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H U N T ’S •v . I M E R C H A N T S ’ MAGAZINE. JULY, 1841. A r t . I.—T H E MISSISSIPPI SCHEME, I n the spring of 1716, a few months after the death of Louis XIV., there was established in the house of a Scotch banker in Paris, an institution which lifted France from the distress which had arisen from a century of w ar; and which, when a few months more were passed, cast her into a bankruptcy which was only relieved by the destruction of the system that induced it. In the Spanish wars of Louis XIV., which wasted the most profuse taxation on foreign troops in a foreign country, may be found the source of the complete prostration which was experienced under his suc cessor. The terrible revolution that followed, was hastened by the ruinous expedients which were taken to conceal the debt which had been thus created, and which doubled its principal under cloak of paying its interest. The people were involved as stockholders or as note-owners in a bank, which, as soon as it had sucked in their investments, shut its flood-gates, and locked up in its basin the wealth which it had thus obtained. W e propose at present to consider, in the first place, the rapid steps by which the Mississippi Scheme achieved that wonderful victory over the laws of credit and the customs of trade, which placed under the control of its pro jector the entire resources of the kingdom ; and in the second place, the steps, even still more rapid, by which, after the victory was won, and the capital of the state secreted in the coffers of the Scotch banking-house, the fabric gave way, and involved those who had taken shelter under it in a ruin from which they could only extricate themselves by the overthrow of the dynasty under which it had been produced. John Law was born in 1671, and before he was of age, had spent the patrimonial estate which the prudence and thrift of his ancestors had amassed. He sold his lands in Lauriston, though in a quarter from which he afterward received them discharged of the incumbrances to which they had been subjected, and entered, as soon as the restraint of his wardship could be cast aside, into the whirl of London dissipation. The fondness for game, which in the sequel of his life displayed itself still more destruc tively, led him into a series of embarrassments, which forced him at last to leave the country as a culprit. He was involved in a quarrel which ter minated in his killing his antagonist, and as the circumstances were such VOL. V .----NO. I. 1 10 The Mississippi Scheme. as could afford little palliation on the ground of passion or heedlessness, he was found guilty, in April, 1694, of murder. As was usual, however, in such cases, and as may have been anticipated by the jury themselves, his connections found themselves powerful enough to secure a majority of the privy council, and a petition for his pardon was presented to the king, backed with influence which could not be resisted. But the family of the murdered man were unable to appreciate the reasons which could be brought in to stay the ordinary course of justice in a case so ripe for her consideration, and an appeal, according to the forms of the old English law, was lodged in the Court of King’s Bench, the necessary result of which was that Mr. Law was carried back again to prison to wait till the first judicial tribunal in the kingdom had pronounced on his case. But finding that the exceptions to the proceeding which he offered to the court were immediately overruled, he thought it better to avoid the doubtful issue thus presented, and by the aid of gold within, and the intrigues of his high-born friends without, succeeded in escaping to the continent, having acquired all the lustre which a triumphant duel in those times could throw around him, without running into the martyrdom by which it was so often followed. In Amsterdam, where he first emerged, after the long obscurity into which the circumstances of his escape had involved him, he officiated for a time as secretary to the British resident, and through the advantages thus opened to him, obtained an intimate acquaintance with the celebrated bank there situated, which at that time exercised so mysterious an influence on the monetary system. He returned to Scotland at the commencement of the seventeenth century, at a time when the country was plunged in the deepest commercial distresses, and when, through the suspension of the banks, and the consequent scarcity of specie, the currency of the kingdom was frozen in its channels. Under the support of the first Duke of Argyle, of the Marquis of Tweeddale, and other powerful Scotch noblemen of the day, he offered to the imperial parliament a plan which he styled “ a pro posal for supplying the nation with money.” In the work which was meant to be the key to the scheme itself, he entered at large into the sub ject of banking and of the currency, and filled up with the most gorgeous coloring the outline which he had previously laid down. The ancient monetary system was to be abolished. Gold and silver must cease to be the medium of exchange. How can they adapt themselves, he argued, to the exigencies of trade 1 Our commerce extends every day, but if it is stretched out and nailed down on a rack so contracted as that which is afforded by a metallic circulation, how will it bring itself to bear on the points where it is needed, and how will its resources be brought into the necessary action ? Forgetting that as trade became wider, and the objects of investment multiplied, the medium, whatever it might be, would increase in value till the same proportion was maintained that had previously existed, he assumed that the precious metals in the kingdom would become grossly inadequate in another revolution to the purposes of circulation, and insisted, therefore, that a medium should be sought which should be both more intrinsically valuable, and more capable of adaptation. The objections which bear against a metallic currency, he fancied would not operate against a paper circulation based upon the landed credit of Great Britain. The allodium of the realm remaining in the king, who was, in theory at least, lord paramount, and the moneyed interests being represented by the commons, it was proposed that parliament should appoint commissioners, The Mississippi Scheme. 11 into whose hands should he thrown the kingdom in the shape of a vast farm, on the credit of which they were to issue notes, whose circulation was to be enforced by statutes which would make them the sole medium of exchange. Being secured on landed property, and bound not only to the credit, but to the actual existence of the country, he maintained that they would speedily drive gold and silver from the market, and finally, by running over the Channel, and becoming the basis on which the continen tal currency would be regulated, they would in the end secure to Great Britain the entire command of the moneyed interests of Europe. But the house of commons were not prepared for a measure which would throw the property of the realm, by a general escheat, into the hands of the crown. A resolution was immediately passed, declaring “ that to establish any kind of paper credit, so as to oblige it to pass, was an impro per expedient for the nation.” The old whig party, which had not then been wheeled from the vantage ground on which the revolution had placed it, refus ed peremptorily to consent to a scheme which would carry England two centuries back, and place her in the midst of the feudal system. The old tory party was looking from its high observatory to the green shores of France, and there saw gathering a little army, whose progress they eagerly watched* and whose advent they devoutly prayed for. But how could the Pretender, leaning on his bare sword, conquer the moneyed colossus that would issue forth to meet him 1 The tories, consequently* were unwilling to concur in any measure which would throw the entire resources of the kingdom in the hands of the ruling establishment; and both parties agreed in rejecting a scheme which would be so equally prejudicial to the treason which the first were nourishing, and the liberties which the others had obtained. It is probable that Mr. Law became disgusted with the dulness of a nation who were unable to seize upon speculations of such gigantic dimen sions with sufficient avidity to throw them into play. He felt that it would require a warmer sun to ripen his plans, and constitutions more inflam mable to receive them. In the splendid scenes of a Roman carnival, he found his mind wrought up to a pitch which adapted it for the construction of those wild but splendid plans which a little while after, in the chivalry of the Parisian court, he found dispositions sanguine enough to espouse. To the king of Sardinia he is said first to have offered the benefits of the panacea which was afterward brought to bear on the more cumbrous body of the French empire; but that monarch modestly declined being made the subject on whom the experiment should be tried, and recommended the speculatist to turn his attention to a theatre more suitable to the execution of such vast designs. Louis XIV. had just died, having left behind him a kingdom impoverished by the empty schemes of personal distinction, with which he had spent a reign the longest and the most auspicious which had ever fallen to a French monarch. The provinces which he had spent his treasury in conquering, had been snatched from him by Marlborough be fore he had paid from their profits a single year’s interest on the debt which it had cost him to buy them. All industry had been checked, be cause the poor man’s wages were insufficient to buy the necessaries whose price had been doubled by imposts; all manufactures were stopped, be cause the producer found that the demand for his staples had ceased; and commerce was rapidly sinking, because the nation which could not raise its domestic necessaries, could not find money to squander on foreign luxury. The fields and the granaries of the kingdom were 'shorn and 12 The Mississippi Scheme. emptied, and were converted into one great poorhouse, in which the peas antry collected themselves in hecatombs to expiate, in a summary way, the crimes of the great monarch who had just immortalized them. Under the regency of the Duke of Orleans, in the minority of Louis XV., it was proposed to suffer a national bankruptcy at once, so as to throw off at a ' toss, from the shoulders of the nation, the terrible load which was grind ing it to the dust. That vast crash of credit, which succeeded fifty years afterward, when all means of alleviation had been tried and failed, was on the brink of taking place at the beginning, when the desperation of the evil was first discovered. The regent, however, in honor to a name which would otherwise have little to recommend it, refused his assent to so grand a fraud, and instituted at once a commission, or vista, for the investigation of the demands against the state. A day was appointed on which all claims were to be heard; and at once, from the office of every capitalist in Europe, from the treasuries of the German principalities, from the dens of the proscribed Jews, there started up creditors who pounced upon the quarry with an eagerness which shook the whole fabric of the government. The debt in gross was found to amount to two thousand millions of livres, which at twenty-eight livres to the marc of standard silver, (two pounds sterling,) was equal to one hundred and forty-two millions sterling. As stated by Stewart in his Political Economy, (vol. II., p. 236,) seventeen hundred and fifty millions of livres of the whole amount were settled in various funds at four per cent interest; while the creditors of the remain ing two hundred and fifty millions were satisfied with what were called billets d’etat, of the same interest. But the distressed condition of the kingdom prevented the collection of a revenue sufficiently extended to de fray so vast a drain as the interest thus created, and the government found itself in a position, in which, like that of King Charles before the revolu tion, it was obliged to resort to the most odious usurpations, and the most refined frauds, to meet the current expenses of the day. It was in France that Mr. Law found a stage opening of dimensions sufficiently extended for his great designs. The old essay on money and trade, which had first been used as a means of influencing the British par liament, had been translated, and spiced with illustrations which made it more suitable to its new purposes, and presented to the consideration of the French court. Assuming that the prosperity of a people increases in proportion to the amount of the money circulating among them, he made use of those great resources which his long acquaintance with banking had af forded him, to show that as specie can never be increased beyond a cer tain mark, it is necessary to resort to paper money, and to paper money whose value should be arbitrarily fixed, to c an y the state onward in those necessary improvements which the increase of its population and of its wants would suggest. The Bank of Amsterdam, he argued, had increased its circulation widely beyond the narrow limits of its specie, because it based its emissions on its great landed estate, and its greater commercial securi ties ; and could not the government of France, by the erection of its trea sury into a banking capital, and its taxes into a permanent revenue, be come the master of its own currency, and create and model it as was most beneficial to its interests ? What splendid prospects would then open to the occupant of a throne, who by a single nod could double at once both the currency and the prosperity of his kingdom, and, by the issue of a se ries of paper slips, buy, in the ordinary course of commerce, countries, to The Mississippi Scheme. 13 which the provinces which it had striven for in other times through fire and blood, should be trifles ? But loose and romantic as were the views of the counsellors of Louis XV., there was something in the scheme of the Scotch theorist which was too startling to admit of its immediate adop tion. The reasoning appeared to them very just, and the advantages very striking, but the bait was so glittering that they suspected that a hook must lay behind it. In the preamble of the letters patent of the French king, dated 2d May, 1716, it is stated in sum, that Mr. Law had formally proposed his plan to the government, and that they agreed on its entire validity and advantage, but thought, under the advice of the most promi nent of their counsellors, that the present conjuncture was not suitable for its development. Mr. Law, however, was allowed to set up a private bank, in the Place de Louis le Grand, which was to be built entirely on funds furnished by himself, and by those who should voluntarily enter into the subscription, and from which he promised, in a proportionate degree, those great results which he had sketched out as the consequences of the erection of a national institution. The constitutions of the first English joint-stock companies were formed very much on the model of the celebrated institution which was thus es tablished. Had Mr. Law’s bank been allowed to sail as she was launched, she would without doubt have made her voyage with safety, and greatly to the advantage of those who were concerned in the adventure. We can not imagine a more safe construction, for an institution which must from the want of a distinct charter be obliged to lean on its natural resources, than that which was adopted by the Scotch banking establishment, before it was taken under the fostering wings of the state. Its stock was to consist of 1200 actions, or shares, of 1000 crowns, or 5000 livres each, which amount ed, individually, according to the denomination then fixed by law, to £ 2 5 0 ; so that the whole stock was worth £300,000. The liberty of subscription was made general, and letters patent were issued by the gov ernment, at the request of the bank authorities, which declared that the securities belonging to, and the funds deposited by foreigners, should be exonerated from any confiscation or imposition whatever in case of war between the nation to which they belonged, and that under which the bank was constituted. Two general courts were to be held yearly, in which an exposition of the state of the institution was to be given by the officers, to be discussed and acted upon by the proprietors themselves. The proprietors consisted of the stockholders of the bank, whose individual influence was graduated according to the shares they held. Every stock holder who owned five shares was possessed of a vote, and for every five more shares that he acquired, another vote was placed to his account. The election of officers, the valuation of the dividends, the investment of the funds, and the distribution of the surplus of the bank, was subject by the constitution to the control of a majority of the proprietors, or in fact, to the wishes of those who held the greater part of the stock. The ac counts were to be balanced twice a year, and as such published generally throughout the market. The notes were intended to be issued only to the extent of the specie or the landed estate in the possession of the propri etors ; and as they were made payable at sight, they obtained a rapid circu lation in a country which had been flooded with the irredeemable scrip of government securities. The bank was excluded from all commercial 14 The Mississippi Scheme. transactions whatever, and was tied down, by rules which admitted of no evasion, to the narrow provinces of circulation and of deposit. Mr. Law did not hesitate to declare in public that a banker merited the punishment of death, if he issued notes without an exact equivalent in his vaults. The most favorable exposition was made at the first general court of the prospects of the institution, and so great was the confidence excited, not only by the warm expressions of the founder, but by his plausible statements, that in the course of a few months the notes passed current at one per cent beyond the value of specie itself. The taxes which formerly were transmitted at great expense from extremity to centre, were sent through post with little difficulty, in the shape of this newly stamped paper. Paris had before drained from the provinces, by means of the royal reve nue, the entire amount of their specie, so that they were reduced to the greatest distress by the annual requisitions of the collectors : under the new economy, notes were passed to and fro without exhausting the one, or throwing a diseased fulness into the other. The balance of exchange with England and Holland, which had formerly been so depressed that sometimes fifty per cent was paid for drafts by travellers going from Pa ris to London, changed so completely, that it came now to be four or five per cent in favor of the French capital. It would seem that a sudden thaw had broken up the icy chains which had till then bound up the com mercial system of the empire, and in a moment its channels become gay with life, while on their bosoms floated to and fro, in sudden activity, ves sels whose movements restored at once its lost circulation. But the Duke of Orleans, who as regent held the reins of the kingdom, by no means relished the prosperity of an institution, whose failure he had confidently anticipated. It had been usual in former times, whenever a merchant became rich while the crown remained poor, for the public in formers to discover that the merchant was a Jew, and that therefore his goods became a just confiscation to the Christian government under which he lived 5 it became congenial to the policy of the regent to renovate the exhausted vigor of his finances by a similar inoculation, and he at once declared his intention of transferring the legers of the bank into the trea sury department of the state. By an act of council, bearing date 4th De cember, 1718, the stockholders were informed that the king had taken Mr. Law’s bank under his protection; that his majesty had reimbursed to the original proprietors their shares; and that he had assumed as a na tional debt the outstanding notes, amounting in fact to fifty-five millions of livres, The same stipulations which had formerly been made, were re newed on the credit of the king, with the simple difference that then they were made in the name of merchants whose estates were involved in their good faith—notv, in that of a government who had become so habituated to deception, that it was expected from them on all sides, and had been cal culated on by themselves. It was as a government measure that was opened that great scheme for colonizing the valley of the Mississippi, which a few years after made the French people bankrupt. Mr. Law was continued at the head of the in stitution, but he found that he was no longer a private banker, who was dogged in his motions by a band of cautious proprietors, but that he had become the unlimited master of an establishment of boundless resources, with the whole influence of the monarchy in his hands, and the theatre ot both continents stretched out before him, As a first stroke, the bank The Mississippi Scheme. 15 threw out two billions of livers in paper based on government credit, without even the hypothecation of a tax, or the establishment of a security ■ and on this gigantic basis, the comptroller-general commenced his move ments. He laid his hands upon the colonies, the revenues, the preroga tives of the crown, as a capital in gross upon which there was to be issued a currency which should be in essence irredeemable. A five livre note might be emitted on the basis of an obscure tax, or a distant fishery ; and should it be presented at the treasury for redemption, the holder would have been sent to the St. Lawrence for its realization. A commercial company was erected, who became the shadowy representation of the bank itself, or rather of the colossus who stood at its head, to whom was granted the country of Louisiana, then described by the most exaggerated limits, and embracing in its boundaries provinces which were painted as the most cultivated and the most fertile in creation. The map was stud ded with gold mines, and the speculater who glanced over the scheme that was hung up in the royal treasury, could no longer hesitate to advance his capital on securities which were safer than the mint which they were to supply. £00,000 actions, or shares, rated at 500 livres each, were at once issued, and their value immediately increased in the most exorbitant degree. They were looked upon as the titles of unlimited wealth, and their price consequently was only limited by the amount of money in the market. The valley of the Mississippi was surveyed into lots of the most fantastic dimensions, so that the fancy of the capitalist was consulted as to the proposed condition of his estate, and the diagrams of Euclid were exhausted in furnishing patterns for the new investments. A square league in Louisiana, even in its most unknown regions, could rarely be bought at less than 30,000 livres; and sometimes the mineral productions of par ticular neighborhoods became so highly extolled, that they rose to a price much beyond that of the most cultivated lands in France itself. The Company of the Indies, as it was generally styled, finding itself at a loss for money to defray its current expenses, determined to buy up the mint, and the taxes by which it was fed. The consideration money was to be drawn from a fresh creation of stock, and the institution found itself therefore, by a simple vote of its proprietors, endowed with the entire di rection of the commerce of the nation, of the collection and management of its revenues, and the territorial possessions of the crown. An annual dividend was promised, which was to amount to 200 livres annually, and the result was that the stock rose in the market 400 per cent above par. The revenue of the company has been computed, even at this day, at no less than 131 millions of livres, which was made up from 48 millions inte rest from the king ; 39 millions income upon the farms, the mints, and the taxes ; and 44 millions profits from their trade. Possessed, therefore, of such stupendous resources; dealing with money as if it were the chaff which flew off in the process of its more substantial labors ; ranking as its supporters the governments of the continent of Europe—it is no wonder that the French people, unpractised as they were in such deception, should have looked upon the Mississippi bank as the foundation on which the kingdom was to be built up in the splendor of universal supremacy. In November, 1719, the price of shares had arisen to 10,000 livres each, being more than sixty times the sum at which at first they were actually sold. M. Chirac, who was at that time chief court physician, is said to have 10 The Mississippi Scheme, been called upon when the excitement was in its climax, to visit a female patient of high degree, whose complaints were probably assumed in com pliance with the demands of some particular object of etiquette. He seized her hand, and cried out suddenly with an oath which it is not necessary to repeat, “ It falls, it falls !” The invalid, naturally ascribing the physician’s horror to the extraordinary position of her pulse, rang the bell with all her force to bring up the family confessor; and it was not until ghostly con solation had been offered, that M. Chirac recovered himself sufficiently to state, that wrapped up as he had been in the evolutions of Mississippi stock, his mind wTas unable to withdraw itself from the contemplation of the invisible barometer that was thus placed before it. So great was the rage displayed for dealing in the new investment, that all Paris was converted into one vast gambling shop. There was no exchange in which the bankers could meet, and the rue Quinquempoix, on which the first banking-house was situated, became the spot in which its business was conducted. In the narrow walls of the first banking-room, were woven plots in which were involved the destiny of France, and the peace of Europe. After the doors had been closed, and the setting of the sun had announced the time in which the speculations of the day must cease, Mr. Law held in his pri vate apartments above, the council which decided not only the measures of the bank, but the policy of the government. It was there that the Duke of Orleans, at that time regent, was accustomed to spend the first half of the night, in contriving with his chief adviser the schemes which were ne cessary to preserve his tottering power. The comptroller-general, for such was the ministerial office to which Mr. Law had been raised, had assumed as his province, not only the regulating of the trade, but the graduation of the taxes of the kingdom. Where could there be a more momentous task, and one more essential to the prosperity of the French people, than that which was entered into by the ministers of the day, of restoring France to the tone which she had possessed before the usurpa tions of Louis XIV ? If we look back a little further than perhaps we are allowed by the limits of this paper, we will find, that at the period in which the English kings had imposed the most arbitrary taxes at pleasure on their parliaments, the French parliaments had maintained their su premacy with a firmness which reduced their kings to obtain their support by the concession of their most lofty demands. But while the English commoner had learned to refuse the calls of the crown when directed against the liberty of the subject, the French civilian had gradually yielded up privilege after privilege, till he contented himself with registering the decrees of the government of the day. Louis XIV. came to the throne with a possession more absolute than that which had been allotted to any European prince. The crown of England was restrained by the freedom of the subject, that of Spain by the usurpations of the church, but the king of France found himself able to involve a well-nursed treasury, and a bro ken-spirited people into whatever crusades it suited his ambition to lead them. The king absolved himself at once from the hereditary restraints which the established officers of the treasury placed on the disbursements of the crown. By an edict issued a short time after he came of age, he declared that he was responsible in person for his administration to God alone, and with so great a weight upon his neck, he was determined in no instance to transfer his duties from the shoulders of one whom God has selected for support, to others, who though they might share his labors, The Mississippi Scheme. 17 could never lay claim to his office. Unfortunately, however, while he re fused the aid of the regular officers of the treasury, he was obliged to call in a variety of subordinates to assist him in the more laborious parts of his duties, who by their avarice alone, would have been able in a few years to have disordered the finances of the state. Of the annual income, but a small sum entered into the king’s coffers ; for every channel that it passed through, absorbed a large portion of it on its passages; so that some of the most profitable sources of revenue were sometimes lost in the marshes and ravines of court rapacity, before they reached the borders of the trea sury in w’hich they were to be emptied. For every fresh campaign in which the king was engaged a new tax would be raised, and for every new tax a fresh number of sinecures were created, who employed them selves in sucking away the greater part of its productions before it reached the troops whom it was to set in motion. It is said that when the herrings are expected to make their annual visits to the north of Scotland, the peasantry from hill and valley flock together, and lay listlessly on the shore, with their nets stretched out, and their eyes uplifted, till the ex pected visiters are felt in their thread prison-houses, and the draw is made that brings them in myriads to the shore. There were a series of idlers in Paris, who made it their business to slide themselves in every commis sion that was issued for the collection of the revenue; and as one noble army was struck down on the Rhine, or another melted away in the fevers of the Pyrenees, the court fishermen would hurry to the spot from whence the new impost should be extracted, or the spot where it was to be ap plied, and hang around it on its passage, till it was unfit for the object to which it was to be applied. Louis XIV. might have looked back, when stretched before his confessor on his dying bed, and recited a series of crimes more serious and more destructive than any which it had been the fortune of his princely predecessors to have achieved. He might have passed over those trivial topics of repentance with which he amused his ghostly counsellor—he might have overlooked the penance which would he necessary for his omission to have persecuted Huguenots more thirstily, or to have conformed more thoroughly to the outward decencies of eti quette—and when he made up his last account, have measured the degree of good which had been achieved by his long administration, and the de gree of evil that was to be repented of. There were Spanish wars which had been unsuccessful, he might have said, and which had drawn from the south of France its food for the support of a foreign army. There were wars in Germany, also, which were unsuccessful, and which laid waste the provinces on which they bordered. From the first to the last there had been crusades against the powers of England and of Austria, which had finally exhausted the crusader himself, till he was obliged to retire nerve less from the field. Louis XIV. was in a state of ignorance of the great debt he had created, it is true, because he refused to look into its accounts ; but it was an ignorance which displayed the cowardice of his vanity, rather than the indolence of his disposition. He left the crown to his great grandson, mortgaged to an amount which it required a revolution to redeem. W e have gone, we fear, somewhat out of our path, in the consideration of the causes which led to the extraordinary embarrassments of the finances of France, on the opening of the Mississippi Scheme. It is necessary to look more narrowly than a superficial glance, at the profligacy of the VOL. V .— NO. J . 3 18 The Mississippi Scheme. time, to comprehend the entire prostration of the resources of the state. France was actually insolvent; public creditors were starting up in all quarters; capitalists in other lands, who had lent money to the French king, were calling on their governments to support their claims ; the ne cessary movements of the administration were clogged from a want of money to carry them o n ; and the same cloud of ruin which hung over the commencement of the reign of Louis XVI., was hovering over the advent of his predecessor. But suddenly, the sky brightened. Money became again plenty—the taxes flowed without difficulty— the machinery of state was placed in rapid motion—trade acquired an unknown facility— adventures were fitted out to the remotest points of the globe—and the nation seemed recovering, with a quickness which threw all precedent into confusion, from the misery into which she had been cast by the childish ambition of the great monarch whom she just had buried. A banking in stitution had been established, which had assumed the whole province of commercial regulation in its hands—which farmed the taxes—which gov erned the colonies— and which finally reduced the value of money, and raised that of wages, throughout the land, to an extent which realized the wildest fables of the Troubadours. If we look more close!}' into the management of the Mississippi Scheme at the time of its highest prosperity, we will see at once the character of the extraordinary advances which had been made. The bank had issued notes in bales; but they were notes which represented isles in the Indian sea, perhaps, or towns on the Mississippi, but certainly not the current coin of the realm. The specie of the bank was vanishing, as if melted away by some mysterious influence that diminished it without its guardians being able to discover to what quarter it was carried. Some of the largest pro prietors of the company, who had prudence enough to preserve their equilibrium in the midst of the extraordinary success which waited on their speculations, had made a practice of converting their gains into gold and silver, and remitting them abroad for security. In the splendid era also which was about to dawn upon the country, men of wealth disdained the homely utensils with which they had once been contented, and converted the coins which came into their hands into the most gorgeous equipages. We have heard of the hero of a German legend, who was cast, as the consummation of all ambition, on the crest of a mountain which was com posed of the greatest luxuries which the palate could suggest. He passed through a lengthened holiday of enjoyment, but in his self-gratification had not calculated on the probable duration of the feast, and one morning he was startled by an unusual motion, and found that he had eaten through the mountain, and was sliding rapidly down the dusty plain that flanked it. The proprietors of the Mississippi bank had miscalculated on the extent of their magical possessions. They had seen them raised up with a rapidity which had surpassed whatever their imagination could have suggested, but as soon as they assured themselves of the reality of the wealth that was spread before them, they entered upon it as if it could have no end. Strangers from all quarters rushed to Paris to divide the quarry ; for, from the peak of the London Exchange, or the peak of St. Mark’s, at Venice, it had become visible to the eyes of distant speculators, who flocked like birds of prey, to be present at its spoil. There were no less than three hundred and five thousand foreigners in the capital in November, 1719, who are said to have been drawn there by the prey in view. The films The Mississippi Scheme. 19 of etiquette which had been for ages preserved inviolable by the social dis tinctions of the Parisian hive, and which till then had been able to dis tinguish its cells, and prevent their contents from mingling, were broken through in their most tender places, by. the extraordinary confusion that was thus produced. The doors of the peerage were opened to let in the rich tradesman who had speculated in Mississippi stock. The regent talked of creating a new order of nobility, who should derive their titles from the Indian principalities which they laid claim to. There is an anecdote told by a French historian of noble birth, which we repeat, in utter scorn, we confess, of the little economy of etiquette whose validity it was meant to enforce; but which serves to illustrate very well the social revolutions which were thus put in motion. A Toulouse tradesman, who had hit upon a lucky moment in the market, determined to provide himself with a complete service of plate, and consequently went to a goldsmith, and purchased, at a venture of 400,000 livres, the whole amount that was exposed in his shop. His wife, to whom the new purchases were imme diately sent in order to prepare them for a supper which he was medi tating, was not versed in the distinctions of plate in general, and especially of the remarkable specimens which thus chanced to be collected together; so that when she proceeded, in arranging the table, to apply each article to its proper use, she was at great loss to discover the purposes to which some of them could be employed. Unfortunately, the lot comprehended a complete church service, which had just been cast as a pious offering for a cathedral then in progress, and the natural consequence was, that the sugar was piled up in a censer, while the soup was held in one of the ba sins which were originally intended for the reception of holy water. But it cannot be supposed that the founder of the system, who had nursed it under its early difficulties, and who was thoroughly acquainted with its resources, could have been blinded by the splendor of its sudden success. Mr. Law made use of his influence with the government, which was then entirely in his hands, to procure the promulgation of edicts which strike us at once with surprise, at its own despotism, and of his power. An order of council was issued as early as February, 1720, for. bidding every person, and even every community, secular or religious, to keep by them more than 500 livres in specie. The balance between the issues and the specie of the bank being once destroyed, she was compelled to resort to the most ruinous sacrifices in order temporarily to sustain her credit. The notes in the market have been estimated, and it seems with justice, as high as six thousand millions of livres, or about eleven hundred millions of dollars. The funds of the company became wholly insufficient to support so terrible a weight, and even if the gold and silver in the king dom could have been collected in a mass, it would have been able to meet only about one third of their emissions. But even when the fact of the utter insolvency of the bank must have been clear to all who recollected that gold and silver alone formed the standard of the realm, the infatuation continued to a degree that raised the stock, when it was on the brink of destruction, to a pitch unequalled in its history. By the bolstering edicts which were issued by the council, and which required that payments in specie should be restricted to sums as low as 100 livres in gold, and 10 livres in silver—which declared bank notes to be ever invariable, but which kept the standard of the coin in continual fluctuation—and which ordered that all rents, customs, and taxes, should be paid in notes, and 20 The Mississippi Scheme. threw the whole weight of the law in their favor—the people were forced, under the severest penalties, to receive the paper, if they would not huy the stock of the institution. The government had entered into a solemn plan to liquidate the national debt in what manner it could ; and as the debt had been assumed by the bank, the only difficulty was to shift the ownership of the bank from the crown to the people. It was to this object that the compulsory edicts of 1720 were directed. The regent stood whip in hand at the Bastile, and significantly pointing to its dungeons, forced into the hands of the crowds who were passed in review before him, the paper which was to transfer like magic the debt which was resting on his royal ward, to the people over whom he was to govern. The trap was success fu l; and between the 27th of February, and the 1st of April, 1720, 300 millions of livres were paid in specie into the bank, in exchange for its notes. On the 1st of May succeeding, the emission of notes was stopped, and in a little while after, a conclusion was put to the reimbursement of the national creditors through their m eans; and the government securities which had been previously granted out, having thus been supplanted by the new currency, were withdrawn and cancelled. The policy was now complete. The bank had been bolstered up till royal assistance could no longer support i t ; and now, when its office was accomplished, the prop was to be suddenly withdrawn, and a ruin occasioned which mocked at the former sufferings of that unhappy country. The notes in the country, according to the estimate most favorable to the bank, were at least double in value of the specie, and as the crisis was already passed, and a run was commencing at its counter, a council was called for the purpose of deciding whether further aid should be ex tended. Louis XV. was still in his minority; and the Duke of Orleans, who had held since the accession the regency, had obtained entire posses sion of the regal power. Stained with every crime which a prince of the blood can commit, he labored still under the suspicion of having been the murderer of three dauphins, and his royal ward was the only obstacle be tween himself and the throne ; the courtiers were prepared each morning to hear and acquiesce in a tale like that which was told by the obsequious attendants of King John, after the death of his brother’s child. But the Duke of Orleans had seen that the crown of the murdering king had rested uneasily on his head, and he consoled himself, since he could not take the life of his royal nephew, to at least lay waste his heritage. There were collected around the regent counsellors, who, in principle at least, were rivals of their master. Cardinal du Bois, the most profligate of the ser vants of the church, in a day when profligacy was a title to her honors, was, like Fouche, the master of the art of police control, though unlike Fouche, he remained faithful to the prince who raised him from obscurity. But Cardinal du Bois placed the regent’s aggrandizement as the sole aim of his m inistry; and in defiance of the laws of providence, in disdain of the rights of the people, scrupled not to connive at the most unnatural crimes which might gratify his master’s passion, or execute the most scan dalous oppressions which his master’s ingenuity could contrive. The minister had remained the firm supporter of the Mississippi scheme as long as it answered the regent’s purposes, but as soon as its object was over, he learned to change his countenance, and in conformity with the orders he had privately received, to prepare in council the ruin which in secret had already been concerted. Mr. Law, who as comptroller-general had a The Mississippi Scheme. 21 seat in the council, brought forward at the meeting, which the position of the bank had thus rendered necessary to be called, a series of propositions which he declared would be sufficient to place her on a substantial basis. How should she be enabled to meet the extraordinary run to which she was about to be subjected ? It was then that expedients were suggested, which, we venture to say, can have no equals in the history of financial legis lation for their crudeness or their pernicious tendency. It was proposed by Mr. Law, that by an edict which it should be made death to transgress, the standard of gold and silver in the kingdom should be doubled, so that esti mating the paper to amount to double the specie, they could thus be equal ized in value. He supported his proposition by reference to the arbitrary customs of the realm, by which the king was authorized, whenever it be came expedient to raise taxes or lower provisions, to suddenly raise or lower as it might be the value of the common standard. Such a step was necessary to the bank, for without some such equalization, she could not maintain herself another month; and when she sank, she would drag with her the new-born prosperity of the state. But the royal counsellors felt little inclined to listen to such advice. They knew that sooner or later the scheme was over, and they were not anxious to prolong it, when it had answered their purposes. Cardinal du Bois proposed, as if in mockery of Mr. Law’s suggestion, that the amount of the two currencies should indeed be equalled, but that it should be done, not by raising the specie, but by lowering the notes. The cardinal’s advice prevailed ; and on the 21st of May, 1720, was published a royal edict, which lowered the stock and notes of the company, by a series of gradual but rapid reductions, to pre cisely one half their former value. Before a day was passed, the whole fabric of the Mississippi Scheme, like one of those beautiful snow castles which are raised in the northern countries, to be the hunting lodge of an emperor as he passes, was melted and vanished. The man with a million of its paper in his pocket, might have laid himself on his princely couch, to awake to the life of a pauper. The note holders, stunned in the midst of their intoxication, thronged to the bank, and found it guarded by soldiers. If they pressed in fury to its doors, they were driven back by pikes. In the distance, at the end of the long avenue that was stretched out before them, they could see through the windows the clerks transacting their usual business, with their mammoth books before them, and their chests by their sides. For a moment the note holders thought that there might be some momentary error, which would soon be wiped out—that the military were there to protect against some imaginary evil, and that in a little time the doors would open. The doors in a little time did open, but it was to receive the investigators whom the government had appointed to seal its papers, and stop its pay ments forever. When the countrymen from the adjacent villages brought their produce into the city on the next morning, they found that the circulating medium was entirely at a stop. Specie had already vanished from the market, and the notes by which it had been succeeded, which had become in fact the basis on which business was conducted, were acknowledged by the government which protected, and the bank which issued them, to be com paratively worthless. The capitalist, whose rent-roll was crowded with wealth, might meet the merchant whose stores were filled with commodi ties, without either of them being able to pitch on a medium of exchange, 22 The Mississippi Scheme. by which the wants of both could be supplied. The regent issued an edict, which revoked the former enactments against the circulation of g.old and silver, but it was easier to drive the precious metals from the market than to force them back again. Specie was given out, as far as was consistent with the resources of the treasury, to the commissaries of the different sections of Paris, who were required to give it in change for small notes that should be presented to them by such as were in greatest necessity of relief. On the 10th of June, an arrangement was entered into by which the bank was enabled to pay its notes of the denomination of ten livres, which in fact constituted a very small proportion of its circulation ; on the 11th, it was announced that notes of 100 livres, if singly presented to the counter by single individuals, would be received ; and the 12th and 13th of the same month were fixed for the payment of the notes in ques tion. On the days which were mentioned, the poor and the rich seemed to have crowded with one accord about the doors of the bank. Men who held large qantities of the notes in demand, and who by the qualification of the enactment, could only in their individual capacity present a single one to the counter, hired prize-fighters and banditti to act as their proxies on the occasion. The park before the bank resembled the precincts of a camp. The guards in front of the doors managed that very few should be admitted, in order that the press inside might not lead to confusion; but such an arrangement was by no means pleasing to those who were encamped without. Stones were thrown by the more clamorous of the note holders, and in return the soldiers on guard fired into the mob with con siderable effect. But the little army, who consisted principally of vete rans of the prisons, or peasants who had become infuriated by want, were by no means discouraged by the thinning of their ranks, and holding their notes before them, like standards which were to inspire them in their march, they pressed forward in a dense troop into tlie place of those who were admitted into the banking-house, or those who were trodden under foot. No less than twenty persons were suffocated in one morning alone, according to the official statement, which excluded of course the victims of the cruelty of the armed police. To those who are accustomed to ex pend their sympathies on the atrocities that marked the conclusion of the French revolution, the consideration may be of some advantage, that at its commencement, under the most exhausting and complete despotism which ever had been established, there was a tragedy of governmental fraud and governmental blood-thirstiness exhibited, act by act,, which may rival the most passionate excesses which were afterward displayed. But the paper continued in undiminished circulation, notwithstanding the measures which were taken to recall it. That the government had no se rious intention of paying specie for their notes is now very clear, though they certainly were able to do so to a large extent. As a means of buy ing up their obligations far more profitably than could have been done by their actual liquidation, there were constituted in June, 1720, twenty-five millions of perpetual annuities, at the rate of forty years purchase ; and four millions of annuities on lives, at twenty-five years purchase, for which notes would be received. Under such, and similar means, it w’as supposed that the paper would be rapidly drawn in ; but anxious as were the people to get rid of their notes, they hesitated to part with them at so unjust a sacrifice. On the 15th of August, the regent took the step which was in tended to perfect the system, and an et’ict was issued which declared that The Mississippi Scheme. 23 the notes of 10,000 and 1,000 livres should have no currency, except for the purchase of annuities or bank accounts; and by an edict which followed immediately after, their circulation was prohibited on all conditions after the 1st of November, 1720. The alternative remained, either to part with the notes at a ruinous sacrifice, or to postpone them to a period when the faith of the government was pledged to make them of no value what ever. There were many who preferred the latter; and as the government in that respect at least continued faithful, they found themselves stripped entirely of their ancient property, and reduced to the shadowy estate which was afforded by a few slips of paper. We shall pass over the succeeding edicts, both in relation to the East India Company, and to the bank itself, which were directed exclusively to the perfecting of the details of the scheme which the government had so adroitly managed. A large portion of the debt which had been con tracted by Louis XIV., had been shifted, by the juggling of a foreign ad venturer, to the shoulders of the nation, from those of the king himself. A commission, or visa, was established to take into consideration the de mands of the state creditors, who proceeded to receive and digest the claims against the state, and to present them, after they had been reduced within tangible limits, to the regent for liquidation. The government placed itself in the position of an insolvent trader, who was unable to pay his debts, and assigned his whole interest in his estate to others, who had stipulated to obtain for him a release upon his entire surrender. The visa occupied itself not so much in hearing, as in higgling with the state creditors. A merchant who had lent his fortune in a former reign to feed the warlike ambition of the king, when he presented the scrip which had been given to him in evidence of his title, was taken aside, and plied with all considerations of pecuniary advantage or personal safety, to induce him to compound the debt. It was the king’s grace that conceded the payment of any part of the demand, and the creditor should remain satis fied with the generous boon. Eight hundred clerks were employed in subjecting the claims to the operation of the new ordeal. In the course of a few months the claims wers reduced within limit, and the debt due by the king diminished more than forty millions of livres yearly. In less than a single year the Mississippi Scheme had achieved the stupendous task of clearing one half of the obligations of the crown, by means which impoverished the nation in their execution. More than 500,000 persons are said to have been reduced from wealth to want by the depreciation of the stock of the bank, and the dishonor of its notes. The victim of the Mississippi Scheme might look to the replenished coffers of the govern ment, or the disencumbered estates of the princes of the blood, with the consciousness that it had been through his own destruction that their reve nues had been built up. Private fortunes had been melted together by wholesale, to create the estate of a minister or a favorite, like the ordinary coins which are drawn from the usual purposes of circulation, and are brought together in one great mass, to form a splendid, but unnecessary article of plate. The grounds of Chantilly, which had been mortgaged, and even alienated in part, during Ihe misfortunes of the family, were re covered by the Duke of Bourbon, through the means which his successful speculations afforded, and built up in magnificence suitable to the condi tion of the most princely house of Europe. An English gentleman, by the name of Gage, amassed so immense a fortune, that, in defiance of the 24 The Mississippi Scheme. usual decorum of continental etiquette, he offered three millions sterling to the king of Poland for his crow n; and the monarch is said to have been so deaf to the voice of self-respect, as to have actually treated for the sale. It would have seemed as if the wealth of the whole nation had been thrown into the governmental foundry, and recast into colossal shapes, which as tonished not only from their grandeur, but their solidity. The face of the country was reduced to a wilderness—its fields were dry—its laborers starving—its trade confused— while here and there, on the shore, or in the forest, might be seen a splendid palace, or a grotesque pagoda, which had been built by the collected energies of the state. But who can esti mate the misery that was then suffered ? The eye of the traveller was caught by the monuments of wealth which stood out in the distance before him, and he forgot to notice the miserable hovel by their side. The chronicles of the court of Louis XV., are too much wrapped up in the mo mentous weight of the intrigues which they relate, to bestow a thought upon the silent sufferings that were endured by those who were not in volved in the masquerade. Madame du Barri says carelessly, that the poor were found starved and frozen in troops, in the dreadful winter that ensued ; but she relates it as a matter of speculative curiosity, in the same way that almanac writers in our own day relate the extraordinary movements among wild beasts, who were driven by the extremity of the weather to the road-side to die. The princess Elizabeth wondered that people should starve ; she asked whether they were too proud to eat bread. In another reign the cup was full, and the princess Elizabeth was led to the altar, to expiate the crimes of those from whom her honors were descended. She might have looked to the other end of the street in which she was sacrificed, and seen there, led on a similar errand to that in which she was employed, a victim far more frail, but not less obnoxious to the execution ers. The daughter of king Louis XV., and the mistress who counte nanced him in his last atrocities, might have called to remembrance in that solemn hour, the miseries which the one had endeavored to alleviate, and which the other had aggravated till the moment of their revenge had arrived. The founder of the Mississippi Scheme found himself brought down in the course of a few short months, from a pitch of honor second to that alone which belonged to the king, to a point so low that there were none in that great realm who would have done him reverence. In the desolate retreat at Venice, in which he hastened to draw around him that obscurity which could form his only shield, he might have looked back to a time, only a year distant, when he stood in the highest pinnacle of the state. The Earl of Ilay, in a letter written at the crisis of the speculation, says that he found Mr. Law’s antechamber guarded by Swiss troopers, who were placed there to keep out the crowds of suitors who pressed about its door. Peers of France, and princes of the royal blood, were seen daily waiting at his door, hoping by their hollow compliments, and their humble attentions, to win the notice of the great financier. Mr. Law re tained his Scotch associations, if he had thrown off his British allegiance, and made his house the home of his original countrymen, no matter what might be the nature of their relations to their native land. The last Pre tender was then hovering around the skirts of Paris, and in the want to which he was reduced, he found that the munificence of the Scotch banker afforded him assistance more warm than that which was given to him by The Mississippi Scheme. 25 the promptest of his adherents. The prince is said to have drawn up at one time a paper ministry, in which Mr. Law was elevated to the post of chancellor of the exchequer, and was invested at the same time with so complete a supervision over the home department, as would place the Bank of England under his control as fully in his new office, as the Bank of the Mississippi in his old one. It became the prevailing belief in France, till the fatal edict of 21st of May had suddenly prostrated the company, that the power of its founder was unlimited, and the sycophancy of the specu lators towards him increased in proportion with the rage for speculation. Schemes were laid by the reigning beauties of the day for the purpose of drawing him within their power, which, if they were not successful, at least deserved to be so from the ingenuity which was displayed in their conception. We have heard of instances in which the cavaliers of a past generation performed the most daring and laborious feats, in order to bring them under the notice of the lady to whom they had devoted themselves by a vow of consecration ; but there are examples which are displayed by Mr, Law’s biographer, of chivalry under a contrary manifestation, which can rarely be surpassed in the history of the Roc minstrels. The wife of a debtor of the comptroller-general, having sought in vain all other methods of rescuing him from his embarrassments,' and despairing in any other way to attract the notice of the sovereign in whose hand her fate depended, caused herself to be overthrown in his court-yard, at a time when his carriage was passing by, and when, from the prominency of her disaster, she might lay claim to hi3 favorable atten tion. The device was successful, and became popular; and the conse quence was, that Mr. Law for some weeks was unable to move out, with out being impeded by the flounderings of a wrecked carriage, or the way wardness of a dismantled horse.* There was but one step remaining to place the comptroller-general at the head of both church and state, and by a summary process that was taken. In December, 1719, he appeared with his son and daughter be fore the altar of the church of the Recollets,- at Melun, and there did penance for the heresy in whose shadows he so long had tarried. As a sign of his sincerity, lie officiated as patron in his parish church of St, Roch; and having endowed it with a magnificent donation, was constL tuted its honorary warden, in place of a duke of the royal family, who' gave way. A convoy of fish was ordered through his bounty to be brought to Paris, and distributed to the poor during le n t; though,- unfortunately for the appropriateness of the charity, the vessels were detained by contrary winds, and did not arrive till after Easter. Lord Stair, who at that time was British minister, was superseded by his court, because he had neglect ed at first to ingratiate himself with the ruling power; and the English ministry hastened to redeem the error, by supplanting him by a represent-, ative who could be more pliant in his demeanor. The whole of Europe lay at his feet, while he, like the son of the Jewish patriarch, was waited upon by those in whose lap he had been nursed, and under whose protec tion he had been fostered, as the statesman who controlled the destiny of his adopted country. As on the day of his highest exaltation, when every circumstance had combined to raise him to a pitch of power unexampled in a subject, Mr, VOL. V .— S O . I . * Wood's Life of Law, p. 60. 4 20 The M ississippi Scheme. Law proceeded, after the immediate business of his department was closed, to hold the levee which the lateness of his employment required him to de lay till almost midnight, he might have seen, as the last visiter was de parted, or the last suppliant was dismissed, the first rays of a morning which was to usher in his complete degradation. There was scarcely a breathing time between his highest elevation, and his final ruin. He seemed to have reached the pinnacle of a high mountain, and then, slip ping from his foothold, to have fallen with a violence which carried him below the level from which his exertions had first been directed. A guard was necessary on the day of the bank’s stoppage, to preserve his person from violence, and even under its escort he was insulted by placards brandished before his face, in which he was styled “papillot,” and “Jils aine de Satan.” He had expatriated himself from his native land ; he now was banished from that which had been the land of his prosperity. We can follow him in his wayward course from court to court, from capi tal to capital, until at last, with a fortune which had experienced every vi cissitude, till its substance was worn away by its changes, and with a name which was soiled with every blemish which in those dissolute times could be won, he died in Venice, on the 21st of March, 1729, and in the fifty-eighth year of his age. The traveller who sees the name of John Law, of Lauriston, on a stone in the church of St. Marks, forgets that under him lay the remains of the speculator who prepared for France the bankruptcy under Louis XV., and the revolution under his successor. It is our intention, at a future period, to examine the condition of the commerce and the finances of France, in the various relations into which they were thrown, by the changes of the French revolution. W e have made use at the present of the Mississippi Scheme, as an illustration of the spirit of financial ignorance, and of governmental despotism, which existed at the commencement of the reign of Louis XV. We have seen a scheme which bore on its face little beyond plausibility, snatched up by the gov ernment as a medium by which its debt could be paid, and palmed off on the people by all the measures which fraud or violence could suggest. When persuasions were of no more use, constraint was used; and the capitalist who was unwilling to listen to the seductions of a messenger of the court, was palsied into obediency by the bayonet of a Swiss grenadier. One half of the national debt was thus avoided; but it was avoided by throwing it from the king to the people, without a consequent diminution of the taxes which had been previously drawn to support it. A period of distress was produced which is unequalled in history, and which laid the seeds of that deep and wide-spread rebellion, which overthrew in the next reign the dynasty under whose auspices it had been fomented. It was from the ruin of the Mississippi Scheme, that we can trace the rise of those commercial institutions, which, after a century of uproar and oppression, have assumed a power which bids fair to lift France to a pitch of prosper ity higher than has been imagined by the most sanguine of her chiefs. The Theory o f Banking. 27 A r t . II.—T H E THEORY OF BANKING. Q uestions of currency and banking have, during the few past years, undergone much discussion in this country ; and are, at the present time, •little less interesting to the people of England than to ourselves. Our attention has of late been drawn to sundry publications that have appeared in England, which express various views of the system of bank ing at present existing in that country ; and the remarks we propose to make have been suggested by the perusal of them, 1. Report of the Directors to a Special Meeting of the Chamber of Com merce and Manufactures at Manchester, on the Effects of the Administra tion of the Bank of England upon the Commercial and Manufacturing In terests of the Country : December 12, 1839. 2. Analysis of the Report of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, with an Exposure of its Fallacies : no date. 3. A Letter to J. B. Smith, Esq., President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce; by Samuel Jones Lloyd: January 9, 1840. 4. Remarks on the Management of the Circulation, and on the Condition and Conduct of the Bank of England, and of the Country Issuers, during the year 1839; by Samuel Jones L loyd: 1840. 5. Report of the Select Committee on Banks of Issue, "with Minutes of Evidence, & c .; ordered by the house of commons to be printed : Au gust 7, 1840, In these different publications, various views are presented of the inter esting subject to which they refer. The report of the directors of the chamber of commerce attributes the fluctuation of prices that is continually occurring, and particularly the heavy fall of prices in 1837, together with much physical and moral evil, to the mismanagement of the circulation by the Bank of England. A different view is taken by the anonymous writer, whose pamphlet is mentioned above as No. 2. Mr. Lloyd, an intelligent banker, author of Nos. 3 and 4, is of opinion that the system is wrong, but thinks the bank has done its duty, as far as it was able to do under the circumstances in which it was placed. The discussion to which these publications gave rise appears to have caused the appointment of the committee of the house of commons, on the 19th March, 1840, to inquire into the effects produced on the circulation of the country by the various banking establishments issuing notes payable on demand. The committee held many sittings, called before them for examination gentlemen engaged in various departments of business, of great experience and extensive observation, and obtained much statistical information, but came to no result. They reported the evidence they ob tained to the house, without expressing any opinion of their own. And, it must be acknowledged by every one who reads the “ minutes of evidence,” that for a large committee to agree upon a report founded on the testimony of individuals who, in their views of the same subject, differ so entirely from each other, would be a work of no small difficulty. In fact, the witnesses can be said to agree in no one particular, except that the present system is, in their opinion, defective, and requires amendment. In respect, however, to the particular alterations in the mode of man aging the circulation necessary to remedy existing evils, each witness en tertained opinions peculiar to himself. 28 The Theory o f Banking. This state of the case in England does not differ materially from the state in which the same questions now stand in this country. Questions relating to the currency, and our banking system, have been long under dis cussion, and without leading to any satisfactory result. All agree in one thing, however, which is, that the currency of the country, and, as con nected with it, the banking system, are in a most unsatisfactory state, and require thorough reformation. The inquiry, therefore, that naturally suggests itself is this : what is the true principle on which the banking system of the nation should be founded ? Who of all the multitude of reasoners, that have treated the subject, have given us correct views of it ? Or, does the true principle still lie hidden 1 To ask these questions is easy. To answer them is difficult. To answer them satisfactorily to everybody is, perhaps, impossible. Yet, to look for the answer may not be altogether in vain. It is with reference to that branch of modern banking which consists in the issuing of circulating medium, that all discussion is now carried on. The great point to be settled is, to discover some system on which the is sues of paper money may be based, which shall combine the requisite qualities of security and convenience, and at the same time guard against the fluctuations that inevitably attend excessive issues. W e consider it altogether too late in the day to discuss the question of tolerating banks at all. That question has been conclusively settled by the opinion of every enlightened commercial nation. Modern commerce could not be carried on without them. The experience of centuries has proved them to be indispensable to the prosperity of an active business people. Even allowing the existence of banks of discount and deposit, we do not admit it to be possible to devise a plan for issuing gaper money so free from objection as can be devised and executed through the agency of these institutions. However numerous the objections to the existing system, all plans for its improvement, under whatever name proposed, when traced out in detail, end finally in a bank of some sort. The great object, there fore, seems to be to devise a system of issues which shall combine the economy and convenience of paper with the security of specie. The system of banking at present existing in this country, is not founded on any well-defined principle. The system works in accordance with laws emanating from twenty-six different legislatures; and embodying, not only the wisdom, but the theoretical notions and whims of some six thousand legislators. In all the states, excepting New York, banks are established under charters specially granted by the legislature, and the corporations are subject to such restrictions as may be by those bodies imposed upon them. They are subject to no limit in the issue of notes, unless some limit happens arbitrarily to be fixed by the power that creates them. It is directly for the interest of these institutions to push their issues upon the public to the utmost amount possible, and therefore an irresistible ten dency in the circulating medium to become redundant; and when it has become so, and their notes begin to return upon them for specie for ex port, that being the only portion of the currency that can be used for dis charging an unfavorable balance of trade, the banks in most of the states meet the demand by a refusal to pay. In England the system is more sound, yet in some respects exceedingly defective. The currency is managed and supported by the Bank of Eng land. Notes are issued by the bank, redeemable in coin, and by all coun The Theory o f Banking. 29 try bankers distant sixty-five miles or more from London, who choose to issue them, and redeem them either in gold or Bank of England notes. Thus the whole burden of preserving the convertibility of the currency falls upon the Bank of England ; and when the paper issues become ex cessive, the drain commences upon the bank. To counteract it, the bank resorts to contraction; but, notwithstanding its utmost efforts at contrac tion, it is often so embarrassed by the continued expansion of the country issuers, that it finds it exceedingly difficult to diminish the circulation, and has within a few months been on the very verge of suspension. The defects of these systems are apparent to all. In regard to the remedy, no two persons can be found who entertain the same opinions. It has been, of late years, supposed that a certain proportion between the issues and specie should be ascertained and fixed ; and, this proportion preserved, the convertibility of the paper circulation would be secured. When the charter of the Bank of England was renewed in 1832, this prin ciple was adopted, and the proportion fixed was one third the amount of the circulation and deposits, to be held in bullion. The recent parliamentary inquiry has, however, shown that this principle has been rather the excep tion than the rule, in the management of the bank, since the time of its adoption. Its directors have, in its management, under the influence of circumstances beyond their control, been rather governed by considerations of expediency; and, having no control over the country issuers, who are also governed by notions of expediency, the community are subjected to all the evils attendant upon excessive fluctuations. To remedy these evils, it has been proposed, both in this country and England, to establish a bank of issues, which should possess the sole power of issuing notes. The leading feature of the plan appears to be to issue a certain amount of notes, to be determined by law, upon securities, and the rest only in exchange for bullion. Mr. Samuel Jones Lloyd, the pro poser and principal advocate of this plan in Eugland, states it as his opinion that the issues of notes should correspond with the influx and efflux of bullion from the country. W e must declare that we see in this plan nothing more than an ex change of one evil for another. In the first place, the amount of the cur rency issued on securities must be left to the discretion of somebody. In this country the men who administer the government are constantly chang ing. Legislators usually remain but a short time in office. Each new one that comes in is desirous of trying his own experiments, and testing his own theories, regardless of what Has been done by those before him, and of what may be done by those who may come after him. This con stant liability to fluctuation in the management of the issues, would subject the currency at times to greater danger. Besides, when bullion comes in to a country, the tendency of paper money is to diminish ; but a forced issue of notes, at the time of an influx of bullion, would only tend prema turely to stimulate prices, bring on an immediate efflux of bullion, and render the accompanying contraction calamitous in a corresponding degree. It is also proposed in this country, to set up a great bank to regulate all the little ones. But who is to regulate the regulator ? Who is to decide when it is proper for the currency to be expanded, and when it is desira ble it should he contracted by the operations of the regulating machine, and have the vibrations occur at precisely the right moment, and to the right amount? The grand difficulty in the way of this mode of managing 30 The Theory o f Banking. the banking system, is that all these movements must be left to the discretion of somebody. And experience has demonstrated that a board of di rectors of a bank, possessing a discretionary power over the currency, are subject to influences, that, however honest their intentions, they find it ex. tremely difficult if not impossible to resist. We object decidedly to any such system. We object to any system which leaves the currency to be fluctuating at the discretion of any body whatever. We object to any regulation on the part of the government beyond the exercise of its power of coinage, and the enactment of such simple general laws as will secure the fulfilment of contracts made by issuers of paper money. We can approve no system that is not self-acting. The currency must regulate itself. If the precious metals flow into the country, our banking institutions must he so constructed as to admit of such an expansion as the demands of business require. If the exchanges turn, they should at once accomplish the needed contraction, and part with the coin necessary to restore the currency to its proper equilibrium with the currencies of other nations.* If a system of banking can be devised which shall accommodate itself to these vibrations of the currency which must unavoidably occur in com mercial nations, with ease, regularity, and certainty, we believe it would be a perfect system. We believe this can be done without interfering with the hanks now in existence; that is to say, the solvent banks in existence may be incorpo * The precious metals being universally adopted as the measure of value, and there being no restriction to their circulation, every commercial nation will, in the course of trade, obtain its proper share. Withdrawing from one nation any part of that proportion, adds to the value of the re. mainder, and depresses the price of all other commodities. Adding that amount so withdrawn to the currency of another nation, diminishes the value of the precious metals in that nation, and raises the price of all other commodities, The nation that has lost the metals, exports its other cheap commodities to the nation that has gained them, where the other commodities have become dearer. They do not receive commodities in exchange, because it is not for the interest of anybody to buy in a dear market, and sell in a cheap one. The process in due time creates what is called a balance of trade, and draws the me, tals back again to settle that balance. This movement in the metals causes a reaction in prices. The object of government should be to let the currency work freely, and it will thus keep itself on a par with that of other nations. Paper is substituted for specie for the purpose of economy—but to answer as a substi tute, must perfectly represent it, and be convertible into it at will. The instant it is issued in excess, it will, if left to work with freedom and without regu. lation, be converted into specie and exported, and must be reduced in amount until the equilibrium of the metals is restored. All regulation of the currency in opposition to the course of trade, tends only to de, rangement, as for example, an importation of specie is followed by a fall in the price of other articles exported. Perfect freedom is therefore indispensable, that prices and cur rency may preserve themselves in equilibrium among commercial nations, The Theory o f Banking. 31 rated into such a system with ease. By solvent banks, we mean those that can pay their liabilities in specie. Banks that can yay any thing, can pay specie. If a bank has not specie, it should have some kind of securities that will sell for it. If it has none of these, its capital has too little vitality to be useful for banking purposes, and the sooner it goes into liquidation the better. Under a sound self acting system, these institutions could not stand for a single day. In order to explain the true principle on which a banking system should be founded, in a country where the currency is a mixed one, we must first point out the great defect in the present system. The moment a bank in this country* issues its notes, such of them as are not needed for payment of demands at the bank itself, fall a little in value. The further they go from the bank, the greater their depreciation. The tendency of bank notes is always towards some central point of trade; and as most of these notes flow into this reservoir, they are at a dis count when they arrive there ; great enough to pay the broker who buys them for the expense of sending them back for redemption, and a profit on the capital he employs in the business. In the commercial cities, the case with the banks is different; their notes, issued at the centre of trade, are at par. If they travel away from home to any distance, they are more valuable than the currency into which they introduce themselves, and are caught up at once and returned home. If the currency becomes redundant, the demand for specie for export is first felt by the banks in the commercial cities. The notes of these banks instantly return upon them for redemption. That portion of the currency which exists in the form of deposits, and which is identical with that part of the currency in circulation in every thing but form, is drawn out, and the banks are forced to a contraction. But with the country notes, the case is different—they fill all the chan nels of circulation—no bank but that which issues them will receive them, and they thus become the cheaper currency, and it is for the interest of everybody to keep them from the channel through which only they can return home, i. e. the broker. Now if the contraction caused by the first demand for coin could be felt immediately by all the banks in the country, the currency would be re stored to its equilibrium immediately. But while the contraction goes on where the demand for specie is first felt, there may be a continual expansion elsewhere. There often is such an expansion which keeps the currency redundant, and prolongs the drain of specie until the convertibility of the whole currency is seriously endan gered, if not entirely destroyed ; the mercantile interests suffering in the mean time the entire action of the contraction necessarily going on at the great commercial points. The general circulating medium consists entirely of the notes of banks of the second grade. The circulation of the really rich and sound banks does not penetrate into the mass of paper afloat throughout the interior. This circulation is made up of notes of distant banks— the more remote the situation of the bank, the greater its circulation—the greater the dis * These remarks do not apply to the banks in New England, which we shall have occasion to speak of hereafter. The Theory o f Banking, count on its notes, (provided it does not go beyond that point at which people in general will submit to it, rather than refuse to receive it,) the greater the certainty of its continuing in circulation. Thus it is for the interest of every bank to push out its notes as fast as possible. The surest way to keep them out, is to make them a little less yaluable than the notes of other institutions. The currency under this existing system of banking, is, if our view of it is correct, constantly tending towards depreciation, and requiring at regular intervals a convulsion of some sort to restore-it to a sound state. The banking system is a machine constantly getting out of repair—now breaking a wheel here, and a cog there—men constantly taxing their wits to repair its defects, which are no sooner repaired in one place than they show themselves in another. The people, through their legislatures, have been at work for two generations, and the machine goes none the better, but rather worse. Let us state then what we conceive to be the true principle on which the banking system of the country should be founded ; it is the principle of making it fo r the interest o f everybody to send bank notes home fo r re demption, This interest is not to be created by discrediting the paper—by causing the apprehension of loss to operate as an inducement to the holders of the issues of banks to force them back to the issuers, in opposition to their considerations of convenience or necessity. Such a course would subject the community to a loss of all advantages derivable from the use of paper as a circulating medium. Nor should it be done by arbitrary enactments to restrain circulation from perfect freedom in its motions—nor to compel its return to the source of issue by any unnatural way—or in a way to cause expense to its issu ers, or holders, This expense must in some form fall upon the public in the end, and to its extent diminishes the amount of convenience and econo, my of the circulating medium, It is rather to be created in other ways which we will point out, In the first place, the idea almost universally prevalent, that the point of issue is to be the point of redemption, must bo given up. Banks are often instituted in remote places, inconvenient of access; and as their issues cannot be returned, except at heavy expense to the holders of their paper, their notes under the existing system, as we have described it, are less valuable, and thus displace the notes of banks nearer at hand ; thus weak ening the circulation, and rendering corrective measures more difficult in case of a redundancy. All banks should therefore be required to redeem their issues at some point, which serves as a centre for the trade of the section of country in which it is located, or as the centre of the trade of the whole country. In this way, the course of trade, and the interest of the public, will carry its issues to be redeemed, as natui-ally as a log of wood would float down the Hudson from Albany to New York. Thus the banks in the state of New York should be required to redeem their issues in New Y ork; the state of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia; and other sections of the country, at those points towards which, in the course of trade, they most naturally (end, In the second place, there must be freedom in the business of banking. In advancing this proposition, we are well aware that we run counter The Theory o f Banking. 33 to a deep-rooted prejudice in favor of a system of regulation ; but it is the system of regulating that we strenuously oppose. We want a system to act of itself, and upon general, sound, fixed principles, to regulate itself. This it cannot do without entire freedom. The system of chartering banks is radically defective. One state may charter too few— and the whole emolument derived from the business of a bank of circulation, is engrossed by a few rich aristocrats, who get hold of the stock, and assume the entire control of i t ; and as they make cur rency plenty or scarce, so they raise and depress prices to answer their own ends. Another state may charter too many, or may burden the corporations they create with troublesome restrictions, or undue taxation. Hence these charters cease to be an object of desire to those who have real capital to invest, and fall into the hands of speculators, who keep up a show of capital where there is none in reality; and by means of the machinery of the bank, furnish themselves with funds, to a small extent, from its limited means. The public, however, make no distinction between such weak banks and the really sound ones. All put forth their issues under legislative sanc tion, and the public relying upon what is thus accredited, esteem all alike sound—-in fact, surrender all judgment of their own respecting it, and place full reliance in the sanction the public authorities have given to its issue. In this way, by means of legislative charters, bills emitted by banks without capital enjoy almost equal credit with those of solid resources, until something turns up to destroy the public confidence. A dozen men who are not worthy of credit for a single dollar, and who individually could not obtain credit for that amount, by some means become possessed of a char ter, and thus collectively obtain unlimited credit. By means of a charter, a number of nothings are manufactured into something. The circulation they obtain is palmed off upon the unwary and ignorant: after which comes the catastrophe, involving loss to the public, and shaking confidence in all banking institutions. The state of New York has tried a system of free banking—how it will work, remains to he proved. The system we think is faulty in principle ; but it is certain that it requires more character and more credit to estab lish a free bank, than it ever required to set up a chartered bank. Men of straw, and mushroom speculators, do not establish them, because the public will not take their bills. Some such were started when the system was first established, and the bills passed at distant points, because the public was wedded to the idea that all bank issues were made by legisla tive authority: as soon as it was discovered to be otherwise, they dropped out of circulation. A free bank now, without real capital, and honest managers, cannot get bills enough into circulation to pay for their engraving. There can be no reason given why the two branches of banking busi ness, lending money and receiving it in deposit, should not be left open to a competition as free as is allowed to any trade or business whatever. The issue of bills for circulation, is a branch of the business respecting which the public have a right to say something; and while we would not by any means wish it to say too little, we would not have it say too much. The public use the bank notes as the representative of specie, and have a right to say they shall be fully equal to specie in every respect. And as v o t,. v . — n o . i, 5 34 The Theory o f Banking. it is not convenient for a man in Providence to go to Hartford, Albany, Portland, or Montpelier, to get his specie, and as others will not go without compensation, therefore these issues shall all be redeemed in Boston or New York. Money in either of those places, is money everywhere ; and whatever will command money in those places, will command it in any part of the country that trades with them. The public have a right to require security for their redemption, beyond the character of the issu ers for wealth and character, to be deposited at the place of redemption— not in mortgages, requiring months or years for their conversion—nor in stocks, half or the whole of which may evaporate in the day of trial, but in real cash for a certain proportion to the circulation, and substantial se curities, of an active character, for the remainder. The issues being redeemed at a fixed point, to which they naturally tend, it becomes at once the interest of every bank to collect and send there the bills of all other banks. They are wanted to redeem their own bills. Each bank, having its own circle to supply, is jealous of any intrusion; and no sooner does a foreign note cross the line, than it is instantly seized upon, and sent on its way homeward, by way of the point of redemption. The business of banking being free, the number of banks would some what increase in some sections of the country, and probably diminish in others. Banks to issue notes would, as they came into existence, be addi tional watchers of the whole currency. Each bank would gain for itself, if possible, a circle to be supplied by its issues. In so doing, it would, to that extent, narrow the circles of all others ; while the public would watch over all. The notes could only circulate in the circle where they were well known. The moment they get out of it they fall into the track which carries them immediately to the place of redemption. The laws regulating the rate of interest must be repealed. It is not enough to say they are useless. They are a positive injury to the whole community. They restrict the natural flow of the currency, and promote unsteadiness in trade. The sooner we do away with them the better. Congress must enact a general bankrupt law, to apply not only to indi viduals but corporations—at least, to all banking institutions. The cur rency must be kept convertible, at every hazard. This principle must be adhered to, and never deviated from, upon any consideration of expediency whatever. Therefore, every institution issuing currency, to say the least, should, on finding itself unable to keep in step, stand out of the ring, and settle up its affairs. Let the banking system be based upon these principles, and the currency never could become redundant. The money market might become tight, and money scarce. The rate of interest would test that. But the moment the foreign exchanges, which are the test of the currency, began to rise, and a demand for specie be made on the central point, it would be felt by every bank in the country, redeeming there, as certainly as a touch of the heart is felt through every artery of the system. And in the requisite curtailment to reduce the currency to its level, every bank would bear its exact proportion. Not, indeed, its exact proportion in the ratio the circulation of each bank bears to the whole currency, but in proportion as the business of the bank and the section of the country dependent on it, had been unduly extended. An agricultural district would not be compelled to curtail much; some dis tricts, perhaps, not at a ll; while districts dependent upon commerce would be drawn upon more heavily. The Theory o f Banking. 35 Those districts of the country which contain the greatest amount of curreney in the shape of deposits would be subjected to the heaviest draft. A contraction of the currency usually falls upon this part of it. The amount of bank notes does not differ at different times so materially as the amount of deposits. They are the same as circulation in all respects, ex cept form. The two are convertible into each other, at the pleasure of the holder; and the possessor of one can do nothing which cannot be done by the possessor of the other. We are aware of much difference of opinion upon this subject among well-informed m en; but, after careful examination and much reflection, we can come to no other conclusion than what we have here briefly expressed, which is, that they are the sam e; and that he would be an improvident legislator indeed, who should attempt to manage a currency upon any other theory. The Suffolk Bank system, which prevails in New England, is founded essentially upon the principles we have laid down. Whether it was set on foot after a diligent examination of these principles, we know n o t; nor do we know who was its originator: but certain it is that some Boston man deserves the credit of bringing into existence the most perfect system of banking ever yet devised. Experience for seventeen years has proved it to be as nearly perfect as any system can probably ever be. It is self-acting. It needs no regulator, for it regulates itself. Amid all the convulsions that have occurred within a few years, New England has weathered the storm better than any other section of the country. Banks in New England seldom fail; and, probably, would never fail, if it were not for the charter ing system—if they were allowed to spring into being under some general law, as the wants of the public required, and the public left to form their own opinion of the character of their proprietors for honesty and ability. The banks that have failed in New England since this system went into operation have, in almost all instances, been established under authority of charters granted to irresponsible persons ; or, if granted to men of character, have been bought up and controlled by those who have used them as mere engines for speculating on the community. We gather from the returns of the banks in the New England states, that have been published from time to time and have been within our reach, facts that demonstrate our theory to be the correct one ; and, probably, the only theory in the world fortified satisfactorily by an experience of a series of years. Were our country like England, with a central and independent govern ment, and our whole trade turning upon a common centre, like London, the theory we have advanced could easily be put in practice. The Eng lish government might now save all further trouble, by requiring all the banks in the kingdom to redeem at the Bank of England. Instead, then, of inquiring how to construct a regulator for the banks, either by a govern ment bank of issue, or otherwise, they would have a perfect self-regulating system. Were it not that they have approximated towards this system, by allowing the country banks to redeem in Bank of England notes, the English currency would long ago have been as “ deranged” as our own. In our own country, the case is materially different. Our government is of a character so mixed, and power is so divided between national and state sovereignties, each claiming to possess powers in relation to the crea tion of banks, which, if exercised, tend to nullify the other, and the states 30 The Theory o f Banking. differing from each other in their views so far, that any scheme requiring the co-operation and assent of all, might at once be set down as one which could not possibly be carried into effect. The currency of the country is a currency of bank paper ; and, in its present state, admitted by everybody to be sadly imperfect, in many parts of the country irredeemable, and therefore such as the government cannot possibly countenance by receiving it. The government cannot, however, confine itself to metallic money only. The experiment may be said to have been fairly tried ; and however easy to be carried into effect in theory, in practice it has been found impossible to receive and collect the public money and transact the public business without the intervention of bank paper. A currency exclusively metallic is found too expensive, and the necessity for economizing in the use of it is absolute. If the government must use paper, whose paper shall it use ? That of state banks ? They have repeatedly proved dangerous depositories, and ought never to be used again. Even if founded upon the credit of the states, they have proved no better than banks under ordinary charters. The funds of the government should not be trusted in individual hands. There is but one alternative. The government will probably find it ne cessary to have a bank for itself. Our remarks have reached an almost unreasonable length, and yet, to go into the subject of a national bank would require more space than we have already occupied. W e shall therefore content ourselves with giving a general outline of such an institution as would comport with the princi ples we have endeavored to illustrate : It would of course be so far owned and controlled by government, as that the public, through the government, should have such a knowledge of its concerns as could be given by the most regular and perfect publicity. Yet it should be so far independent of the government that it could be managed free from its control, and with all the skill and judgment that could be introduced by a body of private stockholders. It should be placed at the commercial centre of the country—New York. Its capital should be small, so as easily to regulate itself; and yet large enough to inspire confidence in its stability—but not large enough to un dertake the regulation of other banks. Its capital should be invested in solid securities for the most part, that its means might not in a floating shape be perverted to advance the inter ests of a few individuals ; yet of a character which in times of pressure would draw the money of capitalists to its aid in case of unforeseen emer gency. Its funds derived from circulation and deposits, to be invested solely in domestic bills of exchange and specie. In its business of receiving and disbursing the government funds, and selling and collecting its exchanges, it could receive the notes o f all solvent hanks, and return them homefo r redemption. By means of branches judiciously distributed at different points of the country, it would in this way bring the currency into the most perfect working. No banks would long continue to pay specie at home, when they could redeem in the notes of other banks at some common point, and motives of self-interest would, in a very little time, lead every bank in the The Progress o f American Commerce. 37 country to redeem at the national bank, or one of its branches: the branches turning upon their centre; and by this compound movement the whole currency be brought into a most perfect system of self-regulation. The large deposits made to effect these redemptions would be profitable to the bank ; the regularity of redemption favorable to the state banks, and a strong motive furnished every issuing body to continue its redemp tion, because of the instant discredit sure to follow a failure. If the currency became redundant it would be instantly perceived, and as quickly remedied. And the power to do so existing, it could not fail to be exercised, for though money became scarce and the rate of interest high, yet, as we have before said, the currency should he preserved, what ever might he the consequences. Without entering into the subject at greater length or more minutely, we submit our observations to the reader. W e do not pretend to have presented any thing very new, but have merely endeavored to set forth what we think a proper application of well-known principles. If in our views we are right, the good sense of the reader will easily discover it, and will as easily point out our errors if we are wrong. We are well aware that when new views upon any subject are brought before the public, or when old and established principles are illustrated, so as to give them an application different from that which accords with the current of public sentiment, the degree of attention paid to the views of the writer corresponds almost exactly with the reputation he may have acquired in the public estimation. For our part, as we wish in the present case that our views may be tried upon their merits, and stand or fall as they may prove to be well or ill founded, without reference on the part of the public to the character or standing of the promulgator, we write anonymously. A r t . III.— T H E PROGRESS OF AMERICAN COMMERCE. I n entering upon so wide and fruitful a subject as the commerce of the United States, we are naturally led to go back to its original condition, and to trace its progress, step by step, to its present state. Within a pe riod of less than two centuries, it has grown to an importance that is now second to that of Great Britain alone; and its rapid advance exhibits, more prominently than any other national interest, the extraordinary enterprise of the American people, developed in great measure, and fostered by the spirit of our government. During the early period of our colonial existence, when the extensive territory which now constitutes the domain of the United States was sub ject to the jurisdiction of foreign powers, it was controlled by that arbi trary colonial policy which formerly characterized the nations of Europe, and more particularly the British empire. Although the country possessed a fertile soil, prolific in all the resources of agricultural wealth, with navi gable rivers running from the heart of the country to the seaboard—thus furnishing channels of navigation from the greater portion of the interior to the frontier—and its shores were then, as now, washed throughout nearly their entire borders by the ocean, that great highway of nations; 38 The Progress o f American Commerce. the few feeble settlements which had been made by the English, the French, and the Dutch, from Louisburg to Florida, and from Boston to the banks of the Mississippi, were crippled by burdensome legislation, and made tributary to the parent governments abroad. This was especially true of the colonial establishments which were planted upon what now comprises the territory of the eastern states, first colonized by England, and those of the French, westward from the shores of the great lakes. These establishments were themselves the dependencies of their respect ive mother countries, which viewed them with but little interest, excepting so far as they contributed to the wealth of the parent government. The English emigrants of the east, planted upon a soil uninviting for the most part, were prohibited by the parliament of Great Britain from engaging in those branches of industry which might compete with foreign labor; and the French government, which it is well known, previous to 1760, held the greater portion of the western states, confined the energies of the set tlers to the adventures of the fur trade, which poured its cargoes into the port of Marseilles, instead of the cultivation of the soil. The policy of the two colonial establishments was moreover controlled by royal govern ors, resident in the colonies, and linked to the interest of their respective monarchs ; and with such encumbrances, it could hardly be expected that either portion of the country should have made very rapid advances in the national enterprises which might have contributed to the commercial strength of those settlements. With so sparse a population as the country then contained, being estima ted as late as 1700 at only 260,000, and pressed down by such legislation, it is not to be supposed that the people should have advanced to any considera ble growth in the interest of commerce. The few provisions which were raised from agriculture, and the product of the fisheries, together with the lumber, and the tobacco of Virginia and Maryland, the principle staple of those colonies, the last constituting nearly one third part of the total ex ports of the country, before the revolution, comprised the great bulk of our trade. Had the emigrants indeed been disposed to supply the adja cent territories with the products of their industry, they would have been unable to do so, in consequence of the commercial restrictions enforced upon the manufacturing interest by the mother country. Yet notwith standing the despotic legislation of the parent government, we find the in dustry of the people early devoted, in some measure, to shipbuilding—an interest which soon attracted the attention of the British crown. Manu factures had already excited their jealousy, and why should the colonists be permitted to build ships that might operate as the agents of their com merce, since Great Britain had herself undertaken the business of supply ing the colonists with the products required from abroad ? But the emi grants who had settled upon the barren and rocky region of the New England seacoast, cut off in great measure from the pursuits of agricul ture, were induced to direct their attention to commerce and navigation, and soon manifested a remarkable aptitude for the art of shipbuilding. The success of the colonists in this respect, soon awakened the jealousy of the mother country, and as early as 1670, Sir Joshua Child declared, “ Of all the American plantations, his majesty has none so apt for the building of shipping as New England, nor none comparably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the natural industry of the people, but principally by reason of their cod and mackerel fisheries ; 39 The Progress o f American Commerce. and in my opinion there is nothing more prejudicial, and in prospect more dangerous to any mother kingdom, than the increase of shipping in her colonies, plantations, and provinces.” * But notwithstanding this jealousy on the part of the British crown, the amount of colonial tonnage which entered the provinces of what now constitutes the United States, from the year 1770 to the year 1771, was 331,644, and the amount cleared at the same time was 351,686. In this view of the early condition of American commerce, it may be interesting to exhibit the several proportions which were then owned by individuals. It is stated, that in order to save the du ties, light money, and expenses, the tonnage was put down at less than a third of its actual amount; and accordingly the amount of tonnage em ployed in the colonial trade, may be fixed at about three hundred thou sand. In order to show the proportions which were said to have been owned by different individuals, we here append the following table. It will be recollected that this tonnage was owned partly by British mer chants, partly by merchants occasionally residing in this country, and partly by colonists who were citizens, and in the following proportions: Proportion belonging to Proportion belonging to Proportion belonging to British Merchants re British Merchants oc native colonist inhab casionally resident in itants. sident in Europe. the colonies. New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, North Carolina, S. Carolina & Georgia, l-8th, 3-8ths, 3-8ths, l-8th, 2-8ths, 2-8ths, 1-8th, 3-8ths, 2-8ths, 6-8ths, 5-8ths, 5-8ths, 6-8ths, 3-8ths, 3-8ths, l-8th, l-8th, l-8th. The amount entered and cleared in the several colonies, during the same year, we here subjoin. Ent’d tons. Cl’d tons. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, 15,362 65,271 18,667 19,223 25,539 50,901 20,192 70,284 20,661 20,263 26.653 49.654 Ent’d tons. Cl’d tons. Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 30,477 44,803 20,963 29,504 9,914 33,474 45,179 21,490 32,031 10,604 The business of shipbuilding was indeed deemed a profitable branch of industry in the colonies of New England, fifty ships being sold annually to the parent country. The ordinary mode of proceeding was, to freight these ships with lumber and provisions, and to send them to the West Indies, at whose ports they were laden with W est India produce for Great Britain, where they were sold, and thus became a profitable remittance for British manufactures. During the following year, 1772, there were one hundred and eighty-two vessels built in the colonies, whose total tonnage was twenty-six thousand five hundred and forty-four; of which one hun dred and twenty-three, comprising eighteen thousand one hundred and * See Pitkin, p. 344. 40 The Progress o f American Commerce. forty-nine tons, were built in New England, fifteen in New York, one in New Jersey, eight in Pennsylvania, eight in Maryland, seven in Virginia, three in North Carolina, two in South Carolina, and in Georgia five. The actual condition of American trade and commerce prior to the revolution cannot be accurately ascertained. The regulations of the customhouse had not been thoroughly organized, and were seldom published; besides which, the returns that were sometimes made in London appear to have been imperfect. We here subjoin, however, the best report which has been furnished of the commerce of the New England colonies previous to the year 1776, commencing with that of 1697. It could hardly be ex pected, where the population was so scanty and labor was so crippled, that the amount of its commerce should have been very great, yet we shall perceive that notwithstanding these disadvantages, the colonial enter prise gradually increased from year to year, until it broke forth like the eagle, which hursts his cage and spreads his wings for the shores of the remotest sea. Value o f the exports and imports o f the colonies o f New England, prior to the revolution : Year. Exports. 1697 1698 1699 1700 1710 1720 1730 1740 £26,282 31,254 26,660 41,486 31,112 49,206 54,701 72,389 bnports. £68,468 93,517 127,279 91,916 106,338 128,769 208,196 171,081 Year. Exports. 1750 1760 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 £48,455 37,802 150,381 126,265 124,624 112,248 116,588 762 Imports. £343,659 599,647 1,420,116 824,830 527,055 562,476 71,625 55,050 It will he perceived from the above table that the imports from Great Britain into the colonies during the few years immediately preceding the American revolution, were greater, to a considerable amount, than they had been before that period, and Lord Brougham, in his “ Colonial policy o f the European Powers,” attributes this fact to the probable occurrence of the revolution. “ It appears from the customhouse books,” says this writer, “ that the average exportation to the colonies, now forming the United States, in the years 1771, 1772, and 1773, amounted to £3,064,843, and in 1784 it was £3,359,864. Yet the Americans imported more than their usual quantity during the years immediately preceding the • rebellion,’ because they were preparing themselves for their non-im portation agreements, and during the first years of peace we cannot sup pose that the British capital, which had been seeking different employments while the war lasted, should all at once find its way into the old channel.”* The early staples of export from the colonies of the United States were principally the furs and peltry which abounded in the forests, whale oil, derived from the hazardous enterprise of that species of the fisheries which was early carried on from the northern ports of New England, and also lumber, rosin, tar, pitch, turpentine, derived from North Carolina, where * See An Enquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers. Brougham, Jr., Esq., vol, X. p. 262. By Henry The Progress o f American Commerce. 41 they are produced to a great extent at the present time, and tobacco, as well as naval stores. Besides these articles, ginseng, oak bark, and other dyes, furnished important objects of commerce. Rice, which was one of the early products of South Carolina, and formed the chief support of its original settlers, was also shipped from its ports, to the amount of one hundred and sixty thousand barrels, in 1770. The various kinds of lumber wrought into the proper forms for ships and houses, as well as bar rels, formed materials of considerable value abroad, transported as they were from a wilderness in which they were abundant; and during the year 1770, the total value of this species of product exported, was $886,588. The value of the exportations of tar and pitch was also deem ed so great, that in consequence of the attempt by the Pitch and T ar Com pany of Sweden, which had before supplied Great Britain, to raise the price of these articles, by prohibiting their exportation except in the company’s ships, Great Britain was induced to encourage their production in this country, by granting a bounty of £ 4 per ton on the importation of tar and pitch, and £ 3 per ton upon the importation of rosin and turpentine from the American colonies ;* and that bounty was so advantageous, that during the same year the value of the export of these articles was $144,000, that of furs and peltry during this year exported from the country, inclu ding Canada, was $670,000, while that of pot and pearl ashes was $290,000—a society having been instituted in London, in 1671, which offered large premiums for the production of the last-named articles, and published treatises respecting the best mode of their manufacture, which were widely circulated throughout the colonial settlements. A substan tial profit was also derived to the colonies from the cod fishery, which, from the earliest colonization of the country, constituted an important ob ject of commerce to the provinces of New Hampshire and Massachusetts ; a traffic, which, prior to the revolution, annually employed four thousand American seamen, twenty-eight thousand tons of shipping, and produced three hundred and fifty thousand quintals of fish, then valued at more than a million of dollars. This fishery was prosecuted principally upon the banks of Newfoundland, the French, and subsequently the English, claiming the exclusive right of fishing in that region, in consequence of their owning the adjacent coast. Nor was the whale fishery an-unimpor tant species of traffic, carried on as it was by a portion of hardy adven turers from the northern coast of New England, a kind of enterprise which we have before described. Such as we have endeavored to portray it, was the condition of our co lonial commerce previous to the American revolution, an event which cast a gloom over the whole country, paralyzing the mercantile enterprise of the nation, and converting the ploughshare into the sword, and the prun ing hook into the spear, throughout its length and breadth. It must natu rally have been supposed that but little of the foreign commerce of the American colonies could have traversed the ocean, when its surface was dotted by the ships of the most formidable maritime power of Europe, with which we were then at w ar; or that much of domestic trade would have been prosecuted when a foreign army of a powerful military nation was invading our shores. The return of peace, in 1783, found the commercial condition of the * See the Statute of 3d and 4th Anne. VOL. V.— NO. I. 6 42 The Progress o f American Commerce. countiy in a disordered state. The contest with Great Britain, protracted through the period of seven years, when the colonies were but poorly pre pared for war, left the nation in a state of deep and wide-spread suffering. The national debt was estimated at $42,000,375, the annual interest of which was $2,415,956. As no funds had been provided for its payment, it became necessary that congress should organize measures for that ob ject. By the original articles of confederation, the power of regulating the commerce of the country was lodged in the several states, and a re commendation of congress was made to the states, as early as 1781, that the states should delegate to that body the power to levy a duty of five per cent upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, of foreign growth and man ufacture imported, with the exception of certain articles, and the amount thus raised should be appropriated to the payment of the principal and in terest of whatever debts had been contracted, or should be contracted du ring the course of the war ; but the recommendation was not complied with. This suggestion was again pressed upon the attention of congress upon the 18th of April, 1783, for the purpose of creating funds for the payment of the national debt; and it was enforced by a cogent address, drawn up by Oliver Ellsworth, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison, and which advocated the payment of the interest, at least, of the debt. But the recommendation met the same fate as the former suggestion. Public and private credit w ee shaken. The requisition which was made by congress upon the states to fill the public treasury was not satisfied, on account of the public embarrassment; the public credit was destroyed, and the original debt was at length sold for one tenth of its original value. Upon the conclusion of the war, the country, unprovided with any wellorganized commercial system which might have furnished a solid revenue, was flooded with foreign importations, which drained the nation of its re maining specie; and we are informed from an authentic source,* that du ring the two first years after that event, goods to the amount of six mil lions of pounds sterling were imported from England. Pressed down by such embarrassment, the country impoverished by a debt of one hundred and thirty-five millions of dollars incurred during the war, public credit gone, private credit impaired, its commerce and shipping nearly ruined, the dockets of the courts filled with the records of suits brought against those who before revelled in all the luxuries of life, and who had been the objects of forbearance while the war was pending, a dark cloud of com mercial disaster thickened with a settled gloom over the wan and ghastly features of the nation; it was soon perceived that a systematic and effi cient course of financial policy was necessary to rescue the country from the misfortune which had overcast its prospects. In consequence of this state of things, a proposition was made from Virginia for a convention ; and, in accordance with that proposition, commissioners from the states of Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, and Delaware, met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in September of 1786, to take into consideration the trade and commerce of the United States, and to provide some uniform system for its regulation. These commissioners did not proceed upon the imme diate object of their appointment, but drew up a report and address to their respective legislatures, in which they suggested the propriety of a * Pitkin’s Statistics, p. 30th; a work to which we haw been largely indebted for the materials of the present paper, having often used its own language. The Progress o f American Commerce. 43 meeting of commissioners from all the states, to be holden in Philadelphia upon the second Monday in May, 1787, in order to take into consideration the condition of the country, and to organize some effective system for the protection of the national interests. This report, and also the address, were forwarded to the assembly and the executive of the several states not represented in the convention. A resolution of congress was passed February 21st, 1787, to the same effect, which, together with the former recommendation, induced the successful action of the people upon the sub ject. A general convention was accordingly held in Philadelphia during the month of May, 1787, and during September of the following y e a r; a' new constitution was assented to by the members of the convention, with General Washington at its head, and being ratified by a majority of the states, went into operation in March of 1789. With the spirit infused through the whole circle of American enterprise by that instrument, which was invested with the power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and ex cises, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the seve ral states and with the Indian tribes, every branch of industry began to revive. The fields began to wave with harvests, manufactures began to attract the attention of the country, and the snowy wings of commerce were soon seen flying from our ports to every shore. It would seem that before the adoption of the present constitution and the establishment of regular customhouses, no accurate data were furnish ed of the commerce of the United States; but upon the return of peace, this commerce was revived, and we have by the English customhouse books the following account of the direct trade from England to the Uni ted States, from 1784 to 1790, according to the valuation of the English currency. Years. Imports. Exports. 1784 £749,345 £3,679,467 1785 893,594 2,308,023 1786 843,119 1,603,465 1787 893,637 2,009,111 1788 1,023,789 1,886,142 1789 1,050,198 2,525,298 1790 1,191,071 3,431,778 The first congress under the new government directed its powers to the regulation of the national commerce, foreign ships were excluded from the coasting trade, and discriminating duties on tonnage were estab lished, which gave a preference to our own ships; no regular system having been established for this object under the old confederation. About the same time, also, our commercial intercourse with China was com menced ; the first vessel for that country having sailed from the port of New York, in February of 1784, and a complete monopoly of the China trade was soon given to the American merchant, by the imposition of a duty of from four to ten cents per pound upon all teas imported in foreign vessels. The ships of the country now assumed a national flag. Aided by such legislative assistance, the American tonnage soon swelled to a great amount, when we consider the space of time, which has been gradually expanding to the present period. The obvious cause of the unwillingness on the part of Great Britain to establish a liberal com mercial policy towards this country, was the fact that no power existed in the colonial government previous to the establishment of the constitution 44 The Progress o f American Commerce. to organize any fixed and uniform laws of trade. The several colonies, al though they possessed articles of confederation in which were lodged certain general powers, had no compact government which could enable them to pass laws binding upon the whole country for the regulation of its com merce. But as soon as the establishment of the constitution invested these powers in the general government, it was found advisable for our govern ment to conform its own policy to the improved political condition of the country. From the year 1783 to 1789, the period of the establishment of the constitution, there are no means of estimating the amount of American tonnage; but during the latter year, the registered, enrolled, and licensed tonnage had grown to 201,652. Other circumstances soon occurred to increase the profits of our national commerce, growing out of the wars in Europe, immediately succeeding our own revolution. The French gov ernment, inflamed by the military genius of Napoleon, after the king had been beheaded, appears to have set its mark upon the world; and pushing its conquests into the neighboring territories, arrayed against it a consider able portion of Europe. It was the design of this ambitious conqueror to enlist in his cause the sympathies and the aid of this country ; but the firm spirit of General Washington took ground against it, and, backed by the support of the people, successfully maintained a neutrality. In conse quence of the neutral stand which was taken by our own government, the country became the carriers of the greater portion of the world; a fact which not only increased the shipping of the country to a great extent, but was the source of a large amount of profit to the nation. The neu trality of the country, preserved through successive administrations down to the year 1807, during which period the old systems of colonial monopoly were abandoned, threw into our hands the commerce of a considerable portion of the world; and the spices and sugars of the south, and other portions of foreign trade, found their way to Europe in American bottoms. Besides, the extension of the agricultural resources of the nation contrib uted in no small degree to that result, as most of our agricultural pro ducts commanded at that time a high price in the foreign markets, and the British colonies were also in the same mode supplied with American pro duce. In order to judge correctly of the advance of our commercial interests at this period, an advance consequent upon that event, it may be stated, that the increase of the tonnage of the country within a space of fifteen years, namely, from 1791 to 1807, was unexampled; having reached within that time the amount of 480,572. But the commerce of the country occasionally received its checks, not ofily from the French orders, but also from those of the British, in 1793, which prohibited the transportation of provisions to any port of France, and re stricting our trade with the French West Indies; a policy which would have at that time created a war, had not the administration of General Washington effectually brought about a pacific treaty in the negotiation of Mr. Jay, in 1794, by which the merchants of our own country received about ten millions of dollars from the British government, in consequence of the depredations upon our commerce by ships of that nation. The treaty thus made with the British government, was regarded by France with much jealousy, insomuch that on its ratification, in 1796, a general seizure was made of American ships by the decrees of the French direc tory ; a measure which brought us into a partially belligerent attitude to The Progress o f American Commerce. 45 wards France, a difficulty wliich, however, was soon adjusted by a treaty made in 1800 with Napoleon, the first consul. During the hostilities which succeeded, France, Holland, and Spain were driven from the ocean, and the supplies to these countries were furnished by the neutral ships of the United States. The part thus borne by our national commerce in the neutral trade, termed by Great Britain “ an interference,” was naturally regarded with jealousy by the British monarchy, inasmuch as it prevented that government from bringing these nations to terms, as had been antici pated. The interference certainly threw formidable obstacles in the way of the British power, being denominated “ war in disguise;” and it was the boast of a pamphleteer of the day, whose avowed object appears to have been to inflame the popular passions against the neutral trade, that “ not a single merchant ship under a flag inimical to Great Britain, now crosses the equator or traverses the Atlantic ocean.” Under a rule of 1756, it was originally claimed by the British government, that no neutral could carry on trade with any nation during war, which they were prohib ited from prosecuting in time of peace ; and deeming the previous neu tral commerce of the United States a mere relaxation of that rule, it was considered expedient, under existing circumstances, to revive it. Accord ing to that determination, an American vessel was, in the month of May, 1805, condemned ; a condemnation that was soon succeeded by that of others which had been engaged in the same service. During the succeeding year occurred those well-known Berlin and Mi lan decrees by the Emperor Napoleon, in which he declared war against the commerce of Great Britain, a policy denominated the continental sys tem, designed to grasp the dominion of the ocean. They proclaimed the British islands in a state of blockade, prohibiting all commercial inter course with them, ordering the seizure of all British letters in the post-of fices which were written in the English language, all British subjects found within French jurisdiction to be made prisoners of war, all property belonging to Englishmen lawful prize, condemning all vessels and their car goes which had been to England or any of her colonies, and prohibiting their entrance into any port; “ for,” said the emperor, “ Britain must be humbled, were it at the expense of throwing civilization back for centu ries, and returning to the original mode of trading by barter.” Into this continental system he soon brought the continental powers to co-operate. He determined that all neutral and commercial nations should give him their aid, by uniting with France against Great Britain; and the United States, he declared, should be his ally or his enemy. This policy, it is seen, would directly involve the neutral position of the United States ; but in 1807, the accredited agent was informed that the Berlin decree would not affect the American commerce, which would be regulated by the ex isting treaties subsisting between the two nations. But the decree was soon extended to this country, the cargo of an American vessel having be come confiscated. In opposition to the decree of the French emperor, the British orders in council were issued, declaring foreign ports in a state of blockade; and in consequence of the dangers to our commerce upon the high seas, an embargo was enforced by our government; and here commenced that series of commercial disasters in which our ships were seen locked up at our wharves, and the prospects of many of our merchants became involved in one general wreck. But in 1809 the em bargo was raised, and in its place was substituted a non-intercourse law, 46 , The Progress o f American Commerce. both with France and Great Britain. Thus affairs continued without any uniform and settled arrangem ent; the decrees of foreign powers being from time to time established and revoked, and our own vessels decoyed into French ports by the policy of Napoleon, until the war of 1812, which effectually checked, for a time, the commerce of the nation. On the return of peace, a new era opened upon the auspices of Ameri can commerce, by the passage of what may be called the American navi gation act, in 1817, modelled somewhat upon that of Great Britain; and attended with like advantages, conferring important benefits upon the coun try. This act established, that after the 30th of September, 1817, no ves sel or boat engaged in the fisheries should be entitled to the bounties al lowed by law, unless the officers, and at least three fourths of the crew, should be citizens of the United States, or persons not the subjects of any foreign prince or state ; and that every vessel employed in the coasting trade, “ except those going from one state to an adjoining state on the seacoast, or on a navigable river or lake, or going from Long Island, in the state of New York, to the state of Rhode Island, or from the state of Rhode Island to Long Island,” should be subject to a duty of fifty cents per ton, unless three fourths at least of the crew were American citizens, or persons not the subjects of any foreign prince or state. This act also declared, that after that time a duty of fifty cents was to be paid upon every American vessel entering from a foreign port, unless the officers, and at least two thirds of the crew, should be of the same national charac ter during the voyage, with the exception of sickness, desertion, &c., in a foreign country.* Aided by such a law, together with the increase of the number of seamen of the country, and the extending population and enterprise of the nation, our commerce has advanced to its present state."j" On the termination of the war of 1812, new vigor was infused into every department of commerce. The colonization of the new states of the west,, the increase of new subjects of cultivation, especially that of the cotton, and the augmentation of our population, together with the firm establish ment of a compact and well-organized government, affording free scope to national enterprise of all sorts, tended to advance with rapid strides, not only the agriculture and the manufactures, but the commerce of the coun try ; and it was soon expanded to the principal ports of Great Britain and France, Cuba and Mexico, Spain and China, Brazil and the Hanse Towns, Russia and Denmark, Hayti and the Argentine Republic, Sweden, Neth erlands, Columbia, Peru, Malta, and Italy, adding large sums to our na tional wealth, and augmenting our general comforts. The extent to which what might have been formerly considered extravagance has been intro duced among us, has also tended to benefit the carrying trade of the coun try, whatever may have been its influence upon the national wealth; for it will be remembered, that every article which is used in our own country, and which is not produced at home, must be imported from abroad. The obvious tendency of this luxury, doubtless, is to draw from the wealth of the country in the same proportion that it increases our commerce. W e have thus taken a rapid view of the political history of American * See Holt’s Navigation Laws, vol. 1, p. 104, article, “ Navigation Laws of the United States.” t See Merchants’ Magazine, vol. 3, 1840, pages 447, 448, 449, 450, 451, 452, and 453 ; also, vol. 4, 1841, pages 193 and 194. The Progress o f American Commerce. 47 commerce, for the purpose of entering more understanding^ into its present state ; and it is obvious to remark, that the staples of our commercial ex port are wholly derived from agriculture, the forest, the sea, and from manufactures. As agriculture is the most important branch of our do mestic industry, we propose in a brief way, first, to treat of this subject in reference to the carrying trade. Of late years this interest has grown upon us to a very great extent, from various causes, to which we shall re fer. In the first place, the cultivation of cotton, which has been but re cently introduced into the United States, and now constituting a consider able part of our foreign exportations, has been spread through a consider able portion of our southern states. Besides this important staple, the source of the greatest wealth to the country of any other of our agricul tural products, wide tracts of new land, especially in our western states, have been brought under cultivation ; and that portion of our territory is pouring in upon us an immense amount of wheat and other grain, which are there produced, and either consumed at home or exported abroad. We may add to this the rice and tobacco, which are supplied by the south and the southwest, together with the vegetables furnished by the orchard and the garden, beef, horses, mules, butter, sheep, and other articles which are derived from stock husbandry and the dairy. Another important item of our foreign exports, is the products of the forest, the principal of which are lumber, skins and furs, dyes, bark, pitch, tar, rosin, turpen tine, and ginseng, and which comprise the main bulk of our products de rived from this source. The fur trade, which formerly prevailed to a great extent upon the northwestern part of our continent, along the shores of the great lakes and the Mississippi, and now prosecuted, not only by individual traders, but by the Hudson’s Bay, and the American Fur Com pany— the latter of which now possesses an office in the city of New York—has been diminished in its profits, we believe, as also in the amount of the furs which are obtained ; but even at the present time it contributes no inconsiderable a part to the amount of our American freights, notwith standing an extensive quantity is annually shipped by the Hudson’s Bay Company, from the Columbia, as also from the port of Quebec. Another source of domestic exportation is derived from the sea, and among the articles of this character which are furnished for foreign com merce, may be mentioned those of whale and spermaceti oil and candles, cod, mackerel, herring, shad, and salmon, salted and packed in barrels, which are furnished to foreign countries, besides those which are required for the home consumption. The whale fishery, to which we have before alluded, and which was early carried on from our own ports, has of late years grown to great importance, and has already become as lucrative an enterprise as is furnished by the country, occupying the shipping of many of our northern ports. The extent to which the oil is now consumed, and that, from the increase of our population and the numerous forms of mechan ical enterprise which are beginning to be extended among us, is likely to be augmented, would doubtless furnish a profitable sale to the ship-owners of this branch of commerce, were it not required abroad. Besides the oil, which is thus used to a great extent, it is deemed a sufficient object to export the whalebone, which is used in various forms of manufacture. The products of our manufacturing enterprise also constitute another grand branch of our domestic exportation; and by manufacture, we mean not merely the cotton and woollen cloths which are derived from our fac 43 The Progress o f American Commerce. tories, but all the articles wrought by the trades. Although the manufac turing interest of this country is but yet in its germ, still, considering the period in which our attention has been devoted to this subject, we have certainly made advances in this interest which are unequalled by those of any foreign nation. A period of fifty years has scarcely elapsed since the attention of the country has been seriously called to that object, or the nature of the government would permit any effective legislative action for its protection ; and yet we have arrived to so great perfection even in this respect, that we have already not only furnished foreign nations with a considerable portion of its products, but in those which were of the great est practical utility, we have supplied models even for England, being second to that country alone in the amount of our manufacturing enterprise. W ith such a territory as we possess, containing agricultural and manufac turing resources such as are enjoyed by no other nation, and settled by a people who are by our political constitution invested with a scope and mo tive for action that are furnished by no other nation upon the earth, we look forward with certain hope of a glorious destiny for our commerce. The resources of the soil, the character of our people, marked by a genius for trade, and our navigable advantages, all point to the period when our com mercial flag shall wave in all parts of the earth, thus carrying to every nation the blessings of religion, liberty, knowledge, and civilization. We turn from this view of the exports of the country to a consideration of the various articles which are imported from abroad, and it must be admitted that there is ground for amazement at the amount that is required by the growing extravagance of the people. Indeed, the influence of commerce, while it has been in many respects beneficial, has brought with it a taste for those luxurious habitudes of life which may perhaps more properly belong to an older nation, and that were unknown to our fore fathers. This extraordinary extravagance which has thus crept in upon the country, outrunning the means of the people, has been expanded to greater extent according as money was abundant, and infusing itself into all the departments of pleasure and business, has been witnessed in various forms, not only in our domestic establishments, but also in our equipage, dress, and amusements. We have decorated our houses with all the adornments of taste gathered from foreign commerce, and proportioned our other expenses to a scale which the former facilities of credit would permit. And what has been the necessary consequence of this state of things? It has been just what may always be expected, in the end, of those who live beyond their means. Pay day comes sooner or later. The claim is lodged with the attorney, and either the property of the debtor must respond to the judgment which is obtained, or be assigned in mass to pay the debt. We doubt not that such has been the career of hundreds during the mercantile revulsions of the last few years, which have swept away in one general wreck thousands of our most enterprising citi zens. The importer has sold to the jobber, the jobber to the retail mer chant, and the retail merchant to the purchasers scattered over the country, each successively dependent upon the other for payment. But as the time has never arrived in which this payment could be made, the result has been that the articles purchased, although they are consumed, have not been paid for to this day, if we are rightly informed. We have entered into this view of the subject for the purpose of touch ing a question incidental to that of importations, namely, the measure of \ The Progress o f American Commerce. 49 luxury in our own country inducing so great an amount. Even in the articles of silks and satins, laces, velvets, merinoes, and other fabrics of that kind, what a vast quantity must be annually expended, as well as in those finer broadcloths which are worn here by the other sex ! Now we do not mean to maintain that the use of such articles is not to be encour aged, as we hold that every matter of taste should be. No person, cer tainly, could be a friend to labor, who would wish to see all arrayed in homespun ; because it is the consumption of the various articles of manu facture which furnishes the market for its productions : but it is equally true, that, while in dress, as well as in other species of expenditure, we have as a nation gone beyond our means, we should endeavor to preserve that golden track, which we hold in all opinions and all action ever lies between the extremes ! While we indulge in those elegancies and inno cent enjoyments which throw a charm over the barren track of this work ing-day world, ought we not to avoid the excesses of expenditure which have sunk many thousands of families in ruin, and many a stout heart in the darkness and despair of blasted hopes ? In taking a broad survey of the domestic commerce of the country, we are impressed with the beautiful variety of resources which is unfolded by the soil and climate of its different parts. What an animating pros pect is spread before the mind in the contemplation of the commercial industry which is acting upon the different portions of our wide empire, and what a vast amount of physical force is now operating in furnishing the materials of trade, as well as in its prosecution ! We turn to the north, and we find the manufactures of that section of the territory supplying with its fabrics not only the south and west, but furnishing foreign coun tries with their products. The west, from its broad resources, returns in exchange its cargoes of wheat and other grains, which are sent down through the western rivers and lakes, supplying the wants of those who do not enjoy the advantages of so fertile a soil. The unbroken wilderness stretching towards the Pacific is sending its freights of rich furs and pel try to our own ports through the same channels, or packing them in the vessels which are from time to time moored in the Columbia and other streams of the Pacific, in order to their transportation abroad. The fields of the south and southwest are burdened with the abundant harvests of the cotton and tobacco plant, the sugar cane, and the rice field, which are transported to the north or to foreign countries, annually augmenting the amount of our national wealth. The seacoast is sprinkled with the ships which levy tribute upon the ocean for its aquatic tribes, from the mackerel that flashes in its depths like a bar of silver, to the whale that lashes it like the tempest. The ports which stud our Atlantic frontier are made the great reservoirs of commerce, through which are distributed to every part of the nation the comforts and even the luxuries of distant climes, all con tributing to adventurous industry, and all adding to the grand aggregate of human power. Turning from a consideration of our domestic trade, we look abroad upon the ocean, and there we find our commerce floating from the ice bergs of Greenland to the burning sands of the African desert— from the marble pillars of the Acropolis and the walls of China, to the wigwams of the remotest savage upon the north Pacific and the snow huts of the Es quimaux. Its sails are filled by the blasts of the polar sky, and the zephyr that breathes upon the sunny fields and crumbling columns of Italy. It VOL. v.— n o . i . 7 50 Maryland, and its Resources. stoves its freights in the ports of Liverpool and Marseilles, or takes in its olives and maccaroni by the side of the Venetian gondolier; everywhere increasing the amount of human knowledge, and acting as the agent of that liberty which is destined ultimately to brighten upon the world. The commerce of our own country, advancing with such rapid growth, and to such an influence as it now exhibits, is destined to perform an important part in those benevolent plans which mark the present age. It has been nurtured under the auspices of sound principles, which are interwoven with the structure of our American society; and while it seeks wealth by fair and honorable means, we doubt not that it will in the end give back '' by a bountiful Providence, te condition of mankind. A rt. IV.—MARYLANDTMfB-HFTS RESOURCES. T hat which is esteemed an article of merchandise in one country is by no means such in another; and such is the case in reference to different sections of the same country. Commercial men are aware of these truths, without their being specified. Whenever an article is available, and can be transferred to market upon such terms as will cover the expense of transportation, however small may be the profits, realized, it then consti tutes an article of merchandise, and becomes one of the resources, either naturally or acquired, but in either case commercially, of such place. And such resources are denominated great, in proportion as the demand for them exists, and as the expense becomes inconsiderable in getting them to market, compared to the great profits realized. Such resources as are indispensable to subsistence are usually considered, as in fact they are, of paramount importance among all other classes of merchandise; and if in making up a cargo luxuries can be safely introduced, it is sometimes of advantage : for merchants prefer generally consigning their cargoes where they are the more likely to have their orders filled with as little delay as possible ; and such districts usually have communication opened with points in the interior, from which such supplies as vvill constitute a return freight for the merchant are received, or the trade is incomplete, or not mutual. Baltimore is the only port of entry of note in the state of Maryland, and is situated at the head of an estuary of the Patapsco river, from twelve to fifteen miles west of the Chesapeake Bay, and about one hundred and eighty miles southeasterly from Cape Henry. The port is approachable at all seasons; and even in winter the navigation is kept open by the aid of two powerful steam ice-breakers and tow-boats, which are always in readiness for active service; and ships of the largest class, as the charts will show, can enter the harbor, and load or unload alongside the wharves, the water being twenty feet, and off the wharves at Canton twenty-six feet deep. The internal improvements of the state are of great importance, as tending each successive year to develop new resources, and attach to them a real value which previously existed only in a warm imagination. The canals and railroads will, ere long, it is to be hoped, have reached the mineral and forest regions, as they are already approximating them, Maryland, and its Resources. 51 insomuch that companies and individuals are already incited to acts of en terprise, as will be shown in the course of this article. The soil of the state, except in a few portions of it, is well adapted to agriculture; the numerous never-failing streams, with gradual falls at suitable distances, particularly in the vicinity of Baltimore, for manufac tures ; and for commercial pursuits, having reference to the advantages before enumerated, Maryland is not excelled by any state in the Union. The great American Mediterranean sea, whose borders she skirts, will be a wall of defence about her in time of war, as an invading foe would scarcely dare withdraw himself so far from the ocean-field, in this im proved age of invention, lest his retreat might be intercepted when he found it necessary to “ about ship and the bosom of that sea will in early after-time waft treasures upon it, that whether in the character of im ports or exports, they will add to her riches. Nature has incontestibly provided for this result; and the founders of Baltimore, not that any thing like prescience is to be ascribed to them as regards the state of improve ments as they exist even at -present, so located it, that it becomes, a point of concentration, from whence again all the travel diverges, if economy as to distance be considered, whether the direction be from north to south or east to west, and vice versa. The near proximity of the seat of the na tional government is no drawback upon, but adds to her value ;—and should congress in its wisdom authorize the establishment of a national bank, where is there a city, all matters in reference to other banks and places considered, more eligible and safe for the parent, than Baltimore ? Nearly all the great prominent agricultural productions of the United States are grown in Maryland, except cotton,* sugar,j- and rice, and each year further developments are made in reference to some exotics. If there were agricultural societies and fairs held, as in some of the eastern states, where the choice productions of the earth could be exhibited, and competent persons appointed to pronounce upon them, and award premi ums, it would act as a great stimulant to enterprise, aside from the profits immediately resulting to the grower. So with live-stock of all descrip tions : but these subjects are somewhat neglected by the present tillers of the soil, and those of politics have to too great an extent usurped their places. Some fifteen or twenty years since, when Maryland was luxuri ating in a more palmy sunshine of favors than at present, such exhibitions were then not unfrequent, and •politics slept; there may be a recurrence of a similar prosperous period. Corn, wheat, and oats thrive kindly in every county ; but the crop of wheat did not exceed an average one last year. Rye is not so generally cultivated, and the western counties appear more congenial to its growth, although the yield in two or three of the southern was respectable in the year 1839. Buckwheat, barley, and pulse are not so specially attended to. The yield of flaxseed is only middling, * Some efforts have been made to introduce the culture of cotton, but their continu ance will probably be found a waste of time. t A company has been formed, and a year or two since preparations were made-to commence operations in making sugar from the beet, as the land is very favorable in many places for its culture, and particularly along some of the shores of the Chesapeake Bay; but recently the enterprise appears to have been suspended. It may possible be resumed next year. Small parcels of maple sugar are made in Allegany county, say 30 to 40,000 pounds annually, but not probably as an article of merchandise. 52 , Maryland and its Resources. compared with that of other grains. Potatoes are of excellent flavor, and the crops fair, but not sufficiently large to supply the consumptive demand. Small parcels of the sweet are to be met with in the Baltimore market, brought chiefly from the southern or eastern shore counties. Hay is the growth of the western shore counties, and consists chiefly of timothy, with some clover ; but the quantity made never exceeds the home demand. The same counties are better adapted to the growth of fruit—apples and peaches in particular ; some of which are very fine and most deliciously flavored. Melons, in their greatest varieties, are grown in all the counties. Tobacco, one of the principal staples of export of the United States, is cultivated in eleven counties of the twenty of this state; but mostly in Prince George’s, Calvert, Charles, St. Mary’s, Anne Arundel, and Mont gomery—in the first-named county over 9,000,000 pounds in 1S39 ; and in the latter five, over 12,000,000. Each county is more or less favor able for raising good stocks of horses, mules, neat cattle, sheep, and swine. Of any of the other counties, that of Frederick excels ; the returns by the marshals amounting to 11,259 horses and mules, 24,933 cattle, 26,309 sheep, and 54,049 swine. [Here it may not be out of place to remark, that the bacon cured in this county will generally command from one quarter to one half cent per pound more in the Baltimore market, than the same description of any other western.] All the counties contribute proportionably the yield of wool, which is not large ; the stock of the state not exceeding 500,000 pounds per annum : of' this quantity, however, as well as of butter and cheese, Frederick is the largest contributor, that of wool amounting to 59,000 pounds. All the counties are well wooded and timbered, with descriptions peculiar to the middle states. Of the most conspicuous for fuel, are the various species of oak, hickory, beech, and dogwood—the first selling usually in the Baltimore market, in all sea sons, from $4 to $5 50 per cord ; and the three latter at $5 to $7. Pine abounds plentifully ; but the white and pitch, the first well known in the eastern states, and the latter in North Carolina, are not among the species here. In the western parts of this state terminates, except a small portion of the Allegany mountains in Virginia, the boundary on the south of the growth of the hemlock tree, so common in the New England states, where its bark is use for tanning. There is no better oak timber for shipbuild ing, aside from the live-oak, than this state produces ; and much of it is easy of access. The celebrated dam across the Kennebec river at Au gusta, in Maine, was built of oak timber cut from lands in Baltimore county, near to one of the tributaries of the Chesapeake Bay, through which a canal to connect Havre-de-Grace, the head of tide water in the bay, is now much needed, and to obtain a charter for which efforts are at this time making, or were at the last session of the legislature. Cedar and locust are likewise abundant in some portions of the lower counties; where they are purchased, and with the oak taken to the eastern states, and used freely in shipbuilding. Considerable parcels of cedar and locust are also shipped to different points to aid in the construction of railroads. The shores of the Chesapeake Bay are well indented with navigable streams, extending back, some of them, to a considerable distance, inso much that great facilities for coastwise navigation are afforded ; in this manner much wood, lumber, bark, grain, live-stock, &c., the growth of the state, are taken to other markets, of which not a correct estimate can be formed, and therefore none will be hazarded. 53 Maryland, and its Resources. The coal region is at present one of the unproductive portions of the state, and the most prominent adverted to about the commencement of this communication. It lies principally in Allegany county, and is mostly of the bituminous description. The expense already incurred in providing means for bringing it to market, by opening a canal from the Potomac river, at Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, denominated the Chesepeake and Ohio canal, having exceeded the estimates of engineers previ ously employed in the service ; and a yet further heavy expense to com plete it to the coal beds being ascertained to be necessary, before a profit can be realized, have placed the prospects of the party prosecuting very far in the background; at such a distance that, under existing circum stances, it is quite uncertain when this work of internal improvement will be completed. The distance yet to be opened is about fifty m iles; and unfortunately, being the western terminus, the site is more than ordinarily broken, rocky, and even mountainous. That which is denominated the Frostburg Coal Basin, is particularly noticed by Prof. Ducatel, the state geologist, and his remarks in reference thereto will show in part the char acter of the region to which it is intended the canal shall extend. This basin is forty miles in length, and five miles in width, and contains 86,847 acres ; which, at 4,840 square yards to the acre, and fifteen yards in depth, as it is known the bed of coal is, gives 6,305,137,287 cubic yards: and as one ton of coal occupies by estimation one cubic yard, there is in the basin named the number of tons of coal as expressed by the aforesaid figures ! By a similar process, the quantity of iron ore ascertained to be imbedded in what is termed the Lonaconing section, in the same county, amounts to 3,237,576,144 tons ; enough to yield, as demonstrated by ac tual practice, 1,079,191,714 tons of crude iron.* Notwithstanding the dis tant prospect, in reference to time, of making this portion of Maryland productive, or in other words, converting the minerals of it into merchan dise, there are twelve incorporated companies already within its limits, with a chartered capital of $6,700,000,f ready to make a demonstration, whenever an opportunity shall present, either by the canal before men tioned, or by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, which will have reached within about ten miles of the nearest coal bed in the course of next year, 1842. One of the prominent companies, which has already performed much in exploring, testing, analyzing, &c., the different minerals, is the Maryland and New York Iron and Coal Company, whose capital is ade quate to the enterprise in which the company is engaged. And another, the George’s Creek Coal and Iron Company, have carried their plans so far into operation, for the purpose of testing the qualities of the material, expense of operating, &c., that they have erected a furnace and foundry; the former 50 feet high, with boshes of 4 j feet; and when in blast, the consumption of coal was 1,200 tons per month. The campaign was nearly of four months’ duration, during which 900 tons of iron were made; the highest yield per week being 92 tons. The lump coal at the opening of the drift cost 50 cents per ton, and the iron ore $2 50 per ton.i In other counties, which include Anne Arundel, Baltimore, Cecil, Fred erick, Harford, and Washington, there are furnaces, foundries, rollingmills, &c., established, at which some of the best and heaviest work in the United States has been executed. Two shafts for the Russian steamer Ducatel, Gcolog. Report, 1840. t Ibid. t Ibid. 54 M aryland, and its Resources. Kamschatka, noWin progress of being finished in New York, were wrought at Ridgely’s forge, on the Gunpowder river, about seventeen miles from Baltimore, each shaft being 22 feet 8 inches in length, 18J inches in di ameter, and weighing 18,000 lbs. The ore known as the Elk Ridge Hone,* is of superior quality; it is used much for the better and finer descriptions of casting; and large parcels are shipped weekly, mostly to New York. This and the other ores in the vicinity of Baltimore yield from 35 to 50 per cent. There is an ore denominated the bog-ore, which is found in Worcester county, on the eastern shore of the state, which was worked a few years since, but the furnace is probably not in operation at this time. The ore yielded only 29 per cent.f Copper ore is found in considerable quantities in Frederick county, principally near the village of New London, in mines belonging to Isaac Tyson, jr., of Baltimore. In 1839, about forty tons of pig were obtained from this ore, which yielded about thirty per cent of pure metal ; and the lot was taken by a manufacturer in Baltimore at the same price of the best Peruvian, and was found on working it to be equal in quality to any other description. Another mine is worked on a small scale in the same county, near Liberty, which is not quite so rich a vein, it is thought, as the first-named; but either might afford more profit to the parties inte rested, if they were worked with more energy ; in such case, however, a considerable outlay would be previously necessarjr, and this again would probably make the formation of a company requisite, which event would be likely to check operations sooner than if the whole devolved upon an individual with ample means, which he could employ as best comported with his views. The other minerals of the state consist of anthracite, granite, marble, quartz, soapstone, limestone, flint, sandstone, slate, potters’ fire and pipe clay, asbestos, ochres of various kinds, chromes, aluminous earth, & c .; and on analyzing one or more springs, in several of the western counties, the waters were found to possess sulphate of magnesia, muriate of soda, sulphate of lime, muriate of lime, and carbonate of lime. In reference to manufactures, it has already been stated that they are one of the characteristics by which Maryland is distinguished ; it was so meant in part, because of the great water privileges which exist, and might be made productive ; and because to a certain extent they are im proved, as will be shown in the sequel. An examination of the water power, particularly in the vicinity of Baltimore, was made some years * The authorities of Harrisburg, Pa., in constructing the works necessary for supply ing that city with water, procured their pipes from the iron works of the Messrs. Ellicott of Baltimore. These pipes they pronounce to be “ the best manufactured in this or any other country.” A New York paper, speaking of the extensive water works going on near that city, alludes to the excellence of the pipes manufactured by the Messrs. Ellieott, and says— “ The Common Council of this city have contracted with these gentlemen for a large supply-. W e lately saw a cargo of their pipes, of various sizes, landing on the wharf, and being somewhat of a judge of the article, do not hesitate to pronounce them beauti ful castings. The iron, made from the Maryland ore, is celebrated for its strength, and acknowledged by mechanics to be as well, if not better, calculated for the purpose than any other manufactured in the country.” t l . H. Alexander, Top. Eng. Rep., 1840. Maryland, and its Resources. 55 since by an engineer, for the purpose of imparting information to gentle men in an eastern section of our country ; and those who read the report, now speak of it as very favorable, as well on account of their never-failing sources, as from their elevated courses, healthy climate, and the moderate expenses of labor. Some of the sites have since been improved, but there is yet room for hundreds more. It is no longer ago than last March, that a gentleman who had visited Baltimore and its environs, and informed himself, it would appear, pretty correctly of the spirit which he found ex isting, wrote, after his return, to the following effect: “ There is another subject which I should like to see ably handled, the unrivalled advantages of Baltimore and its neighborhood fo r the purpose o f manufactures.............. There is not on the continent a location more favorable for manufacturing enterprise. Every thing is cheap; and ready access can be had to all the markets in the Union. Nothing is wanting but enterprise and indus try to make the whole nation tributary to your city. I am surprised at the apathy which seems to prevail on the subject. There appears not even sufficient interest in it to lead to the investigation of the facts.” The foregoing extract comes so near to the truth, that it will be in vain to at tempt a diversion : but the object at present is, not to show solely what may be done, but what has been done; and this will be shown in the tables at the conclusion of this article. It may not be amiss to remark here, in reference to the silk business, that no official report having been 'made on the subject, the inference is, that it is left to take care of itself pretty much, under the auspices only of a few private families. The mania appears to have died with the morus multicaulis. Agricultural Productions, Stock, <f-c., and Value on the Farm. Wheat . bushels. 3,541,433 . . $2,655,075 Corn . . . . . . 8,356,565 3,133,613 Oats . . . . . 3,579,950 . . . 919,988 Rye . . . . . . 784,303 . . . 392,151 Buckwheat . . . . 47,858 . . . 35,894 Barley . . . . 3,614 . . . . 1,450 Potatoes . . 1,058,901 . . . 211,780 Tobacco . lbs. 21,916,012 . 1,095,800 Hay . . . . . tons. 110,816 . 1,100,000 Hemp . . . . 117 . . . 14,140 Cotton . . , . lbs. 7,108 . . . . 700 Hops . . 2,368 . . . . 473 Orchards • • • • • • . . 114,238 Market Gardens . • • • . . . 133,197 Nurseries • • • • . • . . 10,591 Horses and Mules No. 94,054 . . 4,000,000 Neat Cattle . . . 238,827 . 2,000,000 Swine . . 419,520 . 1,252,000 Sheep 262,807 . . . 394,210 Poultry . . 218,243 Wool . lbs. 502,499 . . . 100,500 Dairies . Beeswax lbs. 3,684 . . . 921 56 Maryland, and its Resources. Manufactures, Spc., and their value. Mills, Flouring .N o . 212 bis. flour 460,220* do Grist • 433 4 do Saw $61,000 do Oil . . 9S do Powder 5 . 669,000 73,590 do Paper .1 6 . . . 195,100 Paints, Drugs, &c. . 80,050 Factories, Cotton .1 5 . . . 2,348,580 do Woollen .2 9 . . . 235,900 Goods manufactured at home 182,530 Furniture 305,360 Potteries .2 2 . . . 61,240 Machinery • , t % 348,365 Hardware and Cutlery 15,670 Carriages and Wagons 336,672 Printing offices . 47) Binderies . 15 t Soap lbs. 1,857,416 . . . 92,870 Candles, tallow . 722,355 . . . 93,903 do sperm and wax 35,000 . . . 14,000 Distilleries No. 73 gals. 342,813 68,562 Breweries . 11 529,640 105,928 Wine 7,610 7,610 Furnaces, Forges, and Rolling mills . 30 Castings tons. 11,370 > . 637,900 Bar Iron . 9,900 ) Glass manufactory • . . 1 40,000 Tanneries 159 Sides, sole No. 189,965 > , , 1,142,500 do upper 291,867 ) Shipbuilding tons. 7,890 • • 279,771 Cordage, Rope walks . .1 3 61,240 Bricks and lime . . . (bricks, no. 31,000,000) . 384,356 Granite and marble, manufactures of . 155,750 Tobacco, manufactures of . . 232,000 Sugar refineries . . 6 . . . . . . . 176,000 Chocolate . . . . . . . . . 11,400 Confectioneries . . . . . . . . . . 68,400 Estimated proceeds o f Mechanical labor, including the raw material, in some o f the leading branches, viz: Of 2 Copper M i l l s ....................................................................$500,000 3 Shot T o w e r s ................................................................ 250,000 Carpet Factories ........................................................ 300.000 Blacksmiths’ w o r k ........................................................ 450,000 Tinners and Sheet Iron w o r k e r s .................................... 250,000 Plumbers and Coppersmiths 100,000 Coopers 200,000 Already estimated in the wheat, before grinding. Maryland, and its Resources. 5 ? Basket makers .............................................................. $18,000 Hat and Cap m a k e r s ................................................. 680,000 Boot and Shoe m a k e r s ................................... 1,500,000 Tailors, Habit and Dress m a k e r s ............................ 4,500,000 Saddlers and Harness makers 840,000 Morocco and Skin dressers .................................... 25,000 Others, m is c e lla n e o u s ................................................ lj000,000 Inspections in, and Shipments from, the Port o f Baltimore, o f certain ledding articles fo r the year 1840; Tobacco inspected, Maryland, hhds. 31,225 Ohio, 8,436 Other denominations, 977 Total, hhds. 40,638 Portion of previous stock, 3,574 Exported 44,212 Flour inspected, received from va624,815 rious places, bis. 780,770 do 435,783 Wheat, do bush. 1,816,952 Corn, do do 394,614 Oats and Rye, do do F ish—Herrings, inspected, (caught in Maryland waters,) bis. 72,370 10,937 Shad, do (small part from N. Carolina,) Oysters, amount sold in Baltimore estimated—For; warded to different places, by wagons, in the shell, bush. 170.000 320.000 Forwarded after being opened and pickled* 220.000 Consumed in Baltimore . . ; ; Total, Commercial. Total number of vessels built in the state, do amount of tonage, . . . bush. 710,000 129 116,204|| do amount of imports for the year 1839, . . < $6,995,285 do do exports do ; < ; 4,576,561 do number of barrels of flour, inspected in the city of Baltimore for ten years, ending June 30th, 1840, 5,179,628 Averaging 517,962 barrels per year. ------------ The Population o f Maryland, according to the last census, consists of— White males, 157,926 White females. 158,645 29,114 Free colored females, 32,823 Free colored males, 43,749 Slave, do 45,970 Slave, do Total females, 235,217 do males, 233,010 233,010 Maryland, grand total, Vol . v .— no . I. 8 468,227 58 Free Trade. Of the above, Baltimore contains— White males, Free colored males, Slave, do 38,825 7,292 1,166 White females, Free colored females, Slave, do 42,496 10,688 2,046 47,283 Total females, do males, 55,230 47,283 Baltimore, grand tofal, 102,513 The number of primary and common schools in the state is 562 do Scholars . . . . . . . 16,321 do do at public charge . . . . 6,621 Number of white persons over twenty years of age who cannot read and write, . . . . . . . 11,580 In the city of Baltimore, one male child, on an average, out of every 26f children under five years of age, lives to the age seventy-five years; and one female out of every 15f reaches that period of life. But the dis parity is greater in the following counties; which are selected as the greatest antagonists in the state : In Carroll county, 1 male child out of every lOf reaches 75 years. do do In Queen Anne’s co. 1 do 51 do In Harford co. 1 female do do 7 do In Calvert co. 1 do do do 39 do A rt. V.—F R E E TRADE. W hen I furnished an article a few months ago for the Merchants’ Magaazine, under the head of “ Free Trade,” I had no thought 6f pursuing the subject any further: but the tone of the reply which appeared in the May number, seems to demand a few remarks. In making them, I shall be as brief as the nature of the subject will admit, and shall confine myself entirely to the matter at issue, without attempting to answer the discour teous language of my opponent’s article. I. The first position of the “ remarks,” is that “ government may often confer a vast benefit on the whole nation, by extending to the struggling infant [any new business] its fostering, protecting aid, by means of a dis criminating duty on the importation of the foreign article.” The author has furnished in another part of his “ remarks” a reply to this position, which will relieve me from the necessity of repeating the arguments by which it was fully met in my former article. He says : “ Undoubtedly there are imposts, levied by this or that nation, which oper ate injuriously, and ought to he taken off.” Now here he is undoubtedly right. All governments are composed of men, and frequently of very weak and selfish men ; consequently, they are far from being infallible. If any thing is proved by experience, it is that governments are quite as likely to extend their “ fostering, protecting aid” to a branch of industry to which the country is not at all adapted, as to one for which it has a natural capacity. Free Trade. 59 Take, for instance, the culture of beet-root sugar in France. This business was introduced into that country about,the year 1811, and the government immediately extended to the “ struggling infant its fostering, protecting aid.” It laid a duty on all foreign sugar of about nine cents a pound,* and also taxed the sugar of its own West India colonies in such a manner as to extend the greatest possible aid to the producers of France, Under this forcing system a considerable quantity has been annually pro duced ; but, after an experience of thirty years, it is still impossible to produce sugar in France as cheaply as in the West Indies, and a high duty is required to preserve those who are engaged in the culture from loss. A writer in the Edinburgh Review, some years ago,- calculated the annual loss of the French people, arising from this mistaken protection, at over six millions of dollars, which, in thirty years, would amount to the very convenient sum of one hundred and eighty millions of dollars, the interest of which would, probably, supply France with all the sugar she consumes. The corn laws of England are equally in point. It so happens that the landed interests have long held the power in the British government, and have, consequently, taken care to extend their “ fostering, protecting aid” to the producers of grain. The duty commonly amounts to a prohibition, and is, therefore, of little advantage to the revenue; while the monopoly enables the landholders to exact large rents from their estates, the con sumers being taxed to sustain the imposition. “ If,” says Mr. Hume in his testimony before the committee on import duties, “ I am made to pay Is. 6d. by law for an article which, in the absence of that law, I could buy for Is., I consider the 6d. a tax, and I pay it with regret, because it does not go to the revenue of the country.” In our own country many articles have been fostered and protected after the same fashion. That of sugar is a conspicuous example. The Louisiana sugar planters have been fostered and protected for a long'series of years, by a duty of about one hundred per cen t; but to this day sugar cannot be produced, to any great extent, without the aid of a tariff. If this be so—if the protective policy is thus uncertain in its action—if gov ernments are about as likely to inflict an injury as to confer a benefit— then, surely, for these reasons alone, even allowing there were no others, it would seem to be the part of wisdom to hesitate long before enacting Jaws which must unsettle the course of business, change large investments of capital, and urge men into enterprises which must lean on the crutch of the government for their support. II. Under his second head my opponent contends, that “ the high, in vidious, protecting duties of other nations, and of nearly all the countries of the civilized world, absolutely constrain us to take care of our own pro ducing interests.” This is an error which has been often refuted, and which lies at the foundation of much false reasoning on the subject of trade. It may be true that the high duties of other nations inflict an injury on u s ; but it by no means follows that we should neutralize that injury, or in any way better our condition, by adopting a similar policy. This is shown, by the very example which Mr. Greely has brought to prove the antagonist position. * The duty was, in 1829, fifty francs per quintal. 60 Free Trade. “ I will,” he says, “ take the case of two islands which, isolated from the rest o f the world, have been accustomed to trade largely with each other. One of them produces grain in great abundance ; the other has a soil pri marily adapted to grazing, and its surplus productions are cattle and butter. But the former [the grain island] for reasons of its own, imposes a duty of fifty per cent on all imports, and now cattle can be reared on her soil much cheaper than they can be imported. She takes no more from abroad. But the cattle-raising isle, unheeding the change in her neigh bor’s policy, or profoundly enamored of that system of political economy which assumes the designation of ‘ free trade,’ still buys her grain where she can buy cheapest—that is, abroad. What will be the necessary result ? Who does not see that all the specie and other movables of the ‘ free trade’ settlement, will be drained away to pay the constantly in creasing balance of trade in favor of its protecting rival ?” The effect which is here set down is by no means that which would follow. If the islands were really isolated, that is, if they had no inter course with any other part of the world, then, of course, they consumed between them all their own productions, making such exchanges under a system of “ free trade,” as they found to their mutual advantage. Byand-by, however, the grain island prohibits the importation of its neighbor’s cattle, and takes the production into its own hands. What follows ? 1. The inhabitants of the wheat island, deprived of their neighbor’s cat tle and butter, will convert some of their wheat fields into grass for the purpose of producing these articles : consequently, they have no Jonger any wheat to sell. 2. If they have wheat to sell, their neighbors cannot buy; for ’this plain reason—they have nothing to buy with. They formerly had cattle and butter, but these are now refused, and they have nothing else. The trade must, therefore, cease ; and the grass-growers, like their neighbors, convert some of their fields of grass to the production of grain. But, says my opponent, they have something else ; they have “ specie and other movables.” T ru e; and if their neighbors are willing to sell, and they can thus carry on the trade till their island undergoes the changes which their altered circumstances require, the inconvenience and suffer ing which would otherwise ensue, will be greatly diminished. But how would their condition be bettered by a retaliatory duty ? They now want wheat. They cannot buy it with cattle and butter, because these are re fused. They muster up some “ specie and other movables,” which they can hardly part with, and just as they are about to accomplish a bargain, the government steps in with its “ fostering, protecting care,” and imposes a duty of one hundred per cent. “ Gentlemen,” says the customhouse officer, “ you are welcome to buy this wheat, but for every dollar that you pay for the wheat, you must also pay over a dollar to me for the use of the government.” I ask if, under such circumstances, the condition of these islanders would be materially improved by the retaliatory duty ? The whole position is clearly a fallacy. Allowing that the “ high, in vidious, protecting duties” of other nations are a great annoyance to us, yet let it be remembered, that they are still more injurious to themselves, and to adopt them, in order to retaliate their wrongs, would be like seizing an enemy, and jumping with him into the river, in order to give him a ducking. For a more full exposition of this point, I refer the reader to Free Trade. 61 the “ Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons of Great Britain on Import Duties.” III. The third proposition of the “ remarks” is in these words : “ Pro tection contends that the simple facts, that an article, if produced in this country, is sold at a certain price, while its foreign counterpart is sold at a lower price, do not by any means prove that the imported is, in truth and essence, the cheaper.” What he means is, I believe, that the bless ings of protection are so great, that we can better afford to pay five or six dollars for a yard of cloth under its auspices, than four dollars under a system of free trade. In order to prove this position, he has introduced a table, showing that in Londonderry, near the town of Lowell, the price of apples, cider, wood, potatoes, turkeys, and other heavy produce, have risen one hundred per cent, and that the inhabitants can, consequently, pay an advance of twenty-five per cent on the few yards of cloth which they con sume, and still be the gainers. I cannot suppress a feeling of surprise at this argument. Allowing it all to be true, and what does it show 1 Only that men in certain locations are benefited by the tariff. This position I acknowledged and met most fully in my former article. Surely the readers of the Merchants’ Magado not need to be told, that wherever a village or a city springs up rise, and the farmers find a better market for their heavy produce. Ijl the farmer in Pennsylvania, who has to pay an additional dollar ry yard of cloth which he consumes, in order to sustain the price leys and cider in Londonderry, thank my opponent for this arguDoes his Lowell village raise the price of apples and wood in Of what paramount benefit is it to South Carolina and Virginia, pay so largely for its support ? It is, in fact, a mere local benefit, lting from the accident of^a village which has been forced into exist ence by taxes drawn ffom:iT,6ij0$OO: of'people. . It. js. Joy such specious reasoning as this that protection? has pdbp. suitable^:.* I.tell*jlppyirient that high, discriminating duties are, injurious *fo* o&thi.nctlion; and he replies, that it cannot be, Itec’ailse it* ha^'qtfidt! Ite -farmers prosper around the village of Lowell. I contend lhat*.tfiey.eycv]5tejudicial to the general interests o f production; and he says, noj. see how "it has raised the price of cider and turkeys in Londonderry !t f t rparvel (to use an expres sion of his own) that any one reasoning thu3, should talk to others about “ schoolboy flippancy.” IV. Under his fourth head the author of the “ remarks” takes the broad ground that neither discriminating duties nor any other duties are injurious to the general well-being of mankind. He does not however at tempt to sustain his opinion by any argument; and as it is pretty gener ally understood that expensive governments and heavy taxes are not among the choicest of Heaven’s blessings, I shall not undertake further to con trovert his views on this head. In the course of his remarks, however, he makes some observations which are better deserving of notice. For ex ample—“ I hold it demonstrable,” he says, “ that even real, genuine free trade* between a barbarous and an enlightened, a rudely agricultural and a refined manufacturing and commercial people, will almost infallibly im * Mr. Greeley supposes “ free trade” in its proper sense to mean a trade equally taxed in all countries, and not free on one side of the Atlantic and taxed on the other. 62 Free Trade. poverish the former and enrich the latter.” This position is sustained by the following argument:— “ Let us suppose a settlement, equal to the state of Missouri, were now in existence in the Oregon— its rude, half-civilized inhabitants engaged wholly in agriculture, clearing, building, &c.—and a good road led from St. Louis to its capital. Trade is brisk enough in one direction; silks, jewelry, spices, finery and foolery of all kinds are sure to be constantly on the way over. But what is there to come back ? They have mountains of grain, beef, wood, and all the substantiate of life ; but none of these will pay a tenth of the cost of bringing them to St. Louis. The settlement is constantly plunging deeper in debt and embarrassment. Eventually, through revulsion, calamity, and depression of prices, it will arrive at the manu facture of whatever it shall w ant: but if it would have reached this end more directly by the imposition of a strong tariff, it would have avoided much disaster and suffering.” Now plausible as this seems, it is most certainly incorrect. A young mechanic, a young merchant, and a young country are all liable to get in debt, but their debts are often the very cause of their prosperity. How frequently does it happen that a mechanic reaches his majority without a shilling! He has, however, a good character, and.under such circum stances is trusted for a chest of tools with which he goes on to make his fortune. It may be that the merchant who thus furnished his outfit has charged him exorbitantly, but he has, nevertheless, done him a substantial kindness ; for without the tools he must long have struggled on in poverty. The parallel holds.good with other pursuits, and especially with the new country. Take the case of this very Oregon settlement. I will not, however, trouble the writer for his great St. Louis road, which seems to have been invented for the very -purpose of' making; transportation impracticable. Lay ing this ingenious •cflfitriwance aside/ what is the actual condition of things in the new Settlement ? The Oregonians are, of course, poor, for all new countries must necessarily he do. They are without what political econo mists call fixed- pafiUp.P- 1‘without shbstantial houses—without factories— without ships. Every thing as to be done : the forests must be cleared, the crops put in, saw-mills add grist-mills must be built; and although they have not the means of manufacturing them, yet they must have ploughs, rakes, cradles, knives, axes, cloths, cotton goods, powder, shot, muskets, and a host of other things which are absolutely necessary to their well being. To make these things is impossible in the nature of things. A country so rude has neither the skill nor the capital. It would, besides, require ten-fold more time than it would require to fabricate them in another country, and time too, every moment of which is needed for other purposes. How then are they to be obtained ? Anybody besides my opponent would have said, suffer them to be brought from abroad—let the shipping which trades to the Pacific and wants your supplies furnish them from other coun tries—barter your “ mountains of grain and beef” which you cannot con sume for those articles which you so pressingly need—burn your wood into potash, and trade it for cotton and woollen goods—exchange those things which you do not want for those things which you do want. No, says my opponent, keep them out by a strong tariff. As sure as you exchange what you do not want for what you do want, it will make you poor and only enrich others. Close your ports, and see to it that Profits o f Marine Insurance. 63 nothing is brought from abroad, for depend upon it these exotics will be your ruin. Strange doctrine indeed! As if in all fair trade both parties were not the gainers. Is the Indian who trades away his cartload of skins, which are of no earthly use to him, for a keg of powder and a gun, im poverished by the trade ? ' Is a new country which has “ mountains of grain, and beef, and wood,” which it cannot use, and does not want, im poverished by a traffic which supplies to it the essentials of its existence ? Is the farmer who pays his ten bushels of wheat, which are a drug in his granary, for a plough, on which his well-being depends, impoverished by the bargain ? This policy of my opponent would not only tend to make savages and barbarians of the Oregonians, but would greatly retard their accumulation of wealth. But I am told, in another place, that to advance the price of the domestic product is not the end of protection. This, my opponent attempts to show by the case of France and England, on page 433. But his argument dis proves his own position. The duty being taken off, he informs us that “ the heavy British importation and forced sale at once knocks every thing down fifty per cent.” What was it that “ knocked” every thing down fifty per cent ? The want of protection ? Restore the protective duty and the price rises. What other purpose is the duty required to serve ? Nor does it by any means follow that the removal of the protective duty in the case cited would be the destruction of the French manufactures. If, ac cording to the terms of the argument, the goods could be produced equally cheap in both countries, then the moderate duty required for the support of government would prove a sufficient protection, and give the advantage to the home producer. But I am weary of answering positions which seem to me so obviously erroneous. In conclusion, I may say that I am as strongly desirous that our country should improve and develop all its resources as any advocate of the tarriff can possibly be. I am, of course, not opposed to manufactures, to the production of silk, or to any thing else which will aid in giving em ployment to our industry. I believe, with my opponent, that “ the great end of all political economy, is to provide each individual constantly with the employment best suited to his capacities, and secure to him an ade quate reward.” But all this, I hope, will not commit me to the logic, that it is either justice or sound economy to tax the seventeen millions of con sumers throughout this vast empire, in order to benefit the farmers and manufacturers of Londonderry, or even of all New England. A rt. VI.—PROFITS OF MARINE INSURANCE. THE MUTUAL SYSTEM OF INSURANCE. A n article from a practical insurer in Boston appeared in the “ Merchants’ Magazine” for the month of May, which seems to require a pass ing notice, as its reference to the mutual system of insurance, and com parison of the claims of that system with those of joint-stock companies, to the public favor and confidence, form the prominent subject of discus sion ; and, as might be supposed from the position occupied by its author, pre-eminence is claimed for the latter. Profits o f Marine Insurance. 64 It may be sufficient, in the outset, to state in brief wherein consists the whole difference between the rival systems ; and it is confidently believed that the mere enumeration of these particulars will at once establish, and beyond controversy, the far higher claims of the former, as well as the ground of greater security to the insured, as on that of a more equitable division of the profits. They are these : 1st. No part of the profits of those institutions is ever paid out until the winding up of the concern, but accumulates from year to year, thereby in the same progression adding to the security of the insured ; and, 2d. The profits, instead of being divided among stockholders, revert to those who paid them in. To provide security for insurers when commencing business, is a measure of just policy, and, as will be shown hereafter, was fully adopted by the institution presumed to be referred to. Having thus, as we con ceive, demonstrated the superior advantages of the mutual system, we proceed to consider the general subject of the profitableness of underwriting. The business of insurance, like every other, can only be supported by adequate means; by which we mean, in relation to insurance, that the premiums must be sufficient to pay expenses and losses, and leave a profit: and if such an equivalent is obtained, the mutual system must succeed—and without it, it cannot; neither can the joint-stock companies. The indi vidual that spends more than his income, will not be long in ascertaining the result of his financial operations; and upon the same principle, a company that will underwrite, or assume risks, at rates that are below an equivalent, and continue to do so in spite of bitter experience, cannot fail to realize the fruits of its mistaken policy. We presume it will be readily admitted that joint-stock companies are instituted chiefly with a view to benefiting the holders of the stock; and consequently, should they cease to yield a profit, the owners, stimu lated by their own interests, investigate the causes, and provide, if practi cable, a competent remedy. And we propose to show, and think we can demonstrate the proposition, that if joint-stock companies can sustain themselves, and yield a profit to their stockholders, so can those doing bu siness upon the mutual system, and by the same means. As an evidence of the insufficiency of the mutual system, the writer of the article in question presents the following statement, as the result of the business of fifteen companies, in Boston, from 1830 to 1839, inclusive. Amount i n s u r e d ,.................................................... $344,661,909 Nett premiums thereon, ..........................................$5,701,582 Actual l o s s e s , ..................................................... 5,778,288 Showing a clear nettloss o f ........................................ $76,706 This we take to be conclusive testimony that the premiums were too low, and in fact, they were much below the present rates. If the premi ums had been increased but ten per cent on the business of 1830 to 1839, it would have increased the aggregate $570,000; from which deduct the actual nett loss of these years, viz, $76,706, and it will be perceived that there would remain nearly a half million o f clear profit. And this addi tion could have been readily obtained, had the insurers insisted upon its necessity, not only as an indemnity for their labor and risk, but ultimately for the security of the insured. Profits o f Marine Insurance. 65 This difference, it will be seen, is predicated on an addition of ten per cent only ; whereas the rates now charged are much nearer to an equiv alent for the risk, than they were during the nine years in which the Boston companies suffered. Yet it must be apparent to every experienced insurer, that the rates for annual risks are not now, nor have they ever been, high enough to render the business, as a distinct branch, desirable, and more especially on vessels of low value. It seems, too, to be inequitable to exclude this latter class of risks, as the owners are generally persons of com paratively small means, and who cannot afford to take the risk themselves ; and therefore we think that insurance companies should be ready to name a premium for any and all sea risks that may be offered them. We have known the premiums on vessels by the year, without distinction of class or value, as low as four per cent, and to and from ports east of the Cape of Good Hope, at two and a half per cent for the voyage; and to Cuba, one, and to American ports in the Gulf of Mexico, at one and a quarter per cen t; while at the same time it was ascertained, by comparing the losses of several consecutive years, that six per cent could barely cover the losses to the last-mentioned ports, leaving nothing for expenses and profits. This was about twenty years ago. The vast increase of business to those re gions, and the better quality of the vessels traversing the Gulf, and the improved knowledge of the navigation, have tended to lessen the losses, although it is morally certain that the recent reduction of the premiums to ports in the Gulf will be found inadequate to sustain the business; and prudence, if not self-preservation, demands that the recent rates should be re-established. The writer of this has been engaged in the business of insurance up wards of twenty years, and during that period has witnessed the ruinous effects of a competition having for its object the' prostration of a rival, or the senseless effort to make a profit for stockholders on reduced premi ums, when they have failed to realize it at what others have found only an equivalent. The institution over which the writer of the article we are considering has presided for a long period of years with great skill and ability, and a success that has experienced but little interruption, furnishes in that suc cess conclusive proof of the utility of the mutual system, which we confi dently believe is destined to supersede that of joint-stock companies. That institution went into operation some twenty years since, with a capital of $150,000, which was subsequently increased to $300,000, and it has added to that, by an accumulation o f profits, $200,000, and now ad vertises* a schedule of its investments, in securities of the highest order, $570,000, of which $500,000 is denominated capital. During the period it has been in operation it has paid out, in dividends, upwards of $600,000. We may have underrated the sum, but do not think that we have overrated it. Had the sum thus paid out been funded, as it would have been under the mutual system, and as the sum of $200,000 of profits was, its capital now would be nearly $1,200,000, instead of $300,000, as it was originally. Take another illustration of this accumulative system, which we find stated in the same publication, at page 471, of the operations of a com pany in this city for ten years, being the period of its existence. In that time it “ has divided two hundred and forty-nine and one half per cent, * See Merchants’ Magazine Advertiser for June, 1841, page 1. vol. y .— no. i. 9 66 Profits o f Marine Insurance. and has a surplus now on hand of one hundred and fifty per cent,” (proba bly intended for $150,000,) “ which, if divided, would give the stockhold ers their capital, $350,000, and three hundred per cent; and if the interest were added, the sum would be much larger.” Three hundred per cent is 1,050,000, which added to the capital would be $1,400,000. And there are other companies which have been in operation for a much longer period that would, had their profits been funded and added to the original capital, have amounted severally to 1,500,000 or 2,000,000. If any of these capitals have been impaired, it is owing to their having paid away all their profits, instead of funding them, as the mutual system pro vides, and which cannot fail, under ordinary good fortune, to furnish ample and unexceptionable security to the insured. The charter of the company established in this city upon the mutual system, required as a condition precedent to its issuing policies, that it should have received application for insurance to the amount of $500,000; but the trustees being desirous of placing the institution at once upon a basis that would entitle it to confidence, adopted the- plan of taking notes, to the amount of $200,000, of individuals or houses that contemplated in suring with the company, in anticipation of the premiums, which notes were to be paid in any event. They were therefore pledged as capital, and the pledge was honorably redeemed at maturity. On the 18th of December, 1839, one year from the date of its first poli cy, it declared its first dividend, payable in scrip, amounting to $47,287, which was 14 per cent upon the amount of earned premiums for the year ending on that day. The aggregate of premiums for the year was $517,808 Losses, return premiums, and expenses, 290,478 Terminated premiums on the business of the year, 337,765 On the 18th December, 1840, it declared its second dividend, payable in scrip, amounting to $90,757, which was 19 per cent upon the amount of earned premiums for the year ending on that day. The aggregate premiums for that year were $603,702 Losses, return premiums, and expenses, 382,392 Terminated premiums on the business of the year, 473,149 And the same day it declared a dividend upon the scrip of the year 1839, of six per cent, payable in money. The scrip is not redeemable during the existence of the charter. Every person doing business with the company is entitled to all the pri vileges of a stockholder, and at the end of the year receives in scrip his proportion of all the profits derived from its business, thereby obtaining liis insurance at its cost, and is free from all liability whatever from any loss, beyond the premium he had paid, or secured to be paid. So ver.y favorable a result naturally induced the inquiry, whether a sys tem that proposed to return all the profits of its business to the parties in suring with it, was not to be preferred to any other ; and the consequence has been, that from the 18th of December, 1840, to 18th of May, 1841, the premiums have amounted to $364,280, showing an increase over that of the corresponding period of 1840, of $123,345, or over 50 per cen t; and it has now entire the profits of 1839 and 1840, $138,044, and premi um notes deposited for collection and to be deposited $450,000, making an aggregate of $588,000. These facts, with a constant increase of busi ness, we take to be a sure indication that those who are most deeply inter- / Question o f Average. 67 ested in the stability and security of the institution, are satisfied that ample means exist for every contingency likely to arise. Had all the joint-stock fire companies in this city been incorporated up on the plan of that of which we are now treating, and the profits been re tained and funded, and the interest derived from the investment only dis tributed, and “ the sufferers by the great conflagration which took place in New York in 1835, had been insured by mutual insurance companies,” with such “ capital, instead of those which then existed,” how many “ l e s s ” insolvencies would have taken place ! How many “ l e ss ” bad debts would have fallen on the merchant and the banks! W e quote the language of the author, simply transposing a portion of the text, and substituting the word less for more,— a liberty which we trust will not be deemed a cause of offence, but rather as a compliment; for we are free to declare, that we should have found it difficult to have originated any other that would have, satisfied us so well as the illustration he has afforded, and which we have used, as we believe, both decorously and respectfully. In closing, we would'remark, that the company in this city established upon the mutual system, is not the borrower of a dollar; that all its assets are under its sole control; and that the excess of profits over and above all known or anticipated claims, and after a season of severe losses—only paralleled, within the memory of the writer, by those of the winter and spring of 1831 and 1832—would enable it this day to make a handsome dividend upon its earned premiums since December 18th, 1840. A rt. YII.—QUESTION OF A V ER A G E* Zebedee Cook, J r ., E sq. President o f the Mutual Safety Insurance Company, N . Y. Dear Sir ,-—I enclose herewith my opinion on the case stated, as to the adjustment of an average for detention to refit. I am very respectfully, yours, &c. W illard P hillips. Boston, March 23, 1841. The following case has been stated to me for my opinion : A vessel on her voyage from New Orleans to New York, parted her fore-peak halyard block-strap, main-boom topping-lift, main-peak halyard block-strap ; carried away her main gaff and the leach rope of her foresail, split the bonnet of her jib, and split her balance-reef and foresail, and split to pieces her foresail ; her false keel worked off, and came up alongside— it was found to have been fastened by four long spikes only; and she had stranded her jib-stay. These different injuries happened at different periods of her passage. She had not touched ground on the passage. She did not leak either in her bottom or her upper-works. The vessel being thus in a crippled condition, and the master being fearful of losing the masts, bore away for Savannah, as a port of necessity, for repairs, on the * Furnished for publication in the Merchants’ Magazine, by Z ebedee C ook, J r ., Esq. 63 Question o f Average. 23d of November. It is admitted that the master acted properly in bear ing away for Savannah. He sailed thence on his voyage on the 16th of January, after making the necessary repairs, and having taken on board additional cargo for New York, without any detention for this purpose over the time taken for repairs. The vessel was hove down at Savannah, a new false keel was put on, and she was caulked and painted. She would have required a thorough overhauling on arrival at her port of destination, and her bottom must then have been examined, and she must have been caulked and painted, had she not put into Savannah. The questions raised on the above case are : 1st. Whether the whole expense of delay is to be put to general average. 2d. Whether the freight of the cargo taken at Savannah is to be credit ed to general average. The questions presented will be decided in the same way, whether the vessel was or was not insured. It is settled in our jurisprudence, as I un derstand the law, that if, without any fault of the owners, or any fault of their agents, which is imputable to them, the vessel, by reason of injuries from the perils of the seas, justifiably puts away for a port of necessity, the expense of her detention is general average. Lord Ellenborough says : “ It is not so much a question whether the first cause of the damage was owing to this or that accident, as whether the effect produced was such as to incapacitate the ship, without endangering the whole concern, from further prosecuting her voyage, unless she returned to port and re moved the impediment.”— 3 M. & S. 432, Plumer v. Wildman. This is the doctrine generally, and I believe universally, adopted in this subject. Whether the injury to be repaired is such as underwriters are answerable for in the ordinary forms of policies, or is for the owners to repair at their own expense, without any recourse to the cargo or to underwriters. Pro vided the necessity arises from perils of the seas, without the fault of the assured or his agents, the expense of putting in is a subject of contri bution. The present case states that there was a necessity for going in, and no fault is imputed to the owners or their agents. There is, accordingly, no question that the expense of going in is a subject of general average con tribution. The only question in this part of the case then is, whether the expense for the whole delay, or if not, for what part of the delay, is the subject for contribution ? To answer this question we must inquire, what was the object of making a port of necessity, and how long the vessel was detained by those objects ? And it is evident that the object, as far as the cargo is concerned—that is, as far as the general average is concerned—is limited to the voyage— that is, in this case, the passage to New York. The shipper has, of course, nothing to do with any wants, injuries, defects, or repairs, other than those connected with and necessary to the prosecu tion of that voyage. If the ship delay for other repairs or objects, the shipper is not liable to any contribution for such delay. It may not necessarily follow that the master is in fault for longer delay than merely for the purpose of obtaining the necessary repairs for the par ticular voyage. At least I will assume, for the present purpose, that he may, under some circumstances, delay a longer time, and that in the pre sent case, if he did in fact delay such further time, he was justified in so Question o f Average. 69 doing. But though he may be justified, still the cargo is not liable to con tribute for any thing not connected with and essential to the prosecution of the pending voyage or passage. The case as stated suggests a question of the seaworthiness of the vessel, by reason of the imperfect mode of attaching the false keel. If the vessel was not in a suitable condition to prosecute her voyage without a new false keel, then she was not seaworthy when she sailed from New Orleans with a false keel insufficiently fastened ; and the owner cannot claim a contribution from the shipper for delay for the purpose of putting on a new false keel, which, by his implied stipulation of seaworthiness, he was bound to have put on before commencing the voyage. And whatever is done at the port of necessity, which the owner was bound to have done at the port of departure, gives no ground for claim on the cargo for con tribution for the delay on this account. The only question in this respect is, whether the owner is liable to the shipper for damage on account of the unseaworthiness of the vessel. If such a keel is not essentially necessary to the safe prosecution of the voyage to New York, then the cargo is not liable to contribute for the delay in putting it on. And I am told by per sons skilled in shipbuilding and navigation, that the circumstance of the false keel coming off in the manner stated in the case, would not, of itself, be a reason for bearing away from the course of the voyage. The ship did not leak before bearing away, and, accordingly, from the case as stated, I do not see any ground for demanding of the cargo contri bution for delay for the purpose of caulking. Undoubtedly no such claim could be made for any delay merely for the' purpose of painting. The object then of going in, as far as the cargo is concerned, were the necessary repairs wanted for the sails and rigging or upper-works, for the purpose of safely proceeding on the voyage. And the cargo ought to contribute towards the expense of the delay necessary for those repairs, and those only. 2. As to crediting to general average the freight of goods taken in at Savannah, it is a novel, and certainly a very interesting question. Suppose part of the cargo to be spoiled in consequence of the delay at the port of necessity, (as in case of the claret wine spoiled by delay at Jamaica,) so that the freight upon such part is lost to the owners of the ship, and the goods themselves to the shipper, could the loss of this freight, and the goods also, be brought into the general average ? Such a loss has sometimes happened in case of a cargo of fruit. If the goods on freight are lost in direct consequence, and as the immediate result of the voluntary act of the master, done with the deliberate intention of making a sacrifice for the general benefit, this is a subject of contribution. But in all re spects, except the voluntary sacrifice, including, of course, its direct con sequences, the parties interested in ship, freight, and cargo, respectively, still maintain the same mutual relations, during the seeking of a port of necessity and delay there, as during the other parts of the voyage. The bearing away is not the commencement of a new partnership and commu nity of risks and profits between the respective parties during detention. In all other respects, excepting the voluntary sacrifice, the voyage is still proceeding, during the detention as well as before and after. The under writers on either of the interests for the voyage, are still liable during the detention for the same risks as before, and the stipulations of the charter The Law o f Contracts in Missouri. 70 party or bills of lading still hold during this period as before and after, and each insurable interest has its separate risks, and separate profits and losses, in all other things whatsoever, excepting the specific voluntary sacrifice. If the ship is accidentally wrecked during the detention, and the cargo saved— or if the ship is captured and condemned, and the cargo restored and freight paid, there is no community of interest in this good or bad fortune ; though it might appear that if the master had not volun tarily borne away for a port to refit, or had borne away for a different one, ship and cargo might perhaps have arrived safe. In such case it can only be said they might perhaps have arrived, for it is not possible to know what would have happened in the pursuit of a different course. It can only be said that there is a possibility, or at most a probability, that this or that result might have followed. It can be known what actual sacrifice has heen made, or expense has been incurred, purposely for the general safety* and this must be made good by contribution; but if we go beyond this, and inquire what collateral and incidental good or bad fortune has arisen to either of the parties, by reason and as remote consequences of the measures taken for the general safety, we shall soon be bewildered in vague speculations and conjectures. The shipper may find a better market for his goods at the port of neces sity than at the port of destination; and if all the incidental advantages and disadvantages of putting in are to be included in the adjustment of the general average, the profit thus made should be brought into account; but no example is to be found of such a claim being made, and much less of its being allowed. If the original shipper is to he a partner in the freight of the goods shipped at the port of necessity, he ought, as a consequence, to be jointly responsible with the ship-owner on the stipulations of seaworthiness, and the expressed stipulations in the bill of lading, to the shipper of goods at the port of necessity. This would be a plain consequence of the doctrine of a joint interest in freight. This is a very grave objection to any such joint interest. For these reasons it appears to me that the freight of the goods shipped at Savannah in the case stated, ought not to be credited to the general average, w. p. A rt. VIII.—T H E LAW OF CONTRACTS IN MISSOURI. As the trade of Missouri, now the largest, in extent of territory, of any of the states of the Union, is constantly increasing and becoming of more importance, as the population of the .country west of the Mississippi in creases, a more extended account of the law of contracts, and the methods of enforcing them, than appeared in a former number of the Merchants’ Magazine, may be thought worthy of notice. And first, the law of contracts. By the revised statutes of 1835, all contracts which, by the common law, are joint only, shall be construed to* be joint and several. And in case one of several joint obligors or promissors die, the joint contract or debt shall survive against the heirs and rep resentatives of the deceased obligor or promissor, as well as against the The Law o f Contracts in Missouri. 71 survivors, instead of compelling the plaintiff to prosecute the survivors to insolvency, as at common law. When all the obligors are dead, the action survives against the heirs and representatives of all the deceased obligors. In all cases of joint obligations or promises of copartners, suits may be brought and prosecuted against any one or more of those who are so liable. In the case of bonds and notes, which are made payable to any person, or order, or bearer, and signed by a party or his agent, such bonds or notes shall import a consideration. All bonds and promissory notes shall be assignable, and the assignee may maintain an action thereon in his own name, for so much as was due at the time of the assignment, in the same manner as the obligee or payee might have done. The nature of the defence of the obligor is not changed by the assignment, and every just discount and set-off must be allowed, unless it be expressed in the bond or note that the sum therein specified shall be payable without defalcation or discount. The assignor, after assignment, cannot release any part of the demand, nor can the assignee ever obtain any greater title or interest in the bond or note, than the assignor had at the time of the assignment. Every promissory note for the payment of money, expressed on the face thereof to be for “value received,” negotiable and payable “ without defal cation,” has the same effect, and is negotiable in the same manner as inland bills of exchange. Negotiable notes, and notes made payable to bearer, are placed on the same footing with inland bills of exchange. Notes made payable to the order of a fictitious person, and negotiated by the maker, have the same effect against the maker, and all persons cogni zant of the facts, as if payable to bearer. The assignee of a bond, or of a note not expressed to be for value received, and payable without defalca tion, can maintain an action against the assignor, upon failure to obtain payment from the obligor or maker, only in the following cases. 1st. If he use due diligence in the institution and prosecution of a suit at law, against the obligor or maker, for the recovery of the money or property due, or damages in lieu thereof. 2d. I f the obligor or maker is insolvent, or is not a resident of, or residing within the state, so that a writ would be unavailing, or a suit could not be instituted. The law concerning the acceptance of bills of exchange is very similar to that of New York. Bills, where the parties reside in this state, if protested for non-accept ance, draw four per cent damages on principal sum specified in the bill. If drawn upon persons not residing in this state, but within the United States, ten per cent on the amount of the bill; if out of the United States, twenty per cent. Bills accepted, and protested for non-payment, draw the same damages as if protested for non-acceptance. The damages in all these cases, how, ever, are in lieu of interest, and all charges of protest, and other charges incurred previous to the time of giving notice ; but after notice the holder can claim and receive legal interest on the principal sum expressed in the bill, and damages. 2d. As to the mode of enforcing contracts. In the case of bonds and notes, the method of enforcing the contract is, probably, shorter and simpler in Missouri than in any state in the Union. By the statutes of 1835, regulating the practice at law, any person being the legal holder of a bond or note for the direct payment of money or 72 T he L a w o f C o n tra cts in M is s o u r i. property, may sue thereon in any circuit court having jurisdiction thereof, by petition in debt. The circuit court has original jurisdiction in all suits upon bonds or notes for more than one hundred and fifty ($150) dollars exclusive of interest, and concurrent jurisdiction with justices of the peace in all cases under one hundred and fifty, and above ninety dollars. The petition in debt may be in the following form, which must be strictly followed, or it will be liable to special demurrer. To th e --------- Circuit C ourt: -------------- plaintiff, states, that he is the legal owner of a bond, or note, (as the case may be) against the defend ant ------------ , to the following effect— (here insert a copy of the instrument sued upon;) yet the debt remains unpaid: therefore, he demands judg ment for Ins debt, and damages for the detention thereof, together with costs. If the plaintiff be the owner of the instrument sued upon, as assignee thereof, the fact of assignment shall be stated in the petition, and the state ment thereof may be in the following form : “ On which are the following assignments, (here insert the assignments) by virtue of which the plaintiff has become the owner thereof.” The petition, together with the instru ment sued upon, and the assignments, shall be filed in the clerk’s office, and a writ of summons may be sued out, executed, and returned, in the same manner, and with the like effect, as upon a declaration in the ordi nary form. If the defendant is personally served with process, he must plead to the merits on or before the second day of the term, and the suit shall be deter mined at the same term, unless continued for good cause. A suit institu ted in the form prescribed, shall be proceeded in to final judgment and execution, as if instituted in the ordinary form, and every defendant served with process twenty days before the return day thereof, shall appear to the suit at the return term of the writ. The action of petition in debt is a legal action, and the general issue nil debet. A suit by attachment can be commenced, when the debt is more than fifty dollars, upon an affidavit of the defendant, or of some other person, filed with the declaration, that the defendant is justly indebted to the plain tiff, after allowing all just credits and set-offs, in a sum (to be specified in the affidavit,) and also stating that the defendant is not a resident of, nor residing in the state, or that the debtor has absconded or concealed him self, so that process cannot be served upon him, or that he is about to remove his property out the state, or that he is about fraudulently to re move, convey, or dispose of his property, so as to hinder or delay his creditors. Any person having goods or chattels of the defendant, or being indebted to him, may be summoned as garnishees, to answer such questions as may be proposed to them by the plaintiff, concerning their indebtedness to the de fendant ; and if they have such goods or moneys, they must be paid to the sheriff after execution issued. A party imprisoned for debt, upon a written application to any judge of the supreme court, circuit court, justice, or clerk of the county court of the county in which he may be, by surrendering all his property to the use of his creditors, and presenting a schedule containing a list of all his credi tors, the place of residence if known, the sum due and on what account, and an inventory of all his estate, real and personal, and by making afft-> Mercantile Lavl Department. 73 davit as to the truth of the facts stated, may be discharged from imprison ment, until the end of the next term of the circuit court, when, if the facts alleged be proved, he may be finally discharged, and is exempt from impri sonment for all liabilities which he was under at the time of his application* Judgments and decrees rendered by the circuit and county courts, are a lien on the real estate of the person against whom they are rendered, situate in the county for which the court is held. Liens commence on the day of the rendition of the judment or decree, and continue for three years, subject to being revived, under a scire facias, by the plaintiff or his legal representatives ; and real estate includes all estate and interest in lands, tenements, or hereditaments, liable to be sold under execution. By the statute of limitations, no action can be maintained for the reco very of lands, &c. after the lapse of twenty years, subject to the excep tions common to the laws of most of the states. All actions of debt, founded on any writing, whether sealed or unsealed, and all actions of as sumpsit, founded on any writing for the direct payment of money, must be brought within ten years. Actions for debt, penalties, trespass upon per sonal or real property, account, detinue,- trover, trespass on the case, must be brought within five years. Actions upon accounts for goods, wares,&c., store account, assault and battery, and false imprisonment, must be brought within two years after the cause of action accrued. Judgments, and decrees, and sealed instruments of writing, are presumed to be satis fied after the lapse of twenty years ; but the presumption may be repelled by proof of payment of part, or by a written acknowledgment of the in debtedness within that time. ME RCA NT I L E LAW DEPARTMENT. RECENT DECISIONS IN THE UNITED STATES COURTS. COFYRIGHT—TRANSFER OF BANK STOCK—IMPORT DUTIES. [W e have taken measures to procure accurate statements of decisions ren dered from time to time in the United States Courts for this district, and we hope to be enabled to present some of them in each future number of our pub lication. In cases of great interest or novelty, we shall endeavor to obtain the opinions of the judge in extenso: but ordinarily we shall limit ourselves to a succinct and clear statement of the questions raised in a case, and the points adjudged by the court. Except to professional readers, this will be probably all that is desirable. Others may thus learn sufficiently, for general purposes, the tenor of adjudica tions in those courts upon the multifarious and important subjects falling within their jurisdiction. The decisions will themselves indicate the diversity and importance of the topics acted upon by those tribunals ; and we are persuaded they will be found instructive and interesting to most classes of our readers. Independent of subjects of jurisdiction at law and in equity, common to them and to the state courts, it more particularly devolves upon the courts of the United States to discuss and determine questions arising under treaties, and the statute laws of the United States—points of maritime law, touching liens, bottomry, salvage, wages, the liabilities of ships and ship-owners, navigation and imposts—questions respecting copyrights and patents—trespasses, seizures, or torts upon the high seas—and international questions, affecting foreigners, or citizens and foreigners.) VOL. v .— NO. i. 10 74 Mercantile Law Department. COPYRIGHT. United States Circuit Court.— In Equity: William Gould & David Banks vs. Hiram P. Hastings.—April term, 1840 : before Judges Thompson and Betts. The bill was filed in this case by the complainants, as assignees of Esak Cowen and John L. Wendell, and proprietors of nine volumes of Cowen’s Re ports, and seventeen volumes of Wendell’s Reports. It alleges in substance that the above volumes were composed and duly copyrighted by the reporters; that the complainants, as their assigns, have sole right or exclusive privilege of printing, reprinting, publishing, or vending the said reports ; that the defendant has publicly declared his intention to pub lish, and is proceeding to publish, nine volumes of condensed reports, to em brace all the cases contained in the said twenty-six volumes of complainants’ reports; that he has already published and prepared for sale a part of the ninth volume of his proposed condensed reports, which contains the same matter published in the sixteenth volume of Wendell’s Reports, and is a viola tion of the said copyright; that the defendant is preparing to publish the resi due of the said ninth volume, and the antecedent eight volumes, to the great injury of the complainants, and they pray an injunction, &c. An injunction was accordingly granted, to continue to the end of the succeeding term of the court, and at the same time an order was made, referring it to a master to col late the two works, and report to this court whether the defendant’s publica tion was a copy or colorable transcript of the sixteenth volume of Wendell, (except the opinions of the judges,) or whether it was a fair abridgment thereof, or whether it was compiled by the defendant from the materials sup plied by the complainants’ publication. This order of reference was, by con sent of parties, executed by William Kent, Esq., who made a detailed and clear report upon the matters of reference; upon filing which, and on his answer, the defendant moved to dissolve the injunction issued in the cause. The defendant, in his answer, admits his acts and intentions as charged in the bill, but denies many facts upon which the complainants rest their title and rights, and alleges in bar various objections, spread out at length in the an swer, and which may be comprised under three general heads. First. It is asserted that the reporters are public officers, performing a duty assigned by the legislature, for which they are compensated by salary ; that the publication of the reports is the essential part of their public service, and that they cannot appropriate to themselves by copyright an exclusive property therein. Second. That these law reports cannot be made subjects of copyright, the reporters not being authors in the composition or compilation of such works, in a sense to authorize them to acquire any exclusive right or privilege to pub lish them. Third. That if the copyright be valid, the defendant’s publication is no in fringement of it. It is not important to the present history of the case to present a more ample statement of the pleadings or report of the master, or to notice various inter mediate applications to the court, upon the one side and the other, to enlarge the time for proofs, to dismiss the bill, &c. &c. The cause was fully and ably argued by Mr. Bidwell for the defendant, and by Messrs. Paine and O’Connor for the complainants. The court after advise ment decided, that the complainants could not secure by copyright an exclu sive right or privilege to publish the opinions of the judges of the Supreme Court, or members of the Court of Errors, delivered by them in writing in the cases decided in those courts respectively, and that, accordingly, no injunction would lie against the defendant in respect to that part of the publication in question. The court further remarked, that the decision of some of the other important points in the case depended upon facts at issue between the parties, upon which the proofs were not yet fully completed; and that the master not being directed to Mercantile Law Department. 75 take proofs, his report was not definitive upon other points that might have an important bearing on the final decision, and therefore the court would defer pronouncing any opinion upon the question, whether these law reports are sub jects of copyright—and if they may be so to any extent, what parts are to be regarded original matter entitled to be so protected ; and. also, whether the de fendant’s publication is to be regarded a fair abridgment or a copy or colorable transcript of the complainants’ work* or whether the defendant is entitled to claim any part of his publication as an original composition or compilation,— until the Cause should be brought to a hearing upon the pleadings and proofs. The court further ruled that the complainants were not bound to resort to a suit at law and establish their right in the first instance, and that if they are entitled to the privilege of copyright, the remedy at law is not adequate to the defence and protection of such right; and that, accordingly, injunction, as an appropriate and secure remedy, will be retained until the cause is disposed of upon the merits. TRANSFER OR BANK STOCK. Amos H. Hubbard vs. The Bank of the United States and Others.—June, 1840— In Equity: Judges Thompson and Betts present. The parts presented by the pleadings and proofs are, in substance, that James Lanman, of Norwich, Connecticut, had invested funds belonging to the separate estate of his wife, in the stock of the Bank of the United States, in tended to be reserved for her separate use, but for convenience of transfer and drawing dividends, the shares and scrip were taken in the name of James Lanman and his wife jointly. That on the 1st of September, 1834, the complainant purchased of Lanman and wife one hundred and fifty shares of said stock, at Norwich, paying $119 per share therefor, and received the necessary power of attorney and. authority for having a transfer made to him on the books of the bank. Appli cation was made the next day at the agency of the bank in New York, to have the transfer perfected ; but some slight informality in the papers required their being sent back to Norwich and rectified, before the bank would act upon them, and they were not presented in due form until the 6th of September, on which day 125 shares were transferred to the complainant; but the scrip for the remaining 25 shares not being found in the agency where it was sup posed by the complainant to have been deposited with the 125 shares, the bank deferred the transfer of those shares until the scrip should be produced. It was subsequently found, on search, in possession of Lanman, at Norwich, and was immediately transmitted to New York, with intent to complete the transfer. On the 6th of September, 1836, an attachment was sued out conformably to the laws of the state, against the property of James Lanman, as a non-resident debtor; and, at two o’clock in the afternoon of that day, notice thereof was served on the bank, and the said twenty-five shares of stock were claimed under the attachment. The trustees, when appointed, demanded the assign ment of the stock to them ; but the bank declined making it, because it was claimed by the complainant under his purchase; and on the presentation of the scrip, subsequent to the attachment, the bank declined making the transfer on the books to the complainant, because of the pendency of such attachment, Messrs. Goddard and Staples insisted, for the complainant, that the sale of the stock was complete, and vested the property in the complainant before the attachment issued. That if the sale was insufficient to pass the property, without being accompanied by a transfer of the shares on the books of the bank, yet that it was not subject to attachment for the debts of Lanman, having been purchased with the separate funds of the wife, and held for her use under her marriage settlement. Mr. Bonney, for the trustees, contended that the stock was the property of James Lanman, and subject to the claims of his creditors prior to the first of September, and that the alleged sale to the complainant on that day did not 76 Mercantile Law Department. pass the property so as to prevent the attachment arresting it for the benefit of all his creditors—a transfer on the books of the bank being an indispensable requisite to the completion of a sale. That the sale was palpably a family ar rangement, (the complainant being Lanman’s son-in-law) with a view to res cue this fund for the use of Lanman and wife, and was therefore fraudulent, as against his creditors. The court remarked, that there was no proof to sup port the allegation that the purchase by the complainant was collusive or fraudulent with respect to the creditors of Lanman. The controversy, then, was between a bona fide purchaser and the attach ment creditors, and it turned exclusively upon questions of law. The rights and interests of proprietors or stockholders in banking companies pass by as signment, and no other formality is requisite to vest the full property therein, in a purchaser (2 Cowen, R. 770—11 Wendell, 627—6 Pick. R. 324—8 Pick. R. 90—9 Pick. 202—10 Pick. R. 422.) The existence of by-laws of the bank prohibiting any transfer of stock, except upon the books of the bank, affects only the corporation or individual corporators, and cannot control the rights of third parties. An assignee becomes absolute owner of the stock without observing that method of transfer, and notwithstanding any prohibitory by-law. The by law will be allowed to operate no further as against third parties, than to pro tect liens of the corporation upon the stock existing previous to its sale or as signment. Although the purchaser acquires the full property of the stock by sale and assignment, yet to give him every beneficial enjoyment of it—(the right of a corporator, for instance)—it may be necessary that it should be trans ferred to his name at the bank, and if the bank refuses to give him that benefit of his purchase, a court of chancery will compel it to open its transfer books and register the assignment in his behalf. (1 Peters, R. 299—16 Mass. R. 101.) These two considerations determine the case in favor of the complainant, and entitle him to the decree he prays for. And the court observed it was not therefore called upon to decide whether the stock is protected from attachment as the sole property of Mrs. Lanman ; but that it saw no reason to doubt, upon the proofs, that Mrs. Lanman had a right to hold this property exempt from the debts of her husband, or that a court of chancery might, in the form of pro ceeding, interpose its guardianship over her interests, and preserve them from the attachment of his creditors. (5 Johns. Ch. R. 464—6 John. Ch. 25—ibid. 178—ibid. 222.) On the question of costs, the court observed that the defend ants did not stand in the relation of naked trustees, seeking the direction of the court or submitting themselves to i t ; but were litigant parties contesting the complainant’s right, and maintaining the permanent right of creditors. Whether they are personally interested in these debts would not vary the case, because they must be regarded as acting under a guaranty, or as assuming this adver sary attitude at their own hazard ; and it is no less meet in equity than at law, that they should bear the expenses created by a resistance to the rights of the complainant, found on examination not to be well founded. Decreed accordingly—that the Bank of the United States transfer to the complainant the twenty-five shares of stock mentioned in the pleadings, and that the trustees of the attaching creditors pay the complainant’s costs. TARIFF—IMPORT DUTIES. Circuit Court, United States.—Armstrong vs. Hoyt.—Judges Thompson and Betts—April, 1841. This is an action against the collector, presenting a question as to the con struction of the second section of the tariff act of 1832: by this act, “ wool, un manufactured, the value w^hereof at the place of exportation shall not exceed eight cents per pound, shall be imported free of duties if of greater value, it is subject to duty. The invoice is relied on by both parties. If the charges and expenses at the place of exportation are added to form the value, then the wool would appear to have cost more than eight cents per pound—otherwise to have cost less : and The Book Trade. 77 the question is whether these charges are to be taken as forming part of “ the value at the place of exportation,” in the meaning of this law. The fifteenth section of the act is referred to as explanatory of the term actual value. By that, the ad valorem rates of duty are to be computed on actual cost or actual value, and this phraseology appears—“ to the actual cost, if the same shall have been actually purchased, or to the actual value, if the same shall have been pro cured otherwise than by purchase, at the time and place when and where pur chased or otherwise procured, shall be added all charges, except insurance.” Now “ the charges” are not expressly mentioned in the second section, as constituting part of the actual value: but in the fifteenth section, the actual value is treated as a thing to which the charges are to be added : as something distinct from the charges, and of which, of course, the charges are no part. The words “ actual value” in each section must mean the same value. If it is exclu sive of charges in the fifteenth section, so it must also be in the second section; and the charges therefore must be left out of view in determining if the actual value of the wool was eight cents per pound. Judgment, therefore, is rendered for a return of the duties. THE BOOK T R A D E , 1. — The Nestorians; or, The Lost Tribes. Containing evidence of their identity ; an account of their manners, customs, and ceremonies; together with sketches of travel in ancient Assyria, Armenia, Media, and Mesopotamia, and illustrations of Scripture Prophecy. New York: Harper and Brothers. 12mo. pp. 385. 1841. The first edition of this interesting book was all disposed of in a few days after publication. Few works have procured a more uniform testimony in their favor. In the opinion of the most learned and judicious, the proposi tion has been fully sustained, that the Nestorian Christians of Persia are truly the L ost T r ib e s of the house of Israel. But independent of the great disco very, interesting alike to the scholar and the Christian, the book possesses in itself intrinsic merits. The narrative part leads the reader through scenes of a romantic character, and over places consecrated as the cradle of the human race. We go with the traveller through a region where the footsteps of the European have not trodden, and among a people who for nearly two thousand years have maintained their independence and their individuality. We enter with him the churches built at the time or soon after the preaching of the Apostles, and worship with a primitive people in their sanctuaries, surrounded and protected by the lofty barriers of rocks. We commend this interesting volume to the readers of the Magazine. It throws new light upon the move ments in Asia, and may indicate that the day of the redemption of the chosen people is near at hand. 2. —Psychology; or, a View of the Human Soul; including Anthropology. Adapted for the use of Colleges. By Rev. F r e d er ic k A. R auch , D. D., late Presi dent of Marshall College, Penn. 2d edition. Revised and improved. New York: M. W. Dodd. 8vo. pp. 401. 1841. “ Know thyself” was the inscription on the temple of Apollo, a precept at once the most necessary, and yet the most difficult to be obeyed. The principal object of the author in writing this book, was to render the noble “ science of man” accessible to all classes of readers; for as the inscription on the temple of Apollo was not only intended for some, but for every one approaching it, so the knowledge of human nature is desirable for every one, and not for a few only. The author flatters himself that he has effected this purpose by using plain language, by following a simple course of thought, by taking all his illustrations from nature, and by comparing constantly the activities of mind with those analogous to it in nature. With the exception of a few divisions, it is believed therefore that the present work may be read with advantage by all. 78 The Book Trade. 3__The Progress of Democracy; illustrated in the history of Gaul and France By A le x a n d e r D u m a s . Translated by an American. New York: J. H Langley. 12mo. pp. 376. 1841. This work appeared in the original simply under the title of “ Gaul et France but the translator, in presenting it to the public in English, has given it a different name, which, though not that of the author, is, nevertheless, descrip tive of the work itself. Its chief value to the general reader consists not only in tire vast amount of historical facts which it embodies in so small a compass, but in the democratic principles that are set forth with remarkable ability and clear-sightedness, which cannot fail to interest all who sympathize with, and have confidence in, the progress of political and social freedom. The author, in the conclusion of his work, offers various considerations on the present political condition of France, and contends that the period is not far distant when she will not be content with her existing aristocratic representation, but that the present form of government must fall, and another will be established in its stead corresponding with the wants, the interests, and the wishes of her peo ple. How far his views are correct as to the past, and precient as to the fu ture, the reader and time must severally determine. 4.—Tuio Hundred Pictorial Illustrations of the Holy Bible, and views in the Holy Land, together with many remarkable objects mentioned in the Old and New Teslaments/ representing sacred historical events, copied from celebrated pictures, principally by old masters: the landscape scenes made from original sketches, taken on the spot, with interesting letter-press descriptions, chiefly explanatory of the engravings, and of numerous passages connected with the history, geography, natural history, and antiquities of the Sacred Scriptures; compiledfrom the London Pictorial Bible. Second Series. New York: Robert Sears. 8vo. pp. 383. The copious titlepage quoted, ftirnishes a very good index to the design and character of the work. The sale of the first volume, published several months since, is almost without a precedent in the history of the book trade, having rapidly passed through nine or ten editions, so that in less than a twelvemonth more than sixteen thousand copies were sold. The contents of the volume are mainly derived from the London Pictorial Bible, a work in high repute with all biblical students. The second volume is in every respect an improvement on the first. Through the spirited efforts of the publisher, the highest encomiums have been bestowed upon the work ; and on the whole, we consider it valua ble, as serving to illustrate the sacred text, and confirm the faith of the Christian in the truth of the volume that reveals to him the glorious hope of immortality. 5. —Family Secrets; or Hints to those who would make home happy. By Mrs. Ellis, author of the “ Women of England,” “ Poetry of Life,” &c. New • York: D. Appleton. This is the first of a series of tales, with the above general title. The volume before is designed to portray the dangers of dining out. It is in harmony with the temperance movement of the day, and Mrs. Ellis has not only described with fidelity some of the various forms which intemperance assumes, but would lead the attention of the reader to its only remedy; as well as to en force the truth, that for all moral evils there is no certain cure but in the exer cise of Christian principles. 6. —Disee Mori. Learn to Die. By C h r is t o p h e r S u t t o n , D. D. Late Pre bend of Westminster. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 18mo. pp. 310. 1841, The volume before us is the fifth of the “ Devotional Library,” in course of publication by the Appletons. They are reprints of old English writers, lately reproduced at Oxford. Each volume is printed on the finest paper, neatly bound, and uniform in size. To the serious and devout Christian, these pub lications must prove an acceptable offering, particularly to those who admire Jhe religion and. literature of the English Episcopal Church. The Book Trade. 79 7.—Historical Sketches of the Old Painters. By the author of the “ Three Ex periments of Living.” A new edition, enlarged. Boston: Hilliard, Gray & Co. 12mo. pp. 350. 1841. Were there any thing ephemeral or trashy about this, it would he late in the day to notice it But this work is really a permanent contribution to our most valuable literature, in a department now just rising into notice among us. To those who are acquainted with the larger works on the subject, by Vasari Lanzi and others, these graceful dialogues could afford no instruction, though they might much pleasure. But to the mass of even the best informed readers, these sketches will bring vividly before them most interesting portraits of men, now nearly unknown, yet rapidly rising into transatlantic favor and fame. The book is truly a gem. The exhibitions of character and sentiment which fill its pages, enrich the heart as well as refine the taste. Its basis is historical fact; but Mrs. Lee’s fine imagination has given a richness to the picture that must always charm, particularly the young. 8.— The Poetical Works of Howitt, Milman, and Keats: complete in one volume. Philadelphia: Thomas, Cowperthwait & Co. 8vo. pp. 520. 1840. In selecting from among the recent poets of Great Britain, two whose works had not been hitherto presented collectively to the American reader, to be pub lished with the lamented Keats, the editor gave his preference to those which he conceived would be most acceptable to the public—most popular; and in selecting Mary Howitt and Henry Hart Milman, he has, in our opinion, obeyed the dictates of a correct judgment, as to their merits, compared with those of their contemporaries. Each has a peculiar beauty, such as may render them counterparts to each other, and not inappropriately are they grouped opposite to each other in this volume. No pains we are assured have been spared to render the respective collections complete and accurate. The volume is neatly printed, and done up in a substantial binding for private or public libraries. 9. —A Summer Journey in the West. By Mrs. S t e e l e , authoress of Heroines of Sacred History. New York: John S. Taylor. 12mo. 1841. This unassuming volume embraces a sketch of all that passed before the ob servation of the author, during a summer tour of four thousand miles, through the great lakes, the prairies of Illinois, the rivers Illinois, Mississippi, and Ohio, and over the Allegany mountains to New York. Mrs. S. has adopted the epistolary form, and conveys to the reader a considerable fund of amuse ment and instruction in an easy and agreeable style. She has collected, from authentic sources, since her determination “ to print,” many facts regarding the western states, as to distances, prices, and conveyances, throughout her route, which must render the book useful to future tourists and emigrants. We have passed over a portion of the route occupied by the writer, and can, therefore, as far as our observation extends, bear testimony to the general ac curacy of her descriptions. 10.— Old Humphrey’s Addresses. By the author of Old Humphrey’s Observa tions. New York : Robert Carter. 12mo. pp. 252. 1841. These “ Addresses” embrace a great variety of subjects, social, moral, and religious, and all of them are deeply imbued with the Christian sentiment. The every-day events of life furnish the material for the writer, from which to educe a moral or a maxim. They are written in a plain, unaffected, senten tious style, and are evidently designed to engage the attention of the miscella neous reader, who has little time and less inclination for the more elaborated treatise or discourse. It is, on the whole, a very readable book, and one that must prove useful in calling forth the reflective faculties. 80 The Book Trade, 11.—Incidents of Travel in Central America, <$-c. By J ohn L, S tevens. 2 vols, 8vo. Harper and Brothers. 1841. The note of preparation which has gone before the publication of these vol umes, and the glimpses of insight into their character afforded by the lectures of Mr. Catherwood, have created great expectations in the public mind; but we suspect that the public will be astonished at finding how slight is the ap proach made by the expectation to the fulfilment. An idea has gone abroad, at least to some extent, that Mr. Stephens’s volumes were to be filled with noth ing but descriptions and drawings of Palenque and its wonderful ruins ; Palenque, by the way, being only one, and that not the most wonderful, of six ruined cities visited and explored by Mr. Stephens. But these descriptions and drawings, although constituting a rich portion of the curious and interesting contents, form only a part, and that by no means the major part of the extra ordinary matters with which the volumes are freighted. There are many “ incidents of travel” besides. Mr. Stephens went to Central America at an ex citing and eventful time; he was there during the progress and at the close of the civil war, in which Morazan and Carrera were the rival leaders; he came in contact with both, by reason of the official character in which he visited the country, and but for which he might never have returned to give the history of his journeyings; certainly but for that official character he could not have accomplished them to any thing like the extent in which they were performed. As it was, official character and all, he found himself more than once involved in dilemmas and dangers which it is more pleasant to read of than to share. He travelled some thousands of miles—fell in with all sorts of curious people—* had adventures many, of all sorts and qualities, serious, ludicrous, and odd-observed strange manners and customs—and in short, gathered up abundant material for two of the richest volumes that traveller could make, even with out reference to the ruins. But with these, and the wonderfully curious and beautiful drawings of them made by Mr. Catherwood, the volumes are not only rich, but unrivalled—we may say unequalled, longo intervallo, by any travels we ever read. Of these drawings there are nearly a hundred, admirably en graved, on steel most of them, by the most skilful artists we have ; represent ing the marvellously sculptured idols, altars, bas-reliefs, hieroglyphics, &c., of the unknown people who once inhabited the great cities of Central America, and whose origin and history are now lost—perhaps forever. A remarkable race they must have been ; but who, or what, or whence 1 We trust that the pub lication of Mr- Stephens’s most admirable work will give an impulse to inquiry which may end in obtaining an answer to these questions. 12. —The Tyrolese Minstrels, or Romance of Every-day Life. By a Lady. Bos ton : Geo. W. Light. 18mo. pp. 200. The writer of this narrative has happily succeeded in delineating character with great individuality, without any of those offensive exhibitions of personal feeling which too often excite the displeasure of the community. The conver sational style, in wiiich most of the narrative is cast, is well sustained and lively. There are occasional gleams of wit and humor, and poetic feeling, that lead one to desire a further acquaintance with the authoress. The litho graph of the “ Fair Tyrolese,” which fronts the title, is pronounced by many a correct likeness of the favorite singer, on whose history rumor says the tale is founded. 13. —The Merchant's Widow, and other Tales. By Mrs. Caroline M- Sawyer, New York: P. Price. 18mo. pp. 192. 1841. In these excellent tales the most fastidious will detect nothing that militates (against the interests of morality or religion. They are written in a simple, un ostentatious style, and convey lessons of instruction well calculated to strengthen the social virtues, and render the doirfeStic fireside the abode of purity and peace, Commercial Regulations . 81 COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. REGULATIONS ESTABLISHED BY T H E BALTIMORE BOARD OF TRADE. COMMISSIONS. The following rates to be charged, if no agreement to the contrary e x i s t s JDom. For. On sales of merchandise,.......... ....................................... ...................per cent. 2 4 5 “ stocks,............................................................................................ 1 4 Bills of exchange, if endorsed,................................................................... 2£ 24 24 do. do. not endorsed,....................................... ,......................... £4 4 24 Purchases of merchandise, in funds,....... ............................, , , .................. 2£ 24 5 do. do. in advance,................................., , .................. 2£ 24 Purchases of stocks and bills of exchange,............................................. £4 1 Accepting or endorsing, without funds,................. 2£ 24 24 Collecting freights,......................................................................................... 2£ 24 24 Procuring freights,............................ 2£ 24 24 Disbursements of vessels,............................................................................. 24 2£ 24 do. do. without funds,............................................ 5 24 Effecting insurance, when the premium does not exceed 10 per cent,......... \i 4 do. do. if the premium is above 10 per cent on the amount of premium, 5 5 Adjusting and collecting losses insured, if not disputed, or litigated,.......... 14 24 5 do. delayed or litigated accounts,.............................. ....... ,................. 24 Entering and forwarding goods, on the amount of duties and charges,....... 2£ 24 24 Advancing money on letters of credit, or otherwise,............................ ,......., 2£ 24 24 On consignments of merchandise withdrawn or reshipped, full commission to be charged on the amount of advances, or responsibilities incurred; and half commission on the residue of the value. The above commissions are exclusive of guarantee for sales on credit, auction duty and commissions, storage, brokerage, and every other expense actually incurred. F R E IG H T AND F R E IG H T IN G . If a vessel is freighted by the ton, and no special agreement is made respecting the proportions at which each article shall be computed, the following shall be the standard of computation, and either parcel deemed equal to a ton, viz :— 2,240 lbs. pig and bar iron, lead, copper, logwood, fustic, and other heavy dyewoods. 2,000 Nicarague and Brazilletto wood, 2,240 nett, sugar and rice, in casks. 1,830 “ coffee, in bags. 1,600 44 do. in casks. 1.300 44 cocoa, in bags or bulk. 1,120 44 do. in casks. 1,110 44 pimento, in bags. 952 44 do. in casks. 800 44ship bread, in bags. 700 44 do. do. in casks. 1,120 44 dried hides. 900 44 weight, green teas, and China raw silk. 1,120 44 44 bohea, and other black tea. 1,500 44 44 Virginia tobacco, in hogsheads. 1.300 44 44 Kentucky do. in do. 1,000 44 44 Maryland do. in do. 8 bbls. flour, of 196 lbs. nett. 6 44 beef, pork, and tallow. 7 44 naval stores and pickled fish. 200 gall, wine measure, estimating the full contents of the cask of oil, wine, brandy, &c, 22 bush, grain, peas, beans, &c., in casks. 40 44 do. do. do. in bulk. 40 44 Liverpool blown salt, in bulk. 34 44 do. ground salt. 31 44 St, Ubes, Cape de Verds, &c., in bulk. VOL. V.— NO. I. 11 82 Commercial Regulations . 30 bush. W est India salt, in bulk. 30 44 sea coal, in bulk. 40 cubic feet of plank, boards, timber, bale goods, packages, and boxes. In estimating the contents in cubic feet, of various packages and goods, the following shall be the standard:— A flour barrel,................................................................. 5 feet. A tierce of rice,.............................................................. 15 44 A hogshead of flaxseed,................................................. 12 44 A hogshead of Virginia tobacco,...................................45 44 A hogshead of Kentucky, Georgia, and Carolina do. 40 44 A hogshead of Maryland and Ohio do...................... 35 44 5 bushels of grain in bulk,............................................ 5 44 In computing boxes of candles and soap, kegs of butter and lard, hams and bacon, and generally all similar articles, 200 lbs. nett weight shall be considered equal to a barrel of 5 cubic feet. All goods brought to this port on freight, must be delivered on a wharf, at the expense of the vessel bringing the same. A delivery, after due notice, on any good wharf at Fell’s Point, during business hours, is a delivery in the city and port of Baltimore. Hides and articles prohibited to be landed in the city at certain periods, may be landed where the public authorities may direct. In all cases when vessels are obliged (by the quarantine regulations, or city authorities,) to discharge their cargo in the stream, the expense of delivering the same east of Jones’ Falls, will be borne by the carrier only. But when requested by the consignee to be de livered west of Jones’ Falls, then the expense shall be equally borne by the carrier and consignee, (each one half.) If a vessel is chartered for a voyage out and home, each shipper shall be entitled to his fair proportion-of the whole homeward freight, pro rata, of the bulk or space occupied by each shipper on the outward voyage. In all cases where a vessel is chartered or freighted for a voyage out and home, the freighter, or charterer, is bound to furnish sufficient cargo, to enable said vessel to return safely home, and the same from port to port, where the charter provides for more than one port. Provided, no agreement to the contrary is made by the parties. sto ra g e. Hhds. of sugar, tobacco, molasses, rum, oil, and pipes of wine, brandy, and gin, Hogsheads of coffee, copperas, codfish, andtallow,............................................. Tierces of sugar, rum, molasses, and half pipes,................................................. 44 rice, coffee, flaxseed, alum, &c............................................................. Barrels of rum, whiskey, sugar, beef, pork,fish, cheese, oil, and ^ casks wine, 44 flour, coffee, and other dry articles,...................................................... Boxes of Cuba sugar,.................. 44 fish, wine, oil, lemons, and oranges,..................................................... 44 soap, candles, cheese, tin, raisins, and drums of figs,........................ Bags of coffee, cocoa, pepper, and pimento,.......................................................... Bales of cotton and hempen yarn, about 300 lbs................................................. 44 India piece, and other similar goods,..................................................... Indigo, in ceroons, 4 cents; in cases,................................................................... Tea, in chests, 3 cents; half do., 2 cents; boxes,............................................. Kegs of butter, lard, tobacco, nails, raisins,.......................................................... Hides, dried,............................................................................................................. Hemp, per ton,......................................................................................................... Cordage, per do........................................................................................................ Iron and lead, per do....................... Dyewood, per do...................................................................................................... Hampers of bottles, & c................................................................ Crates of earthenware,............................................................................................ Grain, per bushel,..................................................................................................... Salt, per bushel,....................................................................................................... p er m o n th . 25 cents. 20 44 16 44 12£ 44 6 44 3 44 8 44 3 44 1 44 2 44 12£ 44 10 44 10 44 1 44 3 44 1 44 50 44 30 44 20 44 25 44 10 44 20 44 h “ I “ Commercial Regulations. 83 The owners of goods to be at the expense of putting them in store, and delivering them. All goods stored to be subject to one month’s storage, if in store ten days. If less than ten days, to half a month’s storage. The risk of loss by fire, robbery, theft, and other unavoidable occurrences, is in all cases to be borne by the owner of the goods; provided, usual care be taken for the security of the property. W EIG H TS AND T A R E S . Sugar, copperas, alum, brimstone, shot, lead, iron, steel, hemp, dyewoods, and all other articles heretofore sold by the cwt. of 112 lbs., or ton of 2,240 lbs., shall in future be sold by the decimal hundred of 100 pounds, or ton of 2000 pounds. Tares shall be allowed as follows:— Sugar, in hhds. or tierces, 12 per cen t; in Cuba boxes, 15 per cen t; in flour bbls. 22 lbs. each; do. in linen bags, 3 per cen t; and in all other packages the actual tare. Coffee, in linen, single gunny, and grass bags, 2 per cen t; in flour bbls. 20 lbs. each; in all other packages the actual tare. Cocoa, in bags, 2 per cent. Pepper, in linen or single gunny bags, 2 per cent; in other packages the actual tare. Pimento, in linen or single gunny bags, 3 per cen t; in other packages the actual tare. Rice, in tierces and half tierces, 10 per cent. Copperas, 10 per cent, in hogsheads. Teas, green, whole chests, 20 lbs.; half do., the Canton tare ; do. black do. do. 22 lbs.; do. three quarter chests, 18 lbs.; other packages the actual tare. Cassia, in mats, 9 per cen t; boxes, and other packages, the actual tare. Indigo, in ceroons, in single hides, 11 per cent; in all other cases the actual tare. Alum, brimstone, ginger, nutmegs, mace, cloves, almonds, figs, cheese, soap, candles, chocolate, currants, prunes, starch, and all other articles not before mentioned, the actual tare. No charge shall be made for casks, barrels, boxes, or other packages whatever. Drafts, as follows:— On all weights, even beam, \ per cent to be allowed of draft. T A R IF F OF T H E PROVINCE OF N E W BRUNSWICK. The following schedule, showing the amount of duties to be imposed on foreign arti. cles, passed the late session of the legislature, and continues in force for one year from the 1st of April, 1841. SCHEDULE OF A R TIC LES SU B JE CT TO D U T Y , AND A R TIC LES EX EM PTED FROM D U T Y . £ s. Spirits, videlicit—brandy, per gallon,................................................................. Rum or spirits, per gallon,.................................................................................... And further, for and upon all rum or spirits stronger than of the proof of 26 by the bubble, for every bubble below 26, an additional, per gallon,......... Being of foreign production, a further and additional, per gallon,................... Geneva, gin, hollands, or cordials, per gallon,................................................... Whiskey, per gallon,............................................................................................. Shrub, santa, lime juice, per gallon,..................................................................... W ines, videlicit—hock, constantia, malmsey, or tokay, per gallon,................ Champagne, burgundy, or hermitage, per gallon,............................................. Claret, called lafitte, latour, margeaux, or hautbrian, per gallon,.................... Madeira and port, per gallon,.............................................................................. Sherry wine, of which the first cost is .£20 or upwards per pipe, per gallon, Other claret wines, barsac, sauterne, vin de grave, moselle, and other French wines, and lisbon and German wines, per gallon,......................................... All other sherry wines, teneriffe, marcela, Sicilian, malaga, fayal, and all other wines, per gallon,..................................................................................... All wines the product of the Cape of Good Hope, (except constantia,) per gallon,...................................................... ......................................................... S ugar, videlicit—Muscovado or brown, per cwt...................................... And on foreign sugar, an additional, per cwt............................ ................ Loaf, lump, or refined, per pound,.............................................................. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 2 10 0 2 7 0 2 4 0 2 1 0 1 10 0 1 3 0 1 0 2 84 Commercial Regulations . X C offee, per pound,...................................................................................................... D ried F ruits, per cwt........................................................................................... M olasses, per gallon,................................................................................................. s. 0 0 0 0 0 Being of a foreign production, an additional, per gallon,................................. T obacco, videlicit—manufactured, (except snuff and cigars,) per pound, Snuff and cigars, for every X I00 of the true and real value thereof,.............. 10 C attle , for and upon every foreign h o rse,........................................................... 5 For and upon every foreign ox,...................... .................................................... For and upon all other foreign homed cattle,.................................................... For and upon all foreign dead fresh meats, per pound,................................... 1 5 1 5 0 0 5 0 0 0 d. 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 For and upon the following manufactured articles, when not imported from the United Kingdom, videlicit:—chairs, or prepared parts of or for chairs, clocks, clock cases, clock movements or machinery, watches, household furniture, pictures, mirrors, looking-glasses —for every X I00 of the true and real value thereof, £25. And for and upon all soap and candles, India-rubber shoes, and all other foreign arti cles, manufactured or not manufactured, not otherwise charged with duty, nor hereinafter declared to be free of duty—for every X100 of the true and real value thereof, X10. Silk, and for all manufactures of which silk shall form a component part—for every X I00 of the true and real value thereof, X5. And for and upon all articles the manufacture of the United Kingdom, imported or brought into this province, whether by sea or inland carriage or navigation, or which may be saved from any wrecked or stranded ship or vessel, or not otherwise charged with duty, nor hereinafter declared to be free of duty; also all manufactures of cotton of the British East India possessions, pepper, and all other descriptions of spices, for every X100 .of the true and real value thereof, £ 2 10s. Colonial leather, and malt liquor—for every X I00 of the true and real value there of, X5. For and upon all foreign wheat flour imported from Nova Scotia—for each and every barrel of one hundred and ninety-six pounds, 5s. 10d. exceptions. T o all foreign articles, manufactured or not manufactured, videlicet:—agricultural im plements (axes excepted,) barilla ashes, beeswax, bristles, books (printed) and pamph lets, beans, bricks, bread, cotton wool, cows, cordage, canvas, dyewoods, felt, flour and meal of all kinds (buckwheat flour excepted,) fresh and green fruits of all kinds, grass seed and all other kinds of seeds and plants, grain of all kinds, ground gypsum, hay, hides, horsehair, horns, hemp, hops, indigo, iron, India-rubber, lumber of all kinds (cedar, pine, spruce, and hemlock shingles excepted,) leaf tobacco, lignum-vitse, looking-glass plates, and picture and plate glass, mahogany logs, boards and veneers, meats dried and salted, mill saws, palm oil, pitch, peas, pot ashes, rosin, rice, salt, tar, turpentine, tallow, vine gar—duty free. To all articles the manufacture of the United Kingdom, videlicit:—Agricultural im plements, anchors, barley, pot or pearl, beef, bacon, books (printed) and pamphlets, bread, bunting, bricks and tiles, coals, copper, bolt and sheet, copper spikes and nails, canvas, coal tar, cordage, duck, felt, patent fishing nets, hooks, lines and twines, flour and meal of all kinds, globes, iron, bolt, bar, pig or sheet, iron block bushes, lead, bar and sheet, mineral salt, and salt of all kinds, malt, machinery for mills and steamboats, mathematical and musical instruments of all kinds, and philosophical and chemical ap_ paratus, hydraulic engines, maps, oakum, pork, printing paper, steel, spikes and sheath ing nails, ship tackle and apparel, sheathing paper, tin in sheets and blocks, zinc— duty free. Nautical Intelligence . ?5 TEXAS CUSTOMHOUSE REGULATIONS. A lden A. M. J ackson, collector at Galveston, has addressed the following note ta John H. Brower, Esq., Consul of the Republic of Texas at New York. W e publish it for the information of shippers and others engaged in the trade with Texas. It is dated Galveston, May 18, 1841. “ For the information and government of persons shipping merchandise to this port, you will please to make known that all invoices presented for entry at this customhouse are required to be made in duplicate, giving the marks and numbers of the several pack, ages, with the contents and value of each, and accompanied with the original invoice of purchase or consignment; also, that the same rules and regulations are observed oil the importation of merchandise into this republic, as are now in force and observed in the importation of merchandise into the United States.’* NAUT I CAL I NTELLIGENCE. CHANGES IN T H E SEA MARKS BEFORE DRAGO. W ulff , Commander, and Chief Pilot for the District of Zealand, publishes over his signature, agreeably to his majesty’s resolution of the 23d of July, 1840, the following changes which have recently taken place with regard to the sea marks and their location in the passage before Drago, and in the outer road of Copenhagen, from the time they shall be put out in the year 1841. These regulations are dated “ Copenhagen, November 3, 1840.” 1. The Drago Buoy will retain its place, but the float and staff near it will be removed and placed in three fathoms water, on the western extremity of Holmetungen, and the float and staff near the South Rysse be placed in three fathoms water, due east of this ground. Both these floats and staffs will remain out the whole year. 2. Large top-floats, with brooms on staffs from nine to ten feet long, will be placed before the southeast hook of North Rysse Ground, in three fathoms water, the northwest edge of Littleground in from four to five fathoms, the northwest edge of Broadground in from four to five fathoms, the east side of the Ravenschicks from three to four fathoms, about the stone called Rasmus Mulles. The float and staff by the wreck on the Middleground will exchange place with the buoy now situated before the old Probestone, which will be removed to the wreck on the Middleground, and be supplied with a broom on a staff. 3. The top-floats and staffs on the old Probestone, the North Rysse, the Ravenschicks,. the South Rysse, and the Drago Sandshoaltong, will each be provided with a broom tied upwards on a black staff; while, on the contrary, the floats and staffs on the wreck of the frigate Cronenborg, the Middleground, the Holmetong, and the Littleground, will each be provided with a broom tied downwards on a white staff. The float and staff on Broadground will, for the purpose of being distinguished from the one on Littleground, be provided with two brooms, the upper one tied upwards and the lower one tied downwards, on a staff painted alternately white and black by the foot measure. 4. The North Buoy of the Middleground will be removed from its place before the wreck of the line-of-battle ship Indfodsretten, back on the northern extent of said ground in twenty-three feet water, and another mark, consisting of a small barrel, or buoy, painted green, placed in lieu of it on the wreck. The bottom of the various buoys will be marked with the following number, viz Drago Buoy with I., Kastrup Buoy with II., South Buoy with III., Middle Buoy with IV., North Buoy with V., Stubbe Buoy with VI., and the Buoy on the Crown with VII. 60 Nautical Intelligence. The land mark on Norderhoi (a rising ground) will be provided with a piece of board, one fathom square, painted white, and placed upon the mark immediately underneath the Top Buoy, and so as to face with its square surface towards the Dutchman’s Deep (HoL loenderdybet.) 5. The sea marks will, in general, be put out and taken in at the same time or simuL taneously with the floating light in the passage before Drago; not, however, unless it can be done with perfect safety, or without risk of their being lost or displaced by float ing ice* The floats and staffs on the Sandshoaltong, the South Rysse, and the Holmetong, will remain out the whole year. On the site occupied by the Drago Sandshoal Buoy, will be placed on its removal in the autumn, a float and staff* of the same description with the rest placed on Westvallen. SA ILIN G DIRECTIONS FOR PORT LINCOLN. The following sailing directions for Port Lincoln, were officially laid before the gov-* ernment, and published in the South Australian Register, by Thomas Sipson, harbor master. They will be found useful to mariners bound to Port Lincoln, or Port Adelaide, In Flinder’s chart there is a rock marked between William’s and Smith’s islands, said to be breaking at times. The harbor-master (Sipson) had a most favorable opportunity, and took every pains to discover it, but saw nothing of the kind. The master of a French whaler,, lying in Memory Cove, who was fishing there the last season, said he had been through in that direction, and did not believe there was any rock between the above-mentioned islands. North by west, one mile and a half from the north end of Thistle Island, is a large flat rock, that may be seen two or three miles from a ship’s deck; and north three miles, (where there is a rock marked in the chart,) is a reef with six feet of water on it at half tide, and does not show above water. It is therefore necessary to be very cautious, and not take the rock that is seen above water for the one on the chart, as passing that at what would be considered a safe distance, would lead a ship on the reef. Mr. Sipson passed through the ripple marked by Flinders, between Little and Hopkins islands, where it is supposed he lost his boat’s crew. Small vessels must avoid going through it. In bad weather the sea must be tremendous; it is occasioned by the tide and the sudden change of soundings, (from eighteen to twelve, ten, and nine fathoms,) but' quite clear otherwise. About three miles from the entrance of Thorny Passage is Memory Cove, where six or seven ships of the largest size may lie sheltered. The water is seven fathoms within a few yards of the head of the cove. There is also an extensive fine bay between Taylor’s Island and the shore, where any number of ships may anchor; indeed, there is sheltered anchorage anywhere, if required,from Taylor’s Island to Cape Dorrington, at a fair distance from the shore. Ships coming from the westward should run to the lat. 35 deg. 35 min., until they make Kangaroo Island. If bound for Port Lincoln, and going through Thorny Passage, shape their course for William’s Island, leaving Neptune’s Island a berth, which may be seen four or five leagues; leaving William’s Island on the starboard hand, proceed on to the east point, and enter the passage between it and Smith’s Island; making the fair way up,by keeping the shore aboard, which is steep close to, leaving all the islands on the star board hand, except Taylor’s Island, which will make a fair course by leaving it on the larboard hand. W hen to the northward of Taylor’s Island, proceed along shore for Cape Dorrington. Off the cape is a small island with a very good channel (though narrow) be^ tween it and the cape, with five fathoms. In going through it, borrow towards the island,- Nautical Intelligence . 87 In proceeding to Boston Bay, the south end of Boston Island may be rounded pretty close; but in going through the north passage, give the north point a berth of half a mile, as the water shoals off it in a northeast direction. All around Boston Bay the soundings are good and clear; ships leaving Cape Dorrington, and bound to the westward, will find a southeast course carry them well between the shoals until they see the wedge, which they had better leave on the larboard hand, and give it a good berth, as the peaked rocks run some distance off. In running up Investigator’s Strait, make Point Marsden and the high land about Cape Jarvis, and keep it aboard, which will insure a berth from Troubridge Shoal; as it is im possible to say, having Blackstair’s Passage open, what may be the influence of the tide, pro ceed up the gulf in ten and eleven fathoms. Holdfast Bay is due west of Mount Lofty; near the beach is a flag-staff, rigged as the mast of a ship, this staff bearing east or opposite to it, in five fathoms, or two miles and a half from the beach, is the best anchorage for ships. Ships bound for the port must run twelve miles higher up, taking care not to come within five fathoms, as the water shoals some distance off above Holdfast Bay. The pilot station is between the bay and the bar, where there is a staff with a flag on it. When opposite this, will be seen a large beacon buoy, with a ball on it, pointing the fair way to the passage over the bar. If it should be dark, or any other circumstance prevent the pilot getting on board, they may anchor, but not in less than five fathoms, which will be about two miles and a half from the beach. W hen at anchor in any part of the gulf, it is highly necessary to give a great length of chain in good time, and if the gale comes on, give all the chain possi ble, and keep from letting go the second anchor, which confines the ship in a ground swell, and makes her strain. Ships not drawing more than fourteen feet may then pro ceed to the pilot station. MADELINE AND CHA RLO TTE ROCK, OFF BONA VISTA. A letter has been received in New York, by Charles King, Esq., the editor of the American, from the United States Consul at Cape de Verd islands, dated St. Jago, May 4f 1841, showing the existence of a rock among the Cape de Verd islands, which has never been laid down in the charts. On the 18th of April, the British ship Charlotte, of Alloa, (Scotland,) Capt. Forester, struck on a rock in latitude 16 deg. 17 min. N., longitude 22 deg. 21 min. W ., heeled over in about ten minutes, filled, and sunk. The rock is 300 feet in length, under water, in the shape of a crescent, opens to the northward, and the sea breaks only at particular times of tide. The rock bears from the outer end of Hartwell reef, off the island of Bonavista, N. E. by E., distance 22£ miles per compass, by Vidal &, Mudge’s chart, Leton’s survey. It is in the direct route for all vessels bound to New Hol land or India. Vessels are advised to sight Isle of Sal, run down close to it either on the E. or W . side, and pass to the westward of Bonavista, and Leton’s rock; by doing so^ they clear this rock, (which has been called Madeline and Charlotte Rock,) and the reefs on the eastern side of Bonavista. LIGHTHOUSE A T GIBRALTAR. Under date, Trinity House, London, April 6,1841, J. Herbert, secretary, has furnished the Department of State, at Washington, with the following notice to mariners :— “ The lighthouse which, for some time past, has been in the course of erection at Gib raltar, being now nearly completed, notice is hereby given, that the light therein will be exhibited for the first time on the evening of the 1st August next, and thenceforth con tinue every night, from sunset to sunrise. Mariners are to observe that this lighthouse is situate upon Europa Point, and that a powerful fixed light will be exhibited therein, and will bum at an elevation of 150 feet, or thereabouts, above the level of the sea.” 88 Nautical Intelligence< LIGHTHOUSE A T HOBSON’S BAY, PORT PHILIP. The following notice to mariners has been transmitted to Lloyd’s by the harbor-master at Melbourne, Port Philip:— “ After the 1st of August, 1840, a plain stationary light will be shown from sunset to sunrise, from a lighthouse erected on the extremity of Gillibrand’s Point, Williamstown, Hobson’s Bay, visible five leagues in clear weather from any safe position to the south ward. The bearings by compass are as follow:—From the north end of the western channel the anchorage at Williamstown bears N. 14 deg. E. From the north end ol Symond’s Channel, the anchorage at Williamstown bears N. GO deg. E. From the north end of the pinnace channel the anchorage at Williamstown bears N. 5 deg. E. From the north end of the south channel the anchorage at Williamstown bears N. 4 deg. W . The courses indicated will give vessels a fair berth from the shoal off Gillibrand’s Point. Care must be taken after bringing the lighthouse to bear N. 22 deg. E. to N. 7 deg. E. 1J mile. After rounding the light, and bringing it to bear about S. 14 deg. W . 1 min.y the anchor may be dropped in four fathoms water, in good holding ground of stiff clay and mud. “ N. B.—The south channel is unnavigable, its north end being filled up, having but 2 i fathoms of water at half flood, and extremely narrow. “ Harbor-master’s office, Port Philip, June 26, 1840.” W ESTE R L Y E N TRA N CE OF TH E RIVER W ESER. The following translation of a notice to mariners has been transmitted to the Depart ment of State, by the United States Consul at Bremen. It is dated at Oldenburg, De cember 24th, 1840, and signed by the Grand Ducal Oldenburg Government of the Duchy of Oldenburg:— “ On the island of Wangeroog, at the westerly entrance of the river Weser, the state of the navigation of said river in regard to ice will be signalized to mariners as correctly as the same can be ascertained there, in the following manner. 1. A ball of about 4J feet diameter, affixed to a pole or staff projecting about 25 feet out of the west side of the church steeple of Wangeroog, and about 125 feet above the surface of the sea, signifies that floating ice is in the Weser, and that great precaution must be taken on entering the same, but, with a fair wind and other favorable circum stances, it is practicable to reach Bremerhaven or Fedderwarden; namely, the former with a fresh breeze from east to northeast, and Fedderwarden with the like wind from the northwest to west southwest. 2. Two balls hanging perpendicularly under each other at a distance of 6 feet, signify that a large quantity of floating ice is in the Weser, that the light vessels have left their stations, Bremerhaven cannot be reached, and therefore the entering of the Weser ought not to be attempted. Said signals can best be seen from on board of a vessel when bearing south southeast to southwest by south, by compass. LIGHT ON CARYSFORDS REEF. It is stated on good authority that the light on Carysfords Reef, on the eastern coast of Florida, is not correctly laid down on ah of the charts, some of them placing it eighteen miles out of the way. Mr. Bacon, the American eonsul at the port of Nassau, New Pro. vidence, has been furnished by Commander Barrett, of her Britannic majesty’s surveyingship Thunder, with a statement of the exact position of this light, as follows, viz:—lati tude 25 deg. 12 min. north; longitude 80 deg. 16 min. 20 sec. west. Owing to this error in the existing charts, one of the Philadelphia packets, while lately passing the reef, was nearly lost. Statistics o f Agriculture. 89 S T A T I S T I C S OF A G R I C U L T U R E . LIV E STOCK O F T H E ST A T E O F N E W YORK. 1. A Table, showing the number o f horses and mules, neat cattle, sheep, swine, and esti. mated value of poultry o f all kinds, in each county o f the state, as ascertained by the census of 1840. C O U N TIES. Horses and Mules. Neat Cattle. Sheep . Swine. Albany,.................................. Allegany,............................... Broome,.................................. Cattaraugus,.......................... Cayuga,.................................. Chautauque,.......................... Chemung,.............................. Chenango,.............................. C inton,.................................. Columbia,.............................. Cortland,............................... Delaware,............................... Dutchess,............................... E rie,....................................... Essex,..................................... Franklin,................................ Fulton,................................... Genesee,................................. Greene......................... . Hamilton,............................... Herkimer,............................... Jefferson,................................ Kings,..................................... Lewis,.......................... Livingston,............................. Madison,................................ Monroe,.................................. Montgomery,......................... New York,............................. N iagara,................................. Oneida.................................... Onondaga,............................. Ontario,.................................. O range,.................................. Orleans,.................................. Oswego,.................................. Otsego,................................... Putnam ,................................. Queens,.................................. Rensselaer,............................. Richmond,............................. Rockland,............................... Saratoga,................................ Schnectady,........................... Schoharie,.............................. Seneca,............................ St. Lawrence,........................ Steuben,................................. Suffolk,................................... 9,937 9,378 4,110 6,099 13,276 11,306 4,667 8,329 5,723 9,870 5,734 8,073 10,120 10,848 5,224 3,373 4,335 17,042 5,528 322 9,484 17,319 3,019 3,931 10,859 9,388 16,871 9,948 7,797 5,324 16,455 15,082 11,928 9,245 6,639 9,688 12,332 1,962 6,517 9,493 912 2,658 10,394 3,949 8,907 10,913 11,088 10,412 5,473 25,780 46,174 23,546 36,226 45,516 93,515 21,206 65,322 21,013 32,818 33,759 56,982 44,247 29,734 22,017 17,802 19,982 55,598 22,385 2,056 55,437 77,930 5,948 31,130 29,849 42,191 35,335 26,806 3,395 20,544 92,669 127,020 104,300 54,799 18,123 35,369 65,035 14,971 14,181 32,184 2,517 6,695 40,809 10,808 37,633 21,281 61,458 30,351 22,236 57,491 131,864 50,669 66,525 188,232 136,315 37,975 198,046 55,555 121,053 98,760 119,843 215,950 81,342 79,835 38,824 32,525 154,393 37,906 3,263 80,182 163,669 48 36,665 163,395 186,616 133,060 36,588 282 38,919 177,070 709,650 126,190 50,219 69,563 63,842 223,009 14,945 26,477 134,864 136 17,392 96,656 18,094 71,258 43,824 125,898 136,933 46,751 49,068 29,993 12,880 22,533 63,153 42,225 18,201 27,310 17,795 54,911 19,043 27,758 65,777 37,018 14,658 12,213 14,042 48,792 19,337 1,034 33,957 59,352 8,360 18,076 37,856 30,657 59,399 29,108 13,642 28,340 66,543 61,733 45,837 47,084 31,933 39,239 45,647 12,868 21,618 27,918 3,180 11,511 51,601 13,063 31,865 25,980 41,889 33,287 20,534 V O L. V .— NO. U 12 Poultry o f all kinds ; est. value. 25,650 14,160 9,875 10,368 69,917 29,125 17,403 9,749 12,306 29,606 12,798 13,812 42,758 15,825 9,430 7,254 8,052 24.685 13,439 865 18,915 22,781 7,864 5,293 13,234 16,584 26,758 15,155 4,220 12,417 37,609 21.305 20,277 24,536 21,082 17,576 25,781 12,172 62,186 30,315 8,001 49,392 34,121 10,951 16,588 101.880 12,552 13,028 40,191 $ Statistics o f Agriculture. 90 L ive S tock of the S tate of N ew Y ork.—Continued. Poultry of all kinds; est. value. COUNTIES. Horses and Mules. Neat Cattle. Sheep. Swine. Sullivan,.......................... T ioga,.................... ......... Tompkins,...................... Ulster,............................. W arren,.......................... W ashington,................... W ayne,........................... Westchester,................... Yates,............................... 2,514 4,120 7,572 9,521 2,528 8,818 11,242 6,385 12,134 18,179 21,576 28,908 38,459 9,826 39,159 33,298 26,131 150,220 19,524 43,220 86,525 50,630 22,875 245,999 100,986 20,143 103,752 9,860 14,987 23,772 46,328 8,153 27,668 44,130 155,287 36,950 24,550 9,279 10,526 66,495 7,129 25,178 1,072,754 56,646 20,430 o t a l , ........... 476,115 2,202,438 5,381,225 1,916,953 $2,373,029 T CEREAL GRAINS PRODUCED IN T H E ST A T E OF N E W YORK. 2. A Table, showing the number o f bushels o f wheat, barley, oats, rye, buckwheat, and Indian corn, produced in the state o f New York, as ascertained by the census o f 1840; from official documents. COUNTIES. A lbany,......... Allegany,....... Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bush, of Wheat. Barley. Oats. Eye. Buckwheat. Ind. corn. Cattaraugus,... Cayuga,......... Chautauque,... Chemung,...... Chenango,..... Clinton,......... Columbia,...... Cortland,....... Delaware,...... Dutchess,....... E rie ,............... Essex,............. Franklin,....... Fulton,........... Genesee,........ G reene,.......... Hamilton,...... Herkimer,...... Jefferson,....... Kings.............. L ew is,........... Livingston,.... Madison,....... Monroe,......... Montgomery,. 21,008 172,461 66,369 127^665 601,824 216,902 157,826 99,701 75,293 28,249 100,765 54,884 171,619 207,492 60,454 64,414 25,162 911,596 17,677 3,021 84,723 395,066 24,964 85,191 823,050 200,242 1,074,220 34,281 Oneida,........... Onondaga,..... Ontario,......... Orange,.......... Orleans,.......... Oswego,........ Otsego ........... 47,935 238,159 467,699 770,235 94,774 680,202 138,602 149,880 157,102 22,742 10,134 81,440 24,789 26,358 10,451 13,289 1,924 29,935 7,604 2,540 13,366 3,158 4,084 22,879 85,832 2,368 497 127,200 74,023 760 20,276 84,276 135,625 61,827 193,530 100 98,531 384,615 117,060 1,879 30,708 11,061 116,115 653,794 351,674 184,185 258,339 526,938 339,311 203,184 394,031 145,226 1,107,621 277,381 464,715 1,360,623 424,489 170,396 89,194 245,708 691,672 309,282 13,697 580,738 436,798 72,460 144,880 305,519 343,207 523,655 422,415 1,105 216 103 657,792 538,751 462,266 417,701 179,581 215,179 689,979 144,941 4,567 26,443 1,112 3,321 1,671 19,513 27,092 30,972 323,896 2,730 129,053 175,551 5,539 29,121 15,017 33,573 4,699 86,840 789 15,835 17,849 8,537 2,473 3,624 3,255 3,447 40,868 84 6,064 3,593 6,162 326,668 472 1,676 70,222 100,492 20,068 31,259 8,368 40,669 9,157 62,590 25,603 39,429 97,633 18,015 63,842 86,983 19,593 25,610 22,685 31,011 19,247 57,662 2,843 29,035 36,291 3,933 8,498 26,524 5,996 37,024 38,312 50 13.908 30,241 14,420 16,964 112.883 10,057 41,618 45,079 127,154 60,331 84,033 81,202 568,011 235,788 120,732 159,203 110,431 411,032 85,344 46,654 710,473 173,057 78,662 55,537 59,886 220,776 109,772 3,660 160,920 444,430 81,824 48,984 184,730 171,204 406,621 90,374 2,525 158 270 364,165 401,293 246,018 410,194 208,098 189.327 122,382 91 Statistics o f Agriculture. C ereal G rains P roduced COUNTIES. Rensselaer,.... Richmond,.... Saratoga,....... Schenectady,.. Schoharie,..... Seneca,.......... St. Lawrence, Steuben,........ Suffolk,........... Sullivan,........ Tioga,............. Tompkins,..... Warren,......... Washington,.. W ayne,......... Westchester,.. Yates,............ T o t a l , ........... in the S tate of N ew Y ork.— Continued. Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bushels of Bush, of Rye. Buckwheat. Ind. Corn. Barley. Oats. Wheat. 12,250 97)741 21,454 18,989 3,650 72)001 13,113 72,871 350,804 277,897 389,475 105,778 8,763 107,002 377,202 57,877 3,593 9,488 5,819 17,005 91,524 217,478 15,819 24,128 23,543 9,460 151 1,058 9,104 49,189 571,083 35,267 705,628 1,207 9,569 18,087 1,181 61,988 11,853,507 2,498,170 l l '8 6 8 86,421 48^447 810,332 33,793 47,055 496)089 216,968 497,953 213,826 341,910 397,305 258,218 117,382 180,867 288,695 223,235 23)633 466,064 476,900 449,090 324,966 35,367 105,399 247,703 8,865 35,120 162,450 52,278 126,342 5,526 23,571 14,919 79,023 70,496 4,987 4,479 168,804 17,567 136,510 4,460 99,574 4,204 20,728,738 2,984,913 86,679 336,401 329,193 36,347 41,119 328,631 62,597 67,790 178,674 206,014 101,804 355,314 50,245 117,449 216,515 161,905 63,476 297,405 338,356 328,008 208,132 37,099 64)027 54,767 4,238 34,111 85,974 41,218 70,609 19,798 34,312 59,502 42,707 51,815 17,181 71,122 107,907 24)647 32,642 38,062 57,226 41,782 2,244,438 11,085,142 VARIOUS CROPS OF TH E ST A T E OF N E W YORK, 1840. 3. A Table, showing the number o f pounds o f wool, hops, wax, bushels o f potatoes, tons of hay, and of hemp and flax, produced in the state o f New York, as ascertained by the census o f 1840. COUNTIES. Cattaraugus,... Cayuga,......... Chautauque,... Chemung,...... Chenango,..... Clinton,.......... Columbia,...... Cortland,....... Delaware,...... Dutchess,....... Erie................ Essex,............. Franklin,....... Fulton,........... Genesee,........ Greene,......... Hamilton,...... Herkimer,...... Jefferson,....... Kings.............. Lew is,........... 96,877 198,880 78,365 109)939 335,475 265,638 75,996 405,155 108,968 239,783 182,408 235,033 413,638 139^900 162,639 67)584 61,583 312.912 67,268 4*070 168,348 356,842 150 68,173 24,021 411 4,520 99 1,388 1,069 294 789 2,423 2,284 1,331 732 872 377 699 644 128 510 906 40 454 1,288 730 289 2,905 1,162 52,253 5,460 00 T *1 r— Albany,......... Allegany,....... Pounds of Pounds of Pounds of Bushels of Wax. Potatoes. Wool. Hops. 373 2,224 1,050 2,615 7,177 1,044 6,774 1,434 50 181 540,582 583,942 303,812 452)453 687,305 778,219 269,233 572,671 484,325 560,819 575)406 722,424 594*136 556 382 470,235 468,706 402,954 612,788 302,882 45 264 850,865 1,156,741 95 805 694.316 Tons of Hay. Tons of Hemp df F lax. 47,342 64,723 28,214 48)752 70,144 85,372 28,481 108,531 35,048 57,052 59)562 84,007 55 115 42424 24)904 26,372 80,070 47,047 3 130 96)854 171,228 5 437 43,284 5,407* 37 9 5 3,492 41.536 13 105 7,839 13 24* lfiJ j 417 306 ' e ) i6 5 144 19 2 041 1 154 214 1! 02 Statistics o f Agriculture, V arious C rops COUNTIES. of the S tate of N ew Y ork.— Continued. Pounds of Pounds of Pounds of Bushels of Potatoes. Wool. Hops. W ax. Living ton,.... Madison,....... Monroe,......... Montgomery,. 273,163 370,024 265,363 69,600 637 117,270 16,761 Niagara,........ Oneida,........... Onondaga,..... Ontario,......... Orange,........... Orleans,......... 10 38,724 7,907 14,523 4,545 1,533 8 2,673 39 789 2,282 1,194 68,605 2 4 2,500 101 93 144 239 2,961 155 91 200 53 620 1,248 806 426 820 547 1,850 603 798 1,307 780 4,163 809 355 2,055 Y ates,............. 82,337 320,858 316,139 364,553 108,876 110,916 136,739 4,512^264 28,868 43^200 324,054 172 7,132 217^201 18,849 134,257 166,354 239,274 406 346 84,008 34,018 77,924 163,485 117,660 45,721 407.515 184,697 52,805 233,148 5,500 T otal,........ 14,073,134 362,762 Otsego,........... Queens,......... Rensselaer,.... Richmond,.... Saratoga,....... Schenectady,.. Schoharie,..... Seneca,........... St. Lawrence, Steuben,........ Suffolk,........... Sullivan,......... Tioga,............. Tompkins,..... W arren,.......... Washington,... W ayne,........... 2,298 1,089 967 720 Tons o f Hay. 694 318,369 676,649 721,470 559,829 18,585 284^881 1,572,109 800,317 395,829 359,563 303,319 599,237 1,293^039 142,564 214,121 759,342 47,712 48,117 1,019^632 239,535 600,396 203,393 1,423,172 652,588 170,836 234,301 368,198 339,557 264,648 22U 24 861,545 512,710 620,920 340^636 46,884 65,749 52,258 69,270 747 19,985 178,256 64,145 52,954 75,368 33,010 47,666 106’862 21,897 3M 37 72,026 3,610 20,917 49^890 17,742 33,612 38,163 100,216 69,984 42,891 24,682 34,050 46,991 69,239 H ^O l 83,514 38,428 76,873 55^136 184,021 30,000,508 3,160,916 5,949 29 320 1,203 3,560 312 1,834 331 6,876 2,100 Tons o f Hemp df Flax. ii 10 2i 112 7,388 2,482 4,446 8,441 3 30,032 1 31 2 87} 3 30 13,788 29} 2,958} 16,639 18,346} 3 6 16 1 32 £ 6,857 8,400 20} 1 7} In addition to the above, there were gathered in the counties of Allegany, Hamilton, Livingston, Monroe, Otsego, Schenectady, Seneca, and Washington, 6567 pounds of tobacco. A lbany,......... Allegany,....... Broome,.......... Cattaraugus,... Cayuga,......... Chautauque,... 25 45 60} Pounds of Cords o f Sugar Wood sold. made. 24,366 571,727 62,054 559,235 206,545 841,022 17,491 1,904 4,625 3,135 31,489 25,930 Value of Value of the Pro the Pro ducts of ducts of the Dairy. the Orch’d. 126,343 114,666 60,554 96,680 187,937 267,220 33,012 10,090 6,745 13,357 47,365 49,515 Gallons o f Wine made. C OUNTIES. Pounds of Silk Cocoons. COTTON, SUGAR, SILK, &c., 1840. 4. A Table, showing the pounds o f silk cocoons, pounds o f sugar made, cords o f wood sold, value o f the products of the dairy, gallons o f wine made, and the value o f homemade goods, o f the state o f New York, as ascertained by the census o f 1840. 15 6 Value o f Home-made or Family Goods. 60,386 87,791 36,354 101,851 103,430 13,183,522 &3 Statistics o f Agriculture. COUNTIES. Clinton,.......... Columbia,...... Cortland,....... Delaware,...... Pounds o f Silk Cocoons. C otton, S ugar, S ilk , 1840.— Continued. 2 2 6 10 Genesee,........ 230 Herkimer,...... 20 Pounds of Cords of Sugar Wood made. sold. 74,926 334,618 184,734 839 429,690 398,967 334,320 113,357 227,049 80,127 531,633 150 35,156 311,13S 501,158 257,476 119,436 215,619 177,919 51,691 Livingston,,... Madison,........ Monroe,......... Montgomery,. 124 12 396 Oneida,.......... 96 Ontario,......... 19 Oswego,......... 5 5 Rensselaer,.... Richmond,.... 60 5 30,545 Saratoga,....... 100 Schoharie,..... Seneca,........... St. Lawrence, Steuben,........ Tompkins,..... i 8 10 38 31 4 10 200 20,910 4,423 133,776 25,845 847,812 341,946 Washington,.. W ayne,......... 14 254 Sullivan,........ 340 T otal,....... 41,101 286,502 178,520 183,273 150,786 284,780 350,747 73 45,359 116,760 88,747 30,845 43,821 4,246 159,554 78,768 13,605 5,923 26,225 11,262 10,917 4,763 15,527 21,764 20,688 5,416 8,334 15,538 9,898 116 21,941 47,002 4,187 13,919 21,286 44,808 12,071 40 26,822 78,624 50,842 21,328 20,910 8,089 52,215 17,761 72,612 9,787 16,171 485 20,022 30,955 9,577 5,484 16,332 16,468 8,114 66,023 3,249 8,261 11,284 33,036 10,323 8,772 34,654 8,315 6,674 Value of Value of Value o f «2 SJ Home-made the Pro the Pro ducts o f ducts o f J g 1 or Family Goods. the Dairy. the Orek’d. §62,648 256,394 81,519 202,036 137,367 279,205 643,834 84,661 94,827 79,290 81,173 157,830 157,103 11,976 676,351 373,622 245,230 137,177 95,079 193,670 172,944 120,236 22,400 48,291 847,391 164,289 72,499 669,866 95,180 133,997 383,123 149,232 142,412 272,716 25,506 12,927 157,403 85,059 86,808 51,522 260,517 105,518 148,537 99,251 83,410 110,110 238,383 14,647 171,395 136,882 356,957 150,232 §21,820 17,525 20,203 30,511 6,308 13,615 49,046 24,971 17,004 8,387 4,925 59,845 23,636 687 29,646 19,507 8,208 2,820 33,768 26,857 70,896 16,507 800 20,103 78,506 35,333 40,285 137,991 103,767 26,911 41,441 17,122 38,504 45,053 6,148 26,879 31,859 13.171 17,629 27,267 14,823 16,969 28,560 11,152 12,936 18,443 37,309 5,671 24,554 41,078 204,891 40,426 10 34 4,221 24 3,230 46 34 32 20 167 2 16 25 4,350 60 1,026 1,155 10 227 §32,576 76,097 49,327 32,372 87,945 68,146 43,024 75,878 55,155 13,528 25,812 105,160 26,394 4,972 67,271 121,087 1,699 25,253 58,745 55,279 81,559 39,435 42,532 124,162 97,236 62,064 36,188 68,124 81,745 118,507 8,654 2,857 69,942 1,279 2,400 95,926 17,781 60,260 24,629 136,697 92,379 49,488 21,763 37,370 57,855 93,669 25,582 41,041 88,051 45,770 310,896 21034 10,093,991 1,085,048 10,497,032 1,732,357 14,710 16,535,075 94 Statistics o f Agriculture. HORTICULTURE, GARDENS, NURSERIES, 1840. 5. A Table, showing the value o f produce o f market gardening; also, the value o f pro. duce o f nurseries and florists, number of men employed in the same, and capital in vested, o f the state o f New York, as ascertained by the census of 1840 ; derived from official documents. ■V S |§ COUNTIES. Albany,....... $69,503 $5,700113 $35,150 Onondaga,... 300 75 $2,620 Orange,........ 1,550 12,506 Oswego,...... 1,900 312 890 Cattaraugus,. Cayuga,....... Chautauque,. 560 11,477 30 Columbia,.... 900 9,000 E rie ,............. 9,670 15^645 4,484 6 1,764 47 120 100 1 1 1 6 2,120 35 N U R S E R IE S . rT3 -2 s 2 7 6 6,000 10 $400 600 Capital in vested. "s* o Hi GARDEN S. Value o f Pro duce o f Mar ket Gardeners. Val. of Prod, o f Nurseries and Florists. Value o f Produce of Marl ket Gardeners. VaL o f Prod. 1 o f Nurseries and Florists. COUNTIES. Capital in vested. N U R S ER IES . GARDEN S. $500 95 23,000 9 605 2 140 Queens,....... 104,721 15,540 23 550 17 100 Rensselaer,... 20,471 17,029 1,000 44,700 60,000 3,500 12^200 Schenectady, 278 1,550 5 445 4 960 79 3 80 10 3 200 2 330 3 850 7 40 25 i 500 13 200 4 300 1,345 68 30 Greene,........ 1,085 Herkimer,.... 400 3,095 80^050 Kings,.......... Livingston,... Monroe,....... Montgomery, New York,.. N iagara,...... 400 4 2 286 7 3,450 10 Steuben,...... 1,020 Suffolk,........ 130 9,400 535 39,297 155 50 100 750 475 3,357 180 9,389 28 19 1,440 Washington,. 2,952 W ayne,....... 3,274 90 980 1,000 6,315 7,975 32 16,425 Westchester, 162 10 1 62,640 24,650 106 26,350 600 T o t a l , ........... 462,308 76,550 525 258,608 1,930 7 AMERICAN BUTTER. Considerable shipments of butter, mostly of inferior quality, have been made this sea. son, from Philadelphia and also from New York, to England. In referring to a public sale of some of this butter, the London Journal of Commerce, of March 97, says:— “ At a public sale of American butter at Liverpool, it fetched, for best sorts, 84s.; se. conds, 79s. to 74s., duty paid ; while inferior only sold at 43s. to 44s., in bond, of which the parcel chiefly consisted. The quantites arrived at the London market show the same results, the principal part being sold for grease purposes. The American makers of butter are very far behind the Irish, English, or D utch; from the first operation to the last all seems to be done without system or care : the same materials would, if managed by experienced hands, fetch in this market 95s. to 30s. more money. There is no atten tion paid to the making, salting, putting down, or packing.” 65 S ta tis tic s o f M a n u fa c tu re s. S T A T I S T I C S OF M A N U F A C T U R E S . Herkimer,...... Jefferson,....... Kings.............. Lewis,............ Livingston,.... Madison,....... Monroe,......... Montgomery,. New Y ork,... 38 30 1 16 13 40 21 16 1 Oneida,........... 61 Onondaga,..... 43 Ontario,......... 20 Orange,.......... 28 Orleans,......... 10 Oswego,........ 25 Otsego,........... 47 Putnam,......... 6 Queens,......... 5 Rensselaer,.... 22 Richmond,.... 1 Rockland,..... 5 Saratoga,....... 27 Schenectady,.. 4 Schoharie,..... 32 4,025 7,791 3,930 3^911 19,823 13,415 2,872 6,545 4,740 5,790 5,673 7,229 11,620 27,373 2,340 5,355 10,330 13*230 19,416 29,658 10,166 4,360 1,110 90,047 11,922 5,800 4,729 2,000 2,695 41,692 6,822 1,985 6,154 3,230 40,265 48,253 965 1,400 12,320 38 1,750 9,869 1,655 82,028 31,784 21,540 100,000 3,633 130,510 11,685 16,074 19,139 3,500 680 100,831 13,955 11,530 10,912 4,898 12,465 20,146 13,500 1,450 27,430 65 2,250 15,870 15,180 20,250 11* 4 Capital invested. * 80 10 142 $210,700 61 38,100 26 16,770 70 15,650 94 81,050 179 75,275 38 25,650 64 80,750 47 25,460 155 37,700 36 29,750 120 141,510 179 37,750 105 56,000 26 21,700 28 18,700 69 20,375 74 61,850 341 377,200 32 107 93 22 52 62 19 34 44 64 60 42 26 198 143 19 24 33 117 328 57 407 5 256 79 274 82 25 89 143 24 9 103 2 23 63 28 145 120 26 20 61 86 872 53 8 173 37 171 118 74 100 38 19 102 19 11 96 21 18 37 11 23 171,600 84,200 30,000 5,600 26,150 81,610 49,582 42,550 26,400 4,800 256,900 67,300 21,600 84,800 21,800 102,300 152,800 24,800 10,800 123,580 1,000 10,800 42,102 21,000 88,600 79 16 Value o f ma nufactured articles. 43,300 2,980 1,591 2^552 12,733 8,149 2,780 10,816 2,019 1,200 3,027 68,548 4,200 31,463 1,607 1,198 2,447 5'550 271,161 8 A ll other ma nufactories of leather, sad dleries, &c. Sides of Upper Leather tanned. 20 30 14 Cattaraugus,... 24 Cayuga,......... 23 Chautauque,... 46 Chemung,...... 12 Chenango,..... 30 Clinton,.......... 21 Columbia,...... 10 Cortland,........ 17 Delaware,...... 28 Dutchess,....... 18 Erie,................ 26 Essex,............. 14 F ranklin,....... 15 23 Genesee,........ 34 Greene,.......... 29 Albany,......... Allegany,....... Sides o f Sole Leather tanned. COUNTIES. Number of Tanneries. LEA TH ER, TA N N ERIES, SADDLERIES, &c., IN N E W YORK. A Table, exhibiting the number o f tanneries, sides o f sole and upper leather tanned, number of men employed, and capital invested; also, all other manufactories of leather, saddleries, the value o f manufactured articles, and capital invested in each county of the state o f New York; derived from the official report, as ascertained by the census o f 1840. Capital invested. $329,450 $149,665 58,280 69,320 10,800 5,200 37^551 8^900 102,005 48,135 84,099 36,050 39,660 10,800 52,496 31,201 36,950 37,250 49,700 33,500 49,270 23,025 39,875 19,555 127,645 32,488 140,120 23,570 60,600 22,880 23,230 7,910 27,450 12,760 194^336 32,'590 30,528 10,650 90,360 97,700 162,600 42,111 105,884 105,950 339,396 17,230 1,522,156 66,951 264*486 161,190 135,020 276,600 68,630 108,692 81,659 57,000 8,850 276,320 13,294 12,844 47,410 15,000 25,250 36,375 72,704 30,000 16,090 48,691 36.250 79,625 7,420 526,330 26,570 117^761 80,603 64,560 193,775 24,750 23,460 48,774 5,310 3,450 125,925 20,015 8,024 17,415 6,200 14,801 S ta tis tic s o f M a n u fa c tu r e s 11 16 Numb, o f Men employed. Tioga,............. Tompkins,..... Ulster,............. W arren,......... Washington,... W ayne,.......... Westchester,.. Y ates,............. 8 27 31 16 23 15 27 33 9 19 25 Sides o f Upper Leather tanned. St. Lawrence, Steuben,........ Suffolk,........... etc., in the Sides o f Sole Leather tanned. CQUNTIES. Number of Tanneries. L eather , T anneries, S addleries, 4,170 3^058 5,520 712 132,135 2^611 4,927 123,889 30,892 4,140 14,321 3,850 3,364 13,710 7J25 8,960 2,988 10,900 5,715 9,950 71,529 1,905 6,423 8,955 12,185 4,800 36 69 48 44 149 33 56 353 50 66 55 50 272 S tate of N ew Y ork.— Continued V Capital invested. IlfeS 14 27,450 59 47,400 46 20,580 48 385,998 19^461 66 36 35,425 151,850 23 3 102,860 54 25,010 37,850 50 41,250 48 36,500 4,400 1,231,823 949,830 5,811 3,892,598 T o t a l , .......... 1 ,2 1 2 . 7,993 Value o f ma nufactured articles. 90 Capital invested. $31,100 " 52^650 $23,113 42,148 12,070 28,485 19,520 15,100 4,820 2 l ’349 5ljj30 42,787 17,450 14,182 9,590 2,800 1,800 104,410 21,640 46,495 7,000 118,600 28,250 139,370 51,950 6,286,685 2,477,874 DISTILLED AND FER M E N T E D LIQUORS IN N E W YORK. A Table, shoioing the number o f distilleries in the state o f New York, and gallons produced; number o f breweries, and gallons produced; number o f men employed, and capital invested, in each county. Derived from the official report, as ascertained by the census o f 1840. COUNTIES. Number of Gallons Number of Gallons No. of Men Capital Distilleries. produced. Breweries. produced. employed. invested. 8 2 1 2 , 007,500 2 2 20 15 8 2 1 10 14 357,000 4,000 2,000 500 29,000 39,530 8^400 2,000 2'000 38,000 5,600 130 $ Chemung,...... 4 7 3 11,500 40'000 800 140,250 94,506 2<200 Columbia,...... Cortland,....... 2 1 15,800 12,060 E rie ,............... 6 211,000 1 13 1 400,000 365,552 40 36 1 203,000 37^500 2,000 Genesee,........ 3 2 34,000 1 35,600 9 17,500 Herkimer,...... Jefferson,....... Kings,............. 6 9 9 1 8 7 7 G 11 210,660 313,344 3 , 256,000 3,000 105^612 468,708 265,470 279,000 2 , 973,278 1 8 1 28,800 64,000 90,000 28 31 181 83,250 37,500 557,000 2 1 5 2 15 42,450 54,410 214,960 90,000 1, 205,490 19 38 55 42 274 17,300 50,850 80,000 55,500 575,076 Cattaraugus,... Cayuga,.......... Livingston,.... Madison,........ Monroe,......... Montgomery,. New Y o rk ,... i 1 45,000 1 1 1 1 1 4,000 12,800 15,000 47,050 97 S ta tis tic s o f M a n u fa c tu re s, D istilled and F ermented L iquors in N ew Y ork.— Continued. Number of Gallons Number of Gallons No. o f Men Capital Distilleries. produced. Breweries. produced. employed. invested. 2 Niagara,........ Oneida,......... Onondaga,— Ontario,......... Orange,.......... Orleans,......... Oswego,........ Otsego,.......... Putnam,......... Queens,......... Rensselaer,.... Richmond,..... Rockland,..... . Saratoga,....... Schenectady,.. Schoharie,..... Seneca,........... St. La’rence,.. Steuben,........ Suffolk,........... Sullivan,........ Tioga,............. Tompkins,..... Ulster,............. Warren,.......... Washington,... W ayne,.......... Westchester,.. Yates,............. T o t a l ,.. 12,600 716,797 591,456 187,345 65,018 11 7 14 41 45,200 204.000 10,000 17,000 558.000 3,000 $ 22,200 194,800 103,700 58,900 147,100 8,000 827,804 19,200 17 16,600 202,500 200,000 667,550 3 47 20,000 125,000 4 6 9 12,000 1,886 181,704 128,000 17,360 25,600 581,300 35,517 27,675 10,000 2 1,000 110,000 8,500 4,200 63 5 4 3 3,730 35.000 83.000 22,600 18 4,000 16,000 357,000 31,000 12 21,250 12 ’27,020 1,486 3,214,776 6 140,590 206 14 82 39 44 128 5 86 8,710,110 6,471,122 D ISTILLERIES IN TH E UN ITED STATES. A Table, showing the number of distilleries in the United States, and the number o f allons. distilled in 1840; copied from the records of the Department of State, at Vashington, by the Hon. William Slade, o f Vermont. f ST A T E S . Maine,................ New Hampshire, Vermont,............ Massachusetts,.... Connecticut,........ Rhode Island,..... New Y ork,........ New Jersey,....... Pennsylvania....... Delaware,............ M aryland,.......... Virginia,.............. North Carolina,... South Carolina,... Georgia,.............. Number Gallons of Distil Distilled. leries. 3 5 2 37 71 4 38 219 707 3 73 1,450 2,798 251 350 31,244 3,500 5,177,910 215,892 855,000 4,008,616 356,417 8,784,138 39,500 342,813 882,516 1,038,741 102,288 528,393 ST A T E S . Number Gallons o f Distil Distilled. leries. Alabam a,..................... Mississippi,................... Louisiana,..................... Tennessee,................... Arkansas,..................... Kentucky,.................... Missouri,...................... Illinois,......................... Indiana,..................... .. Ohio,............................ Michigan,..................... Iowa,............................ District of Columbia,... 185 15 5 1,381 47 890 215 150 322 373 59 2 1 127,261 3,150 291,520 1,080,693 17,215 1,700,705 328,898 1,429,119 1,786,964 466,357 544,066 4,310 6,000 T 9,657 36,343,236 o t a l , ........... If the population of the United States be correctly estimated at 17 millions, the above quantity of distilled spirits will furnish each person with 2 14-100 gallons nearly. VOL. V.--- NO. I. 13 \ 98 C o m m e rc ia l S ta tis tic s . COMMERCI AL S T A T I S T I C S . COMMERCE, TRADE, AND NAVIGATION OF TH E UN ITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN, IN 1840. A document of great importance to those interested in trade and navigation has been prepared and laid before parliament, by Mr. Porter, in charge of the statistical department of the board of trade. The following abstract of this interesting document is derived from the London Journal of Commerce. It exhibits the extent of our trade with Great Britain, and its vast importance. The returns show that the quantity of foreign wheat imported in 1839, to make up for the deficient harvest of 1838, was 2,634,557 quarters, which, calculated on an average of 60s. per quarter, gives £7,903,671 as the price, which may be said to have been paid to foreigners in hard bullion. The duty received on that amount was only £631,698, while for less than two millions of quarters the duty received last year was £725,045. The duty on sugar has also fallen off,, notwithstanding the increased amount of foreign sugar entered for home consumption. In 1840, 4,031,913 cwts. of sugar were imported, against 4,678,219 cwts. in 1839. The quantity of foreign sugar imported in the former year was 806,073 cwts., against 722,777 cwts. in the latter. Of this foreign sugar 2,444 cwts. were entered for home consumption in 1840, against 51 cwts. in 1839. The following are the particulars of the importations:— Of British possessions in America,..........................................cwts. Of Mauritius,....................................................................................... Of East India,....................................................................................... Of Foreign,........................................................................................... 1839. 2,823,931 612,586 518,925 722,777 1840. 2,198,746 544,767 482,327 806,073 The gross amount of duty received on sugar since 1840 was £4,465,020, against £4,628,355 in 1839. In coffee there has been a considerable increase of duty, which in 1840 was £922,862, against £779,853 in 1839. The importations were in 1840, 69,534,071 lbs., against 41,003,316 in 1839, and were thus made u p :— 1839. 1840. Of British possessions in America, and Africa,...............pounds 11,469,600 12,780,080 Of Cape of Good Hope, and the East Indies,............................ 4,260,095 8,261,503 Of Foreign Indian,.......................................................................... 20,802,086 35,815,815 Of other foreign,.............................................................................. 4,471,535 12,726,673 In tea, the duty has fallen off; in 1840 it was £3,473,951, against £3,660,053 in 1839; the quantities imported were, in the former year, 27,462,893 lbs., against 38,158,009 lbs. in the latter. The duty on foreign spirits has also decreased. On rum there was received, in 1840, £1,154,544, on 2,510,668 gallons, entered for home consumption, against £1,273,765, on 2,830,612 gallons in 1830. The quantity actually imported was, in 1840, 4,310,101 gallons, against 5,447,669 gallons in 1839. In brandy, the duty in 1840, was £1,259,769, against £1,309,201, and the quantities imported 3,389,861 gallons, against 2,271,172 gallons. The duty paid on unmanufactured tobacco, in 1840, was £3,525,956, against £3,431,908 in 1839. The quantities imported were in 1840, 35,637,826 lbs., against 35,605,223 lbs. in 1839. The duty paid on foreign wines, in 1840, was £1,872,110, against £1,915,364 in 1839 ; the quantities imported were, in 1840, 9,316,650 gallons, against 9,909,056 galIons in 1839. C o m m e rc ia l S ta tis tic s . 99 The duty on cotton wool, in 1840, was £650,635, against £417,045 in 1839. The whole quantity imported, in 1840, was 592,965,504 lbs., against 389,396,559 lbs. in 1839, and was thus made up :— 1839. 1840. Of British possessions in America,................................pounds 678,125 430,435 Of ditto in India,........................................................................ 47,233,959 76,703,295 Of United States......................................................................... 311,567,798 488,572,510 Of Brazil,................................................................ 16,971,979 14,888,464 Of Egypt,..................................................................................... 2,864,748 6,423,414 Otherwise imported,.................................................................. 10,049,950 5,950,386 The duty on raw silk shows an increase for last year of £2000, and that of manufac tured silk has also improved to the same amount. The India silk trade exhibits a serious falling off, the duty having diminished from £17,000 to £13,000. The duties received for deals and deal-ends from British America has improved last year by £20,000, in comparison with the year preceding:— The total declared value of our exports for the year ending January 5, 1840, w as............................................................................................................. £45,307,409 Year ending January 5, 1841,............................................................................ 43,924,958 Less in 1841..............................................£1,382,451 The cotton manufactures in the first named year was £17,692,183, against £17,561,711 in the last; cotton yam £6,858,193, against £7,099,468 in the last; hardwares and cutlery £1,828,521, against £1,345,881; linen manufactures £3,414,967, against £3,305,545; metals, iron, and steel, £2,719,825, against £2,508,526; woollen manu factures £6,271,650, against £5,336,275. The produce of the customs was— Gross receipts inwards, year ending January 5, 1840,.................................. Duties outwards,.................................................................................................. £23,278,089 127,182 £23,405,271 Year ending Jan. 5, 1841, the gross receipts inwards were...£23,466,117 Duties outward,............................................................................... 118,287 ------------------ 23,584,404 Increase in the year ending Jan. 5, 1841,.......................... £179,133 The nett receipts were, year ending Jan. 5, 1840.............................................£23,681,680 “ “ year ending Jan. 5, 1841,............................................ 23,271,848 The ships employed in the foreign trade were— Entered Inwards.—Year ending 5th January, 1840:—ships, 23.114; tonnage, 3,957,468. Year ending 5th January, 1841:—ships, 22,725; tonnage, 4,404,207. Cleared Outwards.—Year ending 5th January, 1840:—ships, 18,424; tonnage, 3,085,752. Year ending 5th January, 1841:—ships, 19,710; tonnage, 3,392,626. Ships employed in the coasting trade:— Entered Inwards.—Year ending 5th January, 1840:—ships, 130,254; tonnage, 10,610,404. Year ending 5th January, 1841:—ships, 133,299; tonnage, 10,706,056. Cleared Outwards.—Year ending 5th January, 1840:—ships, 142,895; tonnage, 11,266,073. Year ending 5th January, 1841:—ships, 146,127; tonnage, 11,417,901. The following tables distinguish the countries to which the vessels employed in the foreign trade respectively belong. The greatest tonnage so engaged, we observe, is that of the United States, which, last year, was 432,486 tons inwards, and 396,566 outwards. Prussia is next in rank, and Norway follows:— 100 C o m m e rc ia l S ta tis tic s . NAVIGATION OF G REAT BRITAIN.—YEARS ENDING 5 th OF JAN. I.— E ntered I nwards. 1840. 1841. BELONGED. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. United Kingdom and dependencies,......... 14,348 259 207 969 1,557 1,165 1,171 731 313 1,508 2,756,533 73,012 28,257 134,449 110,727 222,258 83,267 61,923 42,141 102,123 7,732 6,872 40,026 286,658 1,290 14,370 275 236 936 1,440 1,186 1,207 669 239 1,045 72 87 72 1 887 3 2,807,367 79,445 33,913 14R689 114,590 218,403 90,842 56,952 32,648 60,063 8)312 8,983 18,878 250 432,486 386 3,957,468 22,725 4,105,207 68 63 168 1 579 7 Other states in America, Africa, or Asia,.. 23,114 200 II.—C leared O utwards. 1840. COUNTRIES TO W H IC H T H E VESSELS BELONGED. Ships. United Kingdom and dependencies,......... 11,952 131 Russia,............................................................ 151 Sweden,......................................................... 265 Norw ay,......................................................... 1,255 Denmark,....................................................... 556 Prussia,...............................—.. Other German states, N 757 Plolland,................. •/'£ -' • • •>............ V ; \5 1 3 Belgium,................. f.O./l.. P ) 359 1,671 France,................... L. ..Vv' 7..;................ .1. y / 52 ' 55 Portugal,............................................ 119 Italian States,................................................ Other European states,................................ 5 United States of America,.......................... 579 2 Other states in America, Africa, or Asia,.. T otal, ........................ 18,424 1841. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. 2 , 197,614 36,828 17,287 24,768 86,864 98,517 55,051 48,830 52,567 136,923 6,221 6,021 26,633 1,024 291,586 418 12,934 94 167 295 1,210 560 801 628 297 1,705 59 76 67 2 813 2 2 , 408,792 25,903 18,650 28,153 85,249 94,475 60,324 58,592 44,367 136,614 6,916 8,914 18,346 289 396,566 476 3 , 085,752 19,710 3 , 392,626 Export of plain and printed calicoes from England, during the last nine years. B R IT IS H W EST IN D IE S . Year. 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 Yds. plain. FOR EIGN W E S T IN D IES. UN ITED ST A T E S . Yds. printed. Yds. plain. Yds. printed. Yds. plain. 5,213,700 8,460,600 7,895,000 12,626,600 12.672.700 11.408.700 14,616,800 15,740,400 17,032,200 7.214.700 7.168.700 9,449,500 13.797.200 13,363,600 11,230,700 13.377.200 21,155,900 22,081,000 10,556,000 9,273,600 5.923.300 6.712.300 20,981,700 5,131,100 8.281.300 6,876,200 7,080,700 9.463.900 11.223.500 10,987,400 8,533,800 10.205.500 7.933.900 10,205,000 12,844,300 10.428.500 13,599,300 15.852.200 12.406.900 23,875,100 17,065,000 5,554,100 11.389.200 11.194.900 7,439,500 Yds. printed. 12.435.600 12 290,600 19.713.300 43.980.300 32.028.300 13.902.600 22,662,200 22,439,800 17.775.600 M e rc a n tile O b itu a r y . 101 M E R C A N T I L E OB I T U ARY. JOSEPH MAY, E sq. The subject of this obituary notice was generally known, and extensively revered, at the east. A native of Boston, his eighty-one years were so spent, that few men ever went more truly lamented to the grave. His judicious benevolence, his noble elevation of sentiment, his unimpeachable purity of purpose, his many years of public usefulness, his joy in advanced years, and happiness at the approach of death, may well fasten upon him profitably our passing thoughts. Educated a merchant, suddenly arrested in the midst of a profitable business, obliged to fail, and lose a well-earned fortune,—he passed through the trial of adversity without a stain,—nay, admired for the conscientious honesty which moved him to give up all, even the ring upon his finger, to his creditors. Dis appointed in his first hopes, he resolved never again to seek for riches, acknowledging that he had been too eager in the pursuit. Refusing several advantageous invitations to partnership in business, he devoted the residue of his life to the secretaryship of an in surance office. But this proved to him no idle station. The public confidence continually called him to the charge of most important public institutions, and to private trusts of the most delicate nature, to the guardianship of children, the administration of estates, and the oversight of the widow and the orphan. In all, we may say of him, what was recorded of the afflicted patriarch in the scriptures, “ he sinned not” even “ with his mouth.” By a small and limited income he did great good. Many orphans were educated by him, and brought forward into life ; many in active life were saved by his counsel from pecuniar}' or moral harm ; many widows were rescued from suffering, and encouraged to maintain themselves honorably. He seemed to five by the good emperor’s maxim, “ never to leave any interval between one benevolent act and another.” He never hastily dismissed the claims of a n y ; his presence was a blessing to them a ll: he was a “ father to the poor; and the cause he knew not, that he searched out.” It was the crown of his advanced years that many children, of those he had befriended, gathered around him to express their gratitude. He was a delightful chronicler of the olden time ; no fact of the past seemed to lose its fresh interest with him. At the same time he never became a repeater of legends. He devoted some hours every day to a wisely-selected course of reading. And among the classical authors of English literature he was always quite at home. His views of wealth were not peculiar to himself, but such as are rarely put in prac tice by any one. He believed that what are called splendid prospects wrere often most pernicious in their influence upon the young; and while he despised avarice himself, and was happy in a very moderate competency, he told his eldest son on leaving college, that “ he thanked God he had not property to leave him which could hold him up in a place among men where he did not deserve to stand.” “ He knew many,” he used to say, “ who were stinted in life by feeling there was no necessity upon them to labor be cause of an expected inheritance ; many, who, by this ill-judged kindness, were exposed to habits pernicious and disgraceful. Thus died, on the 27th February, 1841, one whose passing away far more deserves our careful heed than that of envied opulence, or the most successful commercial enter prise. For we can learn of Mr. M., if no more, how to live happily and honorably in limited circumstances, go to our rest lamented by all men, and enter heaven attended by the blessings and supplications of the wretched and the poor. r. w. n. 102 M e r c a n tile M is c e lla n ie s . ME RCA NT I L E MI SCELLANI ES. TH E DECIMAL SY STEM IN W EIGH TS, ETC. T o F reeman H unt, E sq. :— S ir ,—The May number of your valuable magazine contains an article under the head of “ Coins, Weights, and Measures,” in which the writer informs us that the whole sys tem of measurements in Great Britain is about to be modified by introducing the decimal notation; and, very ably and judiciously, takes occasion to urge a like improvement in this country. Having at hand a few facts which bear upon this subject, I have thought that the offer of them might be agreeable to yourself and some of your readers, espe cially to the author of that article. 1. The decimal system, in our national coinage, was introduced with the coinage it self. Robert Morris, financier of the confederation, made a report upon the subject in 1782. That report, (which is stated to be due to the assistant-financier, Gouverneur Morris,) recommended a decimal nomenclature of coins. It, however, devolved upon Thomas Jefferson to perfect the proposition, who made the Spanish dollar his normal coin, and therefrom deduced the various divisions and multiples which make up our catalogue of gold, silver, and copper coins. The following extract is from his report:—“ The most easy ratio of multiplication and division is that by ten. Every one knows the facility of decimal arithmetic. Every one remembers, that when learning money arithmetic, he used to be puzzled with adding the farthings, taking out the fours, and carrying them o n ; add ing the pence, taking out the twelves, and carrying them o n ; adding the shillings, taking out the twenties, and carrying them o n ; but when he came to the pounds, when he had only tens to carry forward, it was easy and free from error. The bulk of mankind are schoolboys through life.” The report was adopted in 1785; and, seven years after, was put in practice, upon the establishment of the mint. 2. The decimal system, in weights, has been in use at the mint (and its branches) since the passage of the monetary law of January, 1837. It was not, indeed, provided for by that law ; but the director (Dr. Patterson) saw that the opportunity was favorable for a change in that respect, and embraced it. The unit is the troy ounce; and its divi sion is into tenths, hundredths, and thousandths. All the standard weights, and all entries, are conformed to this style. The old system of pennyweights and grains is used only in a conversational way, to express the weight of a very small quantity, such as a single coin. 3. The decimal system, in fineness, has been used at the mint since January, 1835. W hen it became embodied in the law, two years after, the coins of gold and silver being established at the fineness of nine parts in ten, its convenience and simplicity, as contrasted with the old style, were very striking. Thus, the fineness of our gold coins, from 1792 to July, 1834, was 22 carats, that is, § f ; from the latter date until January, 1837, it was 21 carats, 2 car. grs. So the silver, from 1792 to 1837, was 1485 parts fine in 1664. A t the mint, it was customary to use the British formulary, and call it 10 oz. 14 dwts. 4/3- grs. fine, per pound troy.” The change from this to “ nine parts in ten” was very sensibly felt, in all the calculations and accounts. 4. To get rid of the awkward Spanish parts of the dollar, (12J and 6J cents,) still so much in use among us, the writer of the article in question proposes to value the real and its half at 10 and 5 cents. Six years ago, it was ascertained at the mint, that the piece of 12J cents, on an average, as found in circulation, was worth l l y y cents; the piece of 64 cents was worth 5y5- cents. As these coins are not sustained by new emissions of full weight, and are so much worn as to be almost worn out, they may be very pro perly estimated at the rates proposed by your correspondent. Indeed, nothing but the exigency of the times seems to sustain them, at their nominal rates. D. B. M e r c a n tile M isc e lla n ie s . 103 MEXICAN DOLLARS. * Dr. Hort, the assayer of the United States Branch Mint at New Orleans, informs such persons as are in the habit of depositing Mexican dollars at the mint, under the impres sion of realizing some profit from the recoinage, that there is at present in circulation in New Orleans a large amount of Mexican dollars, of a depreciated standard, and varying considerably as to the extent of the depreciation. From the results of repeated assays made during the three last years, he has discovered four descriptions of the above cur rency, of the following respective values:— Of the 1st description the dollar is worth................62 22-100 Of the 2d do. do. do.................................7222-100 Of the 3d do. do. do.................................8350-100 Of the 4th do. do. do.................................9633-100 At the present time the dollars of the third description, worth 83£ cents, are by far the most abundant in circulation. They are so well executed that very few persons, even the most experienced, can detect them. The letter “ D” is stamped on them, intimating that they come from the mint at Durango. He further observes, that the Mexican gold coins have hitherto, on an average, sustained their legal title and estimated value. IM PO RTA N T TO MANUFACTURERS OF FLOUR. Several manufacturers of flour send their flour to the New York market without pro perly tareing and branding the barrels, and thereby causing much extra trouble and ex pense. The provisions of the New York law are—that the tare shall be marked on the head with a marking iron; they shall likewise be branded with the weight of the flour, and with the initials of the Christian name and the sirname of the manufacturers, at full length; and the quality of the flour shall also be branded. There is a provision that the name of the manufacturer may be painted, but the weight and quality of the flour must be branded with a hot iron. If the barrels are not tared by the manufacturer in con formity to the law, they are subject to the charge of six cents per barrel for tareing by the inspector ; and the charge for branding is one cent per barrel in additon. If the flour be found light in weight, or the tare undermarked, it is subject to the expense of six cents per barrel for weighing, besides being liable to a penalty of five dollars for each barrel so found light or undermarked. PO RTRA ITS ON ROMAN COINS. It is stated in “ Akerman’s Numismatic Manual” that, in the earliest and more simple days of Rome, the portraits of no living personage appeared on the public money ; the heads were those of their deities, or some personage who had received divine honors. Julius Ceesar was the first who obtained express permission of the senate to place his portrait on the coins; and his example was soon followed by others. The heads of Lepidus, and of Antony, appear on their denarii; and even the money of Brutus, with the two daggers and the cap of liberty, bears on the obverse the head of the man who killed his friend because he had assumed the regal power and authority. W e have no evi dence, however, that this money, which is of great rarity, was struck with the knowledge and sanction of Brutus; and it is possible that it is a posthumous coin. N EW YORK BUSINESS DIRECTORY. Mr. J. Doggett, Jr., has published a new mercantile directory, on an improved plan. The classification of professions and trades, which forms part of the volume, is a most important and valuable requisite in a directory designed for the business community. It is arranged in alphabetical order, and the names of firms are given in full. It is evi dently prepared with care, and reflects great credit on the industry and taste of the enter prising proprietor. 104 , M e r c a n tile M is c e lla n ie s etc. . TOBACCO SUITABLE FOR EUROPEAN M ARKETS. The description of leaf tobacco most suitable for the London market, is that of a light red, copper, or cinnamon color, with a large, thick, tough leaf, free from blisters and pieces of waxy dark tobacco, and without any mixture of broken-off short leaves. A most essential point to be observed in the assortment, is the dry condition of the tobacco, without which it will not keep, but gets mouldy and heated. The casks should be uni formly packed, so that there be no bad and heated caps at each end, weighing about 10 to 10£ cwts., and the tobacco lightly pressed when packed, as by too great pressure it becomes sticky, and the color, which it is important to preserve, is liable to become darkened. Stemmed tobacco, or strips, should be lightly pressed, in order to allow easy inspection of the length and quality of the leaf itself; and it is desirable that the color should be bright, and the stalk uniformly well stripped off. For the north of Spain and Germany, dark, rich, long, sweet, leafy tobacco is required. In Flanders, the commonest description is taken, the lowness of price being in that quarter the main consideration. AM ERICAN COMMERCIAL EN TERPRISE. A regular trade is kept up between Pittsburg, (Penn.,) and the Santa Fd country. A merchant there, a Mr. Beeler, ships goods in a steamboat for Independence, Missouri, which are taken thence in wagons to Santa Fd, a distance of 897 miles by land. Goods are also consigned to him for the American Fur Company, from the eastern cities, to be sent on steamboats to St. Louis, and then be loaded in steamers to the Yellow Stone, 3960 m iles; there reloaded into keelboats, and taken to the very head of the Missouri river to the company’s fort and store, in the Rocky Mountains, 600 miles farther. The whole distance to which, from the eastern cities, is about 5640 miles. Such is the spirit of trade and commerce. T he article in the present number of this magazine on “ Maryland, and its Resources,” prepared, at our request, by W . G. Lyford, Esq., editor of the Baltimore Commercial Journal and Price Current, is a continuation of the series of papers on the resources of the several states, which was commenced in the April number by an article on the “ Commerce and Resources of New Hampshire.” W e call upon our friends, and all who are interested in the subject in the United States, to aid us in our purpose, either by furnishing us with articles, or the materials for their preparation. It is our plan to render the “ M erchants’ M agazine” truly national in its character, and to develop, as far as it may be in our power, the commercial resources of our whole country; but, to do this, we must rely upon the aid of the patriotic and intelligent citizens of the different states. E rrata to Professor Tucker’s article, in the Juno number of this magazine, on “ Im port D u t i e s — Page 507, 25th line from the top, for 44 about four per cent,” read th irty ; and for “ thirty,” read four. 44 516, line 25, for lifero tali,” read pro tali. 44 520, tenth line from the bottom, after “ either,” insert first. 14 520 , 44 44 44 for 44second,” read secondly. 44 520, ninth line from the bottom, for “ third,” read thirdly. 44 522, line 22, for 44that,” read then. 44 522, 44 23, for “ producers,” read consumers. 44 522, seventeenth line from the bottom, for 44which” read what. 44 524, line 12, for 44benefits of trade,” read benefits o f free trade.