,299.01)0 210,000,000 59,327,000 12,952,000 6,089,000 50,635,000 5,443,000 3,184,000 3,021,000 2,443,000 2,289,000 41,262,000 20.564,000 28,969,000 46,103,000 49,786,000 5,938,000 18,076,000 41,768,000 65,801,000 * This article is here counfed as a French production because import duty was paid on it. CONTENTS ART. OF MAY NUMBER. PA G E Biographical Sketch: A b r a h a m L i n c o l n . By Matthew Hale Smith................................. 2. Physical Features of the Oil Regions. By Professor E. W. Evans, Marietta College.......... 3. .Railway Accidents................................................................................................................... 4. Coal Fever. The Price and Prospects o f Anthracite Coal. By C. B. Conant...................... 5. The House of Hapsburg in America. By Professor Andrew Ten Brook.............................. 6. Commercial Law.—No. 21. The Law of Place Where Contract is Made............................. 7. Commercial Chronicle and Review.......................................................................................... 8. Journal of Banking, Currency, and Finance........................................................................... 9. Amendment to the National Currency Law............................................................................ 10. The Loan Act of March, 1865................................ ~ ............................................................ 11. Statistics of Trade and Commerce............................................................................................ 1. 3x39 336 342 349 364 374 379 8S5 389 390 392