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H U N T ’S M E R C H A N T S ’ M A G A Z IN E . D E C E M B E R , 1 842. Art. I.—THE COMMERCIAL DECLINE OF SPAIN. IN TR O D U C T IO N — T E R R IT O R IA L LOSSES O F SPA IN — S P E C IA L R E SO U R C E S O F S PA IN — M ANU F A C T U R IN G R E SO U R C E S — C O M M E R C IA L AND T R A D IN G IN T E R E S T S O F S PA IN — E X P O R T S AND IM P O R T S — T A R IF F — R E S U L T S O F T H E SPA N ISH T A R IF F ON T H E M A N U FA C T U R E S AND TR A D E OF T H E K IN G D O M , E T C . S p a i n is now held together more by the compression of surrounding interests, than by the attraction of cohesion. Weak and friendless, im bued with the infirmities of old age without its wisdom, with the misery of misfortune without its experience, she stands at the gate of the grave yard of nations, without the power, or perhaps the wish to avert the doom that awaits her. Buried she soon must be ; the principle of vitality which she possesses is not strong enough to hold her in her orbit for another cycle: she has fallen into that last lethargy from which but few awake ; and when once stretched out in full in that venerable mausoleum which history will place over her remains, the emblems of her sovereignty, the successive indices of her rise, her decline, her fall, will present a les son over which it will be well for her successors to ponder. There were no indigenous seeds of disease which, in their appointed time, eat away her strength and destroyed her vitality. With a climate most lovely and fruitful, with a country most beautiful and diversified, with riches inex haustible, with colonies which covered in their nets once a whole hemi sphere, she was endowed, when Charles Y. resigned the imperial crown, with every blessing that could ensure her prosperity and prolong her ex istence. Her blessings she has made unto herself curses. Her popula tion has weltered away in the halo of the most benignant atmosphere in the old world; her soldiers have lost their courage, with their ambition ; her colonies have dropped off, not because as ripe fruit they no longer needed the parent sap, but because the bough to which they clung refused them further nourishment; her territory has been pared away by the sur rounding powers, till little is left but the inferior core; and from the first among the leading nations of Europe, she has become the last. Queen Maria Isabella II. was left in September, 1833, in the third year of her age, the infant monarch of a country whose scattered elements were losing, V O L . V I I . — n o . v. 42 494 Commercial Decline o f Spain. by the disasters of civil war, the little that remains from the ruin of foreign invasion. We have said, that the fall of Spain is to be attributed not to inherent debility, or internal disease. To what, in fact, it is to be attributed, it is our object in the succeeding pages to exhibit. I . ---- TH E T E R R ITO R IA L LOSSES OF S P A IN . When Charles V., the grandson of the Emperor Maximilian I., and the heir through him of the vast dominions of the house of Hapsburg, entered in childhood upon the inheritance which descended from his ancestors on the mother’s side, his first great duty was to consolidate from the dis jointed materials which were scattered around him,— from Castile, which fell into his hands through his grandmother Isabella, and from Arragon and Navarre, the possessions of his grandfather Ferdinand,—the united kingdom of Spain. Under his domains were included, in part through marriage, in part through conquest, the Netherlands, Naples, Sicily, Sar dinia, Malta, and the Balearic islands, containing a surface of 220,740 square miles. During a reign of forty years, Charles V. had so used and nurtured the great resources committed to his charge, that at the time of his resignation, the kingdom of Spain, with its dependencies, had arisen to the first rank among European nations. By the conquest of the dukedom of Milan, and through the acquisition of those immense tracts of country which were then included within Mexico, Peru, and Chili, the Spanish territory in Europe was swollen to 222,000, in America to 3,560,000 square miles; and with an army the best disciplined in the world, with a navy the most extensive, the Spanish emperor became possessed of a degree of political power, which, since Charlemagne, had been unequalled. Never was there a monarch more fitted than Philip II., both on account of his sleepless energy, his crafty politics, his personal power, for the in ferior management of so great a charge. For forty-two years he con tinued on the throne in full possession of his remarkable faculties ; he was supported by the most distinguished statesmen and generals of his a g e ; he was enriched by the most inexhaustible mines of wealth; his domains, by the extinction of the male branch of the royal family of Portugal, were swollen by the accession of that powerful country with its American dependencies: and yet, when he left the throne, he left it with its internal strength dissipated. He had mistaken the spirit of the age; he had broken where he had meant to bend ; by the daring irritation of his tyranny he had stimulated one portion of his people to rebellion—he had degraded the other into imbecility; and when he died, the Netherlands were independent, and Spain exhausted. From the date of the death of Philip II., Spain has suffered irreparable losses, which have not only diminished her population and shrunk her territory, but have destroyed her internal prosperity and her external trade. From Philip III. the acknowledgment of the independence of the Netherlands was finally w rung; and a treaty, which never from the iron hand of Philip II. could have been drawn, was executed, by which Spain lost 8,560 square miles. His successor, Philip IV. lost, in 1640, the kingdom of Portugal, (34,400 square miles,) with its colonial possessions, (3,660,000 square miles,) together with the island of Jamaica, (5,380 square m iles;) in 1655, and in 1659 by the Pyrenean peace, the coun tries of Roussillon and Artois, a part of Charolais, and a number of forts in Flanders, Nemours, and Hennegan. Under Charles II., the last and Commercial Decline o f Spain. 495 most feeble of the Spanish line of the house of Hapsburg, (1665— 1700,) Spain, through the entire inefficiency of her plans, and the utter weakness of her exertions, sunk without an effort into the second rank of European powers. Through the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, (1668,) she lost the re mainder of her Netherland reservations, together with half of Saint Do mingo, and by the peace of Nymwegen, the whole of Franche Comte. Through the twelve years’ war of the Spanish succession, between the houses of Bourbon and Hapsburg, a fresh dismemberment took place. The house of Hapsburg, after being recompensed with the Spanish terri tories north of the Pyrenees, and seven years later with the island of Sar dinia, was forced to cede to the house of Savoy the kingdom of Sicily ; by which process Spain lost a territory amounting to 67,100 square miles. Under the Bourbon Anjou ascendancy, which commenced with the reign of Philip V., (1713— 1746,) Gibraltar, and the island of Minorca, were ceded to Great Britain, amounting together to 305 square miles. Under the new dynasty the Spanish dominions, which at its accession amounted in Europe to 168,640 square miles, and in America, to 4,720,000 square miles, remained for fifty years undiminished : because, in the first place, France from an hereditary rival had become a family ally ; and because, in the second place, the Netherlands, and the kingdoms of Lombardy and of Naples, which had become the theatre of war, had long ceased to be parts of the Spanish king’s heritage. On the establishment of the Bour bons on the throne of the two Sicilies, (1735,) and of Parma and Piacen za, (1748,) it was established by the contracting powers as an indispen sable requisite to their consent, that on no contingency of descent should the crowns of the two newly established families be allowed to unite with that of the Spanish Bourbons. On the death without heirs, therefore, of Ferdinand VI., (1746, d. August 15, 1759,) Charles III., king of Naples, being called to the Spanish throne, his second son, Charles, following him to Spain as Prince of the Asturias, on account of the idiocy of his elder brother, the third son, Ferdinand, then eight years old, was proclaimed king of the two Sicilies. During the reign of Charles III., Spain lifted herself to a level, in some degree, commensurate with her great resources. The acquisition of Lou isiana, the conquests among the Portuguese possessions in South America, the recovery of Florida,* the re-conquest of Minorca, (1782,) valuable as they were, were far inferior to the advantages which arose from the res toration of trade, the establishment of manufactures, and the regulation, under Aranda, Compomanes, and the Duke of Herida Blanca, the most eminent statesmen of their day, of the disordered finances of the realm. But promising as was the revival of Spanish power under auspices so happy, it was soon over-balanced by a succession of misfortunes which took their origin in the vacillatory and indolent character of Charles IV. Stretching over a period of twenty years, (13 Dec. 1788, abdicating 19 March, 1808,) and encountering in its lapse the shock of the French revo lution, it is not to be wondered that the reign of that unfortunate monarch should have been productive of consequences most grave and disastrous. From the treaty of Basle, (July 22, 1795,) by which a strict alliance * It is a curious fact, not generally noted by the historians, that Florida had been ceded to England at the first peace of Paris, (1763,) but was ceded back again to Spain in the peace of Versailles, (1783.) 496 Commercial Decline o f Spain. with France was clenched, Spain was exposed to the most lawless incur sions, both from the allies whom she acquired, and the enemies she pro voked. Fleet after fleet was lost on the high seas ; cargoes of gold and silver, fresh from South America, were captured within the ports to which they were bound ; a navy, once the most mighty, and then the most cum brous in Europe, was swept from the ocean; the islands of Trinidad (February 18, 1797) and Minorca, (November 15, 1798,) were succes sively conquered by the English ; and the entire foreign and colonial trade annihilated. By the continental peace, concluded at Amiens on March 17, 1802, a temporary reprieve was obtained, as a price for which, Spain ceded Trinidad to England, and to France the state of Louisiana. On the renewal of hostilities between France and Great Britain, Spain paid at the commencement, (from October 30,1803, to December 12,1804,) a monthly subsidy of 4,000,000 francs, as a price of neutrality. It was not long before the internal dissensions broke out, which led to the over throw of the reigning family. The seaboard was rent with open rebellion, the interior was distracted with secret intrigue, and the court, whose attention should have been absorbed with the great emergency it was soon to meet, was occupied in the constant bickerings which were taking place between the blind and feeble king and Prince Ferdinand of the As turias. The three-century bond between Spain and the American colonies was ruptured. The reign of Joseph Napoleon, (from January 6, 1808, to December 8, 1813,) produced nothing more than a temporary influence on the reigning dynasty, as Ferdinand VII. was recognised by the treaty of Paris (1814) as occupying the same throne from which he had been driven by the Emperor of France in 1808. Melancholy, how ever, was the change between Spain after the restoration, and Spain before the invasion. The American colonies were irrevocably lost—in part by conquest, in part by revolution ; and though Ferdinand VII. attempted on his return to recover his alienated possessions, he found his arms too weak to effect so great an enterprise. So exhausted was the strength of the once giant empire of Spain, that after the formal renunciation of Guatimala, (July 1, 1823,)—after the defeat of the Spanish army at Ayacucho, (December 9, 1824,) and the consequential evacuation of Peru,— after the surrender of St. Juan de Ulloa, (November 18, 1825,) by which the last fortress in America was lost,—the mother country gave up all hopes of retaining her ancient authority over her rich, but apostate chil dren. Her territories had lost under the two last mentioned reigns more than 4,600,000 square miles of land, which had been endowed by nature with the most diversified and inexhaustible treasures; and all that re mained from a dominion once almost universal in the new world, was the island of Cuba, (46,000 square miles,) called by Ferdinand VII., when all else had deserted him, the “ faithful and true and St. Juan de Puerto Rico, (3,780 square miles,) with a few of the smaller islands that form part of the great Western Archipelago. The colonies in the other hemisphere are still more unimportant. In Asia, Spain still possesses the Manilla, or Philippine islands, with a part of the surrounding clusters, which are more remarkable for the amount of their territory, (48,400 square miles,) than for the wealth of their trade, or the number of their inhabitants. In Africa, there still remains the first and most historical of the Spanish conquests—the cities of Ceuta, Melilla, Pennon de Velez, and Alhuzemas, with a territory cramped by invasions within 30 square Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 497 miles, which formed, centuries ago, the battle-ground where Christians and Moors met in that deadly shock which drove the crescent from the South of Spain, and the north of Africa. As the European territory of Spain, as settled by the Versailles treaty, amounts to 168,940 square miles, 272,080 square miles may be taken as forming the present measure of her possessions in the hemispheres together. On the acces sion of Maria Isabella II., on September 29, 1833, the kingdom was left to experience, under the imbecile government of an infant queen, those accumulated disasters which the misgovernment of three centuries had produced. In the words of Schubert, one of the most frigid of the German historians, the horrors which have been experienced in the intestine wars that succeeded, have surpassed in terror the utmost atrocities of the dark ages. I I . ---- TH E PHYSICAL RESOURCES OF S PA IN . 1. Agriculture.—If the reports of travellers and of foreign geographers can be taken as correct, only, one twelfth part of the Spanish soil is now subjected to the plough.* Such does not always appear to have been the case. Miguel Osorio y Redin, who wrote in the last half of the seven teenth century, estimates one half of the Pyrenean peninsula as cultivated; and of that half, two-thirds, at least, of the highest value. The more ac curate investigations of the Junta de medios rate the superficial area of Spain at 104,197,720 fanegados,f of which the following estimate is re ported :— Cultivated la n d ................................ Meadow land.................................... Fallow land...................................... Irredeemable land........................... Swamp and alluvial land............... Fanegados. Acres. 55,000,000 15,000,000 13,000,000 4,000,000 17,194,720 60,000,000 16,000,000 14,000,000 4,200,000 18,500,000 104,194,720 112,700,000 Total According to the materials laid before the Cortes, the cultivated land at the time of the French invasion, was thus divided:— Fanegados. The nobility more than one half............ 28,306,700 The clergy one sixth................................ 9,093,400 The commune of the cities, and a few of the citizens, about one third........... 17,599,900 Acres. 30.500.000 10 , 000,000 19.500.000 Total................................................ 55,000,000 60,000,000 In agricultural success, Valencia stands above the remaining provinces, and is exempted, by the blessings she has thus received, from poverty, which would otherwise be universal. She produces, far beyond her wants, rice, corn, oil, and fruits. Granada and Andalusia are more peculiarly adapted for fruits, wine, and the cultivation of the olive, and the interior provinces to the raising and grazing of live-stock, producing no more grain than is necessary for the most meager consumption. In the northern * A. Borrego, der National reiehtum, die Finanzen und die Staatsschuld des Konigsreich Spanien. Manheim, 1834. 8vo. t A fanegado contains 5,500 English square yards. 42* 498 Commercial Decline o f Spain. provinces, where the climate forbids the growth of the olive and the rich fruits of the south, the increased ratio of the population requires a far greater consumption of corn and the coarser grains. By the stimulus thus atforded, agriculture within their limits has been forced to a much higher pitch than it would otherwise have attained; and were it not for the oppressive excise which has been adopted through the whole kingdom, as well as for the total want of internal improvements, the north of Spain might have become the granary of the south of Europe. The relations which might thus have been created, have been reversed. Neglected even more by the hand of man than blessed by the hand of heaven, the districts of Galicia, of Asturia, of Biscay, of Leon, of Arragon, and of Cata lonia, capable from nature of the production of an illimitable harvest, have depended on France, on Barbary, and on Sicily, for the ordinary necessaries of life. In the north of Spain, and in the central provinces, the chief implements of agriculture, where the soil permits, are oxen and the plough ; although in Laja, the enterprise of the inhabitants has not devised any thing more commodious than the naked hand of the farmer himself.* The harvest takes place usually in the last half of June ; the corn is left laying on the fields for weeks, until it can be trodden out by the feet of men or of mules. The straw is suffered to remain on the fields, and the grain itself is carelessly stowed away in rough outhouses, or in caves. The principal productions of the upper provinces are wheat, rice, Indian corn, millet, barley, (both of which are used for fodder,) peas, and beans. According to the census of 1799, the number of inhabitants amounted to 10,380,000, and the average yearly consumption of breadstuffs to 51,800,000 fa n eg a sf or 81,880,000 bushels ; while the average yearly importation of bread-stuffs amounted to 1,000,000 fanegas, or 1,600,000 bushels. Since 1799, the average ratio of the production of corn has been a little greater, not on account of the increased activity of the people at large, but on account of the transfer of labor from sheep raising to other occupations. The cultivation of the grape is the branch of industry most suitable to the climate and soil of Spain; and though in the provinces of Granada, Andalusia, Valencia, La Mancha, and Catalonia, alone it is entirely suc cessful, it is spread to a considerable extent over the whole kingdom. In consequence of the wonderful uniformity of successive seasons, there is less fluctuation in the vine crops in the south of Spain, than in any other part of Europe. The average yearly production of wine in the whole king dom amounts to 36,000,000 arrobas, or 145,120,000 gallons; of which one seventeenth part is exported. In Catalonia and Estremadura, brandy is manufactured to a large amount, from inferior wine and the husk and pulp of the grape, and upwards of 240,000 eimers, or 4,353,600 gallons, are annually exported. Not less considerable is the amount produced of raisins, which are in part sent in great masses to the interior for home consumption ; and part, consisting of 200,000 centners,%exported to foreign countries. The products of the grape-culture constituted, in 1795, one * Borrego confesses that the agricultural machinery of Spain, is as coarse and clumsy as imaginable. If English farmers, in states, could be transferred to Spanish farms, the crops would be multiplied ten-fold. + A fanega is equal to one bushel, two pecks, and two quarts. t A centner is equal to one hundred and three pounds English. Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 499 i third of the Spanish exports, exceeding in value 150,000,000 reals, or $183,740,000. Malaga stands ahead of her sister provinces, not only in the manufac ture of wine, but in the culture of the olive. With seven thousand vine yards, she produces annually 250,000 eimers of wine, or over 4,500,000 gallons ; and with seven hundred mills for the pressure of the olive, she exports 300,000 arrobas, or 1,273,000 gallons ; which is nearly equalled by Seville, by Valencia, and by the Balearian islands. The Spanish oil is not equal to the French in quality, or irf value, though it very often bears its name. The cultivation of fruit is, by the climate, particularly favored. On the coast of the Mediterranean sea, and on the Balearian islands, in Valencia, in Malaga, and the surrounding towns, the fig and orange are capable of production in the greatest profusion; and though in consequence of the superior facilities of labor and transportation pos sessed by the adjacent states, they are undersold in the foreign market, they might monopolize, were their natural advantages followed out, the whole exterior demand. Into the remaining articles of production, it is not necessary for us to inquire. They none of them leave margin for foreign exportation; and but few of them are sufficient for domestic demand. The aggregate value of the agricultural staples of Spain, among which are included cattle and silk, was reported in 1803 at 5,143,938,848 reals, or $639,242,292. Canga-Arguilles, minister of the interior, fifteen years later, raised the average, though without any satisfactory estimates, to 8,572,220,591 reals, or $1,196,527,000. The whole capital employed in agriculture he rates at 68,671,394,866 reals, or $8,584,100,000 ; and the value of the implements therein used at 3,754,777,659 reals, or $469,345,900. 2. Grazing.—The operations of grazing are now regarded by the Span iards with indifference, even greater than those of agriculture. Every year has witnessed the diminution of those great flocks of sheep, whiclj were spread once over the whole peninsula; and there is every proba bility to believe, that in a few years more the species will, in that coun try, be extinct. The reports which we possess concerning the whole grazing interest of Spain are so uncertain, that we shall pass oyer the less prominent division, and limit our attention to the raising of horses and sheep.* In the middle ages, there was no branch of industry more profitable to Spain than the trade in horses. Since the opening of the last century, however, so great has been the encroachments by the race of mules upon their more generous predecessors, and so great the devastation from Napo leon’s Spanish campaigns, that the authorities of Andalusia were obliged to offer a considerable bounty for the culture of a breed which had once been distinguished for its beauty and numbers. The census of horses, as last taken, amounted to 100,000 head ; and though it evidently was based on a miscalculation, there is no reason in rating the present number at more than 250,000. So great has been the decrease, that it is questionable whether a respectable army could be equipped without resort to confiscation. Still greater, however, has been the depreciation of a staple which was once the richest and most certain in the south of Europe. There was * Schubert’s Algemeine Staatskunde, III. 59, 60. Borrego. Kottenkamp’s Uebersetzung, v. 500 Commercial Beeline o f Spain. a time when the wool of the merino sheep commanded a price almost in estimable, and when to the Spanish graziers and shepherds, the manufac tures of the north were placed in a relation of comparative subjection. It was not long before the inquiries of the surrounding states were awakened as to the permanency of so great a monopoly; and after several attempts to ennoble the native breeds of the north of Europe, by grafting them with their more favored rivals, the invading armies of France, as they recross ed the Pyrenees, managed to carry back with them a large portion of the original race in person. So great had been the increase before the inva sion, that at the opening of the eighteenth century, the numbers of sheep in Spain were estimated at from ten to twelve millions. One half of them alone were merjnos, which on account of their great tenderness and sus ceptibility, were carried twice a year from their summer residence, in the stony and exposed mountains of old Castile, Leon, and Arragonia, to the soft and lovely meadows of Granada and Andalusia, where they passed the winter months. In troops of from 1,000 to 1,500 head, they were marched from north to south, convoyed by horsemen who could protect them from incursions, and headed, it is said, by a quarter-master general.* By a royal edict, fences were to be removed from all sections through which they were to pass ; and by a species of protection, therefore, which is more simple, though not more effectual than those now in use, the agri cultural interests were prostrated at the feet of the manufacturing. Had the transfer of capital thus stimulated, not been carried into effect—had the laborers paid less attention to their sheep, and more to their land—it is not probable, that their century-collected wealth would have been driven off in the van of a French foraging guard. The sheep in 1814 made a longer journey than usual, and found themselves transported in a single trip, from the rich and sunny meadows of their native land, to the cold and thin fields of the northern states. So costly has become the keeping of the remnant of the ancient flock, so successfully has the merino wool been rivalled in other countries, that in some seasons, the produce of single herds has been less in amount by twenty per cent than the sum taken to insure it. The yearly exports to Great Britain of wool have fallen, in the course of the present century, one sixth in their value. 3. Mining.—In times long gone, the mines of Spain were famous beyond all of the then civilized world.j- The Carthaginians and Phoenicians es tablished colonies on the southern coast of the peninsula, on account of the rich metals it confined; and an active trade was at once started. Many are the allusions in the Roman historians to the statues and medals drawn from the Spanish mines ; and Polybius, Livy, and Appianus have left specific enumerations of the booty of a similar order which was brought home from each Punic war. In Asturia, Galicia, and Lusitania, gold was freely found; and the yearly production of the mines was averaged by Pliny at 20,000 lb s.; at a value which has been estimated at 30,000 * Schubert’s Spanien. Schaafzucht, p. 61. W e do not know whether the officers of high rank in the Spanish service were usually so employed ; but if so, no small key would be given to their conduct during the peninsular war. f Plinius Hist. Nat. III. c. 3. “ Metallis, plumbi, ferri, alris, argente, aure tota forme Hispania scatet; citerior et specularibus lapidibus, Bcetica et minio : sunt et marmorum lapidicinae.” Commercial Decline o f Spain. 501 marks, or about 6,000,000 dollars.* In mines both of silver and gold, Spain was considered to bear pre-eminence among ancient nations.f Not less distinguished for their excellence were the mines of quicksilver,:}: of metallic colors,§ of copper, and of lead.|| Even as late as the middle ages, the mines continued to be worked with activity and regularity; and though the success was not as great as formerly, workmen were collected from all parts of the continent, and the returns were such as to richly remunerate labor of any kind whatever. But the discovery of America, and the opening of the rich and unworked veins which threaded the sur face of the new continent, dissipated at once the energies of the native miners. Scarcely in a single province were the old works carried o n ; and even in those which were still in operation, the profits were found to be less than the cost. In 1535, Charles I., inspired by that same spirit of false benevolence which prompted his family to destroy the industry of Spain under pretence of protecting it, issued an edict, which, after stating the mines of America to afford a more profitable investment than those of the old country, forbade peremptorily the working of the latter as unne cessary. It was not until the eighteenth century that the damper was removed ; and then, when at last, at Cazalla, at Constantina, on Sierra Morena, and at Guadalcal in Estremadura, the old works were opened, the enterprise failed for want both of impulsive energy and of permanent support. In a few years the wounds were again filled up, the old station houses removed, the surrounding villages broken up ; and when, in another century, the antiquarian explores among the ruins of the Spanish empire the remains of those once magnificent excavations, he will find that veins the most fruitful were deserted at the moment when, at last, by the labor of generations, the secret of their riches had been discovered. Among the coarser metals, lead has been the most profitably produced. Till the time of Ferdinand VII. the whole business was a monopoly in the hands of the crown ; and so great was the ris§ in the produce of tlie works when, in 1820, the monopoly was lifted off, that the income was increased in three years fifteen fold.IT The price of lead was depressed from forty to fifty per cent; but even at the low price to which it had then fallen, the revenue yielded to the government amounted to 3,000,000 dollars. The next most important mineral production of Spain is quicksilver. The richest mine is at Almada, in the province of Mancha, (Ciudad-Real,) which, since its severance from the government, has been worked with zeal and success. Under Charles III. and Charles IV. the highest annual product was 18,000 hundred weights ; and at present, notwithstanding the separation of the American colonies, where quicksilver was of indispensa ble use in the gold and silver mines, the value produced is averaged at * The terms used by Pliny, (L. xxxiii. c. 4,) are worthy of citation: “ Vicence trullia pondo ad hunc modum annis singulis Asturiam atque Gallaeciam et Lusitaniam prastare quidam tradiderunt, ita ut plurimum Asturia gignat: neque in alia parte terrarum tot saeculis haec fertilitas.” + “ Argentum reperitur in Hispania pulcherrimum, id quoque in sterili solo atque etiam montibus ; et ubieunque una inverita vena ist, non procul invenitur aliae.” t Pliny, xxxiii. c. 6, u. 8. § Ibid. c. 2, u. 7 ; iii. c. 3. H From 31,000 to 500,000 hundred weight. H Ibid, xxxiv. c. 16. Commercial Decline o f Spain. 502 22,000 hundred weights. The amount of the quicksilver exported is esti mated at 800,000 dollars, of which one fourth is sent to England. Iron mines are to be found throughout Spain, but more particularly in the Baskischen provinces, in Arragonia, in Biscay, and in Granada. In Guipuzcon, in the former provinces, there are 141 forges; and in Sierra Nevuda the average of iron drawn from the ordinary ore, amounts to eighty-two per cent. The amount produced by the whole realm is at pre sent estimated at 400,000 hundred weight, valued at 700,000 dollars. The entire mineral productions of Spain are valued at 20,000,000 dol lars ;* and great as is the amount, it would be more than doubled if the mining operations on which it is based, could be supported by one half of the physical strength and mental energy which were displayed by the Spanish armies at the revolution of the Netherlands. I I I .---- TH E M AN UFACTURING RESOURCES OF S P A IN . In the middle ages the domestic industry of Spain was principally ori ental. From along the shores of the Mediterranean sea the Arabs had drawn the rude and primary manufactures of those days. The chief sta ples were produced by Moorish industry alone; the Moors were the most active workmen ; and great was the discomfiture to the consumers both of Spain and of the north of Europe, when, through the wars between Castile and Granada, both manufactures and manufacturers were driven from the land. From the days of Ferdinand and Isabella the fall of Span ish manufactures is to be dated. Even during the flush created in the reigns of Charles V. and Philip II., but little impetus was given to the principal branches of Spanish industry; and it is to be questioned whether the splendid schemes of conquest in which those two great monarchs were perpetually engaged,—whether the rich and romantic adventures opened by the discovery of the new world,— whether the spirit of unbending chiv alry exhaled by the court and imbibed by the people, did not combine to instil into the minds of the community a contempt for work, which has been a chief ingredient in their subsequent prostration. Don Quixotte would have fought a windmill in the lists, but he never would have sub mitted to have worked it in the field; and it was because the Spanish people, like their great hero and personification, made war against every species of industry in detail, that industry itself took flight from the Spanish peninsula. The inferiority of Spanish manufactures was in a small degree removed by the alliance with France, brought about by the accession of the Bour bon family. It is true, a fresh demand was made for the introduction of French and English staples, but at the same time efforts were entered into for the establishment of national manufactures. In the reign of Charles III., laborers were brought into the country from France, Germany, and the Netherlands, in order to stimulate the production of wool, linen, and paper. The attempt was unsuccessful; not because the newly imported workmen were inefficient, but because they were persecuted and driven from the land by the inquisition. Under the reign of Charles IV. still greater obstructions followed from the blockade, by the British fleet, of the principal Spanish ports; and the state of industry was not much bettered under the short supremacy of the Napoleon family, as whatever might * Schubert’s Algemeine Staatskunde, iii. 70. Commercial Decline o f Spain. 503 have been the intention of Joseph, the country was too much occupied ' with repelling invasion to be able to perform its domestic duties. By the census of 1803, the yearly value of the manufactures was placed at 1,152,650,707 reals. No sooner were the Bourbons restored than they set to work at the great work of protecting Spanish industry, with a vigor, which, if it had been backed by wisdom, might have restored for a time the rapid decline of their heritage. An embargo was at once laid down on the egress of gold, and the ingress of manufactures; and so heavy, so exhausting was the tariff imposed, that if it had not been ridiculously in operative through the smuggling facilities of the Spanish coast, it would have sequestered Spain for the time being from the rest of the commercial world. Smugglers sentry the whole shore; and over the Pyrenees, through Gibraltar, through the whole rocky coast both of the Mediterra nean and of the Atlantic, goods have been introduced so freely and so cheaply as to throw out of market at once the native productions. Pa triotic associations have been formed, pledging their members to buy domestic manufactures alone; but whether the manufactures in question are not to be found, or the people themselves are unwilling to take them, there has been but little essential change through their exertions. Even according to the most sanguine calculations of the government, there has been a falling off rather than an increase since the commencement of the present century.* 1. Wool.—The wool manufactures are by no means commensurate in quantity or in quality to the raw article as it is produced in the surround ing country. The finest wool is sent abroad; and even of that which remains, not more than one half is made up by domestic labor. So ineffi cient are the Spanish manufacturers, that notwithstanding the cost of im portation and the enormous tariff imposed, notwithstanding the fact that there are laborers in plenty on the very spot where the wool is produced, the balance against Spain in the article of woollen goods alone, amounts to 700,000 dollars. The average yearly value of the woollen productions of Spain was placed in 1803 at 123,091,848 reals, or about 15,373,980 dollars. The proper value amounts now to about $8,000,000, or about one ninth of the entire produce of Spain. 2. Cotton.—The cotton manufactures are the youngest in Spain, and are even more inefficient than those of wool, as the balance against them and in favor of those of France and Great Britain, is as great as 4,000,000 dol lars. The average produce of the cotton manufactures is placed at 48,168,098 reals, or 6,021,012 dollars. 3. Linen.—The quantity of linen manufactured in Spain falls as the demand for it increases. The average produce is now placed at 192,853,413 reals, or about 22,731,600 dollars, though the estimate is based upon reports so exaggerated as to deprive them of implicit credence. It is unnecessary to enter at large upon the long though feeble cata logue of Spanish manufactures. In that long period of time which has intervened between the death of Charles V. and the succession of Maria Isabella, every specific article of production has been in turn patronized, and while the most exorbitant bounties were offered to the home manufac turer, the most exclusive duties were thundered against those of foreign states. A net was hung over the Spanish ports which caught and inter * Borrego, der National reichtum, p. 33. 504 Commercial Beeline o f Spain. cepted whatever might savor of competition ; and before a century elapsed, so effectual had been the working of the established policy, that the com merce of the realm was dead and the manufactures in premature old age. So^enervated, so impoverished had the people become from their depriva tion of the commonest foreign conveniences, and confinement to branches of labor to which neither their constitutions nor their climate was suitable, that they have sunk down into a state of degradation and beggary which the inhabitants of the most miserable poorhouse would scorn. I V .---- T H E TRA D ING IN TER E ST S OF S P A IN . Washed through almost her whole boundary by the two great seas of the old world, pierced through her whole coast with harbors the most commodious and accessible, Spain possesses facilities for commerce un surpassed by those of any of the surrounding European nations. To the east and southeast she forms the gate-way to the commerce of those great regions which are spread beyond the Atlantic ocean; and so vast are the advantages as a carrying nation that her position gives her, that had she not stood with her arms folded during the struggle which has gone on among her neighbors during the last century, she might have swept into her bosom, by the very passive tendency of gravitation, a large portion of the trade carried onward through the Mediterranean. Her facilities she has neglected and abused. When every other nation was struggling ve hemently for precedence in the race after the golden apple, she has looked on from a distance with apathy, and has suffered the prize to pass by her feet without making an effort to seize it. Not a ship does she send out from her spacious ports, except on the most urgent domestic necessity; and so great has been her fall, that from being once the most opulent of European traders, she now has to resort to her rivals to enable her to pro cure, through their bottoms, the most simple articles of home consumption. The internal trade is in a position still worse. Those deep but narrow rivers which separate from one another countries the most various and fertile, have been spanned sometimes only by boards, on which the goat himself, their principal passenger, is a afraid to tread ; and on spots where industry, to say nothing of enterprise, would in a few days have cleared the way, obstructions have have been suffered to remain which destroyed the channel and corrupted the stream. Madrid exhibits an ap pearance of wealth, not from the fertility of its domestic resources, but from the great quantity of wealth that is brought annually to its treasury by the noblemen who draw from their distant estates money which they spend in the capital; and though in Madrid the company of the Gremios are established,—a company of merchants of great character and credit, who receive the money of the capitalists at from 3 to 3^ per cent interest and invest it in the business of trade,—the inherent commercial energies of the city are extinct. The capital of the St. Ferdinand’s Bank, situated in Madrid, as established by the decrees of July 9, 1829, was 60,000,000 reals, or about 7,500,000 dollars, divided into 20,000 equal shares. The external trade of Spain is now limited very much to her few re maining American provinces. The following tables exhibit both her colonial and her foreign trade towards the close of the last century. Reals Hollars 1788. Imports to the Am. col. from Spain...500,000,000= 62,000,000. “ Exports from the Am. col. to Spain...800,000,000=100,000,000. Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 505 For the same period, the trade with all the European nations together, is stated to be— Exports. 1787. . . .178,000,000 reals,. . . .or. . . .22,000,000 dollars. 1788. . . .295,456,178 reals,. . . .or. . . .36,900,000 dollars. 1789. ...289,900,000 reals,. . . .or. . . .36,200,000 dollars. 1792. . . .396,000,000 reals,. . . .or. . . .49,400,000 dollars. 1787. 1788. 1789. 1792. .. .. .. .. .642,000,000 .666,000,000 .717,379,388 .715,000,000 Imports. re a ls,.,. . .or. reals,. ,. . .or. re a ls,.,. . .or. re a ls,.,. . .or. . . .80,200,000 dollars. . . .82,000,000 dollars. . . .89,800,000 dollars. . . .89,400,000 dollars. The commercial alliance between France and Spain, by the peace of Basle and the treaty of Ildefonso, (1796,) brought considerable disadvan tage to the Spanish shipping. The hostilities which followed, drove the Spanish ships from the high seas ; the Spanish navy was annihilated ; the Spanish commerce was destroyed ; and when Spain, on the return of peace, attempted to recover her old footing, she found the South American trade wholly occupied by Great Britain and the United States. The whole ex ports of Spain, colonial and foreign, had fallen in 1808 to $20,000,000, a loss of nearly 400 per cen t; while so great was the drain of wealth caused by the disproportion of the counterbalancing imports, that the country was impoverished and involved. The Junta de medios, which sat from 1811 to 1813, estimated the whole mercantile capital of Spain, in cluding that employed in coasting, or fishing, at 5,000,000,000 reals, or about 625,000,000 dollars; and the yearly value of Spanish trade, at 466,363,516 reals, or about 58,200,000 dollars. The restoration of the Bourbons worked no benefit to Spanish trade. The American colonies were lost irrevocably—the trade with them, as de pendants, was forever gone ; and the mother country, instead of seeking, as had been the case with both England and France, under similar cir cumstances, to establish new and profitable commercial treaties, laid an embargo between herself and her revolted subjects, which cut off the re maining avenue of her wealth. Unable as we are, through the ineffi ciency of the government and the confusion of the realm, to collect an adequate notion of the present state of her trade, we can judge, by taking the rough, though large estimate of twenty-five million of dollars as its value, of how great the fall has been since the days which preceded the French revolution. Both her imports and her exports are now of the same amount; as that ancient fund of gold which once made up the defi ciency, has been long since exhausted. The wholesale business is almost limited to the hands of English dealers in the more accessible of the*Spa.nish ports, and it is said that through the whole kingdom there is scarcely a large Spanish importing house of respectability. Cadiz, which as early as 1801, jutted out on the map as the most prominent of the Spanish har bors, and monopolized at that time six sevenths of the foreign commerce, still receives one third part of the shipping, and bids fair to maintain its place at the head of the peninsula sea-ports. Barcelona, which is second in rank, is estimated to command one sixth of the foreign trade, valued at four million dollars. V O L . V I I .— N O. V I. 43 506 Commercial Decline o f Spain. The colonial trade of Spain is the last remnant of her once splendid maritime sovereignty. The estimate value of the united exports and im ports of the island of Cuba, in 1833 and 1834, averaged over 33,750 piasters, or 50,000,000 dollars ; of which one fourth was connected with the United States, one seventh to Great Britain, one seventh to the Han seatic towns, one twentieth to France and Russia, and the remainder to Spain. The annual income of the island amounted to 9,500,000 piasters, or about 15,000,000 dollars; of which three fifths was drawn from cus toms.* The exports of Porto Rico, for 1834, are rated at 4,500,000 pias ters ; and consisted of sugar, coffee, tobacco, cocoa, and cotton. The income derived by the government was 2,100,000 piasters. To enter further into the commerce of Spain is not our purpose. A ruin it is of what was once a vast and splendid edifice ; and the dimen sions of the fragments which are strewn around, are of more importance to the antiquarian than to the merchant. It is on such a spot, however, that the political economist should stop, and leaning on the shaft of some broken column, with his eye fixed on the rich and lovely landscape around him, with a climate most benignant and equal, with a soil most fertile and various, inquire into the causes which brought about destruction so rapid and unsparing. The next generation will read of Spanish galleons, and Spanish three-deckers; and will wonder where was the wealth that re quired such huge protection, or the strength that afforded it. The epitaph of Spain, as a commercial nation, should be written for the use of those who may wander over the ruins among which she lies; and well will it be for her rivals and successors if they improve the experience she affords, before it is brought home to them by their own misfortunes. After a brief view of the present finances of the Spanish kingdom, we shall con clude this article by considering the cause of that commercial decline which it has been our object to exhibit. So disordered, so exhausted, are the finances of Spain, that it will re quire more than ten years of peace and prosperity to discharge the debts with which they are loaded, and to redeem the obligations it has incurred. According to official statement, the debt in July, 1840, consisted of fo reign and domestic loans bearing interest of from four to five per cent, amounting to 5,419,748,553 reals, or 677,331,069 dollars ; and of loans bearing no interest, amounting to 12,429,833,322 reals, or 1,553,729,165 dollars ; \pf which 9,533,844,347 reals was vested in domestic active funds, and 461,604,947 reals in domestic passive funds. The whole amount of the Spanish debt is rated at 17,849,581,905 reals, or about 2,231,190,000 dollars. As the necessities of the government have in creased, the meins of satisfying them have diminished ; and it is now a fact which is, perhaps, without example among debt-incurring nations, that the deficit of each year is equal to its income. According to the budget of 1839, the gross income amounted to 837,974,785 reals, while the expenses of the same year reached 1,556,094,191 reals. In 1840, the expenses of the state had risen to 1,690,298,172 reals, or 211,274,771 dollars; being more than twice the revenue for the same year. In the budget of 1840, the civil list was rated at 43,000,000 reals, or 5,362,000 dollars. The national debt requires 306,568,287 reals to keep down its * For a full and accurate account of the commerce of Cuba, the reader should consult the Merchants’ Magazine, October, 1842. Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 507 interest; of which 97,834,631 reals are devoted to the payment of that due at home ; 200,852,196 reals to that due abroad ; 6,729,383 reals to the cost of its disbursement; and 1,152,077 reals to various creditor cor porations. The expenses of the government, civil, diplomatic, and muni cipal, are placed at 328,551,495 reals. The minister of war receives 771,843,560 reals ; of which 280,423,407 reals are the ordinary appro priation, and 491,420,153 reals consist of the extraordinary expenses of the war. How long the present high-pressure system of borrowing to pay the current expenses of the year, together with half the interest of the old debt can last, a few more budgets will prove. The crown lands have been now almost all sold to conceal or destroy deficits, and the time will soon come, if it has not come already, when the Spanish treasury will be bankrupt. It will be seen by a general review of the preceding pages, that the territory of Spain has been dismembered ; her colonies torn away ; her credit broken ; her wealth dissipated ; and her prosperity destroyed. We believe that the cause of so great, so melancholy a fall, is to be traced to her own commercial legislation. She has from the beginning of her his tory, as an independent nation, aimed at the one great object of commer cial isolation ; and though her facilities for production have been vast, and her means of transportation unlimited, she has destroyed her trade; she has cut off the supplies of her inhabitants, and rendered useless their industry, by a system of prohibition which has thrown her back three cen turies in civilization. It has been asserted lately, on the floor of the Senate, that the policy of Spain was free trade, and that to that policy her destruction was to be traced. For the sake of correcting in detail, an error so vital, we subjoin the Spanish tariff, as it at present exists. It will be seen, that of the fifteen classes of which it consists, almost the whole are virtually prohibited : and that by the operation of the aggre gate, revenue, commerce, and manufactures must be destroyed :— 1. Grain, provisions, fish of all kinds, wines, oils, and some small arti cles, as starch, roots, straw ; of these, seventy-two articles are entirely prohibited, including corn and seeds, and food, and all kinds of salted and pickled fish, of whatever kind, (except stock-fish and Newfoundland cod fish, at high discriminating duties.) 2. Animals of all kinds—importation prohibited, and exportation sub ject to high duties, except on merino sheep, black-cattle, and horses, which are prohibited. 3. Drugs, herbs, roots, barks, seeds, &c., for dyeing, painting, and other uses; wax, tallow, pitch, &c., exhibit a list amounting to upwards of four hundred articles, out pf which number there are nearly one hun dred total prohibitions. 4. Includes hides, and skins, of common description, dressed and un dressed, tailed , &c. ; fine peltry of all kinds, either in the hair, dressed, or tanned, atid all articles made of the above. These articles amount to about eighty in number, out of which there are sixty-four prohibitions. 5. Manufactures of flax, hemp, cotton, and wool, of all kinds, contain ing about ninety articles; out of which, there are forty-two prohibitions, and those admitted are of very little value. 6. Wool and hair manufactured, including goats’ hair, bristles, horse hair, feathers, and human hair; consists of about seventy-seven articles, and contains sixty-three prohibitions. 508 Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 7. Comprises manufactures of silk only, or of silk mixed with wool, gold, or silver, and is, with but two exceptions, (silk twist, or Turin hair, and raw or spun silk of all sorts,) entirely prohibited. 8. Includes cabinet-ware, furniture, and other utensils of wood, horn, shell, ivory, mother-of-pearl, &c., or of ornaments made thereof; and in this class are also comprised the original raw materials, in all about eighty articles, with thirty-nine prohibitions. 9. Instruments and machines of all kinds,—nearly all of a prohibitory character. 10. Toys and jewelry of all kinds, open or in boxes. This is a most extensive class; it contains nearly three hundred distinct articles, out of which there are but twenty-three prohibitions; but the duties are enor mous. 11. Paper of all kinds and qualities,—entirely prohibited. 12. Includes all manufactures of crystals and glass, of stone and mine rals, of porcelain and earthenware; contains about ninety articles, of which thirteen only are entirely prohibited; the duties are also enor mous. 13. Comprises metals, wrought, unwrought, or manufactured; and contains nearly the same number of articles as the preceding class, out of which there appears to be about thirty-five prohibitions ; and the duties on the others all excessive, with the exception of tools, &c. 14. Contains all descriptions of the precious metals, gold and silver, in bullion, or wrought in jewelry, & c .; amounts to seventy-two articles, with but three total prohibitions. 15. Includes common timber for naval, house, and other purposes, fine wood for cabinet-work, and dyeing woods, &c., nearly fifty descriptions, and no p r o h i b i t i o n s ; although cork in boards, or prepared for bottles, and tanning barks of all kinds, included under this class, are strictly prohibited. Such is the present tariff of Spain ; and though it is far lighter than that which controlled the commerce and manufactures of the realm till as late as the eighteenth century, it will be seen that it is essentially prohibitive. Its object is not revenue, but protection; and it stands forth as the most tangible instance, in commercial history, of that system of unequal legis lation, which for the sake of fostering one tenth of the community, destroys the remainder. We shall conclude this article by inquiring briefly, what have been the legitimate results of the Spanish tariff, first on the manufac tures, and secondly, on the trade of the kingdom. 1. It was for the manufactures alone that the system was devised. Rise they should ; and though for many of them the country was highly unsuitable, though in order to support most of them, laborers were to be drawn from objects far more congenial and lucrative, they were to be forced upwards by every stimulant of hot-bed growth which tte ingenuity of the master gardener could devise. With one hand, Philip II. drove the Lutheran mechanics from the sea-port towns; with another, forced labor ers from the vineyards to supply their place ; and while the portcullis of a high tariff was let down to prevent foreign competition, every aid which government could afford, was tendered to the manufacturing interests. The result has been told. The gist of commerce is reciprocity; and so long as foreign countries had been allowed to exchange their manufac tures for Spanish wine and wool, the people on both sides had been sup- Commercial Decline o f Spain. 509 plied, not only with enough of their own products, but enough of their neighbors’, and the whole vast machinery worked with ease. But scarcely had the protective system gone into operation, before the wine-grow ing and the grazing interests dwindled, and the manufacturers started up to extraordinary splendor. For a while they retained their luxuri ance ; but before the time of what would otherwise have been their ma turity, had arrived, they wilted away under the hot sun of that same tariff which had first forced them into life, and are now capable of little else than of producing the coarsest articles, at a cost so enormous, that nothing but the greatest duties can carry them to the market. Their fate can easily be explained. When the first tariff was laid, a change of labor took place. The laborer found it more profitable to leave the plough, and enlist himself in the liveried ranks of the manufacturers. Foreign goods were raised to treble their old cost, and it became cheaper to manufacture something of the same description at home. Foreign nations were still in want of Spanish wool and Spanish w ine; but as they could no longer send manufactures in return, they were obliged to buy up the precious metals, and send them to Spain in return. There was soon a great influx of bullion to the Spanish ports. Greatly as the agricultural interests had suffered, the foreign demand for their staples was still considerable; and as nothing like a fair exchange was permitted, whenever a tun of wine or a bale of wool left Spain, it was paid for by the solid specie at which it was valued. The manufacturers became rapidly rich from the con stant current of gold to their coffers; and as they became richer, the price of labor raised, and the cost of producing the home article increased in proportion. At first, two hundred per cent was enough to exclude most foreign manufactures from the market; but as through the glut of gold in the manufacturing interests, and through the security and indiffer ence into which the manufacturers were thrown, domestic manufactures became both coarser and dearer, a tariff still heavier than the last was demanded and passed. Generation after generation, fresh duties were asked. As soon as the manufacturers were in danger of being undersold, they obtained another layer of duties, and again the same old process went on,— specie poured in, domestic goods rose in value, labor went up still higher, and huge as the tariff had already become, in a little while another still huger was demanded. To such a progression, how ever, there must always be an end; and the protected interests found, that after going up stairs, step after step, for a time, they had come to a pitch where they could get no higher. They had received the greatest stimulants which it was in the power of government to give, they had reached a vast, though an unnatural luxuriance, and when the level of protection had been reached beyond which it was impossible to go, they sank back at once into their original imbecility. Their strength, like that produced by intoxication, had been fictitious, not constitutional; and when the drug which excited them was removed, they fell back into a state of nerveless inefficiency, which was aggravated and rendered more wretched by the dregs of the stimulants which had acted on it. If the protective system has been injurious to the manufacturing inter ests of Spain, it has been still more so to her commercce. Her shipping it has utterly destroyed. Duties of from 50 to 100 per cent, provocative of high retaliatory duties from other countries, have been laid for more than two centuries on foreign ships and cargoes on their arrival at Span4a* Commercial Beeline o f Spain. 510 ish ports. So entirely have the exporting interests been destroyed, that there is little to carry out of the country, and still less that is allowed to come in ; and in consequence, every thing like shipping has ceased to exist. If we look around in Spain in search of those great natural pro ductions which belong to every other nation on the globe, we will find, that rich as was her soil, benignant as was her climate, the war which has been waged by her government against her productive interests has been successful. Vineyards once fruitful have been deserted ; mines once ponderous with the most precious metals have become clogged and choked by the rubbish of generations; manufactories where the Moor and the reformed Christian had once produced fabrics the most beautiful in Europe, have become silent; and a few casks of wine, with a few bar rels of grapes, are the residuary legatees of the commerce of the Spanish peninsula. That the destruction of the producing interests of Spain was a necessary result of her protective system, is obvious. The essence of trade, we have said already, is its reciprocity; and when Spain refused to take the staples of foreign nations, they were made incapable of taking hers in return. With the one article of wool in her hands, she was able to buy from the neighboring countries the productions most suitable to their respective climates. The hemp and the tallow of Russia, the silks of France, the cotton goods of England, the neat wood-work of the German states, she was able to buy, and to buy for nothing, through the super abundance of one of her staples alone. The moment she refused to re ceive the produce of foreign countries, she stopped the demand for her own. The wool-raiser gave up raising wool, because it was not paid for; and betook himself to manufactures, the fate of which we have mentioned. The result of the protective system of Spain was to drive labor from the fields to the factories, and to destroy it when it had got there. The blood of the kingdom was drawn from its heart and thrown into a limb, which called, before long, for the hand of the surgeon for its amputation. There is a passage in Schiller’s Don Carlos, which we are tempted to translate, not only from its beautiful appropriateness to the points we have been making, but from the wisdom of the doctrines it unfolds. The Marquis Von Posa, who, though somewhat radical in his opinions in com parison with the court of Spain, had been admitted within the council chamber of Philip II., takes advantage of his temporary vantage ground to press upon the monarch the danger of the course he was pursuing. V on P osa.— Yet you hope To end what now you have begun ; you hope To check the ripening course of Christendom; To blight the universal spring that now Is playing o’er the world’s broad countenance. In Europe, you would be supreme; and here, Into the track in which the rolling world Pursues appointedly its onward course, You would stretch out your human arm, and grasp, With heavy clutch, upon its jutting spokes. Oh no! It all is fruitless ! Thousands fly Prom the cold vineyards of your lands ! They fly Poor, but contented. With extended arms Elizabeth receives them; England blooms In fruitfulness through our transplanted vigor. Commercial Decline o f Spain. 511 Oh ! could the inarticulate voice of those, —Those countless multitudes,—whose fate is resting On your decision, speak from my poor lips! Look round you, and observe the glorious form Of the broad universe ! On liberty Its laws are founded, and in liberty Its farthest pulse is beating ! Each slight worm Has its own drop of dew; its little world In whose enjoyment it may freely riot. To man himself is spread an open choice Between the paths which lead to good or evil. Even the charnel-house of sin, the soul, In its free will, may enter. Now turn round, And look at your proud system. At the flutter Of a dry leaf the lord of Europe trembles. You shudder e’en at virtue’s footsteps. H e, —The master artist, who, forever veiled Behind the majesty of his far throne, Acts silently,—He, that his great scheme Of man’s free will should not be lost, or shaken, Allows the troops of sin to spread abroad Their flaunting banners to the giddy wind, And court recruits. K ing.— But think you, could I safely Work out, in Spain, the plans which here you weave 1 V on P osa.—On you, alone, the task depends. Devote The royal power to the people’s good. By the encroachments of the crown, their rights Have been prostrated. Lift them up again ! Restore the fallen grandeur of our race! And then, when you have raised the name of Spain To its old dignity, when you have poured Their long lost liberties upon the people, When of all others on the earth, your lands Are the most happy, it will then be time To conquer others. Spain has fallen; and the great, the only cause of her fall, is the in terference of her government in the domestic affairs of her people. No scope was allowed to the oscillation of free will. That natural cycloid, in the arc of which the human mind when unrestrained must swing, was narrowed down till the pendulum fell into a rest from which it could never since be startled. It was the policy of Philip II. to destroy the in dividuality of the component members of the state, to let every private feeling sink, to force every private ambition to give way, and to con solidate every interest in his wide realm into one great harmonious centre. Forgetting that the best course for a complex body to pursue, is the re sultant struck by the different forces that enter into it, he employed his long life, his vast power, his sleepless industry, in annihilating every element which could not be neutralized or submerged. His ambition was effected. The Moorish laborers were chained in the galleys. The protestant mechanics were immured in the inquisition. Foreign merchants were warned away from the coasts of Spain by penalties the most severe and inevitable. F’oreign ships were scared from the coast by gunboats and explosion-batteries. The half-ruined lighthouses which the older kings had erected, were torn down ; and the rocky promontories of the 512 Commercial Decline o f Spain. peninsula were provoked to extend still further their barricadoes against the invasion of trade. The strong hand of the government spanned itself over the laborers who were toiling quietly and fruitfully in their familiar vineyards and pastures, and after tearing them away from their ancient pursuits, fastened them down at manufactures which they could neither like nor understand. In the course of a single century, Spain, from be ing the most mighty among European powers, lost both her strength and her name, and became the prey of whomsoever was enterprising or un scrupulous enough to attempt her dismemberment. It will not be out of place for us to consider, in conclusion, the close connection that exists between unrestricted commerce and popular liberty. Even were it to be admitted, that a system which chokes up one channel of industry in order that it may let the tide into another; which transplants labor from a soil where it has flourished, into a soil where its roots find no home ; which scourges the seller from a dear market to a cheap mar ket, and the buyer from a cheap market to a dear market, in order that it may follow out some wild theories it has formed in the ignorance of seques tration ;—even were it to be admitted, we say, that such a system is recon cilable with the personal liberty of the subject, there are considerations which arise from the result itself of restricted trade, which show how in jurious it is to the comfort and competency of the citizen. To the rulers of this young and vast republic we would commend the inquiry, how far cheapness and variety in clothing and provisions conduce to the peace, the content, the happiness, and consequently to the liberty of the com munity. Just in proportion as barriers are let down against the free interchange of the staples of neighboring nations, in that very propor tion has misery and want existed. The manufacturers of Manchester, of Paisley, of Sheffield, of Birmingham,—the very men for whose benefit the most intricate reticulation of protective duties on record has been woven,— are starving among the looms, the shuttles, the gay calicoes, and the fine cloths of their workshops. The sleek and nimble shafts of the steam-engine, plying away day after day in their ceaseless and foodless labors, drive each week from employment human workmen, who are dis charged because they must eat and drink, and who are forced to betake themselves to the poorhouse ; where, with their self-respect gone, their power of self-support gone, their identity blotted out, their names scratch ed from the list of independent agents, they fall back into a state of torpor which is only relieved by the occasional ebullition of despair. Children, misshapen and nerveless, imbued with the helplessness of childhood, without its thoughtlessness, with their foreheads wrinkled with anxiety and premature c a re ; men and women in middle age, so worn down with the monotonous repetition of one little workhouse motion, so ex hausted with the perpetual turning of a single shuttle, or the incessant working of a lathe, that they drag out years of equal poverty without the power of change or the capacity of hoping; old men who are old in body more than in years, and who sink down into the earth without that glo rious hope which the gospel holds out to the meanest among men, because their minds have become so emasculated through oppression and want that their heart has failed in its office of faith before the fountains within it have ceased to beat;—these form, and we fear will long continue to form, the ingredients of a population who are forced from agriculture into manufac tories by the exhaustion of a high protective tariff. Most successfully in Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 513 such a sphere has the hand of man intercepted the bounties of nature. If the statesman who first effectuated that system of high protection, could place himself on some high mountain, where, with an eye unclouded by those moats which cut short too often the wisest lessons, he could see the countries of the earth with their rich and various climates, their number less and fertile soils, their vast and assorted inhabitants—where he could observe how exquisitely each member of the great system joins into its neighbor, and with what matchless harmony their various productions unite till together they afford a full measure of every comfort which could make man happy and contented—he would give up the hope of cutting off from the surrounding nations the one country in which he might live, and rest satisfied with the conviction that the world was made as a whole, and that as a whole its component fragments should be held together. We look forward to the period, when by the means of unrestricted trade, the inhabitants of the remotest countries will be able to obtain their reci procal commodities for the mere price of transportation, as the opening of an era which will bring to the human race the ultimate happiness which it is possible in its present state of probation to attain. Never till then, never till each nation feels its dependence upon its neighbors for its chief individual blessings, will the danger of war be removed. As the mem bers of one great harmonious family, who have been taught by the dis cords of civil war to feel how efficient is that unity which arises from mutual want and mutual necessity, the countries of the earth will be bound together by ties which no transient impulse will be able to break. Like a river which has been for years choked by the obstacles which the artifice or the ignorance of man has thrown into its channel, the course of the human race to those great blessings which are placed before it has been checked and clogged ; but let the barriers be once removed, and then the waters which pnce were stagnant and depressed, will gain their proper level. It is by the free and broad medium of commerce alone, that we can hope to communicate to nations which rest in darkness the temporal convenience of those institutions under which our prosperity is sheltered, and the everlasting sanction of that gospel through which our happiness exists. Art. II.—ANALYSIS OF BOOKKEEPING AS A BRANCH OF GENERAL EDUCATION. T h e r e is perhaps no department of commercial education that claims so urgently the serious attention of the mercantile community as that of bookkeeping. We enter upon the subject with a full knowledge of the obstinate prejudice that has hitherto withstood all efforts towards promo ting a general system of school instruction in the arrangement of accounts. Wherever the subject has been advanced, we have, until within a short period, uniformly heard the one reply, “ Bookkeeping can only be ac quired by practice; you may teach a little theory, but the practice is so different, that we have more trouble with a beginner, who has been taught in school, than with one who has never studied it.” Are we then to adopt the conclusions to which these premises must inevitably drive us ? Of the number of clerks employed in business, perhaps about one in ten has opportunity of practice; are we to conclude that the other nine tenths 514 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. have no remedy for ignorance with regard to a subject which so deeply concerns their interests ? Are that portion who are to become merchants to despair of attaining the necessary knowledge of supervising their own affairs ? And so long as these opinions prevail, are we to wonder if whole sale frauds are practised,—are allowed to pass undetected for years, and that too in public institutions ? While every other subject, in the whole range of science, is universally admitted to be beyond comparison most successfully acquired through having its elements carefully laid down and settled in language selected with the most scrupulous care, shall we conclude that bookkeeping is incapable of explanation? Or shall we not rather adopt the alternative of inquiring what more can be done in the analysis and arrangement of its elementary principles ?—whether in the various systems that have been tried, the instruction has been built on a sure foundation; that is, whether the mind has been directed in the outset to those features of the subject which are at once seen to be conformable to some general and self-evident truths ? It is not our purpose, however, to enter upon any extended or abstract discussion involving the more general principles of the philosophy of teach ing. We propose to give no less than a practical demonstration that the principles of double-entry can be made as familiar to schoolboys as the first rules of arithmetic. In order to effect this, and to show beyond dis pute what constitutes the true elementary principles of the subject, we must give a brief example of Day-book, Journal, and Ledger, and then proceed with our analysis. DAY BOOK. N ew Y oke, N ovember 1st, 1842. Commenced business this day with a capital of.......................... Of which we have in Cash........ ................................................ In notes and accept’ces of various individuals, (Bills Recew.) James Brown owes us on account............................................ 8,000 00 3,000 00 4,000 00 1,000 00 Bought Merchandise amounting per Invoice to........................... For which we have paid in Cash.............................................. 2,000 00 Bought Merchandise amounting per Invoice to.......................... For which we are indebted to John Thompson...................... 1,800 00 Bought Merchandise amounting per Invoice to.......................... For which we issued our note in payment.............................. 2,500 00 Bought Merchandise amounting per Invoice to.......................... In payment for which we gave our note for............................ And paid the balance in Cash.................................................. 1,500 00 2,000 00 1,800 00 2,500 750 00 750 00 Sold Merchandise amounting per Invoice to.............................. For which we received in Cash................................................ 3,000 00 Sold Merchandise amounting per Invoice to.............................. For which we received the buyer’s note for........................... And the balance in Cash........................................................... 1,800 00 700 00 Sold Merchandise amounting to................................................... For which the buyer, John Thompson, owes us..................... 1,300 00 3,000 00 2,500 00 1,300 00 Bought the schooner Wave for..................................................... For which we gave in payment our note for........................... 4,000 00 Bought Merchandise amounting to............................................... In payment for which we gave as follows:— 3,000 00 00 4,000 00 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 515 DAY BOOK. N ew Y ork, N ovember 10, 1842- ■Continued. John King’s note for........................................................ 2,000 William Harris’s for......................................................... 1,000 The discount allowed on the above notes was Which discount was paid in Cash................... 3,000 00 35 00 35 00 n The schooner Wave has cost for repairs.. Which we have paid in Cash................... 350 00 350 00 12 We have negotiated (or disposed of) Henry Pell’s note for.. And allowed a discount (which is a loss of).......................... We received in Cash................................................................. 13 Sundry acc’ts rendered to us for store expenses, viz :—Coal bill “ “ Carpenter’s bill,....................................................... “ “ 'Painter’s bill,............................................................ All of which we have paid in Cash,.......................................... 1,000 00 15 00 985 00 15 00 25 00 10 00 50 00 14 The schooner Wave has produced for freight.. Which we have received in Cash...................... 15 We have redeemed our note of 4th instant for........................... On which we are allowed a discount for the time it has to run We paid for said note in Cash, 200 00 200 00 2,500 00 15 00 2,485 00 16 Bought Merchandise amounting to........................... For which we are indebted to John Thompson.. 2,800 00 2,800 00 17 We have given our note to John Thompson for.. For which he is accountable to us.................... 2,800 00 2,800 00 - 18 ------------------------- Sold Merchandise for.. For which we received the buyer’s note.. 1,500 00 1,500 00 19 An account is rendered us for Blank Books, &c.. Which we have paid in Cash.............................. 57 00 57 00 20 We have this day taken an account of Stock, and ) caa value Merchandise unsold at................................ $ We value the schooner Wave at.................................. 4,300 00 N. B.—Should some of our readers be disposed to object to the language of the above entries as not being sufficiently mercantile, we beg to observe that they are not given as such. W e think it best that the pupil should be told in the fullest and plainest way possible w hat nas taken place. W hen he understands the theory of debit and credit, he will soon acquire the best forms of expression. JOURNAL. N ew Y ork, N ovember 1st, 1842. Debits. 3,01)0 4.000 1 .0 0 0 Credits. 00 00 00 8 ,0 0 0 Reasons fo r the above E ntries.—T h e debit of the Cash account must contain the Cash on hand beginning, and all receipts. 2. —The debit of Bills Receivable account must contain all such paper on hand beginning, and all received since. 3. —Each person’s account mus* be charged with all that he is indebted. 4— Stock account must be credited with the capital, (see Ledger.) 2 ,0 0 0 00 2 ,0 0 0 Reasons.—Merchandise account must be debited with all it costs. Cash account must be credited with all payments. The above examples will be sufficient to show that ns the reason for each Journal entry is drawn from the account in the Ledger to which it relates, it would be useless for the learner to attempt to understand the Journal until he is made fully acquainted with all the accounts in the Ledger: he will then see the reasons for each entry, as fully as he could desire, without explanation. The Journal then, is merely an expedient to convey the proper entries for every transaction, to the Ledger, each item being assigned to its respective account, whether debit or credit. W e therefore proceed to the Ledger:— 516 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. LEDGER. CASH. Received. 1842 Nov. i On hand commencing 3,000 00 u it tt ti 6 3,000 00 7 a 700 00 12 u 985 00 200 00 14 Paid. 1842 Nov. 2 Paid.............................. 2,000 00 « tt u « n 5 it 750 00 10 ti 350 00 11 it 35 00 13 ti 50 00 15 tt 2,485 00 «( 19 Total received $7,885 Received. B IL L S R EC E IV A B LE . Nov. i On hand commencing 4,000 00 it it 7 Received..................... 18 1,800 00 Disposed of. Nov. i i Disposed of 2 notes.... 3,000 00 tt u 12 » 1,500 00 Total received $7,300 Redeemed. it Issued. 4 2,500 00 it it a Dr. 2,500 00 5 it 750 00 9 ti 4,000 00 2,800 00 17 ii Total issued $10,050 JO H N THOMPSON. Nov. 8...... ..............................j 1,300 00 17....... ..............................1 2,800 100 11 Total $4,100| Dr.__ 1,000 00 Tot. dispos’d of $4,000 B IL L S P A Y A B L E . 15 tt 57 00 Total paid $5,727 Cr. Nov. 3|...... ............................. | 1,800 00 ii 16|...... ..............................1 2,800 00 Total $4,600| JA M E S BROWN. Cr. 1,000 00 Nov. 1. RESO U RCES. L IA B IL IT IE S . 8,500 00 7 550 00 Schooner W ave......................... 4,300 00 John Thompson, owing to him 2,158 00 Bills Receivable on hand......... 8,050 00 3,300 00 James Brown owes us.............. 1,000 00 $19,258 00 8,050 00 T otal.......................... 19,258 00 P resent W orth $11,208 00 500 00 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 517 LEDGER. STOCK. 1842 Nov. i Capital commencing... 8,000 00 Outlay. 1842 2 M ERCH AND ISE. 1842 6 2,000 00 Returns. 3,000 oc 1,800 00 tt 7 2,500 oo (( 3 it 4 2,500 00 ii 8 1,300 O') ti 5 1,500 00 ii 18 1,500 CO il 10 3,000 00 “ 20 Value of goods unsold 8,500 ii 16 2,800 00 oo Total returns 16,800 00 Total cost.... 13,600 00 $16,800 00 13,600 00 Profit $3,200 00 Outlay. 1842 9 ii 20 Unsold, and valued at 4,300 00 Total cost.... 4,350 00 Total returns 4,500 00 STO R E E X P E N S E S . 50 00 19 57 00 Total expenses Losses. 1842 Nov. 10 it 200 00 350 00 11 Outlay. 1842 Nov. 13 tt Returns. SCHOONER WAVE. 1842 4,000 00 14 107 00 Gains P R O F IT AND LO SS. 1842 15 00 35 00 Nov. 15 By merchandise.......... 3,200 00 150 00 15 00 12 To store expenses....... 107 00 Total loss.... 157 00 Total gain.... 3,365 00 $3,365 157 3,208 Capital.................8,000: P res. W orth $11,208' V OL. V II.---- N O . VI, 44 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 518 EX PLA N A TIO N O F TH E LEDG ER The grand business of bookkeeping is to dispose of the matter of the Day-book in the form of accounts, which accounts collectively constitute a Ledger. The ledger is designed to show the financial position of the owner, either as regards his whole business or its several parts, each part having its own particular account. Accounts are of two kinds, having two distinct objects; the one kind we denominate Primary, the other Secondary accounts. The primary accounts constitute a single-entry Ledger. The primary and secondary together constitute a double-entry ledger. So if we had arranged the preceding day-book by single-entry, you would have had none of the secondary accounts in the ledger. Each account in the ledger may occupy a distinct folio; but we have arranged those of the same kind under each other, in order that you may see their analogy: and be careful not to confound the two kinds, for you will soon see that secondary accounts are duplicates of the primary, only the items are hot placed in the same order of succession; so if you confound the two together, you may as well make two accounts against one person, and charge him with both. The primary accounts are the Cash Account, Bills Receivable, Bills PayaVe, and the accounts o f individuals. All other accounts are secondary. This distinction is very easily re membered, therefore let it be carefully noticed. Now before we proceed to describe the operations in the preceding led. ger, let us consider what it is we desire to accomplish. We hive in the day-book a correct history of every transaction that has made the minutest change in the property or financial position of the concern, and we now wish to find out, after all these changes have taken place, whit is our present worth. A very little reflection will enable you to see that this can be accom plished in two different w ays:— 1st. If we can find out what are our Resources and what our Liabilities, our present worth must be the difference between the two. The primary accounts enable us to find out our Resources and Liabilities. 2d. If we can ascertain what we were worth when we commenced, and what we gained since, the sum will be our present worth, or if we lost, their difference. The secondary accounts enable us to fulfil these latter conditions; and having our present worth derived from two distinct sources, we have pre sumptive evidence that all is right, and our books are said to balance. We now proceed to show how we obtained the requisite results by the primary accounts. In the debit or left hand column of the Cash account, you will find that we have set down every sum of cash received from the beginning. And in the right hand or credit column, we have set down every payment since that time. We find the whole amount received, to be....................... 7,885 And the whole amount paid................................................ 5,727 Hence we must now have on hand as R esou rces ......... $2,158 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 519 In the debit column of the Bills Receivable account we have entered, as you will find by referring to the respective dates in the day-book, every note we received from the beginning, and in the credit column we have placed every one we disposed of. The amount of notes we received, is................................. 7,300 And the amount disposed o f............................................... 4,000 Consequently we must have on hand as R e s o u r c e s . . . $3,300 In the credit column of the Bills Payable account we have entered the amount of every note we issued from the beginning, and in the debit column we entered the amount of every one we redeemed or took up. We find the total amount issued, to be........................... 10,050 And the total amount redeemed........................................ 2,500 Consequently we still have to redeem, which is an item of our L i a b i l i t i e s ......................................................$7,550 In the debit column of John Thompson’s account we have entered every sum for which he became accountable to us, and in the credit column every sum for which we became accountable to him. We find we are now accountable to him......................... 4,600 And he is accountable to us............................................. 4,100 Consequently we owe him, which is another item of our L i a b i l i t i e s ................................................................. $0,500 James Brown’s account, being arranged on the same prin ciple, shows that he is accountable to us, which is an item of our R e s o u r c e s ...................................................... $1,000 But the primary accounts do not show our whole Resources, unless all our property be sold; now, in this case, we find we have a ship and mer chandise, which we set down as Resources according to present valuation. Here, then, we have shown how you may under any circumstances get at your Resources and Liabilities by making these few accounts accord ing to the above principles. Is there any difficulty to apprehend ? Look at each account singly, and see if it is not the plainest way of telling the story that could be devised. Be assured that when the plan of these four accounts is familiar to you, there is no difficulty whatever; but if you attempt to make them before you know how they ought to be made, or for what purpose you are making them, you deserve to be defeated, and that you most undoubtedly will be. TH E LE D G ER. Secondary Accounts.—Having proceeded so far with our subject, with out encountering any difficulty to discourage the student, let us examine the remaining part. The secondary accounts, it will be remembered, were to show what we were worth at the outset, and how much we gained or lost since. In the credit column of the Stock account you will see that we have recorded what we were worth at the outset. The remaining secondary accounts are titles we have fixed upon to de scribe the different portions of our business. Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 520 In the debit columns we have put all we laid out under each head, and if we expended any sum for which we had provided no particular head, we entered it under Profit and Loss. Thus we had no head for discount, and we entered it as loss. Hence the secondary accounts are made to show on the debit side all we expended or lost in the business or its parts, and the credit column shows the whole returns of the business or its parts; and after all the transactions have been recorded, we enter, as returns, the valuations of each part unsold, (see Merchandise and Ship ;) we then take the gain or loss on each account, separately, and place all gain on the credit side of Profit and Loss, and all losses on the debit side. Here then we find the total gain....................................... 3,365 And the total losses........................................................... 0,157 The net gain is therefore................................................... Which added to original capital...................................... 3,208 8,000 Makes our present worth.................................................. 11,208 We have now shown all the accounts that are necessary to enable us to elicit from any transactions a statement of Resources and Liabilities, and also of the Gains, Losses, and Original Capital; hence in assigning debits and credits to the different accounts, that is, in forming a journal, we have only to consider what accounts are affected by a transaction : for example,—“ Bought merchandise amounting to $2,000; for which we paid in cash.” Required the journal entry. Now look at the Merchandise account and you will see that the debit side must contain all it cost you, and therefore you will debit Merchandise. And if you turn to the Cash account you will be reminded of the ne cessity of entering all payments in the credit column of cash account; hence your entry will be to debit Merchandise and credit Cash. It would be useless to multiply examples. It is easy to see that you are to be guided entirely in your journal entries by your knowledge of the ledger accounts; and therefore, if you would avoid continued reference, you must, as soon as possible, get the whole plan of the ledger accounts well impressed on your mind. Its outline may be thus briefly stated. We have shown that all financial transactions whatever, are to be separated into Cash receipts—Cash payments—Other men’s notes re ceived— Other men’s notes disposed of—Our own notes issued—Our own notes redeemed— What we are indebted to others—What others are in debted to us—Expenditures in the business, or losses—Returns of the business, or Gains. There is a proper place in the ledger provided for each of these classes, and you have only to inform yourself of these places and enter accordingly. The double entries that you perceive each single transaction requires is only a necessary consequence of your double set of accounts, the debit side of one set being the credit side of the other s e t: thus what sums you enter in the debit side of the secondary accounts, as expenditures or out lay, you are also required to enter in the credit columns of some of the primary accounts, to show how you made your payments or to whom you are indebted, for you could not make any investment in your business or its parts, but you must either pay cash, give notes, or become indebted to some one; and any of these cases require credits in your primary ac Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 521 counts. And all you enter as returns of the business or its parts, must either be received in cash or notes, or be owing by some one, any of which must be debits of the primary accounts ; consequently every thing is recorded twice in double-entry, and you cannot make a debit without being required to enter a corresponding credit. We now arrive at the most important point in the position we proposed * to sustain. We have pointed out certain features as characteristic of, and inseparable from, double-entry, under every form in which it ever has been or can be practised. We also insist that no matter what plan of teaching may be pursued, unless it result in giving all the separate ideas of the several accounts we have adverted to, the subject cannot be understood with sufficient clearness for any practical purpose ; which is no more than saying you cannot practise bookkeeping until you understand its princi ples : for that the features we have adverted to, are the only principles that logically explain the subject, we hold to be indisputable; they have existed in the subject unchanged and unchangeable from its first promul gation ; they have constituted the guidance of all who ever mastered dou ble-entry,—they afford the exact picture the subject presents to every experienced practical accountant, with the exception, that he has not been at the pains to arrange his ideas in the logical order that is necessary for elementary instruction. Unfortunately for learners, no attempt has until recently been made to fix their attention on these principles as the ground-work of the study. If we had no written grammars in which lan guage was analyzed, and the several parts of speech defined and care fully urged on the attention of the student, could we reasonably expect to make grammarians by requiring each pupil to take a paragraph and se parate the words into different classes for himself? W hy then should we expect a student to begin for himself the analysis of’ transactions in business—to distinguish the several collections that will be required in a ledger, when he is entirely uninformed of any ultimate purpose? We marvel why bookkeeping has been so imperfectly taught; but the true marvel is, that we should have continued so long in the attempt to convey practical knowledge without affording even a glimpse of its elementary principles. Having defined what constitutes the governing features or principles of the subject, we proceed to give an example of the kind of exercise by which these principles will be most speedily appreciated. We first lay down the following as the governing rules for the primary accounts, v iz .: The Cash Account, Bills Receivable, Bills Payable, and the accounts of persons. (See ledger.) 1st. Debit Cash account with all cash on hand commencing, and subse quent receipts of cash. 2d. Credit Cash account with all payments of cash. 3d. Debit Bills Receivable account with all other men’s notes you held commencing, and all subsequently received. 4th. Credit Bills Receivable account with all other men’s notes you dispose of. 5th. Credit Bills Payable account with all your own notes outstanding when you commence, and all you subsequently issue. 6th. Debit Bills Payable account with all your own notes you redeem or take up. 7th. Debit each person’s account with all he has become indebted to you. 44* Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 522 8th. Credit each person’s account with all you have become indebted to him. E X E R C IS E . I have extracted from my books of account the following information. My whole receipts of cash, including what I had commencing, amount to $32,280, (see rule 1.) Total amount of other men’s Notes received $16,500, (3.) Total amount of my own Notesissued $7,000, (5.) To tal amount of Cash paid $13,575, (2.) John Wilson has become indebted $3,000, (7.) Total amount of my own Notes redeemed $2,000, (5.) Total amount of other men’s Notes I disposed of $7,500, (4.) I have become indebted to John Wilson $3,500, (8.) William Farmer has be come indebted to me $1,000, (8.) Merchandise is all sold. Required my Resources and Liabilities and what I am worth. The manner of performing the exercise is as follows. Make on a slate or waste paper the necessary headings, thus :— CASH. Receipts.......... B IL L S REC E IV A B LE . Received.......... B IL L S PA Y A BLE. Redeemed. . . . JO H N W IL S O N . D r..................... W IL L IA M FA R M E R . Dr..................... Enter each item in its proper account on the proper side, according to the rules referred to ; thus (2) refers to rule 2. When all are entered, the following will be the resu lt:— Resources. Liabilities. Cash on hand...........$18,705 Bills Receivable........... 9,000 W. Farmer owes........ 1,000 --------$28,705 Bills Payable............. $5,000 John Wilson.................. 500 --------$5,500 28,705 --------5,500 Present worth............. $23,205 RU LES FO R SECONDARY ACCOUNTS. 1st. Credit Stock account with what you are worth beginning. 2d. Debit the various parts of your business under such titles as you may choose to select, with all you lay out, invest, or lose. 3d. Credit the respective titles with whatever the several departments produce you. 4th. When you expend or receive any sum, for which you have pro vided no particular account, carry it to Profit and Loss. 5th. In all secondary accounts, expenditures or losses are debits; and receipts or gains, credits. We have no particular predilection for rhyming rules ; indeed, where they are not founded on something already known, we consider them highly objectionable, but as a means of keeping together in the mind the Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 523 several principles the student has already seen established, the following inay be considered of some utility :— CASH ACCOUNT. Debit your Cash Account for cash received, And credit Cash for ev’ry item paid. BILLS R E C E IV A B LE . When bills, or notes of other men, you take, To Bills Receivable a debit make ; When of the notes of others you dispose, Take care that Bills Receivable a credit shows. B ILL S P A Y A B LE. For notes you issue promising to pay, Bills Payable a credit must display ; If your own notes you cancel or redeem, Bills Payable a debit then will claim. pe r s o n s ’ a cco u n ts. Debit each person when he takes from you, And credit items to another due. « SECONDARY ACCOUNTS. Choose such accounts as best describe your trade, To debit cost of all investments made ; Expense incurred, or loss, must debit be, That you your whole expenditure may see. If at the end, your profits you would know, Let Merchandise, each sale, a credit show ; All income claims a credit—try to find The best account to designate its kind. It will now be evident, that we can give similar exercises to teach the secondary accounts ; and thus by about eight or ten exercises, the student is made completely master of all his subsequent operations. Here, then, after securing to our pupil a complete knowledge of all ac counts that can be required, which can be accomplished in three or four days, we are prepared to place him to the jo u rn al; and now let us contrast his position with one who is introduced to the journal as his first task :— Transaction 1st. Commenced business with a cash capital o f ....................#10,000 00 Required the journal entries ? Our pupil will see at once the necessity of debiting the Cash account, and crediting the Stock account. But how is it with one who has no knowledge of the subject ? His teacher, perhaps, has made him commit to memory the following lines :— “ By journal laws, what you receive Is debtor made to what you give ; Stock for your debts must debtor be, And creditor by property.” But will these lines enable him to make the entry ? No, the teacher must tell what the entries are ; and if he can by any effort of his ingenuity make the rule apply, even after he has told the entries, we confess he is 524 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. more sharp-witted than ourselves. But of what use is a rule, if it can only be made to apply when the entry is known ? If you give me some mark, by which I am to know the thing you send me in search of, your descrip tion will be useless, if the mark is concealed ; your discovering it to me when the difficulty is over, will be of no av ail: but so it is with these rules. When the teacher has shown what entries are required, he proceeds by some ingenious argument to make it appear that the rule applies. Transaction 2d. “ Sold hardware to S. H. Lovell, $250; and for cash to sundry persons, $160.” To this, we will try another rule, which its author pronounces infalli ble :— “ Whatever owes us is Debtor, • Whatever we owe is Creditor.” This rule is an attempt to make good the very first impression expe rienced by all who open a book of accounts ; for they naturally conceive, that what is called Dr. must be owing to us, and vice versa. But who does not, after a few trials, abandon this idea, from finding his efforts to make sense of it fruitless ? In fairness however to the author, we give, in his own words, his application of his rule to the above transaction. “ Elucidation.—The Sundries are debtor, because they owe us for the amount of value that the hardware has produced; for the production con sists in Lovell and Cash. “ Hardware is creditor, because we owe that article for the production it has caused.” How enlightened the student must be by such elucidation ! Let us now ask our own student to explain the entries required. His answer will be— Debit Cash with $160, because we received that amount in cash. Debit L ovell.. . .$250, because he is indebted for his purchase. Credit hardware $410, because the whole is returns from hardware. But how, we would ask, are either of these rules to help the student to a knowledge of the principles which we have already shown to be indis pensable to the practice ? The student goes on experimenting upon trans action after transaction, patiently trying to apply the rule, and when he finds himself puzzled, he is only taught the more admiration of his teach er’s sagacity, when he listens to his ingenious “ elucidation ;” and with out inquiring whether he has gained any general information, he goodnaturedly sets down all difficulties to the debit of his own capacity. His very first attempt to penetrate the object of what he is about, causes him to form a wrong impression, and proceed to the very end under the delu sion. He says to himself, all things received are Dr., and all things given, C r.; therefore, when all is compared, the difference must be what I have left. Or, all that owes me is Dr., and all that I owe Cr., and consequently the difference must show how I stand. Great is his per plexity when he discovers at last, that Drs. and Crs.—things received and given—are equal. He is told, that things received are Dr., and yet if he receives a sum of interest or charges, he must credit them. How this would be explained by teachers, we know not; but in most books, the accounts have been prudently omitted. Now we are not contending, that from instruction such as this, the Analysis o f Bookkeeping. 525 student acquires no ideas of bookkeeping; but we contend, that he will be apt in all cases greatly to overrate his acquirements, and that he will have formed such very inadequate ideas of all that regards the details of a counting-room, that it may be questioned whether he will have derived any substantial benefit. It is well known, that attempts to introduce the details of practical bookkeeping into schools, have failed for want of a proper exposition of principles, and the books abandoned. Mr. B. F. Fos ter published, perhaps, the best exemplification of practical bookkeeping that had then appeared in this country, but what was the result? He explained it as other authors had explained it, and then went on from where they left off to the practice of monthly journalizing; but pupils could not comprehend this stage: they were in fact taken from the school to the counting-room by a change in the details, and found totally incapa ble of proceeding. Mr. Foster has since altered his whole elementary part to conform to the views here given, which he is now publishing in England. But in journalizing by such rules, the student only acquires knowledge on the subject in proportion as he happens to remark and form a govern ing principle by repetition; and this process is slow and tedious. Thus, having journalized many receipts of cash, he at last unconsciously be comes impressed with the principle of debiting Cash with all receipts, but not perhaps until he has first determined that he must debit it when he receives it for merchandise ; and next when he receives it on account, and then when he receives it for a note, until at last he shakes off all other circumstances which encumbered the true principle, and he finds he must debit cash whenever he receives it, no matter for w hat; and so he accumulates a few principles slowly and imperfectly. But to acquire the whole subject in this way, would occupy years instead of weeks. It is so in the counting-room, and must be so in the school, unless the teacher expedite the process of generalization by disclosing the principles that are in reality the object of pursuit. Hence, the student has no leisure to attend to details, he consumes his whole time in endeavoring to learn the theory of debit and credit by mak ing a journal, without accomplishing even that object. But how is it with the pupil who has learnt the principles ? It is true he spends a few days in acquiring the knowledge that is considered the necessary substitute for a rule, but mark the resu lt; he makes his journal entries without any necessity of help from his teacher, he knows what must be done in order to get at his result, and he perfectly understands how each step bears upon it, for in no other case can he proceed. He is supplied with a month’s business, and required to bring a balance-sheet; and when he finds he can accomplish this, he gains more confidence for the next; and if the practice be judiciously selected for him by his teacher, he will always succeed. In this way he can accomplish at least five times as much practice, and may be required to adopt every variety of process; for it makes no difference to him, whether he is to make his journal from a day book alone, or from all the variety of subsidiary books that can be used ; so that more than nine-tenths of his time is occupied in real practice, where he is thrown entirely on his previously acquired knowledge, instead of groping along in doubt and difficulty. Instead of balancing once or twice, he will balance at least twenty or thirty times in a few weeks. And all these advantages are gained, by spending a few days in learning the principles, instead of beginning to work by a rule. But what is it we 526 Analysis o f Bookkeeping. contend for in teaching this subject ? In all books of elementary know ledge in other branches, the first object is to search for those general and self-evident truths or principles that form the basis of the subject, and then to select any exercise by which those principles will be most clearly and frequently brought into operation, until the mind not only appre ciates their truth, but becomes so saturated with them that their applica tion is instantly perceived ; and in attaining this object, it is of very slight importance whether the operations selected, are such as are commonly wanted in practice or n o t; it is sufficient if they enable us to insist upon the value and importance of the principles we design to employ in our subject. If we would place a check upon wild speculation—diminish the num ber of bankruptcies— afford a timely warning against extravagant expen diture—and throw light into the obscure recesses, where fraud and em bezzlement are wont to lurk undetected, we know no better way of begin, ning, than by urging a complete and effectual reform in this department of commercial education. Nay, not only do we consider the interests of the mercantile community deeply involved in the issue of this movement, we contend further that no youth, for whatever occupation he may be destined, should be considered to have completed even a common or tolerable education, until he can commence his intercourse with the world, provided with that knowledge which is so essential—so indispensable to the protection of his rights; which, in truth, will alone enable him to prove or maintain the distinction of meurn and tuum. The subject is now reduced to a simple arithmetical problem, and we have shown, that to any mass of financial data, how complicated soever it may be, two uni form and simple methods of solution apply, so as to determine the owner’s position; and this being once taught, the principles of double-entry are mastered. Is a knowledge of this, less necessary than that of any other part of arithmetic, merely because the sum is longer ? In this form the subject is placed as completely under the management of the schoolmas ter, as any other branch of knowledge. Let it then, we say, be taught in every common school throughout the Union. The object is not to make every man a bookkeeper, but to make him competent to understand whatever accounts may come under his notice, and to detect and expose erroneous results, however ingeniously they may have been drawn. It is not disputed, that however well the principles of bookkeeping may be taught, each student in applying it to practice, will exhibit some pecu liarity in the disposition of the details ; some will choose one set of subsi diary books and some another: but if two men were to write on the same subject with the same sentiments, would they not construct their sentences differently; and should we not consider this very difference as the surest evidence we could have of originality ? Both may write grammatically, yet one may greatly excel the other; but because each has a way of his own, this can surely be no argument that the study of grammar is useless. What we would insist upon then, as regards accounts, is, that every one should be competent, at least to state his financial affairs correctly, and as regards the minor details of practice, those who are ambitious of attaining perfection, will find ample latitude for the exercise of their inge nuity, and much to be gathered from the experience of others.* * Our readers are referred for a full development of this system of teaching the sub ject, to “ Jones’s Principles and Practice of Bookkeeping.” Preferring Creditors in Assignment— Its Morality. 527 A r t . III.—PREFERRIN G CREDITORS IN ASSIGNMENT—ITS MORALITY. To the Editor of the Merchants’ Magazine. S ince the passage of the late Bankrupt Law, this cannot be a subject of much concern to those who may be made the involuntary subject of it, as an assignment would be an act of bankruptcy which would authorize a commission to be issued, and vacate the deed; but there is a large class of debtors who may avail themselves of its benefits at their own option, or give preferences to particular creditors, by assignment, in the same man ner as before the passage of the act. To this latter class, the moral pro priety of giving such preferences, is a question of no inconsiderable im portance, and ought to be rightly understood. Upon this subject we cannot coincide in the views expressed in the tenth article of the September num ber of the Magazine; but on the contrary, believe those views, as broadly as laid down, cannot be supported by sound reasoning, or on strict princi ples of morality. The custom of giving preferences to a particular class of creditors has prevailed so long, and is so generally known, that it must be presumed that the creditor, no matter what may be the character of the debt contracted, naturally expects from the uniform usage upon the subject, that in the event of the debtor’s failure, his claim will share the same fate that those of a similar character have invariably met under similar circumstances. If both the parties are merchants, the one who sells the other goods upon credit, has every reason to believe at the time the contract is made, that if the debtor from any cause whatever should become unable to meet all his engagements, and should owe what the mercantile world knows by the name of “ confidential debts,” those debts will be preferred to his, and be only placed upon an equality with other creditors holding claims of a similar nature to his own. This is an im plied understanding between the parties, as much as any other custom regulating the intercourse of merchants, which is not expressed at the tim e; and any custom or particular state of things in reference to which parties contract, are obligatory in conscience, and in most cases in law. If then there is a tacit understanding Detween them, such as ws have mentioned, it is difficult for the acutest moral perception to discover any moral impropriety in the debtor’s doing what the law does ncc prohibit, but on the contrary recognises and enforces; and what it was expected by the excluded creditor he would do when overtaken by misfortune or embarrassment. The individual, also, who lends his mo»ey or his name to facilitate the business and prosperity of another, doe* so in the confi dence, predicated upon almost invariable usage, that (he party obtaining assistance in that manner, when overtaken by peci.'fdary distresses, will not permit him to suffer; and the breach of this implied confidence by placing all creditors upon an equality, it seems to us would indicate much more of moral turpitude in the debtor, than if te were to give the prefer ence denounced in the article referred to. Besides this, the individual who sells property to another on credit, seldom does it from any principle of benevolence or feeling of kindness towards the purchaser, but generally almost solely for the profit or other advantage he expects to derive from the transaction ; but he who lends his money or his name, generally does it without any prospect of advantage to himself, and with motives entirely disinterested. Now if a mere security, who has become so without any consideration, and with no other motive than to do the principal a kind 528 Preferring Creditors in Assignment— Its Morality. ness, is required to be placed upon the same footing with the creditor, who has become one for the profit he gains or expected to gain by the contract, the disinterested security would be really a greater loser, than the cred itor who sold the property, perhaps at a large profit on the amount of money laid out for it. For instance, a merchant sells another goods to the amount of a thousand dollars, which cost him in money eight hun dred ; a security is liable for the same individual, for a thousand dollars: the debtor fails, and assigns his effects for the equal benefit of the two credit ors, from which each of them realizes fifty cents on the dollar; in such a case it seems evident that the merchant really loses but three hundred dol lars of his debt, while the security loses five hundred. Now it seems to us that in morals it would be manifestly unjust to place these two creditors upon an equality under such circumstances, to say nothing of the differ ent feelings that actuated them in the manner of becoming creditors. If the motives which actuate men in their dealings with one another, are to be taken into consideration, (and nothing is better settled in morals than that they should be,) it will appear that there is an obligation of a very high character resting upon the principal debtor, to save harmless those who have generously lent him the use of their names to promote his pros perity without any consideration moving towards themselves. Acts of dis interestedness call upon the individual who receives the benefit of them, for the exercise of proper feelings of gratitude, and proper acts also, whenever occasions are presented for their manifestation; and he who under any circumstances permits a friend who has become a security for him, to be a sufferer by his generosity, as long as he has the means of preventing it, is certainly esteemed in all enlightened communities as a very ungrateful being;—and ingratitude, among all nations, has been considered the black est of crimes. Indeed, a security is so much favored, even in respect to his liability to the creditors of his principal, that a court of chancery, which is peculiarly a court of conscience, will not revive his liability if he is exonerated at law. The argument that a security, or he who lends money to the debtor, should be no more favored than other creditors, nor so mach, because they thus enable the debtor to keep up a fictitious credit, which, in the end, will prove more injurious to creditors generally than if those means are withheld, cannot be supported. There is more of plausibility than of soundness in the position, for it assumes that the lender and security have greater knowledge of the debtor’s affairs than other creditors, which is not often the case. Without this assumption it is difficult to penjeive but what other creditors are in pari-delicto with the lender and security in respect to that m atter; for if they are all equally ignorant of the debtor’s real condition, the merchant sustains his credit (how little soever it »ay be deserved) as much by selling him goods upon credit, as the lender by the use of his money, or the security by the use of his name. Indeed the very fact, that the debtor can buy as much pro perty as he pleases upon credit, is oftener the inducement for others to lend their names and money than the reverse. Upon the whole, it seems to us there is nothing immoral in a debtor’s preferring one creditor over another under peculiar circurr.stances, but on the contrary to neglect to do so would be the more unconscientious course : the sufficiency of those circumstances must be a matter resting in his own conscience, and it is therefore difficult to lay down a general rule by which he should be governed. If he considers properly the circumstances under which par Progress o f Population and Wealth, &fC. 529 ticular debts have been contracted, the necessitous condition of some of his creditors, who would be reduced to poverty and want by his neglecting to provide for them, while others would but slightly be injured, he will not go very far wrong, though he cannot escape the censure of a ll; for the unfortunate debtor who is unable to pay all he owes, cannot possibly give satisfaction to all his creditors, whatever course he may pursue. ’ If all are placed upon an equality with respect to the division of his estate, those whose claims stand upon higher grounds than others, will clamor against his ingratitude. If they are preferred, those who are not so highly favored, will be equally loud in denouncing his injustice ; so that whatever disposition of his effects he may make that does not satisfy all, he must inevitably be subjected to the animadversion of some. Since then he can not gratify the wishes of all, but must be reprobated by some, his only course is to act from the dictates of an enlightened conscience, and the suggestions of his better feelings, and thereby, at least, secure the approba tion of his own heart. Ganesville, Ala., Oct. 18, 1842. Art. IV.—PROGRESS OF POPULATION AND WEALTH IN THE UNITED STATES, IN FIFTY YEARS. AS E X H IB IT E D BY T H E D E C E N N IA L C EN SU S T A K E N IN T H A T P E R IO D . CHAPTER VII. THE AGGREGATE IN CREA SE OF TH E POPU LA TIO N IN F IF T Y Y EA R S, A N D OF TH E D IF F E R E N T RACES W H IC H COMPOSE IT . exhibited in succession the six enumerations which have been taken of the population of the United States, and noticed the more striking and important facts to be inferred from each, it will now be our purpose to examine them in the aggregate, together with such general results as may be deduced from them. We therefore propose to take a comparative view of the progress of population during the half century that has elapsed since the first census was taken, in the several states and territories, in the larger geographical divisions, and in the different races and classes ; To investigate the subject of the proportion between the sexes, and in quire into the causes of the diversities among different classes, and of the variations in the same class ; To compare the sexes and the different races as to longevity; and the maladies of deafness and blindness ; To inquire into the natural increase, in the United States generally, in the old and the new states, and of the different races ; the past and future influence ; and the future progress of population ; To inquire into the future progress of domestic slavery, and some of its remote effects; To consider the progress of political power, so far as it depends upon numbers; And lastly, we shall estimate the annual income of the several states, and of the Union, from all sources, and inquire into the past and future progress of the national wealth. By the following table we may compare— V OL. V I I .— n o . vi. 45 H a v in g 530 Progress o f Population and Wealth in the The Population o f each State and Territory, as exhibited by six enumerations in fifty years1 with its Decennial Rate of Increase during the same period. PO PU LA TIO N . 1800. 1790. 1810. 1820. D EC EN N IA L IN C R EA SE . 1830. Maine,--- 96,540 151,719 228,705 298,335 399,455 N. Hamps. 141.899 183,762 214,360 244,161 269,328 Vermont,. 85,416 154,465 217,713 235,764 280,652 Massach’s. 378,717 423.245 472,040 523,287 610,408 Rhode I’d. 69,110 69.122 77,031 83,059 97,199 Connectic. 238,141 251,002 262,042 275,202 297,675 1840. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 501,793 284,574 291,948 737,699 108,830 309,978 57.1 29.5 80.6 11.6 0.4 5.4 50.7 30.4 16.6 13.8 41. 8.2 11.6 10.9 11.2 8. 4.3 5.1 1,009,823 1,233,315 l,471,89l|l,659,808 1,954,717 2,234,822 21.1 N. York,.. 340,120 N. Jersey,. 184,139 Pennsylv. 434 373 Delaware, 59,096 Maryland, 319,728 Dis.of Col. ........ 586,756 211,949 602,365 64,273 341,548 14,093 34. 25.7 10.3 5.7 19. 4. 16.6 20.9 17. 11.9 8.1 3.9 19.3 12.8 17.8 14.3 959,049 1,372,812 1,918,608 2,428,921 72.3 63.6 43.1 39.7 22.8 245,555 277,575 320,823 373.30(5 14.6 16.3 13. 15.5 16.4 810,091 1,049,458 1,348.233 1,724,033 38.6 34.4 29.5 28.5 27.9 72,674 72,749 76,748 78,085 8.7 13. 0.1 5.5 1.7 380,546 407,350 447,04(1 470,019 9.3 8.8 7. 9.7 5.1 24,023 33,039 39,834 43,712 61.1 37.7 20.5 9.7 1,337,456 1,820,9842,491,9383,212,983 4,151,286 5,118,076 36.2 36.8 28.9 29.2 23.3 Virginia,.. 748,308 880,200 974,622 1,065,379 1,211,405 1,239,797 18.5 9.9 9.3 N. Carolin. 393,751 478,103 555,50C (538,829 737,987 753,419 21.3 16.2 15.3 S. Carolin. 249,073 345,591 415,115 502,741 581,185 594,398 38.7 20.1 18.1 Georgia,... 82,548 162,110 252,433 340,987 516,823 691,392 79. 55.1 35.1 34,73C |1,473,680 1,865,9952,197,6702,547,936 3,082,130 3,333,483 26.6 17.8 15.9 *■ 8.2 Tennessee, 136,621 175. 35.6 87. 100.4 14,273 30,388 35,791 105,602 261,727 422,813 681,904 829,210 200. 47.8 61.5 61.3 21.6 35,791 114,452 378,635 810,258 1,374,179 2.245,602 219.8 230.8 114. 69.6 63.4 Kentucky, 20,845 66,586 73,077 220,955 406,511 564,317 230,760 581,434 147,178 8,850 40,352 13.7 2.4 15.5 2.1 15.6 2.3 51.6 33.8 4,762 Wisconsin Iowa,. 75,448 8,896 140,455 383,702 687,917 779,828 200. 937,903 1,519,467 343^031 31,639 173.2 83.9 38.8 21.9 13.4 62. 408.7 99.9 86.1 255.6 555.6 212,267 43,112 73,077 271,195 699,680 1,423,622 2,298,390 4,131,370 271.1 158. 104.4 61.5 79.7 3,929,827 5,305,925 7,239,814 9,638,13l!l2,866,020 17,069,453 35.02 36.45 33.35 33.26 33.67 As the states and territories naturally arrange themselves into five divisions, which are separated not only by their geographical position, but also, with few exceptions in their modes of industry and commercial in terests, it is thought proper to compare the progress of population in these divisions; as may be seen in the following table :— IN C R E A S E D P O PU LA TIO N F R O M A U G U ST 1, 1790, IN * * 10 years. 20 years. 30 years. 40 years. 50 years. DIVISIONS. 1. The N ew E ngland States,........ 2. The Middle States, with D. of Co 3. The S outhern States, with the Territory of Florida, ............... 4. The Southwestern States,....... 5. The N orthwest’n States, with the Territories of Wisconsin . 122.4 136.2 126.6 319.8 371.6 145.8 186.3 149.1 1,058. 857.5 164.4 240.2 172.9 193.6 310.4 209.1 221.3 382.7 226.1 2,264. 3,839. 6,174. 1,948. 3,145. 5,654. Total of the United States,........ 135. 184.2 434.5 245.3 327.4 * It will be recollected that by the change of the day of taking the census from the 1st of August to the 1st of June, the periods referred to in the two last columns want two months of the terms mentioned. United. States, in F ifty Years. 531 The very great disparity exhibited by the preceding table between the rate of increase in the three first divisions, which comprise the thirteen original states, and that of the two western divisions, is to be referred almost entirely to migration, the Atlantic states losing yet more than they gain by emigrants, whilst the western states gain largely and steadily both from foreign and domestic emigration. There is, moreover, probably a small difference in their natural increase, which will be investigated in a subsequent part of this memoir. The distribution of the population into the three classes of whites, free persons of color, and slaves, at each census; with the decennial increase of each class, are presented in the following table :— D E C E N N I A L I N C R E A S E P E R C E N T IN CLA SSES. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1 1820. 1830. 1840. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. Whites,... 3,172,464 4,304,489 5,862,004 7,872,711 10,537,373 14,189,555 35.7 36.2 34.3 33.8 34.7 Free Cord, 59,466 108,395 186,446 238,197 319,599 386,348 32.3 72.2 27.7 34.2 20.9 Slaves,.... 697,897 893,041 1,191,364 1,543,688 2,099,043 2,487,355 27.9 83.4 29.6 30.1 23.8 Total Free, 3,231,930 4,412,884 6,048,450 8,110,908 10,866,972 14,575,903 36.4 37. 34.1 33.7 34.1 Total Col’d 757,363 1,001,436 1,377,810 1,781,885 2,328,642 2,873,703 32.2 37.6 29.3 30.6 23.4 The total increase of the three classes in fifty years, has been, of whites,.. . . as 100 to 447.3 U « (( , of free colored............... 649.7 iC (l (( of slaves......................... 356.4 (( a « of the whole colored.. . . 379.4 The relative proportions of the three classes, at each census, is as fol lows :— W hites,.............................. Free Colored,................... Slaves,................................ 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 80.7 1.5 17.8 81.1 2.6 16.8 81. 2.6 16.4 81.5 2.5 16. 81.9 2.5 15.6 83.1 2.3 14.6 It appears, from the preceding comparison, that in half a century, the whites have gained, and the colored persons have lost 2.4 per cent of the whole population ; and that the free persons have gained, and the slaves have lost 3-2 per cent. CHAPTER VIII. TH E PROPO RTIO N B ETW EEN TH E SEX ES. It seems to be a general law of the human species, that the number of males born exceeds that of females in a small proportion ; and a dis parity continues through the subsequent periods of life, until we reach that stage when the greater casualties to which males are exposed, have counterbalanced the original excess. Is this an ultimate fact which we must refer to a final cause, or is its proximate cause the greater strength and vigor of the male sex, by reason of which fewer of that sex are still born, or perish by abortion, or other casualties before birth ? The numbers of the two sexes, and the proportion between, as exhibited by each census, were as follows:—• 532 Progress o f Population and Wealth in the 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1 AS AS AS AS AS AS Males,...... 1,615,625| 100. 2,204,421 100. 2.937,571 100. 4,001,064 100. 5,355,133 100. 7,249,266 100. ! TO TO TO TO TO TO Females,... 1,556,8391 96.3 2,100,068 95.3 2,874,433 96.2 3,871,647 96.8 5,171,115 96.6 6,940,161 95.7 W h it e s , F r ee Col. Males,...... Females,... I No discrimination of the sexes in the colored S laves , | population at these enumerations. Males,...... Females,... 186,467 112,734 153,453 125,463 111.3 166,146 108.3 199,778 107.1 788.028 1,246,517 1,012,323 755,660 95.9 996,220 98.4 1,240,938 99.5 It appears, by the preceding table, that while both in the white and the slave population, the males always exceed the females, commonly be tween three and four per cent; in the free colored portion, the females exceed the males from seven to eleven per cent. This diversity is to be ascribed principally to the roving habits of the men of this class, many of whom take to a seafaring life, and some travel and even settle abroad. Perhaps, too, there are in some of the states a greater proportion of females emancipated. The census furnishes us with no data for verifying this conjecture, as the excess of females is by far the greatest at that period of life when either cause would be most operative; that is, between the ages of ten and thirty-six. By the fifth census, the males of this class hetwepn ten and twenty-four, were 43,079, and females 47,329; and of those between twenty-four and thirty-six, the males were 27,650, and the females 32,541. In like manner, by the sixth census, the males between ten and twenty-four were 52,805, and the females 56,592; and between twenty-four and thirty-six, the males were 35,321, and the females 41,682 ; so that of the whole excess of females by the fifth census, amounting to 12,693, nearly three-fourths (9,141) were between the ages of ten and thirty-six ; and of the excess by the sixth census, 13,341 more than three-fourths (10,148) were between the same ages. Nor can any argument against the supposed greater emancipation of females be drawn from the fact, that there is no correspondent deficiency of female slaves, between the ages of ten and thirty-six, since such emancipation may be counterbalanced, and more than counterbalanced, by the runaway slaves, who are mostly males. It will be also perceived, that there was, both in 1830 and 1840, a greater preponderance of males on the part of the whites than of the slaves, owing partly to the excess of males, of the white emigrants from Europe, and partly to the diminution of male slaves by running away. Of the whites, the excess of males was the greatest in 1800; being to the females as 100 to 95.3. This was probably owing to the great num ber of French emigrants who thronged to the United States about the close of the last century. A similar flow of emigrants from Europe, between 1830 and 1840, has caused the like excess of white males, that is shown by the last census. To find the comparison between the sexes, from the influence of immi gration, as far as practicable, let us take the males and females under ten years of age. Their numbers were first taken in 1800 :— By the second census the white males were to the females as 100 to 93.6 CC cc cc cc cc By the third census 94.8 CC cc cc cc cc By the fourth census 95.2 CC cc cc cc cc By the fifth census 95.3 cc cc cc cc cc By the sixth census 95.4 United States, in F ifty Years. 533 By this it appears, that there has been a steady increase in the propor tion of females during the last forty years. But the greater disproportion between the sexes, which is shown by the two first enumerations, than that which appears in the three last, seems to require explanation. Per haps it is to be found in the interruption given to navigation from 1806 to 1815, by which the number of boys formerly going to sea, or on board fishing vessels and coasters being diminished, augmented the proportion of males. Let us now compare the proportion of males to females in the different races, which we can do only under the two last enumerations:— In 1830. In 1840. The white males under ten, were to the females as 100 to 95.3 95.4 The free colored males “ “ “ 97.2 97.4 The slaves “ “ “ “ “ 98.4 99.7 For the greater excess of males at this early age, in the white popula tion, than in the colored race, I am able to assign no reason, unless it be that there is a disproportion of boys, as well as men, among the European emigrants, or that slave boys, near the age of ten, being put to work out of doors, are more exposed than girls to accidents and diseases, whereby their original excess is more diminished than with the whites. But why is it, that the proportional excess of males in all the classes, has been progressively diminishing ? If we suppose that the excess of boys over girls, among the emigrants from Europe, is gradually decreas ing in its relative influence, that would apply only to the whites. I leave the difficulty as to the colored race unsolved. The only solution that occurs to me, as applicable to both races is, that those occupations by which the lives and health of boys are more exposed than are those of girls, have been slightly but gradually increasing; and it may be remark ed, that the excess of males under ten is less, in the New England states, which are most maritime, than in the southern and western states, which are least so. It deserves notice, that in the slave population, although the females, between fourteen and twenty-six, in the fourth census, approach to or ex ceed the males, yet after twenty-four, the preponderance of the males is restored. In the fifth census, too, of the slaves between twenty-four and thirty-six, the females slightly exceed the males, but both with all those at both the earlier and later periods of life, the males exceed the females ; from which it would appear, that the diversity in their respective employ ments, which takes place in the vigor of manhood, abridges life with males more than with females; hut that in subsequent periods, the chance of life is in favor of the male sex. According to the sixth census, the two sexes approach to equality in the slaves between ten and twentyfour, but at all other ages the males exceed the females. “ Honesty i s the best p o l i c y a n d aside from the consideration of a solemn reckoning hereafter, it is the surest way to worldly thrift and pros perity. But to honesty there must be added a great degree of caution and prudence. Many a young man has been led by the consciousness of his own integrity to place such confidence in mankind as to render him an easy prey to knaves and swindlers. 45* 534 Law Reform. Art. V.—LAW REFORM. REFO RM S R EQ U ISIT E IN P LEA D IN G . P eople of a barbarous and ignorant age, are incapable o f making laws suitable for an intelligent and civilized community. Unlettered peasants would legislate but poorly for a community of merchants ; and men whose chief occupation is war and the chase, can but inadequately com prehend the necessities of those pursuing the avocations of peaceful indus try. The transactions of people strictly agricultural are few and simple, requiring for their regulation not many laws, and those of a plain nature and easy of interpretation ; while on the contrary, the dealings of those engaged in commerce, are of vast variety and extent, subject to continual change, and involving every possible form of interest ; demanding for their control laws capable of comprehending a multitude of exigencies, and of settling controversies of as great diversity as the form of their business assumes. The circumstances of different people inhabiting distant portions of the earth are, owing to the effects of soil and climate, and the consequent dif ference in habits and trade, so dissimilar, that it would be scarcely possi ble, even for a highly civilized nation to frame a code of laws suitable in all respects for the regulation of another and remote people. Laws are properly the result of necessity, as indicated by experience; and no com munity should have more than its own peculiar circumstances require, and those should be only such as will effect their object in the easiest and most efficient manner. A nation poor and of simple pursuits requires, and is certainly capable of framing, but simple law s ; but as it progresses in affluence and civili zation, frequent changes in the laws become necessary in order to adapt them to the changed habits, diversified pursuits, and more advanced state of the people. For these reasons, numerous and important modifications have proved necessary, in order to render the English common law con formable to our habits and more just principles. It had its origin in an unenlightened age, when commerce was scarcely known, the arts uncul tivated, and human rights unheeded. It was founded on the theory of the superiority of the few, and the degradation of the m any ; while we hold it to be a self-evident truth, that all citizens have an equality of rights. It was framed subservient to aristocratic and tyrannical political institu tions, which regarded labor as dishonorable and man as a slave. It is true, that it contained some features which experience has proved to be of utility in our day. These it would be unwise in us to reject. Still, as a system, it was contracted and oppressive; and though it was transmitted to us mitigated and improved by the more liberal legislation and judicial refinements of succeeding generations, yet we received it full of imper fections and deficiencies—containing provisions made to meet usages long since obsolete in that country, and never known in th is ; while it was altogether silent in relation to many topics, concerning which our pecu liar circumstances required that it should speak out. Our legislatures have made frequent efforts to shake off some of these errors, and to supply what was deficient; yet, overcome by the great bugbear, dread of change, they have left our civil code cumbered with many antiquated provisions entirely unsuited to our principles and ad vanced civilization. Law Reform. 535 It may also be remarked, that in a community possessing a great and diversified commerce— composed of people who push their enterprise into every possible sphere, even the laws of their own creating, to meet the vast variety of cases that will arise, and the changes which time effects in their trade and habits, must necessarily become voluminous, intricate, and frequently, from the imperfections of all human tribunals, conflicting. In short, as long as man is in a progressive state, the laws must be im perfect and liable to change. They must meliorate as he advances. They never can become stationary until he is so. Should man become a perfect intelligence, human laws for his government will not then be re quisite, for he will be a law unto himself. Considerations such as these, clearly indicate the necessity of frequent modifications of our laws. And as, under our institutions, it is the duty of the people themselves to produce the reforms requisite, we intend to discuss, from time to time, those features in our legal system liable to objection. It is not, however, our intention at present to investigate the improvements necessary in the declaratory or directory portions of the law. Reserving these for subsequent consideration, we shall endeavor first, to examine in detail some of the imperfections in R emedial L aw , or P ractice— which relates to the mode in which legal redress must be sought. And it may be here premised, that it is not sufficient that laws are just and adequate in themselves, unless their justice and adequacy are so speedily available, in all possible cases, as to prevent any detriment by delay. Indeed, bad laws are scarcely worse than dilatory remedies. What matter is it to the suitor, whether he is ruined by the iniquity of the statute, or the procrastination of the court ? The result to him is the same, and it is but wretched satisfaction that the judgment is ultimately in his favor, when the amount recovered is exhausted in fees to counsel, and the other expenses consequent upon protracted litigation. One of the chief sources of difficulty in our practice, arises from the present method of pleading , as it is technically termed. It means the manner in which the grounds of action must be alleged, and the legal defence stated. Pleadings comprise the declaration of the plaintiff, the plea of the defendant, and also replications, rejoinders, surrejoinders, rebut ters, surrebutters, and demurrers. The object of the pleadings may be gathered from the remarks of some of our most popular elementary writers. “ Pleadings,” says Blackstone, “ are the mutual altercations between the plaintiff and defendant.” “ The office of the declaration,” says Graham, “ is to spread upon the record the nature of the plaintiff’s claim, and to apprise the defendant of the ground of the action, in such a manner as to enable him fu lly to meet them, either in pleading, or by evidence on the trial.” “ Pleading,” says Chitty, “ is the statement in a logical and legal form of the facts which constitute the plaintiff’s cause of action, or the defend ant’s ground of defence; it is the formal mode of alleging that on the record, which would be the support, or the defence, of the party in evi dence. It is, as observed by Mr. Justice Buller, ‘ one of the first princi ples of pleading, that there is only occasion to state facts, which must be done for the purpose of informing the court, whose duty it is to declare the law arising upon those facts, and of apprising the opposite party o f what is 536 Law Reform. meant to he proved, in order to give him an opportunity to answer or traverse it.’ The grand object contemplated by the system, is the produc tion of a certain and material issue between the parties, upon some impor tant part of the subject matter of dispute between them.”— 1 Chit. Plead ings, 244. These writers have unquestionably a very accurate idea of the object which should be accomplished by the pleadings, yet their words are a satire and a mockery, if applied to the system as it now exists. For, in stead of intending to inform the parties, and the court, of the nature of the circumstances, the chief object of the modern pleader seems to be to obscure and conceal his cause from the knowledge of his adversary. And strange to say, his efforts have been sanctioned by the tribunals, until pleadings have degenerated on the one hand into the most vague and unmeaning generalities, and on the other into obscure and incomprehensible subtle ties, prejudicial to the rights of the parties, embarrassing to the practi tioner, and tending to draw the attention of the court, from the true legal merits of the controversy into the consideration of questions of a purely technical nature, and which should be regarded as of no earthly impor tance. That our readers may realize the truth of these remarks, we will en deavor to present for their consideration a few specimens of pleading in some of the most ordinary actions. It may be proper, however, to pre mise, that the first step in pleading is taken by the plaintiff, who files and serves on his adversary a declaration. Declarations may be composed of one or several counts,—each of which purports to be a statement in legal form of a distinct cause of action. It is usual to insert in the de claration several counts, so that if the plaintiff fail in a recovery under one, he may succeed under another. Frequently also, under the same count several distinct grounds of recovery may be given in evidence. So also, generally, as to the defendant, he is not only allowed the option of several defences under one plea, but may interpose several pleas to the same count. The embarrassment and bad consequences resulting from this latitude will be manifest by the consideration of a few instances of the forms of pleas and of the proof admissible under them. We will take first the count in assumpsit for money had and received, as being one of the most frequently used in practice. This recites that the plaintiff complains of the defendant— “ For that whereas the said defendant, heretofore, to wit, on th e ------ day o f ------- at the city o f ------- aforesaid, was indebted to the said plaintiff in the sum o f ------(an amount invariably far greater than the actual indebtedness—the plaintiff being at liberty to insert any sum, and thus add to the uncertainty) lawful money of the United States of America, for so much money before that time had and received by the said defendant to and for the use of the said plaintiff. And being so in debted, the said defendant in consideration thereof, afterwards, to wit, on the same day and year last aforesaid and at the place aforesaid, under took and then and there faithfully promised the said plaintiff well and truly to pay unto the said plaintiff the said sum of money, when the said defendant should be thereunto afterwards requested. Nevertheless”— the defendant, “ although often requested” refuses to pay the money, and therefore the plaintiff brings suit. Now, under this general count, the plaintiff is at liberty to prove the Law Reform. 537 following, and many other, distinct grounds of action, only one of which, the first, is within the language of the count. 1. That money has been paid to the defendant, on account of the plain tiff, which he refuses to pay over. 2. That the defendant has received money from the plaintiff for a con sideration which has failed, as for goods which have not been delivered. 3. That money of the plaintiff has been paid to the defendant under a mistake. 4. That plaintiff had deposited money with defendant on an agreement which the defendant refuses to perform. 5. That defendant has procured money belonging to plaintiff by fraud or deceit. 6. That the defendant, as stakeholder, holds money of the plaintiff, de posited with him, on an illegal agreement. 7. To try the right to an office.—That the defendant has received and retains money, as fees, belonging to the plaintiff. 8. That the defendant, a public officer, as sheriff, has collected money on execution or otherwise, for the plaintiff, which he refuses to pay over. The declarations containing several counts, under each of which the plaintiff is at liberty to prove such a diversity of circumstances on the trial, it is easy to perceive that instead of informing the defendant of the nature of the demand, they can only involve him in uncertainty and doubt. But if the privilege of mystifying his adversary is granted to the plaintiff, the defendant is permitted to roam through a still broader field of obscu rity. For example, the plaintiff brings an action in assumpsit against the defendant for $100, which he alleges the defendant for certain con siderations promised to pay him. To the declaration, the defendant pleads the General Issue, as follows: “ And the said defendant comes and defends the wrong and injury, when, &c., and says that he did not undertake and promise in manner and form as the said plaintiff hath above thereof declared against him, and of this he puts himself upon the country,” (that is, submits to have the matter tried by a jury.) Now under this very indefinite and general denial, the defendant may upon the trial give in evidence a multiplicity of distinct defences. As, 1. That he never made any such promise. 2. That the consideration of the promise was usurious. 3. That he was an infant in law at the time of making the promise. 4. That he has paid the demand. 5. That the defendant at the time of making the promise was a mar ried woman ; or, 6. A lunatic. 7. That it was for a gambling debt. 8. That the plaintiff has released the demand. 9. That the plaintiff had formerly recovered for the same cause in another action. In short, he is permitted under this plea to prove almost any peculiarity of circumstances showing that, at the time of commencing his suit, the plaintiff had no legal ground for a recovery. How inconsistent with each other are these several matters of defence, yet under the present system they are all pleaded in precisely the same words ! So that, previous to trial, the plaintiff has in reality no legal notice whatever of the nature of the defence intended to be insisted on by 538 Law Reform. the defendant. And the consequence is not unfrequently that he is taken by surprise, and defeated in a just claim, when if he had received pre vious intimation of the intended defence, he might have prepared suitably to meet it, and perhaps have rebutted the positions assumed by his adversary to prevent his recovery. It is true that if he is able to convince the court that he has been de feated through surprise, it will grant him a new tria l; but what a mock ery is presented here ! What a confession of the imperfection of the rules for pleading ! First a system is devised which permits of surprise, and then a precedent established which relieves against surprise ! Can any thing be more preposterous in reason, or more vexatious in practice ? Yet these are not its worst features—for the delay consequent upon an application to the court not unfrequently renders the judgment valueless when obtained, as it affords dishonest defendants an opportunity to exhaust their property, or to dispose of it so as to be beyond the reach of execu tion. The system is thus not only useless, expensive, and harassing, but of a directly immoral tendency.. And how easily these consequences might be obviated! Abolish the rule, and you destroy all occasion for relief. Require the parties to tell each other and the court the truth, and nothing else—let the plaintiff set forth his real ground of action in the declaration and the defendant plead his actual defence, and confine both, upon the trial, to the proof of their respective statements, and a host of these need less difficulties would at once be lopped off. But lest we shall be accused of bringing an isolated action in condem nation of an entire system, we will instance a few other forms in illustra tion ; and first, one of the most simple of them all—trover. Let us suppose several varied grounds of action; as 1. That the plaintiff had lost his watch, which the defendant has found and converted to his own use ; or 2. That the defendant has obtained it from the plaintiff under false pre tences ; or 3. That it has been deposited with the defendant to be delivered to the plaintiff; or 4. That the defendant, a sheriff, has taken it wrongfully under process of law ; or 5. That the plaintiff had loaned it to the defendant. In each of these cases let us suppose, that the defendant refuses, under any pretext, to deliver the watch to the plaintiff Now, in pleading, the plaintiff would set forth his grievance in each variety of these circum stances, in precisely the same words, as follows :— “ That whereas the said plaintiff heretofore, to wit, o n ------day of-----at the city of New York, was lawfully possessed, as of his own property, of a certain watch, of great value, to wit, of the value of one hundred dollars. And being so possessed thereof, the said plaintiff, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first abovementioned, casually lost the said watch out of his possession ; and the same, afterwards, to wit, on th e-----day o f------ at the said city, came to the possession of the said defendant by finding. Yet the said defendant, well-knowing the said watch to be the property of the said plaintiff, and of right to belong and appertain to him, but contriving, and fraudulently intending craftily and subtilely to deceive and defraud the said plaintiff in this behalf, hath not as yet deliv ered the said watch to the said plaintiff, although often requested so to dc, Law Reform,. 539 and hath hitherto wholly refused so to do, and afterwards, to wit, on the ------day o f ------- a t ------- converted and disposed of the said watch, to his own u se ; to the damage of,” &c. Mark the fiction—“ the plaintiff lost his watch.” He did no such thing, except in one of the instances. Then why not conform the state ment of the case to the fact ? Why should the truth be stated in one in stance and not in the others ? W hat is the benefit of resorting to fiction— to falsehood—for it is nothing more ? Is it more difficult to state the truth in one case than in another; or would it be less easily comprehended ? We deem not. To this declaration the defendant answers, “ that he is not guilty of the supposed grievances laid to his charge,” and under this vague and indefi nite plea, he may prove almost any thing he chooses to bar a recovery, and without giving the plaintiff any other notice of his purpose. But the evil does not stop here—for as several defences may be set up under one plea, so, as we remarked, several pleas may be put in the same count. As, for instance, in the action of debt, upon a common money bond, say for S i,000. To the declaration the defendant may plead these several and inconsistent defences, leaving the plaintiff to conjecture which he will endeavor to substantiate by proof, upon the trial :— 1. Non est factum. That he did not execute the bond. 2. Solvit ad diem. That he paid it the day it became due. 3. Solvit post diem. That he paid it after it became due. 4. Accord and satisfaction. 5. That the obligee released the debt. 6. That he has obtained a discharge under the insolvent laws. As bonds generally have many years to run, and frequently pass into the hands of executors, assignees, and other remote parties, it is a subject of great perplexity to them, when bringing suit upon them, to have these several matters pleaded, or any number of them ; as it is usually ex tremely difficult, after the death or removal of the principal, to discover the nature of the transactions between the original parties. This mode of pleading, consequently, operates rather harder upon them than upon other parties, and there is greater necessity for reformation in this particular than in many other instances. Such, in some of its features, is our system of pleading. “ Folly” is graven so legibly on its face, that he who runs may read. We believe, that it has been the occasion of nearly as much wrong, as has arisen from errors in the laws themselves; for the latter can be known and guarded against, but the forms of pleading are written in a tongue unknown, except to the few initiated, and their existence is scarcely ever imagined until their penalties are incurred. It may do, perhaps, for that peculiar class of the profession which believes implicitly in the maxim, “ quod scriptum est justum”—that a thing is right because it is in the statute, to extol pleadings for the beauty of their logic, and for their metaphysical refinements; but in practice, the present system is worse than useless— for it is often the instrument of direct and palpable wrong. How many suitors have failed in obtaining their rights, the merits of whose causes were beyond dispute, from the inadvertence of their attorney, or his want of skill in special pleading! How often has justice been denied, when the evidence presented full grounds for a recovery, merely because the declaration did not contain, perhaps, a few words of form, which could not have added to, or varied the proof of a single fact in controversy ! “ But,” exclaim its admirers, “ it is so complete and beautiful a system—so subtle —so logical!” We demand in answer, “ C u i bon o ?” What litigant is benefited by it ? Not the party in the right certainly, for his cause needs no adventitious aid. It can maintain itself. Consequently the subtleties of pleading can only benefit the wrong-doe'r. And so experience proves it does. It is his ally—his shield, by which he wards off the just conse quences of his wrong. And so well understood is this fact, that we may witness daily bad men endeavoring to resist valid demands by the tricks and subtleties of pleading. And further, no man goes to law to learn logic, or to become versed in double-refined subtleties. People desire results more substantial than these. Their causes are generally plain, and should be brought before the court in the clearest and most intelligi ble form. As few forms and ceremonies as possible should be allowed to intervene between them and the attainment of justice. We did intend to say something more definitely as to s p e c i a l pleadings, but though we have approached, we dread to pass beyond the threshold of its obscure and awful mysteries. For, should we once enter within its precincts, we much fear that it would be our lot so to grope about “ in wandering mazes lost,” that it would be long ere we should again emerge to the light of day. And as to our readers, we never could hope to lead them through the worse than Cretan labyrinth, with the least recollection of its ever devious passages. We have thus endeavored to present our subject in familiar language, (a matter of no little difficulty when treating of a technical subject,) plainly and honestly. And we submit it to our intelligent readers whether the system of pleading, as it now exists, is not an absurdity too gross and palpable to be worthy the longer sanction of a community aspiring to the distinction of possessing an enlightened jurisprudence. Surely—surely, it is. That it has been tolerated so long, habituated as we are to scan ning the errors of existing institutions, and so practised in the work of re formation, can alone be attributed to the mystery which clouds the subject from the observation of all except professional men, and to the apathy to existing abuses, and the almost instinctive dread of change among many of the best informed in every community. But a worthier and more re solute spirit is now prevailing, which can bear to look abuses in the face and lay hold of them with a manly arm, before which must ultimately fall this and all else that is useless or oppressive to society. As to a substitute for the present mode of pleading, one may be devised with far less difficulty than many are willing to admit. “ Conform to the truth,” is a precept which experience would prove as wise in pleading as in all other affairs. All that seems requisite to bring a controversy properly before the court for trial and adjudication is that a precept be issued in behalf of the plaintiff, summoning the defendant to appear in court. This should set forth in clear and concise terms the cause of ac tion as it r e a l ly exists. If the action is founded on a note, bond, or other instrument in writing, a notice briefly setting forth its substance should be served on the defendant at the same time with the summons. Within a certain number of days after the service, the defendant should give notice to the plaintiff, or his attorney, of his actual defence, or else be liable to have judgment taken against him by default. On the issue thus pre sented, let the parties go to trial. The cause would then be unencum- Law Reform. 541 bered with the vexations and subtleties of pleading, and might be deter mined exclusively upon its own intrinsic merits, and there would be every reason to expect a judgment in accordance with the justice of the case. Nor would this prevent either party from taking proper advantage of any principle of law in his favor which involved the merits of the cause in controversy. For should the plaintiff produce but inadequate proof, and the jury render him a verdict—or should the judge err in deciding any principle of law applicable to the case, or in his charge—or should there occur any other reason for the interference of the court, the injured party would still possess the same remedy— by motion for a new trial— in arrest of judgment, &c., as at present exists. Or should the plaintiff state a legally inadequate cause of action, or the defendent set up an illegal or insufficient defence, either would still have all the advantage of demurrer—not, it is true, on account of form, but substance—and might also bring his cause immediately before the court on the admitted facts for adjudication. In short, should either party suffer wrong in the eye of the law, in any manner, the means for rectifying the errors would be just as ample as they are now,—and with this advantage, that the circumstances would be considered unconnected with matters purely technical, and of no importance, and determined exclusively on the ground of legal princi ples applicable to the facts of the case. This result is of the gravest importance, and if realized, would not alone be a triumph of right, but a vindication of our tribunals from those un seemly imputations of which they are the almost constant object, and would render them still more worthy of the confidence and veneration of an enlightened people. It is a singular fact, that while we have clung with persevering tenacity to many of the worst features and grossest absurdities of the ancient com mon law, we have failed to adopt its mode of pleadings, which was among the very best of its provisions. It was good, because extremely simple. The parties appeared in open court—the plaintiff declared, orally, his cause of action as it really existed ; and the defendant pleaded his specific de fence. Then each party was informed of the intentions of the other, and had an opportunity of preparing to meet them, and the court was advised of the precise nature of the cause it was called upon to try. Under such a system, there was nothing to thwart justice or to arrest the punishment justly due the wrong-doer. We would have this system restored. Modi, fy it, if need be, to greater conformity to the requirements of a more traf ficking and enlightened age—but restore its simplicity, its adequacy, and justice. In every transaction, let the terms and conditions o f the bargain be under stood befo reh an d ; and i f important, put in writing; and in cases at all doubtful, insist on a guarantee. Be not afraid to ask th is; it is the best test of responsibility; for, if offence be taken, you have in all probability escaped loss. He who is in fact responsible, will like you the better for being thus guarded ; for he knows he is dealing with a man of prudence, who looks to the end of things, and may therefore expect to be well served. You may always protect yourself by simply insisting on security. “ Once well begun is twice done.” V O L . V I I .— N O . V I. 46 542 Sketch o f the L ife and Character o f Condy Raguel. A rt. VI.—SKETCH OF TH E LIFE AND CHARACTER OF CONDY RAGUET. T h e late Mr. Condy Raguet, for the last two years, stood among the most able and efficient supporters of this Magazine.* For a long time versed in the affairs of trade, both by his personal connection with its de tails as a merchant in our own country, and by his subsequent represen tation of it as a consul in a foreign port, he ranked among the most emi nent writers on political economy in the generation in which he lived, and as one of the soundest and most powerful of the advocates of that great system of commercial ethics, to the establishment of which the energies of his later days were directed. Mr. Raguet was born in Philadelphia, in 1784, and was engaged in that city for a number of years in business as a merchant with great success. Losing his large original fortune, to gether with the accessions made to it by his labor and ability in the revul sion of 1818-19, he retired from mercantile life at an early period in his history with little remaining from an estate which had been once so richly enjoyed and so liberally dispensed, but with a reputation for purity, for honor, for severe and unaccommodating honesty, which stood forth the stronger when the robes of wealth fell away. Mr. Raguet represented the city of Philadelphia for some years in the state senate, where he was the author of several most able and interesting reports on the subject of the banking and trading system, both of Pennsylvania and the United States. On the expiration of his term in 1821, he was appointed consul at Rio Janeiro, and subsequently charge; d’affaires at the Court of Brazil. It was in that position that he was called upon to render services to his country which, in the then entangled state of our commerce in South America, were of inestimable value. The Brazilian government, at that time by no means convinced of the dignity and power of its great sister republic to the north, had searched our vessels; had impressed our sea men ; had captured our ships ; and had imprisoned our citizens. The home-government had, through some unaccountable negligence, omitted to forward to Mr. Raguet instructions for the regulation of his course in an emergency so critical ; he was left at Rio Janeiro without a single ship of war to back his arguments in a court where argument is only of use as explanatory of force ; and the American minister, finding the more he argued, the more he was misunderstood, took the bold course of de manding his passports, and transferring the negotiations to the seat of gov ernment at Washington. The Brazilian authorities were capable of fright, though not of z’eason ; and a Brazilian envoy, Mr. Rebello, was sent after Mr. Raguet as quick as a national ship could carry him, to make the necessary apologies, and to afford the required reparation. Mr. Raguet’s time, since he returned from Brazil, was devoted for some years to the editorship of a number of journals, in all of which he dis played that clear and fair acquaintance with the principles of trade, both as standing by themselves and,as connected with the political system of the country, in which no man was his superior. The Examiner and Journal of Political Economy, the Free Trade Advocate, the Banner of the Constitution, and the Financial Register, were occupied with the pro * The last effort of his pen prior to his death, formed the leading article in this Magarine for January, 1842. Sketch o f the Life and Character o f Condy Raguet. 543 mulgation of those great maxims of trade of which he was, at that time, the chief spokesman ; while in the Philadelphia Gazette, the oldest and one of the widest circulated papers in Philadelphia, he assumed for some years a front place among the leaders of the editorial corps. On his ap pointment, a few years before his death, as President of the Atlantic Insu rance Company, he retired from the political field ; and in that office, and as President of the Chamber of Commerce, he brought once more into practical use the abilities and experience which he had shown so emi nently in almost every sphere of commercial action. On March 20th, 1842, he died peacefully and quietly, with a name unspotted by the slight est suspicion, and with that full and certain confidence in a Saviour’s promises, which a long and consistent career of Christian faith and use fulness had afforded him. It would be doing injustice to Mr. Raguet’s memory, to finish this short notice without touching upon a feature in his character, as prominent as it was lovely. Connected by family ties with the Swedenborg faith, he took an active part, as early as 1817, in organizing in Philadelphia, a congregation which should adopt that singular though beautiful creed. Through the whole of his long and active life, the object nearest to his heart, was the promulgation throughout the world of those great and pure truths which speak out from the New Testament, and which, while he clothed them temporarily with the words which a human interpreter had thrown round them, he advanced, both by his walk and conversation, in their original divine truth and integrity. No sectarian, no bigot, never lingering on the confines of the Christian camp, never straggling among its deserters, never occupying the strength which belonged to a greater cause in border war, or in intestine commotion, he exhibited, during a Christian course of thirty years, that uniform faith, that serene charity, that calm devotion, which made his life happy and useful, and rendered his death-bed a scene of triumph rather than of regret. “ He left,” said one who was with him near the time, “ a particular request, that if any of his friends should draw up a notice of his life or death, they should bear witness to the fact, that he then, in that most solemn hour, declared, that whatever ability he had had to discharge his duties to society, and that whatever there was worthy of approval in his conduct and character, he owed to his belief in the Christian religion as set forth in the writings of Emanuel Swedenborg.” Quiet and happy was his death ; and of his life it may be said, what can be said of few others, that never in the com munity of which he so long was a member, was he known to have swerved, in word or deed, from that high profession which had been the strength of his youth, his childhood, and his old age. Trust to no man’s appearances—they are deceptive,—perhaps assumed for the purpose of obtaining credit. Beware of a gaudy exterior. The rich and prudent are plain men. Rogues usually dress well. Never deal with a man who flies in a passion on being dunned ;—make him pay quickly, if there be any virtue in the law. Mercantile Assumptions. 544 A rt. VII.—MERCANTILE ASSUMPTIONS. I t is frequently a matter of surprise in the administration of civil juris prudence, how many persons there are actively engaged in the pursuits of a mercantile life, who manifest an unpardonable ignorance of the real nature of not a few of their every-day transactions. The leading fea tures,—the mere outside, of common mercantile transactions, are well enough understood ; but beyond this, hundreds and thousands of men pass through life without knowing, or caring to know, any of the numberless niceties, and fine-drawn distinctions, that attend our admirable system of contracts and undertakings—technically known as assumpsits. This may appear the more strange when it is remembered that a majority of those ac tively engaged in trade, involve themselves in such undertakings almost daily—certainly every week of their lives, and often without a conscious ness of the extent of the liability assumed. Nay, it is no uncommon oc currence in our civil courts, that judgments are had and recovered against persons who are astounded to find, for the first time, that by an act, the legal import of which they did not then understand, an obligation was entered into which the courts will enforce. The surprise, then, need not be wondered at, that so important a branch of mercantile law—as the doctrine of promises by implication only, should not be more entensively understood by merchants and traders generally: and that merchants should so frequently find themselves thrust into aggravating contentions and unprofitable lawsuits, which a proper knowledge of the real nature of their dealings with each other might lead them to avoid. In view of these familiar facts I could not help imagining that a short and conspicuous compendium of the general doctrine of promises implied, embracing leading principles and cases only, as supported by standard judicial decisions, might be acceptable for the columns of your valuable Magazine, circulating extensively, as it does, throughout the commercial circles of the country. It is unquestionably true, that every agreement ought to be so certain and complete in itself that each party may be able to set it out with pre cision, should occasion require it. Or, to borrow the definition of a legal writer, two or more minds should combine in the thing to be done, or a mutual assent should be given to do or not to do a particular act. Agree ments, or mutual promises, thus made, must be understood by each of the parties; but if it should prove not to be so in all cases, the fault would be clearly their own. The essential and concurrent qualities of a good and valid contract are thus set out by jurists: A person able to contract—A person willing to contract— A thing to be contracted for—A good and sufficient consideration—Clear and explicit words to express the contract or agreement—The assent of both the parties contracting. Although some slight deficiencies in the requisites of a good and valid contract may be aided by the interposition of equity, yet the general rule is that the ab sence of any of these essentials invalidates the transaction. These rules are particularly applicable to positive and express under takings, such as are ordinarily spoken of as contracts—one ingredient of which is, that the terms are equally known to both parties. But in ap plying them to the common and daily transactions of business, our law courts frequently manifest a disposition to depart somewhat from the strict Mercantile Assumptions. 545 letter, that they may thereby be enabled to enter the more deeply into the spirit and equity of the laws governing this branch of jurisprudence, and give to them a more liberal construction. Thus if A desire B, a shop man, to send him a piece of linen, without specifying any thing concerning the price of the commodity, which request B complies with, and books the linen at eighty cents per yard, the law intends that there is as much an agreement on the part of A to pay for the linen, as though he had given such a promise in writing. If I employ a person to transact my business, or to do some work for me, and that without entering into a spe cific agreement with him as to what compensation he shall afterwards receive for his services, the law determines that I shall pay him what those services are reasonably worth, and will be satisfied with nothing less, which it does upon the presumption that I really promised to give such compensation. Thus our courts, acting upon impulses of natural reason and justice, which immemorial usage has so incorporated with legal enactments as to render it part and parcel of the corpus legis, declare an agreement between parties, when there is, in point of fact, none. The same principles will declare an individual, into whose hands the money of a third person should chance to be paid, or a cargo of merchandise delivered, a trustee for such third person ; and also, that a promise had been made to pay over the money, or the value of the goods, upon proper demand by the real owner. So too, in many cases, where one person ex pends his money for the use and benefit of another, and in all cases when it is done at the request of the party benefited, the law presumes an actual and unconditional promise to refund. Such are the leading features of the doctrine of promises or agreements implied, or such as are supposed to be grounded in the dictates of reason and equity. To enumerate the particular and individual cases to which this doctrine has been from time to time applied, would be too troublesome an undertaking for the advantages that might be reasonably anticipated from it, while the result would be entirely too prolix for the pages of a periodical devoted to many subjects: a glance at a few of them must suffice for the present. One who entices away or harbors the apprentice of another, agrees to pay wages for the service of such apprentice to his proper master, no matter if he has never seen him. If A inadvertently pay the debt of B to C, and afterwards, upon discovering the mistake, demands a return of the amount, C would be compelled to refund—unless he be able to show that he would suffer loss thereby ; assuming that C agreed at the time of the money paid, to refund in the event of mistake. A general promise to or with the whole community may arise from the nature of a man’s business; as if a parcel of grain be delivered to a mil ler, without stating for what purpose, the law intends, from the character of his occupation, that he has agreed to return either the grain, or flour, to the person depositing it. The same rule is applied, though somewhat differently, to merchants whose business it is to receive and sell goods on commission ; first, as to the degree of care which they shall exercise in storing the goods safely ; then as to the discretion necessary to be exer cised in the selection of good and responsible customers, when sales are made upon credit; and lastly, in accounting to the principal at the proper time. So also with individuals or companies who undertake the trans portation of merchandise from one place to another; the law concerning them operates upon the presumption that they have entered into a general 46* 546 Mercantile Assumptions. agreement with their customers, to exercise such care over the merchan dise intrusted to them as a man of ordinary carefulness would take of his own property. It is a matter of no consequence whatever in either of these cases, that no actual promise was ever made by one party to the other, nor would it be necessary upon trial to prove any such promise, and that because it is already legally implied, and the law itself is evi dence thereof. There are few readers, perhaps, who are not already familiar with the fact, that the purchaser of real estate takes the property subject to all re corded liens against it—in the nature of mortgages, ground-rents, me chanics’ liens, judgments, and various other claim s; and so taking it, the law construes the purchase to operate also as an agreement with the holders of such claims to discharge them at the lime legally designated, and suits may be entered upon them—suggesting that such a promise was actually made, though the plaintiff and defendant never saw each other. This is rarely done, however, because the most safe and speedy method of proceeding is against the property itself. If I build a house adjoining that of my neighbor, without once speaking to him upon the subject, by the act, itself, I promise and agree to pay him for the party wall, and he may compel me to fulfil such agreement at the distance of any period within six years afterwards. When one man becomes the surety of another, in any way, and, in de fault of his principal, is compelled to make payment of the amount for which he was bound; he may recover it again of his principal, upon the plea that such an agreement was made between them. The endorser of a promissory note is, in reality, surety for the fulfilment of the maker’s promise, although the courts look upon each subsequent endorser as a new drawer, and, in enforcing payment against him, contemplates him as the original maker. The same rule prevails with respect to bills of ex change. Where money is obtained from a tradesman by false pretence, the obtainer is said to agree, when he makes use of the false pretence, to repay the money upon demand ; therefore, in addition to the criminal proceeding, a civil suit may be maintained against him upon such sup posed promise. These judicial decrees may give the reader a general idea of the doc trine of promises and agreements implied, more generally known as as sumpsits, which is declared to be a part of the original contract, entered into by all mankind who partake of the benefits of society, and is there fore as ancient as the common law. Though applicable to many kinds of transactions, they are founded upon principles of general application, applied by positive rules, and seldom discovered to be deficient in wisdom or utility. B e w a r e o f th in k in g a l l y o u r o w n th a t y o u p o s s e s s , a n d o f liv in g a c c o r d i n g ly . This is a mistake that many people who have credit fall into. To prevent this, keep an exact account for some time, both of your ex penses and your income. If you take the pains at first to enumerate par ticulars, it will have this good effect: you will discover how wonderfully small trifling expenses mount up to large sum s; and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without occasioning any great inconvenience.— F r a n k lin . Warehousing and Dock System. Art. 547 VIII.—WAREHOUSING AND DOCK SYSTEM. M uch has heretofore been said of the warehousing system; it has been several times brought up in Congress, but the discussion it received there, was only in connection with the policy of the government. The January number of the Merchants’ Magazine contains some remarks, but they are principally directed to its history and the point of government duties. We propose to take a mercantile and pecuniary view of its operation, and the advantages that would be realized to trade in New York, by its adoption. The system is exhibited in its greatest perfection in London, where it has had the fairest trial, and where its advantages have been most fully tested. It is probable that no inducement, short of a perfectly free trade, could be offered to the London merchants, that would be an equivalent for its abandonment. On looking at the system as we find it there, we are at once struck with the importance of its connection with public docks, without which one half of its convenience and saving of expense would be lost, and therefore we propose to speak of the two together. The bene fits of the system are very numerous, but we propose to refer only to some of the most prominent. These are, saving of time in discharging ships ; interest on duties paid ; loss by thieving and by fire; premiums of insu rance; cartage, &e. When a ship arrives in London, she is immediately taken to the dock gates, by a steamboat belonging to the dock company ; there she is re ceived by men also in the employ of the dock company, hauled into a quay berth, and made fast. These things are all understood between the parties beforehand, and no time is lost in looking for men or otherwise. As soon as the captain has entered his ship at the customhouse, the dis charging immediately commences, and goes on without interruption until finished; the goods are all placed in the warehouses on the quay, and arranged with such method that any article may be found in a moment and delivered when wanted ; the ship is detained in discharging only from one to four days, according to her size, or the nature of her cargo— average, perhaps, three days—when she is hauled out to another place, to receive her outward cargo. When a ship arrives at New York, she is detained from eight to twenty days waiting for a berth, for permits from consignees, and in discharging; average time probably twelve days. Here, then, is a clear loss of nine days’ charter of the ship, wages, provisions, &c., that would be saved by the public dock and warehousing system. There are over two thousand foreign arrivals in New York yearly. Now, suppose that there are six hundred of these, which is a moderate estimate, whose cargoes would go into public store, and the average size of each to be 320 tons. A fair charter for such a ship is twelve hundred dollars a month, or forty dollars a day. The saving then to the business of New York, by the establish ment of public docks and warehouses in this item, would he two hundred and sixteen thousand dollars annually. The revenue collected by the government in the port of New York, has sometimes exceeded sixteen millions of dollars, and we assume that the average amount of goods resting for a time in the public store, would pay one quarter of this sum ; here, then, we have a saving to the mer chants of the yearly interest on four millions of dollars, which at seveit per cent is two hundred and eighty thousand. 548 Warehousing and Dock System. Few persons are aware of the extent of petty thieving about the docks in this city ; but in addition to this it is very often the case, that whole packages of goods are missing from the docks after having been discharged from the ships. And it is not long since, that an officer of a ship was charged with abstracting a box of gold of the value of eight thousand dol lars. By the establishment of public docks well guarded, and shut at night, where no person could carry any thing in or out without being examined, these things could not transpire. In London no person can go in or out of dock but those employed in it without a permit, and it requires the connivance of an officer of the government and the dock company to enable any one to abstract a package. At night the docks are closed, and there is no ingress or egress. Mr. McCulloch, who is justly cele brated for his accuracy in English statistics, has estimated that the saving to London merchants from this source alone, by means of docks and ware houses, is five hundred thousand pounds annually. But suppose this to be a large estimate, and that it would amount here to only one twentieth part of that sum ; still, here is another clear saving of seventy-five thou sand dollars annually. The warehouses in London are all constructed perfectly fire-proof; no fire or lights are permitted to be used in them, and none on board ves sels in the docks after about two o’clock in the day ; consequently there is no risk from fire, except by spontaneous combustion. Suppose then, that the whole value of goods that would remain in public store in New York, if the same system was adopted here, should be ten millions of dol lars; a fair price of insurance on which, would be per cent, or three dollars to the thousand ; the yearly saving in premiums of insurance would be thirty thousand dollars. On every importation of ad valorem goods, by our present system, one or more packages of each invoice must be sent to the customhouse for appraisement, and the expense on each package so sent, for cartage back and forth, and other charges, is not much short of one dollar. The num ber of English and French packets arriving here yearly, is one hundred and fifty-four. Suppose then, that one hundred packages are sent to the customhouse from each of these packets, and twenty from each of the other ships, here is an annual expense to the merchants of twenty-one thousand one hundred dollars. It is fair to suppose, that one half of all the importations being sold in original packages, would be delivered to the purchasers from the public warehouses, and thus one cartage be saved. Fifty thousand dollars would be a moderate estimate for this ex pense ; the gross savings, therefore, in these two items, would be seventyone thousand one hundred dollars. Total of saving in the items enume rated, v iz :— Charter of ships........................................................$216,000 Interest on duties.................................................... 280,000 Goods lost and stolen.............................................. 75,000 Premiums of insurance.......................................... 30,000 Cartages.................................................................. 71,100 Total................................... ............................. $872,100 A sum equal to the fair annual business profits of one hundred respec table merchants. But there are other considerations of convenience in which the saving would be great, but in which the calculation cannot be so readily made. Great inconvenience is constantly experienced here, Warehousing and Dock System. 549 by owners of goods who are in haste to receive them ; there are others who are not so situated, and who therefore withhold the necessary permits to land, making a storehouse of the ship until it suits their convenience to receive them ; those goods may be on the top of the cargo, and no others can be got out until they are removed ; the merchant who is anxious to receive his goods, not being able to get them, loses his sale, and heavy losses sometimes occur in consequence of this delay. The writer lately heard of a gentleman in the book trade meeting a heavy loss, by not re ceiving his English annuals until after New Year. Goods on the top of a cargo are often consigned to order, and the captain or consignee of the ship not knowing who to apply to, the ship and other consignees of the cargo are detained often a full week doing nothing, and then the owner of the goods, after having by his delay disobliged everybody else con cerned, makes himself known and receives them. All these inconven iences and losses would be remedied by the warehousing system and public docks united : people who wanted them, could be put in possession of their goods at least a week sooner, on an average, than at present, and of course a week’s interest on all the capital employed would be saved, which, considering the immense amount constantly in transitu, would of itself be an important matter. Goods for debenture would pass through less forms, and be subject to less exposure than at present. Freight would be more secure. A freight is never lost by a merchant failing in London, the laws of the country always giving a lien while it is in the warehouse, and custom requiring it to be paid before delivery. The warehousing system has been objected to by political men on the ground, that there was danger of loss to the government, by the abstrac tion of goods without paying the duties. This fear undoubtedly had its origin in the case of Mr. Thompson, of Philadelphia, who, it is said, removed a large quantity of teas from the public store, while the govern ment permitted them to remain in entrepot. The danger in that case, however, and in all others which have yet been in practice in this coun try, has arisen from the inadequacy of provision for security, importers having generally been allowed to put their own store under customhouse key, and the key often left in their own office; but in a well-regulated system of public docks and warehouses connected with them, where num bers of public officers are always in attendance, there would be no such danger; and it is fair to presume, that the prevention of smuggling afforded by this means, would save to the government at least fifty thou sand dollars annually in duties. Added to this, a plan of cash duties, which would probably go along with it, would doubtless save to the gov ernment a hundred thousand dollars annually, in this port, which is at present lost in bad debts. Not exceeding one half the number of officers would be wanted in the customhouse which are necessary for conducting its business in the scattered manner in which it is now done. And here would be another saving to the government of not less than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 550 MONTHLY COMMERCIAL CHRONICLE. A t the date of our last number the leading features of the market were, an abundance of money accompanied by an indisposition to invest in stocks, growing out of the circum stances attending the then approaching election in the state of New York. Those cir cumstances we then briefly enumerated, marking the distinction between the contending parties. The one being in favor of an increase of the state debt, and the repeal of the mill tax, levied at the last session of the legislature, and pledged for the redemption of a loan of $3,000,000, seven per cent stock, subsequently procured on the faith of that pledge. The determination of the other was to persevere in the policy they had hitherto pursued. The result has been an overwhelming majority in favor of the latter party. It is true many circumstances combined to produce this result, but the question on which the election more directly turned was that of the debt and tax. Its immediate influence upon the stock market has already been beneficial. The friends of credit and of the restoration of commercial confidence were anxious for the result of this first appeal to the people on the question of taxation for the payment of debts. The result has not disappointed them. The people have clearly given their voice for the payment of taxes pledged for the maintenance of the state faith. Hence the credit of the state of New York is above reproach, and she ranks foremost in point of financial reputation. The immediate effect upon the market is evinced in the prices of the stocks issued by the state—all denominations having risen two to eight per cent under the demand for in vestment. Some other stocks have also improved, particularly Ohio and Kentucky. The government treasury notes have, however, fallen to par with a downward tendency, and its six per cent stock has been yet utterly neglected. The fall in treasury notes has been mainly brought about by the decreased demand from the banks for investment. Some weeks since, the New York banks held upwards of $7,000,000 in specie—a cumbrous and unprofitable investment ; scarcely any demand existed for it, and it hung upon their hands a dead weight. Under such circumstances, the treasury notes of the federal government being available with the interest at any moment, formed a very de sirable investment, and were sought after even at a premium. That state of affairs, if we may use the expression, was the “ slack water” of business. Specie from all quar ters had been accumulating in the banks, both here and in Europe, with but little de mand for its employment in the channels of business. As the new crops came forward, the rates of bills gradually fell at all points. The new tariff operating to prevent imports, of course cut off the demand for bills from importers at the seaports. The low price of products in the interior, and the absence of credit, checked the purchase of goods on the Atlantic border, and caused inland bills to fall pari passu with the foreign exchanges. A t New Orleans, where the largest quantity of produce arrives, bills first reached a point at which a new demand is created for the import of specie, which commenced as we de scribed in our last number, and has been steadily in progress since. The precious metals flow into that point from Mexico, Cuba, France, England, and New York. The activity of specie has thus commenced, and will, as the season progresses, extend to all other com mercial centres. Already at Cincinnati sight bills on New Yoik have been sold at £ of one per cent discount, when usually at this season, in consequence of the fall purchases of goods, they are in favor of that point. This demand for specie at New York has much lessened the desire of the banks to invest in any thing but the best business paper. When bills are very low here, the import of specie is more likely to take place direct to the south from England than through New York. The drafts upon New York will be slowly supplied by the circuitous movement of the precious metals coming back in the purchase Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 551 of goods. This must necessarily be after the channels of circulation vacated by the im mense reduction in the paper currency have become filled with the precious metals. The following table gives the progressive equalization of the exchanges :— Places. Boston,............ Philadelphia,.... Baltimore,........ Richmond,....... N. Carolina,..... Savannah,....... Charleston,...... Mobile,............. New Orleans,... Louisville,........ Nashville,........ St. Louis,......... Cincinnati,...... Indiana,............ Illinois,............. R ates of Domestic Bills at N ew Y ork. February. M ay 1. M ay 30. June 15. ia f par a ^ ia | par a 4 7 a 8} par a di.£ par a § 8a i 2 a 3 par a \ aa i s a i 9 a 12J 24 a 3 24 a 2f 7 i a 74 5^ a 5£ 54 a 5f 34 a 34 3 a 34 2 Ja 3 24 a 24 l} a 2 If a 2 14 a 1} 1 4 a 1J 14 a 1 | 14 a 14 19 a 20 29 a 30 26 a 26£ 124 a 13 64 a 7 6f a 7 1 a 2 14 a 14 94 a 10 5 a 6 34 a 4 3 a 14 a 144 17 a 18 124 a 15 10 a 11 13 a 14 6 a 4 a 5 7 a 8 15 a 16 8 a 10 4 a 5 3^ a 4 16 a 17 a 10 8 a 9 8 a 9 17 a 18 7 a 9 7 a 8 Nov. 15. par a par a i ba 4 14 a i i 14 a 2 14 a 14 14 a 14 19 a 2 0 p r.lj a 2 di.2 a 24 rii.4 a 5 di.l^ a 2 d i.li a 2 di.3 a 3 4 The results of the late elections are strongly in favor of the party opposed to banks and this fact in Ohio will be fraught with important consequences, inasmuch as the char ters of a large portion of the banks in that state expire next year. The following is a table of the affairs of those banks in operation, according to the last report of the Auditor, with the date of the expiration of their charters:— Ohio Banks, September, 1842. Loans. Specie. Circula. Deposits. Bank of Zanesville................... . 122,400 “ 44 Muskingum.................. . 118,888 Ohio Life and T rust.................. . 147,860 Franklin Bank, Cincinnati....... . 947,271 Columbian Bank, N. Lisbon..... . 90,007 Dayton Bank.............................. .. 50,914 Bank of Mount Pleasant........... . 53,575 Western Reserve B ank............ . 170,544 Commercial Bank of Scioto...... . 341,292 Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Bank of Steubenville....................... 1 178,897 Franklin Bank, Columbus........ . 152,102 Bank of Geauga......................... . 139,165 5,300 2,784 61,427 122,211 16,750 13,099 4,337 30,332 21,951 63,477 15,735 53,842 68,822 9,997 110,617 17,710 57,681 18,774 Total................................ .2,512,915 367,136 11,623 8,610 7,771 17,163 298,895 194,186 20,890 249,851 19,139 17,882 19,127 1,411 8,966 15,051 20,154 12,240 114,998 20,445 401,487 665,625 174,401 406,522 875,073 247,394 438,856 133,579 313,304 189,129 49,017 62,052 53,424 35,117 58,865 29,434 42,215 44,971 165,760 279,275 32,930 170,786 210,165 62,310 163,027 24,655 T o tal.............................. .2,778,258 To expire........................ .2,512,915 375,095 401,487 1,108,908 665,625 368,900 367,136 Grand Total................... .5,291,173 776,582 1,774,533 736,036 Bank of Sandusky..................... . 44 Wooster....................... .. Lafayette Bank of Cincinnati... . Bank of Massillon..................... .. Clinton Bank, Columbus........... . Bank of Xenia............................ . “ Circleville..................... . “ Norwalk...................... . Charter Expires. Jan. 1843. 1844. 32,926 May 1850. 45,249 June 44 39,242 Jan. 1854. 37,391 June 1855. 43,947 Jan. 1854. 42,262 May 1850. “ 1855. 37,394 90,489 Jan. 1850, This gives a reduction of nearly one half of the bank facilities of that state during the coming year, leaving in operation eight banks, with a paper circulation of about 552 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. $1,100,000 only. According to this return, the banking of Ohio, in 1843, as compared with the highest point of inflation, January, 1836, will present the following results:— No. Banks. 1836....... 31 8 1843....... Loans. 17,079,714 2,778,258 Specie. 2,924,906 375,095 Circulation. 9,675,644 1,108,908 Deposits. 6,125,914 368,900 Decrease.............. $14,301,456 2,549,811 8,566,736 5,757,014 This enormous reduction in the banking movement has prevailed to a greater or less extent all over the Union, and is now to be supplied with the precious metals. During this contraction of the paper currency of the country, the products of the soil have im mensely increased. In order to observe the movement of produce in connection with that of the banks, we will take the banking movement of the four states of Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Michigan, for 1836 and 1842, and the arrival of flour and wheat, the pro ducts of those states, at the two great outlets, the Erie Canal and New Orleans, for a corresponding period :— Flour arr. Arr. at the at N. Orl. E . Canal. Bank Loans. Circulation. Deposits. bbls. bbls. 1836.......27,334,118 15,058,132 11,231,879 287,462 377,455 1842....... 7,271,728 4,088,908 650,241 466,665 1,551,705 Increase. Decrease..20,062,390 179,203 10,969,224 1,174,250 10,581,638 The produce of these states has, it appears, increased in as great a ratio as the paper cur rency has decreased. Michigan, from being an importing state in 1836, has become a very large exporting state. The long suspension of the banks operated to drive out the specie currency, and now that those institutions have perished in spite of their suspension, the currency is to be resupplied by the slow progress of exporting and selling produce at low prices; which low prices are a necessary consequence of the absence of that specie, and will be remedied by the twofold operation of a decreasing surplus and increasing currency. At the approaching session of Congress many questions of the highest importance to the mercantile world will be discussed. The most important of them undoubtedly is the modification of the tariff, passed at the last session of Congress. This will probably be done, at least, in so far as to admit of a system of warehousing in connection with the cash duties. This is a matter of first necessity. The present tariff requires the payment of duties averaging 30 per cent ad valorem, cash on the arrival of the goods. This is equivalent to an imposition of about 5 per cent extra upon the imports, inasmuch as it is an advance of the duties to the government by the importing merchant, who must, of course, reimburse himself by charging on the goods the interest upon the duties so ad vanced, which enhances their cost to the consumer. This is a great evil; but the gene ral operation of paralyzing the capital engaged in commerce is a far greater one. The imports into the United States for the last five years, average $130,300,000. The duties on this sum would amount to $39,090,000, which must be advanced to the government and lay dead out of capital employed in the foreign trade. The whole amount of capi tal employed in that trade, according to the census, is $119,295,367. Under the pre sent tariff, therefore, that capital would be reduced 33 per cent. In a country like this, where the great feature is scarcity of capital, this cannot take place without serious injury to the whole community; neither is it desirable that credit should be given to an extent which will allow foreign houses to send consignments here and realize and remit the proceeds long before their bonds for the duties fall due. The warehousing system, like that in practice in England, holds out the remedy. Under that system the utmost free Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 553 dom of commerce exists. Goods are imported, landed, packed, repacked, assorted, and re-exported, without any outlay of mercantile capital on government account. When sold for consumption, and the importer realizes the whole value of the goods, then the duties are exacted and paid. The whole resources of the merchants are employed in their own enterprises. If this is the case in England, how much more desirable is it here, where capital is so scarce as to be hired at 6 per cent in England for banking pur poses. The operation of the tariff, passed at the late session, appears hitherto to have pro duced but little effect. On the first passage of the tariff the prices of many of the dutia ble articles nominally rose, but it subsequently appeared, as the fall business advanced, that, owing to the very restricted state of the currency in the interior, and the extreme low prices of produce, that the purchases of goods for consumption would be far from suffi cient to sustain even the prices previously existing, and rates have again gone back on most articles. This state of things will probably continue for many months, until the flow of specie, now in progress to the interior, shall have filled the channels of circula tion, raised prices, and renewed purchases. The present stock of goods will then work off, and a modification of the tariff give room for the resumption of the import of goods in return for the increasing exports of agricultural produce. The modification of the tariff will acquire additional importance at the coming session, from the necessity of adopting some means of providing a revenue for the government. The protective fea tures must give place to the demand for revenue, which can only be obtained by con sulting the highest rate which each article will bear without checking its import. For the welfare of the city and state of New York more particularly, is it requisite that the restrictions on commerce should be removed. The following table will show the amount of imports into the leading states for twenty years, with the total import into the United States :— T aele s h o w in g t h e I m ports t h e U n it e d S t a t e s f o r T w T H E LEADING P O R TS OF E N T R Y . in t o in g enty Y e a r s , d is t in g u is h Total all Muryl. Mass. Penn. S. Car. I^ouisiana. Imports. N . York. 1821. . . 14,826,732 23,629,246 8,158,922 4.070,'842 3,007,113 3,379,717 62.577,267 1822 . . . 18,337,320 35,445,628 11,874,170 4,792,486 2,2S3,586 3,817,228 83,241,541 1823 . . . 17,607,160 29,421,349 13,696,770 4,946,179 2,419,101 4,283,125 77,579,267 1821. . . 15,378,758 36,113,723 11,865,531 4,551,642 2,166,185 4,5:9.769 80,549,007 1825 . . . 15,845,141 49,639,174 15,041,797 4,751,815 1,892,297 4,290,034 96,340,075 1826 . . . 17,063,482 38,115,630 13,551,779 4,928,569 1,534,483 4,167,521 84,974,477 1827 . . . 13,370,564 38,719,644 11,212,935 4,405,708 1,424,106 4,531,645 79,421,068 1828 . ., . 15,070,444 41,927,792 12,884,408 5,629,694 1,242,048 6,217,881 88,509,824 1829. . . 12,520,744 31,743,307 10,100,152 4,804,125 1,139,618 6,857,209 74,492,527 1830 . . . 10,453,544 35,624,070 8,702,122 4,523,866 1.054,619 7,599,083 70,876,920 1831 . . . 14,269,056 57,077,417 12,124,083 4,826,577 1,238,163 9,766,693 103,191,124 1832 . . . 18,1 IS,900 53,214,402 10,678,258 4,629,303 1,213,725 8,871,653 101,029,266 1833 . . . 19,940,911 55,918,449 10,411,250 5,437,057 1,517,705 9,590,505 108,118,311 1834 . ., . 17,672,129 73,188,594 10,479,268 4,647,483 1,787,267 13,781,809 126,521,332 1&35 . ., . 19,800,373 8S,191,305 12,389,937 5,647,153 1,891,805 17,519,814 149,895,742 1836 . ,. . 25,681,462 118,253,416 15,068,233 7,131,867 2.801,361 15,117,649 189,980,035 1837 . . . 19,984,668 79,301,722 11,680,111 7,857,033 2,510.860 14,020,012 140,989,217 1838 . ., . 13,300,925 68,453,206 9,360,371 5,701,869 2.318,791 9,496,808 113,717,404 1839 . . . 19,385,223 99,882,438 15,050,715 6,995,285 3,086,077 12,064,962 162,092,132 1840 . . . 16,513,858 60,440,750 8,464,882 4,910,746 2,058,870 10,673,190 107,141,519 1841 . . . 20,318,003 75,713,426 10,346,698 6,101,313 1,557,431 10,256,350 127,966,177 This table embraces a period of the complete operation of four general tariffs, viz.: the tariff of 1824, the high protective tariff of 1828, that of 1832, and the compromise act of 1833. From 1821 to 1830, the banking movement in the United States was re markably steady. The loans of the United States Bank, which was the governing power, varied in all that time scarcely $3,000,000. The consequence was that every increase of the duties checked imports in a marked degree. In 1828, the imports were VOL. V I I .— NO. V I. 47 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 654 large previous to the operation of the tariff. In the two succeeding years they fell off immensely. In 1831, they began to feel the impulse of the bank movement. From 1830 to 1833, the national bank extended its loans from $>40,000,000 to $>66,000,000, or 65 per cent in two years. This movement of the “ regulator” was followed by that of all the banks in the Union, and by a combination of circumstances the inflation, with some drawbacks, continued to the great explosion of 1836-7; from which time the general movement of banks has been that of curtailment. The column of imports into New York, presents the influence of these events. From 1821 to 1825, the whole im ports rose $>34,000,000, of which $26,000,000 was into the port of New York. Under the tariff which came into operation in that year, the imports fell oft' $17,000,000 in 1827 ; of which $9,000,000 was in the port of New York. Under the tariff of 1828, a farther fall of $9,000,000 in 1830 took place; of which $6,000,000 was in the port of New York. From that year up to 1836, under the bank expansion, a total increase in imports of $119,000,000 took place ; $83,000,000, or nearly 80 per cent of the amount, was in New York. Down to 1841, under decreasing duties, but a contracting currency, a decrease of $82,000,000 took place ; $68,000,000, or 83 per cent of this was in New York,—an immense falling off in business. These facts show, concisely, that two causes operate powerfully upon the welfare of New York, more than upon the rest of the Union, viz.: a high tariff and a dear currency. Under the contracting currency with decreasing duties, the trade of New York fell off from 1839 to 1840, 77 per cent. She has now to encounter a still farther reduction of the currency, added to duties meant to be pro tective. Under such circumstances it is fair to conclude that the imports will be carried back to the grade, at least, of 1830, viz.: $70,000,000, or about $36,000,000 in New Y o rk ; and this at a time when the connection of Boston with the western country, by railroad, has revolutionized the trade in domestic goods, and has withdrawn from New York a large commission business. This latter circumstance has, during the past year, operated greatly to the benefit of Boston and to the prejudice of New York ; a result which is clearly distinguishable in the official returns of the assessed value of property in the two cities for 1841 and 1842, as follows:— A ssessed Value T axation in N ew Y ork and Boston, 1841 and 1842. B oston. N ew Y ork. Personal Personal Peal Estate. Estate. Total. Real Estate. Estate. Total. 1841, $62,063,030 $36,043,600 $98,106,600 $186,350,948 $64,843,972 $251,191,920 1842, 65,509,500 41,223,800 106,733,300 176,489,042 61,294,559 237,783,601 of P roperty and for Incre. $3,546,500 $5,180,200 Deere. $8,626,700 $9,861,906 $3,549,413 $13,411,319 It is not alone the commerce of New York that is affected by the tariff, but the ship ping interest of the whole Union suffers severely. It is obvious that the great employ ment for the registered tonnage of the country is the foreign trade of the United States, or that which it sells to or buys from foreign countries. Whatever tends to increase the quantities of articles so sold or purchased must increase the business of the shipping, and that which tends to diminish those quantities inflicts a serious injury upon the commerce and navigation of the country. The above table shows conclusively that in a steady specie currency a high tariff is ruinous. This fact is discoverable in the following table, consisting of the registered tonnage of the United States, at different periods, and the quantity of American and foreign tonnage entered and cleared from the United States:— Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 555 Registered T onnage of the United S tates, with the N umber of T ons E ntered and Cleared, distinguishing the A merican from the F oreign. tonnage entered. tonnage cleared. registered tonnage. American. Foreign. American. Foreign. 1821 .. 765,089 81,526 804,947 83,073 1822 .. 787,961 100,541 813,748 97,490 1823 .. 119,740 755,271 119,468 810,761 1824 .. 850,033 102,552 102,367 919,278 1825 .. 880,754 92,927 960,366 95,080 1826 .. 942,246 953,012 105,654 99,417 1827 .. 918,361 137,589 980,542 131,250 1828 .. ............. 656,000 868,381 150.223 151,030 897,404 1829 .. ............. 650,142 872,949 133,006 130,743 944,799 1830 .. 967,277 131,900 133,436 971,760 1831 .. ............. 620,451 922,952 281,948 271,994 972,504 1832 .. ............. 686,980 949,622 393,038 974,865 387,505 1833 .. ............. 750,026 1,111,441 496,705 1,142,160 497,039 1834 .. ............. 857,438 1,074,670 568,052 1,134,020 577,700 1835 .. ............. 885,821 1,352,653 641,310 1,400,517 630,824 1836 .. ............. 897,774 1,255,384 680,213 1,315,523 674,721 1837 .. .............810,447 1,299,720 765,703 1,266,622 756,292 1838 .. ............. 822,591 1,302,974 592,110 1,408,761 604,166 1839 .. ............. 834,244 1,491,279 624,814 >,477,928 611,839 1840 .. ............. 899,764 1,576,946 712,363 1,646,009 706,484 1841 .. ............. 945,803 1,634,156 1,631,909 736,144 738,849 In relation to the tonnage owned by the United States, it appears that, under the high tariff of 1828, corresponding with the period when the imports fell off so largely, the registered tonnage declined sixteen per c e n t; and subsequently, under the increasing crops of cotton and the swelling volume of imports, it increased sixty per cent in the six years ending in 1836. The year 1841 shows an increase of seven per cent in the registered tonnage over that of 1836. In the same time, the American tonnage entered the United States increased 372,000 tons, or about thirty per cent, while the foreign tonnage declined four per cent. The clearances show nearly the same features, and the table presents the following results for twelve years, from 1830 to 1841 :— R EGISTERED tons e n t e r e d tonnage. American. 967,227 1,631,909 1830,................ 576,471 1841,............... 945,803 Increase,.......... 369,332 “ per cent, 64 664,682 68. . tons cleared. Foreign. 131,900 736,144 American. 971,760 1,634,156 Foreign. 133,436 738,849 604,244 457 662,396 68 605,413 452 This gives a remarkable increase in the foreign tons trading to the United States, and is ascribed to the effect of the proclamation of General Jackson, in October, 1830, pur suant to an act of Congress, to the effect that British vessels and their cargoes were ad mitted on entry from the islands, provinces, and colonies of Great Britain. This was in accordance with the terms of previous negotiations with Great Britain, which it is al leged have been evaded by that power. The imports and exports of goods, it appears, kept pace with this increased tonnage in the trade, as the following comparative table will show :— I mports and E xports U nited States with the British Possessions, and A ll Parts of the W orld. exports. imports. 1840. 1821. 1830. 1840. 1830. 24,519,214 33,737,699 20,777,480 26,329,359 59,317,362 2,007,767 2,009,791 3,786,373 6,093,250 650,303 168,579 1,048,165 265,102 1,901 2,965,584 70,876,920 107,141,519 64,974,382 73.849,508 132,085,946 of the to 1821. Great Britain 25,087,108 Br. Am. Col’s 490,7114 Br. W. Indies 927,346 Total, World 62,585,724 556 Monthly Commercial Chronicle. This gives the fact that the aggregate trade with the British American colonies in. creased, in the ten years from 1830, from $4,436,676 to $8,601,017, nearly a hundred per cent. The tonnage in that trade increased as follows :— T onnage engaged in the T rade between the U nited S tates A merican Colonies. EN TER ED . 242,622 383,945 This gives a great increase in the foreign tonnage. puts a new face on it, as follows:— Value N orth CLEARED. Amer. Tons. For. Tons. 405 1820,................... 110,821 1830,................... 130,527 4,002 1840,.................... 373,149 387,947 Increase from 1830,... and the Amer. Tons. 112,223 117,171 357,073 For. Tons. 3,169 14,267 401,805 239,902 387,538 The following table, however, of I mports and E xports of the U nited S tates with the British A merican Colonies, distinguishing the tonnage. imports into united states. exports from united states. Amer. Vess. For. Vess. Total. Amer. Vess. For.Vess. Total. 1834,......$1,103,956 $444,774 $1,548,733 $2,448,356 $1,126,914 $3,535,276 1840,...... 1,431,264 576,503 2,007,767 4,191,649 1,908,352 6,100,005 Increase,.. $327,308 $131,729 $459,034 $1,743,293 $781,438 $2,564,729 Here we have the fact that the increase of 387,945 foreign tons entered the United States, from 1830 to 1841, was merely nominal, the increase of business in those tons being but $131,729. This nominal increase in British colonial tonnage forms sixty per cent of the aggregate increase of foreign tonnage in the whole United States, and de ducted therefrom, gives an actual increase of foreign trading tonnage of 220,299 tons, against an increase in the same period of 664,682 in American tonnage. Again, it ap pears that the aggregate business between the United States, the British West Indies and American colonies, increased, from 1821 to 1830, $1,936,181, and in the subse quent ten years, $3,563,311. Hence it appears that the proclamation issued by Gen eral Jackson, by removing restrictions on the trade of the colonies, increased the com merce $1,600,000 per annum, sixty-five per cent of which was enjoyed by American vessels. This does not appear to be an evil so great in its influence upon the whole country as to warrant the return to the prohibitory system previously in operation. It has been advanced as a disadvantage to the United States that English vessels, like the Cunard line of steamers, can proceed from England to the colonies and thence to the United States, and return by the same route, while American vessels are prohibited from so doing. Now, if the United States enjoyed that privilege, they would not avail themselves of it, because it is a losing voyage; and it seems odd to advise the pro hibition of the advantages now enjoyed, by the outlay of British capital in that enter prise, for the nominal right of engaging in a similar one. The general result goes to show, that as long as American shipping is relieved from onerous taxation at home, it can successfully compete with that of all the world, in science of construction, and skill and enterprise in navigation. The great object is to procure as extended a market as possible for the agricultural products of the United States, which are far beyond the consumptive powers of the people. The British colonies bought in 1840 the following quantities of those articles :— Monthly Commercial Chronicle. 557 A gricultural Products exported from the U. S. in 1840. To British Colonies. Total Exports. Articles. Value. No. Value. No. Rice,........................... . .tierces 6,003 $12U,828 tierces 101,660 $1,942,076 Apples,....................... ..barrels 11,750 23,696 barrels 23,396 55,131 “ Ship Bread,................ .. “ 86,274 280,260 147,033 428,988 (( Potatoes,................ ... .. “ 23,867 10,364 123,549 54,524 57,597 113,393 Rye,............................ Meal—Rye and Indian,..bbls. 180,406 600,180 barrels 259,281 876,114 Indian Corn,.............. ....bush. 275,567 164,763 338,333 574,279 “ 1,897,501 Flour,.......................... ..barrels 664,685 3,371,402 10,143,615 it 1,720,860 W heat,....................... ....bush. 1,100,347 944,162 1,635,483 “ Butter and Cheese,.... ....... lbs. 725,151 75,862 723,217 210,749 Pork, &c.................... 665,876 1,894,894 Beef, &c.................... 311,900 623.373 Naval Stores,............. ..barrels 17,342 37,032 barrels 259,776 602,529 Other agricultural articles,................... 2,139,630 810,201 Tola] Value,........................... $8,803,550 Exported in American vessels,........... 6,055,224 “ foreign vessels,................ 2,148,326 $19,729,403 The export to these colonies in 1829 amounted to $2,725,567, being an increase in the sale of agricultural products to the extent of $6,077,983, of which seventy-five per cent goes in American vessels. It thus appears that the effect of the proclamation was to double the market for agricultural produce—a market which is now rapidly increasing. It must be a very lame policy which would suggest the destruction of this trade, with which the welfare of the western states is somewhat connected, merely because Great Britain lays unwholesome restraints upon her colonies. The fact that the article of gypsum is imported mostly in foreign bottoms is relied upon chiefly as a reason why the existing regulations are injurious to the United States. The following table will show the comparative importance of that article in the trade between the United States and the colonies:— Import of Gypsum from the Colonies into the United States, with the A ggregate Import and Export, distinguishing the A mount carried in A merican Vessels. Imports and In Amer. In For. Gifpsum. Vessels. Exports. Vessels. 1829......... ...... $61,307 $3,589,196 $3,462,850 $136,346 1830......... .... 119,234 4,607,056 4,524,623 82,533 1834 ........ .... 172,837 7,844,057 5,613,403 2,230,634 1835......... ..... 8,473,820 6,088,754 87,531 2,384,976 1836......... ...... 120,081 5,463,965 8,210,610 2,746,648 9,218,215 6,468,263 2,748,953 1837......... ..... 141,819 1838......... ...... 130,233 8,115,761 5,734,511 2,381,256 6,735,678 2,488,096 1839......... ..... 127,518 9,243,774 8,879,549 1840......... . ... 129,401 12,121,517 3,361,968 1841............... Now it appears that, since 1830, the import of gypsum from the colonies has scarcely increased at a ll; while the trade to and from the colonies, in American vessels, has in creased 150 per cent, or $5,300,003 ; while that in foreign vessels has also increased $3,300,000. Hence it appears that the opening of the imports has been of immense importance to the United States; and had Great Britain allowed the United States ves sels to buy her gypsum, her sales of that article would undoubtedly have increased in the same proportion as have the sales of American produce. Hence her restrictions have been a serious injury to her own subjects, while the citizens of the United States have been immensely benefited by the liberal policy of the government. 47* f 558 Commercial Statistics. COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. N A V IG A T IO N A N D T O N N A G E O F T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S , I N 1841. S ta te m e n t e x h i b itin g a C o n d en se d V ie w o f th e T o n n a g e o f th e S e v e r a l D is tr ic ts o f the U n ite d S ta te s , on th e 30th o f S e p te m b e r , 1841 ; d e r iv e d f r o m th e A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e S e c r e ta r y o f th e T r e a s u r y , m a d e a s r e q u ir e d b y A c t o f C o n g ress. districts. Passamaquoddy,..., Machias,............... .................... do... Frenchman’s Bay,. Penobscot,............. Belfast,.................. Waldoborough,..... Wiscasset,............. Bath,..................... Portland,............... Saco,..................... Kennebunk,.......... York,.................... Portsmouth,............New Hampshire Newburyport......... Ipswich,................. Gloucester,............. Salem,.................... Marblehead,......... Boston,................... Plymouth,.............. Fall River,............. New Bedford,....... Barnstable,............ Edgartown,............ Nantucket,............. Providence,............ Bristol,................... Newport,................ Middletown,.......... New London,........ New Haven,......... Fairfield,............... Vermont,................ Champlain,............. Sackett’s Harbor,.. .................do..... Oswego,................. Niagara,................. Genesee,................. Oswegatchie,.......... Buffalo Creek,........ Sag Harbor,........... New York,.-.......... Cape Vincent,........ Perth Amboy,....... Bridgetown,............ Camden,.................. Newark,........ ......... Burlington,.............. Little Egg Harbor,. Great Egg Harbor,. V OL. V II.---- N O. V I. Registered Tonnage. Tons and 95ths. 1,920 44 1,395 44 2,331 50 6,100 18 7,927 81 12,343 13 4,514 60 34,813 16 37,515 26 659 93 5,798 75 17,372 11 14,286 44 2,303 22,873 2,538 158,803 13,976 2,633 65,2)3 3,237 5,007 25,658 12,681 8,191 5,291 926 20,718 3,864 912 02 02 16 50 08 77 64 46 63 09 81 53 70 58 81 41 52 12,783 28 225,174 36 249 29 518 38 48 Enrolled and Licensed Tonn. Tons and 95ths. 8,667 92 12,752 37 13,096 20 30,025 59 31,686 00 38,913 18 8,900 79 23,237 32 17,494 60 2,242 20 1,910 28 1,042 62 8,335 74 8,931 30 2,514 45 14,393 16 13,706 51 9,024 81 68,804 44 12,984 69 5,688 79 31,539 20 51,832 36 2,300 25 7,649 36 5,320 09 4,737 67 5,862 46 9,775 01 14,717 79 6,344 57 8,019 50 4,343 30 1,633 02 2,059 72 6,872 38 231 89 442 48 855 15 14,993 75 6,237 44 212,840 02 2,529 83 15,194 12 9,822 30 4,358 44 5,776 85 3,936 44 5,021 01 8,652 32 Total Tonn. of each List. *Tons & 95ths. 10,588 41 14,147 81 15,427 70 36,125 77 39,613 81 51,257 31 13,415 44 58,050 48 55,009 86 2,902 18 7,709 08 1,042 62 25,707 85 23,217 74 2,514 45 16,696 18 36,579 53 11,563 02 227,607 94 26,960 77 8,322 61 96,752 84 55,069 82 7,307 88 33,307 45 18,000 90 12,929 25 11,154 21 10,701 59 35,436 65 10,209 03 8,932 07 4,343 30 1,633 02 2,059 72 6,872 38 231 89 442 48 855 15 14,993 75 19,020 72 438,014 38 2,529 83 15,194 12 10,116 59 4,358 44 6,325 28 3,936 44 5,021 01 8,652 32 Commercial Statistics. T onnage of the Districts. Philadelphia,... Presque Isle,... Pittsburg,........ Wilmington,.... Newcastle,...... Baltimore,........ Oxford,............ Vienna,............ Snow Ilill,..... . St. Mary’s,..... Annapolis,....... Georgetown,... District of Columbia Alexandria,..... Norfolk,........... Petersburg,...... Richmond,....... Yorktown,....... East River,..... Rappahannock, Folly Landing,., Yeocomico,...... Cherry Stone,... Wheeling,........ Wilmington,.... ....... North Carolina Newbern,......... Washington,— Edenton,......... Camden,......... Beaufort,......... Plymouth,....... Ocracoke,....... Charleston,...... Georgetown,.... Beaufort,......... Savannah,....... Sunbury,......... Brunswick,...... Hardwick,........ St. Mary’s,...... Cuyahoga,........ Sandusky,....... Cincinnati,...... Miami,............ Nashville,........ Louisville,........ St. Louis,........ Michilimackinac,..............Michigan Detroit,............ Mobile,............ Pearl River,..... New Orleans,... Teche,............. Pensacola,........ St. Augustine,... Apalachicola,... ..................‘ .do... St. Marks,....... Key West,....... T otal,, 559 United S tates, E tc.— C o n tin u e d . Registered Tonnage. Tons and 95ths. 47,379 91 906 37 37,752 32 832 31 1,568 6,864 6,558 2,674 3,922 58 70 51 51 64 6,610 93 1,823 86 1,083 80 104 13 647 77 653 86 12,953 74 8,543 76 1,266 05 5,589 67 54,793 05 146 03 Enrolled and Licensed Tonn. Tons and 95ths. 58,425 50 2,819 84 10,342 77 4,048 31 5,101 35 45,886 09 7,827 81 10,441 39 5,792 62 1,349 06 3,884 91 4,390 39 3,525 28 11,571 69 1,592 80 3,098 16 2,426 18 1,907 15 2,108 55 3,771 61 2,835 65 1,473 32 1,417 81 2,404 92 1,869 19 1,988 931 7,383 1,070 1,019 954 8,407 2 ,7 8 6 246 5,517 59 93 62 19 55 11 44 42 33 38 820 17 Total Tonn. o f each Dist. Tons & 95ths 105,805 46 2,819 84 10,342 77 4,954 68 5,101 35 83,638 41 7,827 81 11,273 70 5,792 62 1,349 06 3,884 91 5,959 02 10,390 03 18,130 25 4,267 42 7,020 80 2,426 18 1,907 15 2,108 55 3,771 61 2,835 65 1,473 32 1,417 81 9,015 90 3,693 10 3,072 1,036 8,031 1,070 1,673 954 21,361 2,786 246 14,061 44 11 44 19 46 11 23 42 33 19 2,086 2 2 149 8,853 3,446 10,188 2,4 7 2 3,521 8,359 11,370 37 88 75 76 55 65 73 00 149 8,853 3,446 10,188 2 ,4 7 2 3,521 8,359 11,370 37 88 75 76 55 65 73 00 11,520 10,124 901 90,321 684 953 16 86 16 58 71 93 11,520 15,714 901 145,114 684 1,100 16 58 16 63 71 01 645 66 1,821 84 2 ,4 6 6 55 1,870 07 557 65 2,427 72 1,284,940 90 2,230,744 37 945,803 42 1s t d a y o f O c to b er, 1840, a n d e n d in g o n 560 S ta te m e n t o f th e N a v i g a t i o n o f e a c h S t a t e a n d T e r r ito r y o f th e U n ite d S t a t e s , c o m m e n c in g o n th e th e 30<ft d a y o f S e p te m b e r , 1841. I . ---- TON NA G E E N T E R E D T H E U N IT ED STA TES. FO R EIG N . AM ERICAN. . STA TES AND T E R R IT O R IE S . V e s s e ls . T ons. M en. T otal. 292 27 43 1,334 134 103 3,371 683 115 8 J 54,296 8,800 13,560 283,1 8 7 2 4 ,5 6 4 21,4 2 2 733,552 2 ,1 2 5 293 332 12,447 1,272 1,356 35,787 ’ 89,2 8 7 1,689 69,275 6,969 26,6 3 8 2 3 ,8 0 3 29,7 5 7 10,612 23,9 6 5 3,763 92 3,107 298 1,176 1,209 1,396 435 1,031 193,063 sjo42 T O T A L , AM ERICAN AND FOR EIGN. V e s s e ls . \ Tons. 1 56,164 2,329 M en. I 3,160 138 20,473 3,177 7,637 2,794 25,863 36,552 36,583 1j34 4 37 145 25,334 6 495 77 1,031 176 408 209 1,088 1,313 1,487 3,543 147 631 3,114 378,128 132 10,098 2,202 | B oys. V e s se ls . C re w s. T ons. M e n . 36 110,460 11,129 13,560 354,402 25,195 24,5 3 6 1,111,680 132 99,385 3,891 89,748 10,146 34,275 26,5 9 7 55,620 47,1 6 4 60,548 5,285 431 332 16,791 1,309 1,501 61,121 6 4,258 169 4,138 474 1,584 1,418 2 ,4 8 4 1,748 2,518 942 151 264,637 11,088 11,585 548 78 70 8,1 1 4 401 259 36 7 i ,634 2 ,9 7 4 875 43 39 3,285 47 4,160 226 840 36 1,459 205 10,000 1,194 4 ,5 3 8 I 736,444 169 1.........8,541 7,735 ! 1,631,909 75,445 2,830 43,675 453 12,273 2 ,3 6 8 ,3 5 3 ! 119,120 B u y s C o m m e r c ia l S t a tis tic s . Maine,........................ . New Hampshire,....... Vermont,.................... Massachusetts............. Rhode Island,............ Connecticut,................ New York,.................. New Jersey,............... Pennsylvania,............ Demware,.................... M aryland,.................. . District of Columbia,.. Virginia,...................... North Carolina,......... South Carolina,.......... Georgia....................... Alabam a,.................... Mississippi,.................. Louisiana,................... Ohio,............................ Kentucky..................... Tennessee,.................. Michigan.................... Missouri,..................... Florida,....................... B oys. | C re w s. C re w s. 3,283 S ta te m e n t o f th e N a v i g a t i o n o f ea ch S ta te a n d T e r r ito r y o f th e U n ite d S ta te s , c o m m e n c in g o n th e 1 s t d a y o f O c to b e r , th e HHth d a y o f S e p te m b e r , 1841.—Continued. I I . ---- TON NA G E C LEA R ED FROM T otal,................. I 741 134 7,790 T ons. M en. 90,764 1,475 13,560 236,376 20,911 27,886 600,307 2,739 74,201 1,632 63,656 11,472 53,910 39,829 63,469 20,196 47,481 3,603 61 332 12,235 1,225 1,784 32,253 115 3,310 87 3,027 501 2,252 1,961 2,649 831 1,872 "244,988 9,600 9 ,7 i3 875 Boys V e s se ls . T ons. M en. 56,679 2,330 3,196 136 73,628 787 3,027 365,241 4^724 41 141 24,989 9,322 2,202 23,598 3,361 9,333 3,184 28,716 36,980 35,795 ......479 80 1,162 180 500 225 1,154 1,345 1,365 72,577 2,624 3,541 130 43 829 '883 1,634,156 79,216 821 35 479 3,043 4,554 736,849 C re w s. B oys. V e s s e ls . Tons. M en. 30 147,443 3,805 13,560 310,004 21,698 30,913 965,548 2,739 83,523 3,834 87,254 14,833 63,243 43,013 92,185 57,176 83,276 6,799 197 332 16,959 1,266 1,925 57,242 115 3,789 167 4,189 681 2,752 2,186 3,803 2,176 3,237 1,000 165 317,565 12,224 13,254 609 255 79 5,609 298 4 18 213 11,560 1,301 12,344 2,371,005 44,061 59 52 348 B oys. 123,277 13,381 C o m m e r c ia l S t a tis tic s . Maine,....................... New Hampshire,........ Vermont,.................... Massachusetts,........... Rhode Island,............ Connecticut,.............. New York,................ New Jersey,.............. Pennsylvania,............ Delaware,................. Maryland,.................. District of Columbia,.. Virginia,.................... North Carolina,......... South Carolina,......... Georgia,.................... Alabama,.................. Mississippi,................ Louisiana,................. Ohio,......................... Kentucky,................. Tennessee,................ Michigan,................. Missouri,................... Florida,..................... T O T A L , AM ERICAN AND FO R EIG N . C re w s. C re w s. T e a sels. a n d e n d in g on T H E U N IT ED STA TES. A M ERICAN. STA TES A N S T E R R IT O R IE S . 1840, 562 Commercial Statistics. U. S. IMFORTS AND EXPORTS OF SUGAR, FROM 1821 TO 1842. Statement exhibiting the Import, Export, and Consumption o f Foreign Brown and White Sugar in the United States annually, from 1821 to 1841, divided into three periods of seven years each ; and also the quantity of Domestic Refined Sugar ex. ported annually during the same tim e; derived from a Report o f the Secretary of the Treasury, July 9, 1842. W H IT E SUGAR. B R O W N SUGAR. DOMESTIC R EFIN ED Vears. SUGAR. Imported. Pounds. 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 Total, 7 yrs 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 Total, 7 yrs, 1835 1836 1837 1833 1839 1840 1841 Exported. Consumed. Imported Exported) Consumed. Pounds. Pounds. Pounds. Pounds, j Pounds. Pounds. 1,939,764 6,265,810 1,357,570 8.477.299 890,757 4.748.299 3,274,547 126,527 177,065 55,187 57,903 50.017 168,991 236,744 475,146,01390,629,125 384,517,433 61,216,632 34,262,586 26,954,046 872,439 3,563,916 3,012,396 4,857,131 5,163,147 3,075,696 7,523,219 4,977,412 269,291 479,218 1,634,610 1,273,773 856,313 692.876 3,241,721 540,728,467 70,878,723 169,819,744 54,542,783 22,364,866 32,177,917 8,493,302 53,145,65415,301,935 77,470,313' 7,732,228 53,783,724114,833,353 80,133,429 8,315,855 64,430,041 15,420,284 76,019,01546,979,823 70,108,937i 12,010,592 51,686,955! 8,997,954 53 597,594 10,639,247 78,576,3831 6,676,265 98,576,928'17,297,83? 60,117,71744,230,070 85,639,044, 2,001,424 107,483,84141,035,926 37,843,669 6,367,181 69,733,535 10,834,857 33,950,371 7,000,486 71,7 37,574 14,216,033 49,059,757| 7,291,433 53,039,137 8.333,940 53,098,345 6,592,602 42,689,001 5,249,006 47,953,347 4,709,720 71.900,123 7,906,653 81,279,091 10,437,726 45,837,647 6,334,571 83,637,620 11,999,088 96,447,915 7,906,014 4,427,417 4,569,017 5,642,916 5,768,739 6,400,631 4,135,611 3,318,145 1,630,090 1,697,324 3,049,527 5,274,579 3,253,875 4,475,869 2,928,602 856,590 111,806,830 3,786,017 108,020,863 14,229,359 3,447,772 10,781,537 181,243,537 30,429,836 150,813,701 10,182,573 3,762,237 6,400,291 1,675,372 120,416,071 27,875,456 92,540,615 15,723,748 13,176,577 2,547,171 2,012,854 139,200,905 4,503,074 134,607,331 14,678,238 7,121,250 7,555,933 2,909,8)6 182,540,327 6,111,953 176,398,360 12,690,946 6,825,742 5,865,204 4,732,723 107,955,033 9,705,020 98,250,013 12,984,552 9,076,534 3,907,968 10,741,648 165,963,083 2,055,587 163,907,516 13,233,579 9,755,666 8,477,913 13,435,034 Total, 7 yrs 1,009,125,836,84,496,923 924,623,903 98,723,000 53,185,878 45,537,122 36,414,157 R ECA PITU LA TIO N . Pounds. Tot. brown and white sugar, from 1821 to 1827, on which duty was retained 411,471,534 Less 872,439 lbs. domestic refined sugar exported, equivalent to........... 1,744,878 Thus, in the 7 years, from 1821 to 1827, a nett revenue was realized on 409,726,656 Tot. brown and while sugar, from 1828 to 1834, on which duty was retained 502,027,661 Less 8,498,302 lbs. domestic refined sugar exported, equivalent to........ 16,996,604 Thus, in the 7 years, from 1828 to 1834, a nett revenue was realized on 485,031,057 Tot. brown and white sugar, fiom 1835 to 1841, on which duty was retained 970,166,030 Less 36,414,157 lbs. domestic refined sugar exported, equivalent to..... 72,828,314 Thus, in the 7 years, from 1835 to 1841, a nett revenue was realized on 897,337,716 Increase in 7 years, from 1828 to 1834, over preceding 7 years, of............ 75,304,401 Increase in 7 years, from 1835 to 1841, over preceding 7 years, of............ 412,306,659 A STATEMENT EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. ANNUALLY. FROM 18-31 TO 1841. INCLUSIVE ; THE RECEIPTS INTO THE TREASURY, ANNUALLY, FROM CUSTOMS, DURING THE SAME PElilOD : AND, ALSO, A1 n’,,T' VALUE ™ ----- ------------------THE OF ------------BULLION AND ~SPECIE IMPORTED AND EXPORTED. VALUE OF E X PO R TS. VALUE OF IM PO R TS. Y ear. ....... $10,082,313 7,298,708 ....... 9,048,288 ....... 12,563,773 ....... 10,947,510 ....... 12,567,769 ....... 11,855,104 ....... 12,379,176 ....... 11,805,501 ....... ....... 12,746,245 13,456,625 ....... 14,247,453 ....... ....... 32,447,950 68,393,180 ....... ....... 77.940,493 ....... 92,056,481 ....... ,69,250,031 ....... 60,860,005 ....... 76,401,792 ....... 57,196,204 ...... 66,019,731 $52,503,411 75,942,833 68,530,979 67,985,234 85,392,565 72,406,708 67,628,964 76,130,648 62,687,026 58,130,675 89,734,499 86,779,813 75,670,361 58,128,152 71,955,249 97,923,554 71,739,186 52,857,399 85,690,340 49,945,315 61,925,757 T o ta l. $62,585,724 83,241,541 77,579,267 80,549,007 96,340,075 84,974,477 79,484,068 88,509,824 74,492,527 70,876,920 103,191,124 101,029,266 108,118,311 126,521,332 149,895,742 189,980,035 140,989,217 113,717,404 162,092,132 107,141,519 127,945,488 $21,302,488 22,286,202 27,543,622 25,337,157 32,590,643 24,539,612 23,403,136 21,595,017 16,658,478 14,387,479 20,033,526 24,039,473 19,822,735 23,312,811 20,504,495 21,746,360 21,854,962 12,452,795 17,494,525 18,190,312 15,469,081 $43,671,894 49,874,079 47,155,408 53,649,500 66,944,745 53,055,710 58,921,691 50,669,669 55,700,193 59,462,029 61,277,057 63,137,470 70,317,698 81,024,162 101,189,082 106,916,680 95,564,.414 96,033,821 103,533,891 113,895,634 106,382,722 BULLIO N AND SPECIE. T o ta l. R EC E IPT S IN TO T H E T R EA S U R Y . $64,974,382 72,160,281 74,699,030 75,986,657 99,535,388 77,595,322 82,324,827 72,264,686 72,358,671 73,849,508 81,310,583 87,176,943 90,140,433 104,336,973 121,693,577 128,663,040 117,419,376 108,486,616 121,028,416 131,571,950 121,851,803 $13,004,447 17,589,762 19,088,433 17,878,326 20,098,713 23,341,332 19,712,283 23,205,524 22,681,966 21,922,391 24,224,442 28,465,237 29,032,509 16,214,957 19,391,311 23,409,941 11,169,290 16,158,800 23,137,925 13,499,502 14,487,216 I m p o r te d . E x p o r te d . $8,064,890 3,369,846 5,097,896 8,379,835 6,150,765 6,880,956 8,151,130 7,489,741 7,403,612 8,155,964 7,305,945 5,907.504 7,070,368 17,911,632 13,131,447 13,400.881 10,516.414 17,747,116 5,595,176 8,882.813 4,975,883 $10,478,059 10,810,180 6,372,987 7,014,552 8,470,534 4,704,236 8,014,880 8,243,476 4,924,020 2,178,773 9,014,931 5,656,340 2,611,701 2,076,758 6,477,775 4,324 336 5,976,249 3,508,046 8,776,743 8,417,014 10,034,332 It has been estimated by some that there was of specie and bullion in the country on the 30th September, 1820, $18,000,000 ; but say Imported from 1821 to 1841, in 20 years,.................................................................................................................................................................. Deduct amount exported from 1821 to 1841 $ 20,000,000 181,5e9,814 201,589,814 138,085,922 63,503,892 568 Balance, C o m m e r c ia l S ta t i s t i c s . 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 F r e e o f D u ty . P a y i n g D u t y . F o r e ig n M e r D o m e s tic c h a n d is e . P r o d u c e , e tc . 564 Commercial Statistics. COTTON CROP OF TH E U N ITED STATES. S ta te m e n t a n d T o ta l A m o u n t o f th e G r o w th , E x p o r t , C o n s u m p tio n , e n d in g 31st A u g u s t , 1842. N E W ORLEANS. E x p o r t— B a le s . f o r th e y ea r T o ta l in T o ta l in 1842. 1841. 727,658 813,595 To foreign ports,................................................ 649,435 Coastwise,.......................................................... 99,832 Burnt and damaged,.......................................... 950 Stock on hand, 1st September, 1842,............. 4,428 ------------ 754,645 D e d u c t— Stock on Received Received Received hand, 1st September, 1841,............. from Mobile,..................................... from Florida,.................................... from Texas,....................................... 14,490 4,565 2,831 5,101 ------------ 26,987 M ISSISSIPPI. E x p o r t fr o m N atchez, & c. :— 1,085 Included in New Orleans,............ ALABAM A. E x p o r t f r o m Mobile— To foreign ports,............................................... 241,877 Coastwise,.......................................................... 77,161 Stock in Mobile, 1st September, 1842,.......... 422 ------------ 319,460 D e d u c t— Stock in Mobile, 1st September, 1841,.......... Received from Florida,.................................... Received from Texas,....................................... 360 632 153 ------------ 1,145 318,315 320,701 114,416 93,552 232,271 148,947 FLORIDA. E x p o r t— To foreign ports,................................................ Coastwise,.......................................................... Stock on hand, 1st September, 1842,........... 46,518 68,048 250 114,816 D e d u c t— 400 Stock on hand, September 1st, 1841,, GEORGIA. E x p o r t f r o m S avannah— To foreign ports—Uplands,...... Sea Islands,. Coastwise—U p]an ds,.................. Sea Islands,............ 135,410 6,976 79,194 674 222,254 D arien— T o New York,.................................................. E x p o r t fr o m Burnt,......................................................... Stock in Savannah, 1st September, 1842,.... Stock in Augusta and Hambro’, 1st Sept. ’42, 8,724 450 2,651 2,459 236,538 D e d u c t— Stock in Savannah and Augusta, 1st Sept. *41, SOUTH CAROLINA. E x p o r t f r o m Charleston— T o foreign ports—Uplands,............................. 184,705 Sea Islands,....................... 14,119 4,267 565 C o m m e r c ia l S ta t i s t i c s . SOUTH CAROLINA. Export from Charleston—Continued. Coastwise—Uplands,....................................... . Sea Islands,............................... Bales. 70,442 341 269,607 Export from Georgetown— To New York,................................................ . 12,617 Burnt and lost,................................................. 140 Stock in Charleston, 1st September, 1842,.. 2,747 ------------ 285,111 Deduct— Stock in Charleston, 1st September, 1841,.. 4,552 Received from Savannah,.............................. . 16,258 Received from Florida and Key W est........ .. 4,137 24,947 -----------NORTH CAROLINA. Export— All coastwise,........................................ 9,787 Stock on hand, 1st September, 1842,. 250 ------- 10,037 Deduct— Stock on hand, 1st September, 1841,. 300 Total in 1842. Total in 1841. 260,164 227,400 9,737 7,865 19,013 2,000 20,800 1,000 1,683,574 1,634,945 VIRGINIA. E x p o r t— To foreign ports,................................................ Coastwise,........................................................... Manufactured,.................................................... Stock on hand, 1st September, 1842,............. 6,341 4,500 9,000 100 19,941 Deduct— Stock on hand, 1st September, 1841,. 928 Received at Philadelphia and Baltimore, overland,. T otal Crop of the U nited S tates,.................... Total crop of 1842, as above,....... bales 1,683,574 Crop of last year,..... ".............................. 1,634,945 Increase,..........................bales E xport to F oreign P orts, from To Great Britain. To France. FROM New Orleans,.............................. bales 421,450 183,272 *Mississippi, (Natchez)....................... Alabam a,.............................................. 185,414 49,544 Florida,.................................................. 29,412 14,097 Georgia, (Savannah and Darien)....... 124,296 15,590 98,305 75,504 South Carolina,.................................... North Carolina,.................................... 650 5,031 Virginia,................................................. 724 Baltimore,.............................................. 79 1,217 Philadelphia,.......................................... 69,548 59,393 New York,........................................... 234 Boston,................................................... to 31st A ugust, Other To N orth o f Europe. For. Ports. 1842. Total. 21,207 23,506 649,435 1,351 5,568 3,009 1,308 3,598 241,877 46,518 142,386 198,824 477 1,192 21,417 183 594 329 30,578 3,105 50 13,519 498 6,341 1,318 1,675 173,038 3,837 79,956 56,279 51,533 49,480 1,465,249 1,313,277 Increase,....................... 76,889 49,353 23,677 2,053 The shipments from Mississippi are included in the export from New Orleans. 151,972 Grand Total,............................ 935,631 398,129 Total last year,........................ 858,742 348,776 * 48,629 1st September, 1841, VOL. VII.— NO. VI. 560 Commercial Statistics. Growth. [ crop of 1824-5,.... Total crop of 1833-4......... bales 1,205,394 18256,.......... ............. 710,000 1834-5,................. .............. 1,254,328 18267,.......... ............. 937,000 1835-6.................. 1827-8,................... ............ 712,000 1836-7,................. 1828-9,................... ............. 857,744 1837-8,................. .............. 1,801,497 1829 30,................. ............ 976,845 1838-9,................. .............. 1,360,532 1830 1,................... ............ 1,038,848 1839-40................ .............. 2,177,835 1831-2,................... ............. 987,477 1840-1,................. .............. 1,634,945 1832-3,................... ........... 1,070,438 1841-2,................. .............. 1,683,574 Consumption. Total crop of the United States, as before stated,.................bales Add— Stocks on hand at the commencement of the year, 1st Sept. 1841, In the southern ports,................................................................. In the northern ports,................................................................ 1,683,574 27,479 45,000 --------- Makes a supply of. 72,479 1,756,053 Deduct therefrom— The export to foreign ports,............................................ 1,465,249 Less Texas and other foreign,......................................... 10,393 1,454,856 Stocks on hand at the close of the year, 1st Sept., 1842, In the southern ports,................................................ In the northern ports,................................................ 13,307 18,500 Burnt and lost at New Orleans,....................................... Burnt and lost at Savannah,............................................. Burnt and lost at Charleston,............................................ 950 450 140 31,807 1,540 1,488,203 Leaving,............................................................. bales 267,850 Quantity consumed by and in the hands of manufacturers :— 1841-2,............ 1840-1 ’............ 1839-40,.......... 1838 9,............ 1827-8,............ 1836-7,............ 1835-6,............ ............. 1834-5,.......... ...bales 267,850 1833-4,.............. .......... 297^288 1832-3;.............. ..................... .......... 295,193 1831 2,.............. ..................... 1830-1............... ..................... .......... 246,063 1829-30,............ ..................... .......... 222,540 1828-9,.............. ..................... .......... 236,733 1827 8,.............. ..................... .......... 216,888 1826 7,.............. ..................... 194,412 173,800 182,142 126,512 118,853 120,593 103,483 It will be seen that we have deducted from the New Orleans statement the quantity received at that port from Texas—Texas being a foreign country. Our estimate of the quantity taken for consumption does not include any cotton manufactured in the states south and west of Virginia, nor any in that state, except in the vicinity of Petersburg and Richmond. Of the new crop now gathering, about 3,000 bales were received previous to the 1st September; of which 1,734 were received at New Orleans. The general tenor of the accounts from the cotton.growing states leads to the con. elusion that the crop now coming in will excee^that of last year by several hundred thousand bales; but the article is subject to so many vicissitudes that no certain calcu lation can be made as to the quantity that may reach the market.—[Shipping List. Mercantile Miscellanies. 567 MERCANTILE MISCELLANIES. PROBLEMS IN ACCOUNTANTSHIP. The question for bookkeepers proposed by T. J. in our September number has elicited numerous answers, from which we select those of R., J. D. L., and N. D., as correct. In the answer of R. there is a slight variation from the rest in form, but the following sufficiently exemplifies the answers of all three :— C a sh . D r. C r. A........................... .............$286 36 By A............................. .......... $78 56 5 99 “ B............................. “ B............................ ............. .......... 120 00 .......... 159 30 “ Balance,.................. To $112 35 $412 35 C r. A . D r. Cash,...................... ............. $78 56 By Cash,....................... .......... $286 36 “ B............................ ............. 436 00 “ Balance,.................. .......... 247 85 ........... 19 65 To $534 21 $534 21 B. D r. Cash,...................... “ Loss,...................... ........... “ Balance,................. To C r. By Cash,....................... 19 65 “ A............................. .......... $441 99 To $441 99 M e r c h a n d is e . D r. 436 00 C r. Cash,...................... ........... $159 30 By Cash,....................... ..........$120 00 “ A ............................ .......... 19 65 “ B............................. .......... 19 65 $159 30 D r. A........................... 44 Cash,...................... ........... To $159 30 B a la n c e . C r. By B.............................. ..........$302 34 54 49 $302 34 $302 34 The effects of the concern are therefore $302 34, which is all due to B., and of which A. pays $247 85. Now for a different view of the transaction. Substitute the words “ paid /o r” instead of “ paid to” the firm, and the sense is materially altered. Let it be admitted that what A. & B. paid away was not first put into a cash drawer for joint use, but absolutely paid away for the business; thus, when they made purchases, each paid what he hap pened to have in his pocket, and that although it was understood they were partners, there was no other bookkeeping than that each kept a memorandum of all he paid away or received for the business. Of the goods sold we will suppose part were sold by one and part by the other, but the statement furnished by each (as given in the question) of what he had received and paid is admitted to be correct. Now in this case there can be no such thing as Cash on Hand, belonging to the firm. All funds of the firm are evidently in the pockets of one or the other of the parties. What, then, must one pay the other ? 568 Mercantile Miscellanies. S o lu tio n b y N . D ., N e w O rle a n s , o f P r o p o s itio n b y C. C. C. Six Per Cent Stock. $16,150 in the six per cent stock produces................................... $19,000 00 Twenty-one years’ interest on ditto at six per cent is... 23,940 00 ------------ $42,940 00 Our object being a comparison of the present value of each fund in prospective, we must now find what sum at seven per cent interest would, in twenty-one years, amount to $42,940. Without giving the work of this problem, we will state that we have as certained it to be................................................................................ $17,384 62 Seven per cent interest on this sum being.......................... .......... 25,555 38 ---------------$42,940 00 This proves that we have found the true present value of the six per cent stock, as we have shown that $17,384 62 at interest, at seven per cent, produces $42,940 00, which is the prospective value of this investment. Seven Per Cent Stock. $16,150 in the seven per cent stock produces...................................................$17,000 00 Fourteen years’ interest at seven per cent gives................................ 16,660 00 Prospective value,..................................... $33,660 00 Now, without calculation, it is obvious that the present value of $33,660 is $17,000. Hence the following result:— Present value of six per cent investment,........................................................... $17,384 62 “ “ seven per cent “ .......................................................... 17,000 00 Difference in favor of six per cent,.................................. $384 62 W e trust N. D. will not object to the manner in which we have used his solution; we have merely introduced such remarks as appeared to us necessary to render the statement intelligible to that portion of our readers who are less experienced in these matters than himself. His question we willingly insert, viz :— Q u e s tio n f o r B o o k k e e p e r s , b y N . D . I would propose, if approved by you, the following question :— Three partners commence business on the 1st of January, 1843, with a capital of $15,000. Of the capital, A. puts in the concern $7,000 ; B., 6,000 ; and C., 2,000. A. draws from the concern, for his private expenses, $300 per month. B., the first two years, $300 per month ; and the last year, $150 per month. C. draws $50 per month. In every case, the money is drawn on the first day of’the month, commencing with the first month. C. is allowed one quarter of the profits, and the balance is divided equally between A. and B. Interest allowed at the rate of six per cent per annum on the money received and taken out of the concern by the partners. At the expiration of the partnership, the nett profits of the concern are $8,000, not including the interest ac count between the partners. W hat amount is to be paid or received by each to settle the whole at the expiration of the partnership ? W e regret that any remarks having the appearance of partiality or unfairness should have crept into our pages. W e therefore cheerfully insert the following correction:— New York, September 15th, 1842. M r . E ditor,—Permit me to recall your attention to the comments appearing in your September number, in reference to the several answers to “ a mathematical problem.” Of the various answers it is stated that “ those from R. B. S. and *Charleston’ are the Mercantile Miscellanies. 569 readiest and most satisfactory. T. J., C. C. C., and J. L. have each given correct an. swers, but the processes they have adopted are not so brief.” Surely the writer of the above could not have examined the several answers, or he must have seen, as all your readers may do, that in all these answers alluded to, the difference in quantity of figures arises from a suppression of the proof extensions on the part of the two first, and which the other three have given in full. The difference in work is this, R. B. S. and Charleston have obtained a minimum price to grade the rest from, while J. L. has obtained a maximum, but the work is precisely the sam e; and if either answer of the three deserves a preference it is certainly that of J. L., for giving several different cases of the kind. But T. J. and C. C. C. have deducted the gross dif ferences from the gross sales, and divided by the yards for a minimum; while R. B. S. and Charleston have divided the gross differences by the yards, and deducted the ave. rage differences from the average price per yard for a minimum. Now the Gross Sales is always a given sum in such questions ; therefore the only difference in the work of the two methods is the following :— R. B. S. and Charleston’s method, 14| 14 134 T . J. and C. C. C.’s method, 740 45 75 30 665 15 In this case it is true that the former has a leelle the smaller sum in substraction, but for this he is indebted to the question for an easy fraction. The latter is, however, far easier understood, as it is not readily determined that to deduct the average differences will produce the same result as to deduct the totals; consequently, T . J. and C. C. C. have at least given the most “ satisfactory” answers, and if not the “ readiest,” at least as ready as the others. F air Play. The question proposed profitable discussion. It mined when something stated which of the three by R. from an eastern paper would only lead, as before, to un contains no definite proposition. Profits can only be deter has been fixed upon as a first cost; and moreover, it is not parties to the transaction the question of profits refers to. COMMERCIAL PRO SPERITY OF JAMAICA. The Kingston Morning Journal says :—“ We have been favored with a view of the statements of exports from this island during the present year, and have been delighted at perceiving the increase which has taken place over those of 1841. The statement i3 incomplete, not including the exports from Port Maria, Luca, and Savanna-la-Mar. Notwithstanding these omissions, it appears that 13,321 hogsheads of sugar, 3,850 pun cheons of rum, and 1,233 tierces of coffee have been shipped in 1842, over and above the shipments of the previous year. Our British as well as Jamaica readers will be gratified at the increased production of our staples which this statement shows, and will join us in the anxious hope that they will continue to increase in the like ratio every year, until our island ha3 reached that pitch beyond which increased production becomes an ev il:— lid s. Sugar. 1841 ............................. 22,691 1842 ............................. 36,012 E xcess............................ 13,321 PhsaRum . 8,298 12,148 3,850 Trs. Coffee. 7,570 8,803 1,233 Mercantile Miscellanies. 570 TH E VAULTS OF T H E BANK OF FRANCE. The silver coin is heaped up in barrels, placed in spacious cellars, resembling the sub terranean storehouses of a brewery. Each tub-holding fifty thousand francs in five-franc pieces, and weighing about six hundred pounds. There were, I w'as told, eight hundred barrels, piled up to the very crown of the arches, and rising much higher than my head. W e walked through a long alley of these barrels for some time, until we came to a large stone-roofed and iron-floored apartment, wherein are to be seen large square leaden cases, resembling those used at vitriol and sulphuric acid wrorks. Each of these holds twenty thousand bags of one thousand francs each, and the whole are soldered up hermetically within the cases; several of which, it appears, have not been opened for nearly forty years ; and, a regent told me, would probably remain untouched a hundred years longer, and would be the last of their stock dipped into. In these leaden reservoirs the treasure of the Bank of France is kept perfectly dry, and free also from any variation of tempera ture. The stairs leading to these regions of Plutus are narrow, and admit of only one person at a time, ascending or descending with a candle. This has been expressly con trived for protection, and defence from insurgent mobs. In one of the treasure vaults are the precious deposits of the Rothschilds, and other wealthy capitalists, left for safety with the bank. W ant of confidence obliges the Bank of France to keep in its vaults a sum which might be reduced to a fourth, or even an eighth part, with safety to itself, and of incalculable advantage to the wealth and prosperity of the country.—[Letters from Paris. “ SIX HO STILE T A R IFF S.” The Leeds (England) Mercury, enumerates the “ hostile tariffs” that have been passed, with their respective dates, with the briefest possible explanation of their bearing on English commerce, as follows :— 1. The Russian Tariff, issued in November, 1841 ; by which the duty on worsted or woollen goods, and mixed worsted and cotton, was raised from 200 to 300 per cent ad valorem; printed goods are prohibited. The King of Prussia, during his late visit to St. Petersburgh, induced the Emperor to issue a more favorable ukase for the products of Prussia. 2. The Portuguese Tariff, bearing date the 12th of December, 1841; by which the duties on English woollens were raised to an ad valorem duty of 45 per cent. A favor able tariff is now in course of negotiation. 3. The French Tariff, bearing date the 26th of June, 1842 ; by which the duties on English linen yarns and linens were doubled, and made almost entirely prohibitory, this being by far our largest branch of export to France. 4. The Belgian Tariff, issued in July, 1842 ; by which the duty on English linens and linen yarns was raised to the same prohibitory rate as the French duty, in obedience to the dictation of France, and with a view of preventing the smuggling of English linens and yarns into that country through Belgium. 5. The United States Tariff, bearing date Aug., 1842 ; by which the duty on woollens was raised from 20 to 40 per cent ad valorem, on worsted goods from 20 to 30 per cent, and on cotton goods the duty was made nominally 30 per c e n t; but on some kinds of goods it is in reality from 100 to 200 percent ad valorem, and on many kinds of cottons, woollens, and other goods the duty will be prohibitory. 6. The German League Tariff, passed September, 1842; by which the duty on one of the largest branches of our ^exports, namely, worsted goods, figured or printed, is raised from twenty dollars per cwt., so as to be in many cases prohibitory ; and by which the duty on quincaillerie or hardware is increased probably to fifty dollars per cwt. The Book Trade. 571 THE BOOK TRADE. 1. — T he P h y sic ia n f o r S h ip s ; exhibiting the S y m p to m s, C auses, anil T r e a tm e n t o f Diseases incident to Seam en a n d Passenger's in M e r ch a n t Vessels, w ith D irectio n s f o r P r e se r v in g th e ir H ealth in S ic k ly C lim ates. By U sher P arsons, M.D., formerly Surgeon in the Navy, and President of the Rhode Island Medical Society. Third edition, pp. 216. Boston: Little & Brown. It is no small recommendation to this work, that the second edition of two thousand co pies is all sold. In the present edition important improvements and additions are made in every part of the book ; and the whole of it has been written with an eye to the understand ing and capacities of those for whom it was intended. An extract or two, from a Review of the former edition, contained in the New England Medical Journal, will give the reader a correct idea of its merits:— “ We trust that this work will meet with an extensive circulation. W e think it would be an object well worthy the attention of our principal merchants, to introduce it among the masters of vessels in their employ. They would, no doubt, find themselves amply re paid for the trifling expense to which it would subject them, in the greater safety and health of their crews, and the security of their own property. W ith a due observance of the pre cautions and preventives insisted on by Dr. Parsons, we should not so often hear of the extensive and dreadful fatality which sometimes befalls merchant vessels, and sweeps off one after another their whole crews. If the commanders of vessels make it their study, as it is their duty, to understand, so far as they are capable, its contents, there can be no doubt they might arrive at tolerably correct ideas of the nature and treatment of those diseases to which seamen are more particularly subject.” “ The descriptions of diseases, are brief and perspicuous; giving not a medical history of their phenomena and progress, but a view of such of their principal symptoms, as would convey a vivid impression to the mind of an unprofessional observer. The method of treatment recommended is, also, of that kind which can be best understood and practised by those for whom the work is intended as a guide.” 2. —T h e P henom ena a n d O rd er o f the S o la r S y ste m . By J. P. N ichol, LL. D., F. R. S., Professor of Practical Astronomy in the University of Glasgow ; author of “ Views of the Architecture of the Heavens,” etc. 12mo. pp. 166. Dayton & Newman. This work was first published in Glasgow, in 1838, and the present is the first American reprint of the last Edinburgh edition. It is divided into three parts. The first part, in treat ing of the motions of the planetary orbs, gives an account of astronomy in early times, its reform, the advance of observation, and the perfection of the theory. The second part is devoted to the physical constitution of the solar system, and of the bodies that compose it, embracing the leading and general characteristics of the bodies of our system; charac ter and constitution of the individual planetary bodies, and the constitution of the sun. The third part treats of gravitation, and remoter consequences of gravity. In marking the rise of astronomy, and while unfolding its truths, the author very naturally dwells with fond ness on the actions, characters, and fates of the heroes of its history,—those men who created it by successive conquests over the unknown—those stars, by the memory of whose greatness we are drawn nearer the E ternal. The work is illustrated with numer ous appropriate drawings. 3. —The C laim s o f the E p isc o p a l B ish o p s, E x a m in e d in a Series o f L e tte r s, addressed to the R e v . S . A . M c C r o s k y , D .D ., B ish o p o f the P r o te sta n t E p isc o p a l C hurch o f M ic h ig a n . By George Duffield, of the Presbyterian Church of Detroit. 12mo. pp. 316. New York: Dayton <&Newman. These letters were called forth by the publication of a sermon of Bishop McCrosky, sup porting the doctrine, “ that it is only through the episcopal ministry that pardon and accep tance with God can be made known.” Mr. Duffield reviews the arguments in particular and general of the claims of episcopacy, and defends the common ground occupied by the non-episcopal portions of the Christian church. 572 The Book Trade. 4. —First Principles o f Natural Philosophy ; being a Familiar Introduction to the Study o f that Science, for the Use of Schools and Academies. By J ames R en wick, LL. D., Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy, and Chemistry, in Columbia College. New York: Harper & Brothers. The many years’ experience which the learned author of this treatise has had in the business of teaching, in addition to his profound scientific attainments, would lead us to expect from him a first-rate elementary work on this subject; and such he has given us. It may be considered, we presume, as embodying the course of instruction he has pursued in this department, with such illustrations, and modes of demonstration, as were found best adapted to render the study pleasing and profitable to his pupils. It is, therefore, what all elementary books for schools should be, the result of tried and well-considered methods; whereas, many of our school books are mere compilations, made by inexperienced hands. The manner of teaching is all-important; and we have never seen a scientific work more clear and intelligible. By the aid of the diagrams and drawings, of which there are an unusual number, the young student is enabled to comprehend, with great facility, the most abstruse parts. 5. —Self-Devotion ; or the History o f Katharine Randolph. By the author of “ The Only Daughter,” etc., edited by the author of “ The Subaltern,” “ The Hussar,” etc. New York: Harper & Brothere. W e know not what changes the publishing business is destined to experience, but it is certainly assuming a new phasis, and cheap editions, in a condensed form, are, as the say ing is, “ all the go.” Here is another two-volume book, price nine shillings, under the old regime, got up in the latest style, and sold for twenty-five cents. The previous works of this amiable and gifted author have been deservedly commended for their purity, truthfulness, and elegant simplicity of style, nor is the present work inferior to them in these respects. There are passages of great power, evincing uncommon depth of thought in one so young, and it is painful to be informed, as we are by the editor in his preface, that all this early promise of matured excellence has been blasted in death. The work is posthumous. 6. —The Nabob at Home ; or the Return to England. By the author of “ Life in India.” New York: Harper & Brothers. A very clever fiction, intended to depict life in India, and the character acquired by Europeans from a long residence in that country. The hero of the story is probably a pretty fair representative of the numerous adventurers after wealth in that distant region, who usually come back with broken constitutions, and habits and modes of thinking so at variance with those they find prevailing around them, as to have but little real enjoyment of their money. This is also in the publishers’ series of cheap “ select novels.” 7. —Miscellanies. By Stephen Collins, M.D. 12mo. pp. 308. Philadelphia: Carey & Hart. 1842. We thank the publishers for introducing us to a new author, and although one we never heard of before, we give him our hearty welcome, for his “ Miscellanies” afford no mean evidence of his claims to a prominent niche in the temple of the Nine. The volume con sists of essays, criticisms and speeches, generally sensible and well-written; every page evincive of a desire to “ advance the cause of virtue, literature, or humanity.” 8. —Discourses on Various Subjects. By E. H. Chapin. Boston: Abel Tompkins. Mr. Chapin sets out with a proposition that none will perhaps deny, that the great end of preaching is to reform the life, and reconcile men to duty and to God. To accomplish this the most effectually, he maintains that we should have correct views of the doctrines of Christianity, and that we should understand the true motives and objects of religion. He is a Universalist, and makes no effort to conceal his opinions, or to go between the discordant tenets of the sects. Neither does he travel out of his course in order to thrust prominently forward his peculiar views; but these discourses are chiefly practical, inculcating Christian dispositions, the government of the tongue, self-denial, and the various graces and virtues portrayed in the life, and taught from the fervent Ups of Jesus, the divine ideal of Chris tianity. The Book Trade. 573 9. —The Complete Poetical Works of William Cowper, Esq., etc.; with a Memoir o f the Author. By the Rev. H. Stubbing, A.M. 18mo. pp. 823. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1&42. The poetical works of Cowper are too well known and appreciated to require literary criticism at our hands. Our only object in the present notice, is to call the attention of the admirers of this delightful bard, to the beautiful edition before us, which is undoubtedly the most perfect and complete that has ever been reprinted in this country. It includes, in addition to the poems embraced in the ordinary editions of Cowper, the hymns and trans lations from Madame Guion, Milton, etc.,—and Adam, a sacred drama, from the Italian of Andreini. The printing and paper are superb, and in perfect keeping with the uniformly correct and elegant style adopted by the liberal and enterprising publishers. 10. —Library for M y Young Countrymen. Vol. 3.—Dawnings of Genius ; or, the Early Lives of Some Eminent Persons o f the Last Century. By A n n e Pratt, author of “ Flow ers and their Associations,” etc. New York: D. Appleton & Co. Philadelphia: Geo. S. Appleton. 1842. The narratives of Sir Humphrey Davy, Rev. George Crabbe, Baron Cuvier, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Lindley Murray, Sir James Mackintosh, and Adam Clarke, contained in this volume, are not abridgments of the lives of the eminent persons named—they present chiefly some account of their childhood and early youth. The author, however, aims to give her young readers a correct impression of the character which the individuals bore in later years, and of the degree in which the memoirs are entitled to our respect and admi ration. The author’s design, is to show that moral excellence is, in many instances, com bined with mental greatness, giving to it its peculiar beauty and highest value. “ She has wished,” to quote from the preface, “ to convince the young of the importance of cultivate ing both the mind and the heart,—of taking for their example a high standard of mental and moral w orth; and in all things excellent she would recommend them to adopt the motto of Dr. Johnson, and “ aim at the eagle, if they only hit the sparrow.” 11. — The Liitie Boys’ and Girls' Library o f Amusement and Instruction. Edited by Mrs. S arah J. Hale. New Y ork: Edward Dunigan. 1842. Here are eight little volumes, containing sixteen stories in prose and verse, illustrated with a great many highly-colored engravings, admirably adapted for the amusement and instruction of “ little folks.” We have long known the editor, she is the mother of a large family of children, and aside from her well-earned fame, in the higher walks of polite lite rature, the happy results that have followed her maternal teachings and influence, afford abundant evidence of her ability to impart to the young mind profitable moral and mental culture. 12. —Little Coin, Much Care ; or, How Poor Men Live. A Tale for Young Persons. By Mary Howitt.— Work aixd Wages; or, Life in Service. A continuation of “ Little Coin, Much Care." By Mary Howitt. New York : D. Appleton & Co. Philadelphia: Geo. S. Appleton. 1842. These little volumes are designed to inculcate lessons of prudence and economy in hum ble life, as may be inferred from the expressive titles; and although referring to the condi tion of the factory operatives of England, they contain many important hints, that would be useful to a large class of people in a corresponding condition in the United States. <cWork and Wages,” embraces an interesting narrative of a girl at service, and may be read with profit by mistress and servant. 13. —Tired o f Housekeeping. By T. S. Arthur, author of “ Insubordination,” “ Six Nights with the Washingtonians,” etc. New York: D. Appleton & Co. Philadelphia: George S. Appleton. 1$42. This is an American tale, and admirably adapted to the social condition of our people, and in our judgment one of the best of the series of “ Tales for the People and their Chil dren,” in course of publication by the Appletons. The machinery of the narrative is well managed, and is withal agreeable and attractive ; the tendency of works like the present, in a moral and social view, cannot for a moment be doubted. We hope to see more, in the series, from the same gifted pen. 574 The Book Trade. 14. —The Young Naturalist's Rambles through Many Lands ; containing an Account of the Principal Animals and Birds of both the Old and New Countries; with Anecdotes. Illustrated with upwards of fitly engravings. 16mo. pp. 205. 15. —Stories Illustrative of the Instinct o f Animals, their Characters, and Habits. By Thomas Bingley. Embellished with engravings from drawings by T. Landser. 16mo. pp. 201. 16. —Tales about Travellers, their Perils, Adventures, and Discoveties. By Thomas Blngley. Embellished with engravings. 16mo. pp. 190. 17. — William Tell, the Patiiot of Switzerland. Translated from the French of M. De Florian. Together with the Life of the author. To which is added Andreas Hofer, the “ Tell” of Tyrol. Illustrated with engravings on wood, by Butler. 16mo. pp. 240. 18. — Tales o f the Kings o f England ; 1st ana 2d Series. 2 vols. 16mo. pp. 224 and 239. New York: Wiley & Putnam. 1842. We cannot thus record in our pages the titles of these works, forming a sort of “ Library for the Young,” and exclusively devoted to the instruction and amusement of youth, with out noticing the changes which a few years have made in this department of literature. If it be an undoubted truth, that a slight impression on the infant mind will affect its form and strength through life, a generation nurtured among the valuable and pleasing volumes which now form our “ Libraries for the People and their Children,” or “ My Young Coun trymen,” etc., must far surpass, in every intellectual and moral trait, a race taught only the absurd tales of fairy enchantment, and the foolish chimes of “ Rhymes for the Nursery.” The worthless volumes, in the perusal of which our childhood was wasted, have now given place to a class, which, though happily adapted to the comprehension of the young est, may both amuse and instruct the oldest. Such is the character of the volumes of the series before us, which, although reprints from the English, we have read not without plea sure or advantage. The compiler of the “ Tales of the Kings of England,” instead of re sorting to the very general practice of giving abridgments—mere outlines of history, in which there is nothing to arrest the attention of the child, has selected such incidents from the history of England, as shall not only convey instruction to his young readers, but afford them as much interest and delight as the fairy stories of their infancy. In the “ Naturalist's Rambles” the plan of grouping the animals and birds in their several quarters of the world, is adopted, so that the youthful reader will be able to recollect with ease from which places any of them are brought. 19. —The Siege o f Derry ; or, Sufferings o f the Protestants. A Tale of the Revolution. 12mo. pp. 292. 20. —Helen Fleetwood. 12mo. pp. 390. 21. —Personal Recollections, pp. 303. 22. —Principalities and Powers in Heavenly Places. By Charlotte E lizabeth. W ith an Introduction, by the Rev. E dw. Bickersteth. pp. 298. New York: John S. Taylor & Co. Mr. Taylor, we believe, three or four years ago, first introduced this popular writer to the American reader, by the republication of several of the earliest productions of her pro lific pen. Her popularity is chiefly confined to the more religious portion of the reading community; a class neither few in number, or wanting in the disposition to partake of the intellectual nutriment which the press of the present day so amply supplies. Her writings are strictly religious in their tone and tendency, as much so as the works of Mrs. Sherwood. She, however, excels that lady in a more spirited and flowing style; and is destined to acquire a greater degree of popularity, and a more numerous circle of readers among those who hold the popular “ evangelical” or “ orthodox” faith. The volumes of the uniform edition before us, we have noticed separately as they were published during the last year. We therefore merely wish to express, at this time, our admiration of the taste displayed by Mr. Taylor in the “ getting up” of the present beau tiful edition, and recommend it to the admirers of the gilled author. Additions to this series are to be made, simultaneously with their appearance in England, Mr. Taylor hav ing, as we understand, made a liberal arrangement wdth the author for early copies of every work she may hereafter publish. 23. —A Discourse occasioned by the Death o f William Ellery Channing, D.D., pronounced before the Unitarian Societies of New York and Brooklyn, in the Church of the Messiah, October 13th, 1842. By Henry W. Bellows. 8vo. pp. 28. W e listened with deep interest to the delivery of this discourse, and its subsequent peru sal has only served to strengthen and confirm our conviction of its character, as an able, eloquent, and truthful portraiture of one of the greatest and purest men of the age. The Book Trade. 575 24.—The Ursuline Manual; or a Collection o f Prayers, Spiritual Exercises, etc., interiersed with Various Instructions necessary for forming Youth to the Practice of Solid iety; originally arranged for the Young Ladies educated at the Ursuline Convent, Cork. Revised by the Very Reverend John Power, and approved by Bishop Hughes. New Y ork: Edward Dunigan. The Catholic public are indebted to Mr. Dunigan for the most elegantly-bound and handsomely printed edition of this manual of devotion that, to our knowledge, has ever before been published. The “ Ursuline Manual,” is, we are informed, more used, by the members of the Catholic church, than any other extant. Heretics, as we should be consid ered by our Catholic brethren, we do not anticipate ourselves to be greatly edified t y its perusal or use; and we have therefore concluded, in the true catholic spirit, respecting the sincerity of all, to present it to a very faithful daughter of the church and of Erin, in our family, whom we know will fully appreciate its value. 25.— The London Christian Observer. This popular monthly religious miscellany is again to be republished in this country. Mr. Mason, the proprietor of the American edition of the English reviews and magazines, has issued a prospectus, which will be found appended to this magazine, announcing the reprint of that work, which it is promised shall be a fac-simile of the British edition, at very little more than a fourth part of the price of the imported copy. It advocates, what are considered by a large portion of the Protestant Christian community, the distinctive doc trines of the sacred Scripture. It has ever been conducted with marked ability ; and will doubtless meet with encouragement from different denominations of American theologians. 26.— The Young American; or Book of Government and Law : Showing their History, Nature, and Necessity. By S. G. Goodrich, author of “ Peter Parley's Tales. 18mo. pp. 282. New York : William Robinson. 1842. The design of this little treatise is excellent; and like every thing from Peter Parley, admirably well calculated to secure the attention of children. It begins with the first ideas $?of govrfnment and law, and successively treats of governments and legislation in all their successive stages, and diversified forms. The nature, origin, and principles of government, and especially our own, are here made accessible to all, and at the same time familiar to the youthful student. 27.— The Young Islanders. A Tale of the Last Century. By Jefferys Taylor. Nevr York: D. Appleton & Co. A,$«Je of deep and thrilling effect, and calculated to awaken the most intense interest in bqtlf young and old. It is besides full of earnest instruction. The engraved illustrations ifaji superb; and altogether it is one of the best juvenile gift books of the season. 28.—Backbiting. By Charlotte E lizabeth. New York: John S. Taylor & Co. It will not, we trust, be deemed uncharitable in us to say, that if all who might receive benefit from this happy illustration of the evil indicated by the title, should read the book, the publishers’ enterprise would be amply rewarded. 29.—Line Upon Line ; or a Second Series of the Earliest Religious Instruction the Infant Mind is capable of receiving, etc. By the author of the “ Peep of Day.” 18mo. pp. 272. New York: John S. Taylor <fc Co. The design of this little work is to lead children to understand, and to delight in the Scriptures. The most interesting narratives of the Old Testament are selected, and ren dered attractive to the young, by the easy and familiar style in which they are related. It is the fifth American from the fourth London edition of the work 30.—Tales and Illustrations, chiefly intended fo r Young Persons. By Charlotte E liza beth. 18mo. pp. 228. New York: John S. Taylor & Co. This little volume contains fifteen tales and sketches, designed to inculcate in an attrac tive form the same moral and religious sentiments and feelings that characterize all the writings of the popular author. 31.—The Juvenile Pianist ; or a Mirror of Music for Infant Minds. By Anne R odwell. Illustrated with numerous diagrams and engravings. New York: James D. Lockwood. The style of this little treatise is adapted to the most infantile capacity, and is designed to render the early practice of the piano both easy and attractive. P m "Mercantile Library Association. M ERCANTILE LIBRARY ASSOCIATION. The twt TTy.secr.nd anniversary of this highly useful institution was celebrated on Wednesday, ijie 3 th oT November. A large audience was assembled at the Tabernacle, not withstanding the very, stormy state of the weather. ' Philip Ifone. E?q., presided, and addressed the meeting, giving an account of the origin ol the society. He was succeeded by J. T . Rollins, Esq., who described its progrev , and present favorable position. Ck-irles Lames, Esq., then rose and delivered a most eloquent and powerful oration, illustrating th benefits, v filch navigation and commerce had conferred upon mankind. His address was much applauded. t After the ora ,ion, Park Benjamin, Esq., pronounced a poem which he had been re quested to prepare for the occasion. W e had expected to hear a serious and learned effusion on the ad van s derived by the rising generation from the establishment of the Mercantile L'bran : it we were most agreeably surprised to find that Mr. Benja min’s poem was a satire on the present rage for verse making. It is replete with ele gant fancies, hiring sarcasm, and happy allusions, which were eagerly seized by the audience, and highly applauded. His lines upon the present state of the drama were beautiful, nnd produced a most thrilling effect. The company adjourned to Niblo’s, where a dinner had been prepared. A number of toasts v. . re given from the chair, which was very ably filled by Philip Hone, Esq. .‘Several csot dent spec dies were made; those by Mr. Mayor Morris, Mr. Evarts, Mr. J. 0 . Sargent, and-Mr. Keese, were the best of the evening. The general hilarity of the evening was very much increased by some excellent mu sic which had bee it prepared by Mr. H. C. Watson. Several beautiful song and glees were sung by Mrs. Loder, her sister Miss Watson, Mr. Horn, M osseti; and Mr. Timm and Mr. W. A. King delighted the company bfJjSayi'flgSt-, magnificent duet. W t lay before our readers a programme of the course of lectures to be dell ing tb'j months of December, January, February, and March. 1842, Dec. 6th—One Lecture—O. A. B rownson, Esq.—“ Government, its OrigSfJWf. ganization, and End.” Dec. 13th—One Lecture—E lihtj B urritt , Esq.—“ The Indispensable Character a!RP Necessity of Popular Lectures, in View of the Present and Prospective Wants of the Community.” . Dec. 20tb—One Le cture— G eorge B ancroft, Esq.—“ Genius is the Expression of the Spirit of the A.ge.” Dec. $7lb—One Lecture— C harles O’Connor, Esq.—“ The Advantages Resulting to Society from the Study and Practice of the Art of Public Speaking.” 1813, Jan. 3d—One Lecture—R ichard H. D ana, Jr., Esq.—“ The Foundation of In fluence.” Jan. 17th—One Lecture—Rev. W illiam H. F urness— “ The Characteristics of Genius.” Jan. 24th—One Lecture—J ohn N eal, Esq.—“ The Rights of Woman.” Jan. 31st—One Lecture—J ohn N eal, Esq.—“ General Reading.” Feb. 7th—One Lecture—W illiam M. E varts, Esq.—“ The Service of Political Econ omy in the Advancement of Society.” Feb. 14th—One Lecture—Rev. H enry G iles—“ The Spirit of Irish History.” Feb. 21st—One Lecture—Rev. H enry G iles—“ The Genius of Byron.” Feb. 28th—One Lecture— R alph W aldo E merson, Esq. M arch 7th—One Lecture—R alph W aldo E merson, Esq. The lectures are delivered on Tuesday evening of each week.