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H UN T ’ S MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE. A U G U S T , A rt. 1841. I.— T H E C O M M E R C IA L H IS T O R Y O F F R A N C E . I. THE BOURBONS BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. C o u l d the marshals who paid, a few months ago, the last tribute to the Emperor Napoleon, have reviewed the revolutions in which they stood by his side ; or, going further, have called up before them the memory o f the convulsions in the midst o f which their childhood had passed, they would have brought together the materials for a drama more bold than the most imaginative poet could have conceived, and yet as strictly shackled by the laws o f unity as could have been required by the most rigid censor. The course o f an ordinary lifetime was sufficient to cover the humiliation and overthrow o f the most absolute dynasty in Europe ; the subsequent con struction o f a dem ocracy, the most licentious; the establishment o f an empire the most splondid ; and finally, after every note had been struck to which the finger o f the speculatist could reach, the erection o f a mon archy whose chief characteristic is its freedom from the points that more prominently distinguished its predecessors. The Bourbons were dethron ed because they paid no attention to the demands o f the lower classes; and after them arose a system which was ineffectual, because it paid at tention to nothing else. The empire was built on the experience o f the' structures whose place it was to supply; and while, on the one hand, by means o f its splendid victories and munificent improvements, it conciliated the affections o f the third estate, it preserved to its founder the supreme authority, untrammelled by the restraints which a representative govern ment would throw over him. The administration o f Louis Philippe, like a shuttlecock, which can only be kept above-ground by being kept in motion, has passed from policy to policy with a swiftness so great, that it is difficult to discover in it the existence o f those great characteristics which marked the establishments which it follows. There has been a steady progress, we acknowledge, since the revolution o f 1830, to an in creased liberalization o f the state. Its finances have been placed in an vol. v .— no. n. 14 106 The Commercial History o f France. order which gradually approaches, in its symmetry, to the model which is afforded by those o f Great Britain. W hile the political constitution o f the realm has varied from shape to shape, its commercial energies have ex panded to an extent which will oppose a barrier to the encroachments o f prerogative, which it will require a second revolution to overthrow. The smallest manufactory at Lyons is a republic in itself; and by its looms, or at its engine, stand men who have learnt in the best school which the philosopher can devise, the value and the extent o f their rights. The peasant, who lifted his arm against the crying oppression and the gross licentiousness o f Louis X V ., has been followed by the well-fed and enter prising manufacturer, who still retains, in the increased advantages which he possesses for self-defence, the spirit which would enable him to make use o f them. W e traced, in a preceding number, the course by which a private bank, started by a Scotch adventurer in Paris, arose to a pitch o f credit and o f strength so great, that it involved in its existence the tem porary prosperity and the immediate resources o f the state. W e might rehearse at present, as a fit introduction to a consideration o f the commer cial history o f the French nation, the bold assumptions by which it drew within its vaults the entire circulation o f the kingdom, till after having fairly taken on board the floating wealth which was thus brought together, it foundered in the first storm, and cast its treasures in wreck on the shore, to be snatched up by the officers o f the customs as the prizes o f the king’s prerogative. T h e history o f the Mississippi Scheme is the best illustration which can be brought forward, o f the profligacy o f the times that produced it. W e proceed, in carrying out the plan which we sug gested in the summary which we have already given o f its operations, to consider the condition o f the actual resources o f the realm, in the period that intervened between the bankruptcy under Louis X V ., and the revolu tion under his successor. “ I may be blamed for having neglected the agricultural resources o f the realm,” said Calonne, when delivering his last a ccou n t; “ but if I have done so, it has been because my whole administration has been de voted to the fostering o f its manufactures.” The principle o f Louis X IV ., that the producing and the working classes must ever remain hostile, had led the court, in choosing which o f the antagonist interests it should pre fer, to bestow its patronage on that which possessed the most available means at hand. The silk and porcelain manufactories were growing up with a rapidity that had startled the old economists from theories which they had drawn from the sluggish movements o f the landed capitalists. The shackles which a little while after were laid on trade, were not then in existence ; and the operations o f the French merchants were extending over the continent under the privilege with which they were endowed, o f pursuing their schemes without the interference o f the king or his council. W hile the native productions o f the realm were rapidly vanishing, its manufactures, whether they were framed from the resources which were supplied at home, or from the raw material from other countries, increased till they obtained throughout Europe a market which opened to them a source o f boundless wealth. Had the commerce o f France been left to itself by the civil administration, and had it been properly backed by her producing interests, it would have preserved, in all probability, to the present moment, the supremacy, both in east and west, to which it had at first attained. The Commercial History o f France. 107 W hen the feudal tenures were abolished in Great Britain, they opened to the tenant himself the prospects o f self-advancement, which the freehold possession o f his land afforded to him. H e was master o f the soil, unclogr ged by those unwise restrictions, which could rob him o f the feeling o f independence, and place him in the position o f a slave, rather than o f a citizen. The sharpest incentive to labor, is the certainty o f reaping its fruits. The laboring man will never sow that the wild-fowl may gather ; and when he finds that the taxes which gild the royal nest, eat away threefourths o f what he produces, he throws aside his spade, and falls back on pauperism, as the most likely means o f support. W hen the military ser vices which were due from the tenant to the lord paramount, were com muted into a pecuniary tax, it affected those only who ceased, under its provisions, to bear arms ; while the nobles and gentlemen who followed the court, were discharged from the payment o f money, on the ground that they continued to perform the military services for which it was in tended to be a compensation. But when, after a while, both peer and peasant became liable to be called upon to serve in the armies o f the king, nothing could be more unjust than a distinction which was based upon a principle which no longer existed. T h e nobleman was discharged from tax-paying, because he was liable to be drawn into military service ; the people themselves, though they had consented to a tax on condition they should be relieved from bearing arms, w ere forced, before a great while, to perform the duty, from the obligations o f which they had been by con tract discharged. The consequence was, that the whole burden o f the realm fell on the minor proprietors o f the soil, who were forced to pay, not only for their own oppression, but for the extravagance o f the overseers who imposed it. The burden it would be difficult to estimate by the ordi nary rules o f political econom y. T h e lands alone were taxed at one tenth o f their value ; while every article which they produced, after having been subject to the exactions which the remains o f the feudal system placed in the hands o f the lord paramount, was brought under the ordeal o f a heavy excise. There was no distinction made between what was necessary for every-day use, and for exportation or luxury. Salt was in great demand by the lower classes, as the only relish which they could obtain to flavor their rough fo o d ; and therefore, salt became the subject o f a heavy impost. If it was discovered that the revenue o f the approaching season would be insufficient to meet the expenditures, the court, by an edict o f a character so despotic that it is difficult to imagine authority absolute enough to support it, would lower the value o f the coin before tbe tax was collected ; and then, when their treasury was rich with the unusual prize, raise it again to its former standard. That vast achievement o f fraud and violence, which in a former number we described, and which involved the smaller proprietors o f the kingdom in a bankruptcy which pushed them to utter ruin, is the most striking illustration which we can bring forward, o f the recklessness o f the financial policy o f France before the adminis tration o f N ecker. It may not be out o f place at present, to explain briefly the character o f the French tenures, as they existed at the accession o f Louis X V I. W h o is there, who looks at the masses who sprang up when the first trumpet was sounded, without wondering from what quarter they had come, or under what auspices they had been diverted so totally from that natural love o f the soil on which they had grown, and the cottages in* 108 The Commercial History o f France. which they had dwelt, which in other countries bears so powerful an influence ? The French revolutionist was without a home, and we may say, without a country. He was deprived o f a freehold interest in the soil, and was deprived, therefore, o f a corporate interest in its welfare. That men will be found, under the most favorable circumstances, who will refuse to earn a livelihood by their own industry, or retain that which was transmitted to them by others, there is no dou bt; but in France, at the period that preceded the revolution, two thirds o f the population were out casts. T h ey were bankrupt and homeless ; and we think that it may be said to have been the leading cause o f the convulsion which succeeded, that they who produced it had no means o f subsistence, except in the con fusion it should afford. W ith a gigantic effort o f despair, they tore up the forest that shaded them, to seek amid its roots the food which should sup ply their hunger. Th ey were in a condition which has been called inter mediate between slavery and freedom ; but if they were subject to the responsibilities o f the latter state, they were equally bound by the restraints o f the former. The M etayers, or, as they were named in Latin, the Coloni Partiarii, formed the greater part o f the out-door laborers under the old econom y ; and though their immunities were greater than those o f the old English villains, we cannot but believe that in many in stances, the superior privileges with which they were intrusted became additional links in their shackles. The great proprietor, though without an absolute ownership o f the land, was able, through the possession o f the capital with which its stock was to be bought, and its implements to be provided, to reduce its cultivators into vassalage. A s the farmer was unable to pay immediately the sum thus borrowed, he bound his land as security through a perpetual rent, by which he stipulated to pay half its produce to the proprietor. “ It could never,” says Adam Smith, “ be the interest o f the metayers to lay out, in the further improvement o f the land, any part o f the little stock which they might save from their own share o f the produce, because the lord, who laid out nothing, was to get one half o f whatever it produced.” The substraction o f a tithe from the annual produce o f land, has a sensible effect in diminishing the tenant’s expenditure for its im provem ent; and when one half o f its value is taken from his hands, he must possess still less disposition to throw the scanty fund that will remain after his immediate expenses are paid, into so barren an investment. It was very natural, therefore, that in a country where five parts out o f six o f the cultivators held their land by so oppressive a ten ure, the landlords found that the land grew yearly more barren, their rents m ore irregular, and their estates less productive. It may palliate the bit terness o f the first insurrectionists, we may be permitted to add, to reflect that they were slaves in every thing but in the exemption from self-sup port which slavery affords ; and that they pressed, like the wolf, to the road-side, from the frozen hills in which they could no longer be nourished, to prolong their existence by a recourse to those primary laws which a state o f desperation recalls. W e pass over, as foreign to the subject at present before us, the consideration o f French taxation, as finally developed in the reign o f Louis X V . W e might argue, with Necker, that as the productiveness o f the land must vary with the extent o f the burdens with which it is laden, and as its political welfare, as well as its commercial existence, must depend upon its productiveness, the extent in which its taxes are imposed must affect, in the The Commercial History o f France. 109 highest degree, its mercantile interests. But when the revenue itself is made a tool in the hands o f a favored class, for the conferring o f bounties on manufactures in which they are interested ; or when, in order to raise it, discriminating duties or imposts are laid which overturn the natural laws o f trade ; it becomes justly the object o f deep observation, both by the merchant and the political economist. N o scheme more plausible could have been presented to Louis X IV ., when his funds were exhausted by his splendid career o f empty triumphs, than that which was brought before him by Colbert, for the raising o f a fresh revenue, at the same time that home manufactures were encouraged. A sudden stimulus was given to the looms o f Lyons and o f Nantes ; and, in a little while, the French capitalist flattered himself that while his wealth was increased by orders from every port in Europe, there was not an article imported within the shores o f France which he found it necessary to purchase. By the tariff o f 1667, duties were imposed that threw the whole patronage o f the nation in the hands o f its manufacturers. But the system was hardly in opera tion, before the natural balance o f trade was destroyed ; and the English and Dutch, finding that their commodities were no longer o f value in the French market, thought themselves called upon to make French commod ities o f no value in their own. The Dutch laid an entire embargo on the wines, brandies, and manufactures that came from France. W illiam III., who was doubly incensed with the French for harboring his father-in-law, and for taxing his exports, retaliated with a severity which has been the source o f continued bickering between the countries, and more than once the cause o f war. A discriminating duty o f £ 8 a tun was imposed, in 1693, on French wine, which, in 1697, was raised to £ 3 3 a tun. The consequences have been, though we may be anticipating future topics in adverting to them, that the seaports o f France, which, in some cases, are nearer the shores o f England than those o f Ireland herself, and which, in all cases, are com m ercially more connected with Liverpeol, or with Bris tol, than they are with Paris, have been thrown, through the “ ingenuity” o f the restrictive laws o f both countries, at such a distance, that the famil iar productions which they bear, are more inaccessible than if they were raised in the sands o f Africa, or the wilds o f the Pacific islands. It was not without reason that Calonne, when be surveyed the great kingdom which was intrusted to his charge, saw in it the future manufac tory from which Europe should be clothed, if not the granary from which it was to be fed. Spread, as they are, under a bright sky and a temper ate climate, those broad and fertile plains which have been made the camps o f revolutionary armies, or the base on which Napoleon erected those stupendous calculations that overthrew the feeble and threadbare policy on which the old econom y was built, might have become, under other circumstances, the scene o f triumphs more substantial by far than those which his arms have won. W e shall review, when in a succeeding paper we speak o f the present condition o f the com m erce o f France, the resources which she now possesses, and the extent to which they are cul tivated. W e transcribe, at present, a table o f her imports and exports before the revolution, which is collected from N ecker’s work on the ad ministration o f the finances, and which may be relied on, as giving the most accurate account o f the commercial relations o f the kingdom at that important period. 110 The Commercial History o f France. Articles o f Export in 1787. W i n e s , ........................................... 24,276,000 B r a n d y , ........................................... 14,455,000 Vinegar, . . . . . 130,000 244,000 Made wines and liqueurs, 1,518,500 Fruits, . . . . . Almonds, . . . . . 850,000 1,732,000 Olive oil, . . . . . 9,700,000 Corn and grain o f all kinds, 949,200 Beans, peas, lentils, & c. 644,000 H oney, . . . . . 5,074,000 Oxen, sheep, and hogs, 1,400,000 Mules, asses, and horses, 2,322,000 Salt, , * , • • , It must be remembered, that owing to the severe restrictions under which French manufactures were placed in foreign countries, a large amount o f goods passed through the hands o f smugglers, without being subject to a registry in the customhouse. It will be seen by a reference to the follow ing statement, that such must have been the case very strongly in relation to those carried into Great Britain. The proportion in which the various countries with which the trade, was carried on, participated in it in the year 1787, is thus exhibited : Exports. Spain and her colonies, , , , . . Ls.44,431,000 Portugal and her c o lo n i e s ,.......$3,995,000 Italy, Savoy, Switzerland, and Geneva, 78,343,000 England, Scotland, Ireland, and colonies, 37,962,000 Holland and c o l o n i e s , ..... 46,022,000 Germany, Austrian Flanders, Prussia, and Poland, ..................................... 95,614,000 Sweden, Denmark, Russia, and Hanse towns, ................................................. 79,851,000 T urkey, and the Barbary powers, . . 25,609,000 United States o f America, , , . . 12,607,000 Imports. L s .33,343,000 10.468.000 82.022.000 63.054.000 $33,142,000 63.974.000 31.648.000 37.725.000 24,539,000* W e can gather, therefore, so far at least as Spain, the Italian states, and Germany are concerned, the actual amount o f the foreign trade o f France, in the first moment o f the revolution. M. Arnould, in a work which is largely quoted by a writer whom we have before us, has analyzed with great sagacity the data which were so copiously afforded by N ecker in his various reports, and has produced a view o f the commercial condi tion o f the nation at the time, which is worthy o f attentive consideration. T h e exportations in 1787, to all parts o f the world, he calculated, amount ed to 542,604,000 liv re s; the importations to 611,003,000 livres : the * T he foregoing statement o f the exports and imports o f France in the year 1787, is taken from Peuchet’s great work on French statistics, as abridged by Mr. Taylor— pp, 127, 8, 9. It may be also found, though in an expanded form, both in M . Necker’s history o f the finances o f France, and in his Compte rendu <m Roi. W e have given it as it is, without alteration o f nomenclature, because the value which it then conveyed, can be better expressed by a reference to the denominations curtent at the time, than by $ reduction to our own standard. The Commercial History o f France. I ll balance against France being, in consequence, 68,399,000 livres. The amount thus due, and which must have been paid from the bullion o f the realm, or its current coin, was much smaller than it had been at previous periods, and, in fact, had been gradually diminished through the increased excellence o f the silk manufactures. So great an inequality in trade, com bined with the terrible oppression which was produced by the unequal tenures, and the enormous taxes o f the kingdom, can go some way to explain the extent o f the sufferings o f the people who experienced them. The colonial grandeur o f France exists now only in history. Those magnificent conquests, which her merchants and her privateers had achieved on their own resources, were snatched one by one from her when her government assumed them for a heritage. A notice o f the re sources o f the nation before the revolution, would not be complete without a sketch o f the colonies that constituted the most lucrative and the most promising among them. A century ago, two thirds o f North Am erica was in the hands o f the French government. A t the south, Louisiana was the base on which were erected those stupendous schemes, which would have covered the continent had they been carried o u t; while, at the opposite quarter o f the horizon, was stretched a country, which had been conquered and peopled exclusively by French colonists and French traders. In Canada and Louisiana were the abutments on which the new system was to r e s t; and in the vast country that intervened, there were thousands o f artificers employed on the structure that was to unite them. Already a series o f forts hung around the thread which the Mississippi and its great tributary traced out, shining to the French adventurer, as he travelled over those boundless prairies which bordered on them, as bea cons by which his path was to be guided. Xerxes stretched an iron chain across the H ellespont: it was reserved for the genius o f Colbert and Henry to extend over the unpeopled wastes o f North Am erica, another o f far more imposing dimensions. T o obtain the exclusive control o f the Newfoundland fishery, the northwestern fur trade, and the Mexican gold mines,— to lay the foundation, at the same time, for an empire that should spread over the new world,— was the cardinal measure which dictated the colonial policy o f the French government, from the accession o f Mazarine to the death o f Henry. The fisheries at the mouth o f the St. Lawrence, were used as an illustration o f the rich prey that was thus to be secured. “ W e are planting,” might have reasoned Mazarine, “ at the foot o f the Mississippi, and by the course o f the St. Law rence, the stakes on which hangs the net which shall soon sweep over Am erica. Already, along the shores of those great rivers, may be seen the buoys that mark the swoop which it has taken. The bravest soldiers,— the most hardy pioneers,— stand along its line, to watch it, and to keep fast its moorings. The day is coming, when the king o f France, with one hand on its southern base, the other at its northern limit, shall draw it over the face o f the continent, till the English colonies are swept away in its meshes.” In the most inaccessible posts o f the western territories, there were stationed garrisons who, by their discipline, intimidated the fiercest o f the tribes around them, or bought over, through the baubles that formed the medium o f exchange, such as could not be intimidated. In those remote countries which are spread between the Mississippi and the Pacific,— in points the most distant from habitation— where the broken skeleton o f a buffalo alone, or the blazed patch on which an Indian camp has stood, betray the p.esen ce o f 112 The Commercial History o f France. mankind,— the hunter sees traces o f lofty mounds and wide fortifications, which he can only account for, by dating them back to an era when another race possessed the land. The French colonial establishment, like a precocious child which exhausts its strength in the erection o f gigantic playthings, made the valley o f the Mississippi the theatre on which its waywardness should be displayed ; and drew together from distant quar ries, through roads which it required a regiment by itself to construct, those yast blocks which now form its only monument. The student looks in vain to discover those great cities, which were bla zoned out in the old French charts, as the Babylons o f the new world, Louisburg, the cathedral city o f the church o f Rome, the destined capital o f the French dominions in Am erica, is reduced to a scanty collection o f fishermen’s huts ; and that spacious harbor, in which rival fleets floated at anchor, and which was the scene o f the first great sea-fight between France and England, is disturbed only by fishing-boats from Newfoundland, or whalers from the N ew England states. Could a poet be found, who could visit the graveyard o f nations, and, like Gray, draw out the elegy o f those who were interred therein, he would find that, besides the giants o f the old world, who arose to their full strength, who passed through the vicissitudes o f spring, and fall, and winter, and who sank at last as much from the decrepitude o f old age, as the violence o f enemies,— there were others who decayed before their manhood was arrived, through the ex haustion o f premature exertions, or the sterility o f their transplanted soil, L ike a plant which is carried to a foreign climate, and there raised under the protection o f hot-house growth to an unnatural luxuriance, the French colonies in North Am erica spread their tendrils widely over the soil, and threw forth, in the full excitement o f their strength, their roots, till they w ere checked by the impassable barriers o f nature. Th ey had reached' the utmost limits o f expansion when the war broke o u t; and suddenly, the nurse who had watched over them withdrew her care, and they were left to battle single-handed against the violence o f their enemies. Their scanty resources were soon exhausted, and before long, the whole vitality o f the system deserted its extremities, and hedged itself once more within the base from which it sprang. W e have no data by which to estimate the value o f the American colo nies. Like all others, they sucked from the parent state in their infancy, much more than they returned. That miserable policy that induces the home administration to make use o f its colonies as prison-houses for its culprits, went a great way, under Louis X V ., to break down the admirable system that had been set up by his predecessor. The usual epidemic, also, that infects settlements in a country where gold has been discovered, pre vented the adventurers from employing themselves in any thing else but mining. Could a gold diviner have arisen, who— like the dying father who led his children to a thorough tillage o f his garden by a general allu sion to treasures hidden in it— could have induced the colonists to make use o f their lust for gold for the improvement o f the prairies that belonged to them, he might have prevented the decay that followed. The material distinction between the settlements in Am erica and India was, that while in Am erica the native tribes could never be made use o f for field or house labor, in India they were speedily converted into the slaves o f the new comers, and were employed at large, in mining, in agriculture, and in bodily service. W e have sketched in a former paper the history o f the The Commercial History o f France. 113 splendid schemes which were laid down by Dupleix, on the Asiatic penin sula ; and the triumphs even still more splendid, by which they were dissi pated by Clive, till at last the throne o f the British empire was seated on the spot where the cradle o f the French had stood. Had Dupleix been possessed o f that constitutional bravery which would have enabled him to press, like Clive, single-handed against the masses against him— to battle with a broken regiment against the countless armies o f the native chiefs— he might have rode safely over both the stormy waves o f his Indian cam paigns, and the hidden rocks upon which the treachery o f the home ad ministration led him. But it was his misfortune, that while his breast was filled with ambition which could never rest till its course was fulfilled, and with ability enough to conceive plans which could meet his most daring expectations, he was deficient in the personal intrepidity which could make him the fit instrument to effect them. H e required a banditti chief, who might fill the inferior machinery o f his office, and bully the Indian princes into their accustomed allegiance, or drive Clive, at the point o f the bayonet, behind his trenches. Dupleix returned home in 1754, to meet the igno rant reproaches o f a ministry who visited upon his head the repulses which their own imbecility had courted. Louis X V . found at the close o f his reign, that o f those great colonial possessions which his predecessor be queathed to him, there remained but a few distant islands, whom it would require the undivided attention o f his navy to keep in remembrance o f their fealty. There are no official statements by which we can compute the value o f the colonial trade, at the time when its extent was greatest. The French East India Company collected year after year an immense income, which gave the fortunes o f princes to the merchants whom it comprised. In 1788, when by far the greater part o f the trade had been cut o ff by war, and the weak concessions o f the crown, the importations o f cotton goods from Coromandel, in which alone, o f all their former possessions, the French retained a footing, amounted to six millions o f francs. A ccording to the treatise o f M. Page, there were employed in the trade with the American colonies in 1788, 677 vessels, measuring 190,753 tons, carrying out in produce or manufactures to the amount o f 76,786,000 francs; and 105 vessels, measuring 35,227 tons, carrying negroes to the amount o f 30,087, sold for 43,835,000 francs. The total amount o f the returns direct to France was 218,511,000 francs, in colonial commodities. But we must remember that at the time the computation was made, those great provinces on the continent o f Am erica which were then ripening into value, had been torn from the French domains. The islands o f St. Domingo, Martinico, Guadaloupe, Tobago, and Guiana, were the last possessions which remained to Louis X V . in a hemisphere o f which at least one half, according to the computation we are now enabled to make, was passed to him by his an cestor. W e have here the secret o f the great decrease o f the revenues and com m erce o f France, at the time when N ecker was called to office. St. Domingo itself, the most powerful o f the colonies that remained, was taking measures for revolt. The few islands that remained, were too small to be the seat o f an extended trade, and too unwholesome to be the asylum o f any but state criminals. Those vast cargoes o f manufactured goods, which were at one time annually shipped to meet the wants o f the colonists, had been superseded by the cheaper supplies which, as independent states, they could obtain from other countries, or which, as the subjects o f vol. v.—no. II. 15 114 The Commercial History o f France. Great Britain, they were forced to take from her looms. It was not so much for the want o f sugar, o f coffee, o f tobacco, that arose from the loss o f her colonial possessions, that France suffered ; as in the sudden and ex tended check that was given to her trade and her manufactures.* It was not to be expected that a dynasty which had found far ampler means insufficient to feed its ambition and extravagance, should have been satisfied with an income which was little more than one half o f that to which it had been accustomed. W e shall consider, in the first place, the administration o f the finances under Louis X IV . and his successor, so far as it is concerned with the subject which we have generally placed before us ; and secondly, the character o f the expenditures in which the crow n was involved, and which became, from their great disproportion to the means o f defraying them, the cause both o f those daring usurpations which were levelled by Louis X V . against the parliament and the provincial au thorities, and o f those broad concessions which, under the milder reign o f his successor, served only to give a vantage ground to the revolutionary spirit afloat. “ I am accountable to God alone,” said the king o f France be fore she was revolutionized, as he marched with whip and spur into the par liament, when it had refused to register bis edicts. It was on the theory o f the completeness o f the royal authority, that he maintained his entire indepen dence over the laws o f the realm, and his entire command over its finances. T h e collection o f the revenue before the revolution, was in part vested in the hands o f officers appointed directly by the crown, in part farmed out to those who could promise to perform its requisitions with the greatest ad vantage to the state. The taxes on consumption, including, according to the Conversations-Lexicon, the m onopoly on salt and tobacco, the internal customs, the excise o f the city o f Paris, and the tax on liquors in the country, were farmed out in all cases. It is stated by the anonymous au thor o f the Life o f Louis X V ., that at least thirty per cent o f the original value o f the taxes as received, was lost before they reached the royal trea sury ; and so great became the avarice and the success o f the farmers gen era], that they collected among themselves an income more than equal to the whole o f the civil list o f the crown. N ecker concedes, in his official statement, that the average loss incurred in the collection o f the revenue which was in the hands o f the farmers general exceeded l f l i per cent, while 6| per cent would cover the costs which were suffered by that which was levied under officers o f the crown. It had been customary in ruder periods for the king, when he wished to raise a particular sum, to pledge to those who lent it to him certain specified sources o f revenue, * The amount o f the produce o f the French settlement o f Saint Domingo alone, in 1780, is estimated in the following table. It should be remembered that under the colonial sys tem its ports were entirely under the command o f the French government, and that they swallowed up the whole profits o f its trade. The loss that accrued by the revolt o f that great country from the crown, was, commercially speaking, the most serious of those which it had met with in its foreign possessions. 163,405,500 pounds weight 76,800,583 francs. Sugar, refined and do do 38,712,480 do Coffee, 68,151,000 do do 12,578,000 do Cotton, 6,289,000 do 8,081,700 do Indigo, 930,000 do 111,000 do do Cocoa, 150,000 do 2,067,000 do do do Syrup, 34,453,000 66,000 do do Turtle shell, 5,500 do do do . . 285,000 do Hides, 13,000 1,800,000 do do . . 225,000 do The Commercial History o f France. 115 out o f which they were to satisfy the interest o f the debt, until its princi pal was discharged. The creditor was able to make what he could out o f the pledge, as he often was obliged to depend upon it as the sole source o f his repaym ent; and the consequence was, that taxes which were then made over, were pressed to their utmost, in order to guaranty their holder from the contingency o f a loss. Madame du Barri was rewarded for her complaisance by the mortgage o f some o f the most lucrative offices o f the crown, and it may be imagined that they were not suffered to run to seed in the hands o f the subalterns o f her palace. There were 25,000 persons, according to Necker, who were engaged in farming the revenue, and sucking from it as much as possibly could be taken, without destroying its stream altogether. It was from the dishonesty o f the collectors, therefore, as well as from the extravagance o f the crown, that the impositions became so enormous. There is no doubt, also, that from the inequality o f the tenures, taxes which might otherwise have been easily encountered, became absolutely insupport able. The nobles being discharged from the principal impositions, and no bility being easily purchased by those who were rich enough to pay for it, the burden fell in a great measure upon those who were the most unable to bear it. T w o thirds o f the lands in the kingdom were exonerated through the rank o f their owners, leaving only one third in the possession o f the small proprietors, or o f such capitalists as were not ranked among the privileged classes. The total amount o f the land taxes was 210,000,000 livres, o f which the third estate, though they owned only one third o f the land, were made liable for at least three fourths. They were subjected exclusively, also, to the corvees, or the obligations to construct and repair those magnificent roads which traversed the whole o f France, and to which they were dragged, whenever the schemes o f the government re quired it, to work like galley slaves, without their consent and without remuneration. T h ey were not only made the source from which the army was to be enlisted, but the objects upon which it was to be quartered, since by law their houses were to be opened and their barns emptied for the military who should be in want o f shelter or food. It is in the gabelle, or salt tax, however, that we can find the most fit illustration o f the oppression o f the old econom y. O f the eighty millions o f francs that were received by the agents o f the farmers general, twenty millions at least were expended in the support o f the collectors themselves, o f the spies whom they employed to detect, and o f the military to punish smuggling. The original value o f a hundred weight o f salt was l i livre, and for such it could have been generally sold throughout the kingdom. By the imposition o f the salt tax, its market price was raised to 62 livres. By smuggling a pocket full o f salt, therefore, from Brittany to Maine or Anjou, a sum equal to a day’s wages could be procured, and smuggling became so profitable, that on an average, five hundred offenders against the revenue laws were sent annually to the galleys. There was not an article o f food or o f clothing, however common or however necessary, that did not fall under the supervision o f the governm ent: after having been loaded with taxes till it approached in value to the highest luxuries, it was cast out again to the people who required it. “ If it is asked,” said Ma dame de Stael, “ why the lower classes became so cruel during the revo. lution, no other cause need be assigned than that poverty and misery had produced a moral corruption.” 116 The Commercial History o f France. It was through the scandalous licentiousness o f the court that the wounds which its extravagance created, were inflamed till they became insuffer able. The French people showed, by the patient fortitude with which they bore burdens still greater under the republic or the empire, that the efforts which they could make for their national liberties, or the sacrifices which they could offer to the ambition o f an emperor, could be met with out exhaustion, when the patient would have winced and rebelled against far slighter inflictions under the dynasty o f the Bourbons. They were willing to be spurred on to the fields o f Austria, or the wastes o f Central Russia, to throw down their life in fulfilling the terrible course that had been marked out by their c h ie f; but their nature revolted against the monotonous servitude in which they were placed under the old regime. Like show-horses in the ancient amphitheatres, they were driven round and round the narrow ring by which the sphere o f their existence was de scribed, while on their backs were perched the puppets and creatures o f the court, who showed forth for the amusement o f royalty the most gro tesque and the most wearisome antics. W e have heard o f violent corro sive acids being cast into fish-ponds, in order to display to the amusement o f the experimenters the contortions o f the creatures on whom they were to operate. W ith a cruelty still more barbarous, since its victims were o f a higher grade, the later ministers o f Louis X V . exhibited, for the gratifi cation o f their lord, spectacles which assumed for their theatre the kingdom itself, and which, from the number and the earnestness o f their performers, were necessarily unrivalled. W e are told that on the recovery o f the Dauphin from a dangerous illness, which had bid fair to cut o ff the suc cession to the crown, Madame Pompadour signalized her gratitude by a display which swallowed up the whole o f the revenue which had, during the past year, been levied through the enormous tax on salt to which we have alluded. In the grounds o f the castle o f Belle-vue, which was the scene o f her courtly errors, an artificial lake was constructed, which was surrounded by a basin o f rocks which had been carried from distant moun tains, at an expense which was only made supportable by the fact that the neighboring peasants were obliged to assist without pay in their transpor tation. A dolphin— which, as its name in French is the same with that o f the Dauphin himself, was meant to represent him allegorically, though we cannot but think that a more worthy emblem could have been found for the prince royal— was planted in the midst o f the water, on a pedestal which lifted it entirely out o f its element. W hile in that position, a number o f monsters, all o f them built on the most mythological models, and all o f them moved by the court pages, advanced to attack i t ; and as they were illuminated by lamps inside o f their frames, and as those who were in them spouted fire-works from their mouths, they presented a spectacle which was as ludicrous to those in a distance, as it was perilous to those engaged. But Apollo, who was sitting on a cloud at some distance, became alarmed at the danger o f his royal favorite, and descended in a chariot, with such a full supply o f firebrands and thunderbolts, that he consumed in a little while, not only the monsters themselves, but all that was inside o f them. W e do not wish to speak lightly o f a catastrophe so serious, but as from the courtly description which is given o f the festival by the author by whom it is recorded, it is difficult to discover to what extent the prodigality o f human life was carried, we are willing to suppose, that in accordance With the penal laws by which such exhibitions are governed, none but con The Commercial History o f France . 117 demned criminals were exposed to the wrath o f A pollo’s darts. It is said that the Dauphin was by no means gratified by the compliment, and re fused to participate in the celebration by which it was concluded. W e might cite, would it not be inconsistent with our design, the historian o f Louis X V . still further, as a witness not only o f the immorality o f the court, but o f the reckless profuseness o f its expenditures.* W e have no intention o f enumerating the series o f unsuccessful wars, o f costly embas sies, o f wild extravagancies, through which the reigns o f the last o f the Bourbons are stamped as the most oppressive, as well as the most profli gate, in history. That great heritage which was transmitted by Henry IV . had been mutilated and exhausted by his successors. F or a short period, under the consummate genius o f Richelieu, and the supple com pleteness by which his leading maxims were adopted by Mazarine, the ancient policy o f the monarchy was revived ; but the career o f Louis X IV . was checked when his ministers were taken from him, and he fell to the earth with a blow from whose force he never recovered. H e succeeded, by an immense expenditure o f blood and treasure, in securing for his grandson the disputed Spanish succession, but he found that the young king lost his French allegiance when he mounted the Spanish throne, and that before a great while he was himself engaged in hostilities with the power which he had helped to create. Louis X IV . left a debt o f four thou sand five hundred millions livres to be liquidated by his successor, and as * In proportion as the distress o f the people increased, the king’s extravagance expanded. The pressure on the lower classes acted as a forcing pump on the spirits o f the court, and raised them to a height that was positively indecent. No less than thirty thousand horses were employed in the equipage that was to meet the young dauphiness. A multitude of upholsterers were sent express from town to town, to ornament the villages through which the princess should pass, and to wring from the neighboring peasantry the little means which they possessed, for the decoration o f triumphal arches, and the arrangement of ex tended illuminations. The oil which had been laid up for the approaching season was burnt up in one night’s display; and when natural flowers could not be found to decorate the garlands for the approaching cavalcade, the kitchen gardens o f the poor were rooted up to make good the deficiency. The flower-pot. in the fire-works in Paris, which formed but a small part o f the display with which the dauphiness was greeted, cost four thousand louis; and “ we know ,” says the court memoir writer, “ that a flower-pot goes off in a moment.” “ France is in her honey-moon,” said the strangers, as the provisions which had been laid up for the support o f a year to come, were stewed down, and concentrated into costly jellies, to amuse their palate. The hive had been stormed, and its contents rifled, while its inhabitants were driven out by fire and smoke, to seek in the frozen fields fresh food for the winter. Behind that splendid vision that was looked upon by Burke at Versailles, sixteen years before the consummation o f the revolution, there lurked distress that its gay mask could scarcely cover. At the moment that the dauphiness was at Versailles, in the centre o f those magnificent spectacles that signalized her marriage, there was a riot at Besancon and at Tours, which was followed by the proclamation o f martial law. In the counties o f la Marche and the Limousin, four thousand o f the citizens perished through starvation. There was a pamphlet published at the time, which may be likened in its popularity to Dean Swift’s “ proposals for eating Irish children in case o f famine.” It was entitled, “ A singular idea o f a good citizen, concerning the public festivals which are in tended to be exhibited at Paris, and at court, upon occasion o f the Dauphin’s nuptials.” After enumerating the costs o f the entertainments, spectacles, fire-works, illuminations, and balls, whose cost would exceed twenty millions o f francs, he proposed that they should be passed over for the time, and that the same amount should be deducted from the land tax. Had the plan been adopted, the wedding might have been less splendid, but that fearful tragedy that followed it would have been spared. 118 The Commercial History o f France. his successor was an infant o f seven years old, it was placed Under the nursing protection o f a regeney, who, i f by the most iniquitous scheme o f finance on record they managed to shift a good part o f it on the shoulders o f the people themselves, augmented in a ten-fold degree the actual poverty o f the kingdom. T h e prudent and peaceful administration o f Cardinal Fleury succeeded in replenishing for a time the royal coffers ; but the improved condition in which he left the treasury, was only the signal for a fresh war, and for fresh expenditures. In the war o f the Polish election, by which the king endeavored to replace his father-in-law on the throne from which he had once been driven, in the war against Austria in 1740, and in the war in favor o f Austria in 1756, the ancient policy o f the throne was overturned, and a system established, which, while it degraded the character, sucked out the resources o f the state. W e do not wonder that N ecker found himself unable to compute the channels through which the revenue, under Louis X V ., was expended. Making allowance for the great appropriations which were necessary to support the wars in which France was engaged, and for the habitual ex penses, also, o f a court that set no bounds to its pleasures, there were sums amounting in whole to one fourth o f the actual revenue o f the king dom, for which no outlet could be found. W e might go further than the limit which was raised by the habitual prudence o f the financier, and find in the extraordinary waste o f the collected revenue o f the state, the most striking illustration o f the evils o f the system that produced it. It is in P'rance, before the revolution, that w e can discover most perfectly the working o f an absolute governm ent; and if we wish to inquire in what way, under such an econom y, the interests o f trade would prosper, we will find ourselves enabled, by the history o f that great country, to unravel the problem before us. W e have no wish to underrate the character o f the Bourbon dynasty. T o promote the grandeur o f their house was their car dinal o b ject; and as France was their heritage, its prosperity was in a great measure bound up with their own. In Louis X IV . may be seen in full development the features that distinguished his family, from the last crusade o f his sainted predecessor, to the period when the revolution broke o if the chain o f descent. H e breathed from his childhood the atmosphere o f etiquette, and, pervaded by the sentiments o f all around him, it became his highest ambition to be the master o f cerem onies in that great drawing room in which the sovereigns o f Europe were collected. T o become the oracle through which the conventionalities o f courts should be decided, was the point to which his exertions were directed, when he stepped inta unshackled possession o f his crown. But it would be doing injustice to1 Louis X IV . to stop here. It had been his good fortune to be placed un der a minister from whom he could gather a code o f policy which was exquisitely adapted to the purpose o f lifting France, through the intricacy o f diplomatic arrangements, to the ch ief place among the European nations. The young prince found himself, when he arrived at his majority, in a throne that gave him not only absolute control over the largest country in Europe, but a general supervision over the destinies o f the continent itself. H e became fully sensible o f the loftiness o f the part he was to play. Through the ambitious policy o f the queen mother his education had been very much neglected ; and unacquainted, therefore, with the essential character o f the duties he was to perform, unversed in the past history o f his kingdom, he supposed that the maintenance o f the ancient grandeur The Commercial History o f France. 119 o f the state could be achieved by the preservation o f the outward dignity o f his rank. Had his retinue been enfeebled by the desertion o f his re tainers, or his income diminished by their carelessness, he would have felt his claim to supremacy weakened ; and his pride, therefore, was enlisted in maintaining to their full extent the prerogatives o f his station. Like a nobleman who feels desirous, when he rides to some great state celebra tion, that his pannels should be unspotted by reproach and his attendants robust and well accoutred, the young king left no exertion untried, to raise his equipage to a pitch that should be suitable to his position. His, atten tion was turned, therefore, to the stables and granaries o f his kingdom, from whence his wants were to be satisfied. T h e luxuries o f his table could only be supplied from the natural productions o f the realm, or through the commercial enterprise o f its merchants ; and "he felt that his princely hospitality must close, if the artisans and the mariners o f the land should cease to work. It would have been a difficult matter for a man o f ordi nary apprehension to have remained blind to the conviction that his per sonal grandeur must depend upon the commercial resources o f his king dom ; and Louis X IV . acquiesced with entire sincerity, before he had well emerged from his minority, in the plans which his ministers had laid down for the protection o f the industry o f the state. The interests o f trade, however, never thrive so well as when they are let alon e; and however successful the severe restrictions which were thrown upon French com m erce may have been in raising, for a time, the value o f domestic manufactures, it was soon found that the foreign demand for wines and silks fell o ff in proportion as the importation o f foreign pro ductions was discouraged. N o government can, by legislation, direct the merchant where he can sell dearly and buy cheaply, as well as his own immediate experience o f the shifting wants o f the m arket; and Louis X IV ., by meddling in the delicate machinery o f the com m erce o f his realm, dis arranged it through the means he used to put it into order. W e have heard o f a noble philosopher who imported, at a vast expense, a company o f beavers, whom he established on a stream o f his estate, that he might not only discover the remote laws by which their labors were conducted, but that he might assist them, i f necessary, by the deductions o f human science. IF an arch had been raised upon principles not quite philoso phical, he would order it to be torn down, and another, on the exact model o f the catenary curve, erected in its place. The immediate consequence was, that the untaught artificers, after struggling for a little while against the innovations o f their protector, deserted in despair their dykes, and gave up all attempts to live in the manner for which nature had not adapted them. The experience which was reaped by the speculatist we have cited, might have been useful to the king o f France, had he applied it to the system o f parental control which he was erecting over the commercial interests o f his subjects. The natural course o f trade was checked and destroyed by the false tunnels and aqueducts through which he led it. Those vast and natural channels through which the stream had run, and which it had carved out for itself in its first necessity, were blockaded ; and the country was hedged in by customhouses, and swarmed by excise men, till the old circulation was entirely destroyed. If there was a manu factory for woollen goods established in Lyons, which found that the stuff? it produced was underbid a hundred per cent by British commodities, a representation o f the fact would be sent to the king in Paris, who lost no 120 The Commercial History o f France. opportunity o f raising a profitable revenue by acquiescing in the demands o f the Lyons manufacturer. W e shall reserve for a future period the general consideration o f the paralyzing influence which the system thus established bore upon the future prosperity o f the state : it may be suffi cient to remark at present, that through the severe restrictions which were laid on foreign importations, the consuming classes, in the first place, were obliged to pay in an increased degree for whatever was gained by the manufacturers through the increased value o f their goods in the mar ket ; the protected interests themselves, in the second place, were subject to violent and ruinous fluctuations, as it became the policy o f the govern ment to lighten or increase the taxes on the goods which they supplanted; the course o f commerce, in the third place, through the non-importation o f foreign goods, was checked so far, that the demand for domestic pro ductions, with which those goods would have been exchanged, was stop ped ; while, fourthly, the countries whose staples were thus excluded from the French market, sought to retaliate by excluding the staples o f France from their own. The positions which we have taken may be illustrated by a brief sketch o f the protective measures which were adopted under the ministry o f Colbert, and o f the measures with which they w ere met. By the tariff o f 1667, a series o f duties was laid upon English and Dutch manufactures, so heavy as to put a stop to all importation o f them that was not effected by smuggling. The Dutch determined to be in no way behindhand ; and as they were only indebted to France for luxuries, while France had obtained from them some o f the most useful articles o f con sumption, they succeeded, by entirely prohibiting the introduction o f wine, brandy, and silk, in wreaking a severe revenge. A war o f eight years length was the consequence ; at the end o f which, as the French manu facturers had become generally bankrupt, the laws in their favor were mitigated by the treaty o f Nimeguen, to an extent sufficient to induce the Dutch to take o ff part o f their duties on wines and brandies. Holland possessed at the time one half the carrying-trade o f the world ; her de mands for herself and her colonies were immense ; she had been the best customer o f France before the tariff o f 1667 ; and yet, by a single pro clamation, issued for the avowed purpose o f encouraging the manufactures o f Lyons and Bordeaux, an entire embargo was laid between the two countries, which was only moderated after a destructive war had broken the resources o f both. But it was not the war alone that destroyed the manufactures o f the French nation. Those great staples, which their vineyards and their looms produced, had been much more than sufficient for their own consumption ; and by exchanging what was o f no use to them for the productions o f other countries for which they had need, they enriched themselves without expense and without exhaustion. The day’s labor o f a peasant in the south o f France, or o f the manufacturer in her centre, was enough to clothe him in the cheap goods o f England and H ol land for the approaching season. W hat the French paid for English manufactures was, in fact, to them o f no value ; they could drink but a certain quantity o f wine during the year, or wear but a certain quantity o f silk, and what remained would have been trodden down as chaff, had it not found a market in the neighboring countries. But Colbert argued that whatever went into the hands o f the English or Dutch, went out o f the pockets o f the French themselves; and, in order to prevent a rapid im poverishment o f the nation, he laid such heavy duties upon whatever the The Commercial History o f France. 121 English or Dutch could produce, as effectually prevented their being sold at all. His restrictive policy, while it augmented, for a time, the reve nues o f the crown, and gave a temporary flush to manufactures, became, in the long-run, most ruinous to the interests o f both. W e pass over the damage which was suffered by com m erce itself. That, o f course* was destroyed, except so far as occasionally a smuggler renewed i t ; because the spirit o f com m erce is reciprocity, and when that com es to an end, the system itself must fall. But in what way, we ask, were the manufactures o f France affected by the heavy protections that w ere laid over them ? T h e very means by which they were protected diminished the power o f the consumers to buy them ; and in the same degree that the favored articles rose in price, in that degree they decreased in consumption. A t the era o f the revolution, those great establishments to which a sudden and unnatural excitement had been given by the forcing measures o f Louis X IV ., were deserted by their workmen ; while the art which placed their looms in motion, had been forgotten by the artificers who moved them. Like flowers that have been produced by the artificial warmth o f the hot bed to an unnatural luxuriance, they were unable to sustain the stimulating soil in which they were placed, and shrank back, after a little while, into entire inefficiency. W e propose, at future periods, to carry out the scheme we have entered Upon, by giving a rapid view o f the commercial condition o f France under the administration o f N ecker ; under the revolutionary and constitutional establishments ; under the empire ; and, finally, under the monarchy since the restoration. W e are sensible that the plan is one o f great difficulty; but we hope that the difficulty itself arises from the importance o f the sub ject. The fate o f nations, according to mythology, was hung on a golden thread ; it might be said, that on the mercantile resources o f a country— on its means for carrying on war and enjoying peace— depends its ultimate prosperity. Such, certainly, has been the case with the empire whose history we have taken up for consideration. Like a man whose mind has outrun his physical strength, it found itself incapable, during its ancient econom y, o f supporting, by its ordinary revenues, those immense cam paigns in which it was engaged. B y ruinous stimulants,- that, while they increased the immediate effect o f the blow, exhausted the vigor that pro duced i t ; by convulsive struggles, that knit up the frame for a sudden effort, and left it prostrated by the shock ; the rulers o f France succeeded in bringing her up to the most gigantic labors, which, could they have been properly followed up, would have secured to her the supremacy o f Europe. Instead o f that gradual motion in which nations alone can move with safety,— which, like that o f the wheel and axle, compensates for its slowness by its ultimate effect,— they forced her into violent and sudden exertions, which lost all their virtue, based as they were on the contrary principles o f mechanics, as soon as the blow to which they had been con centrated Was struck. But there is a point at which the most pungent stimulants will cease to excite, when the functions will refuse to perform their office, and the system will revolt against further impositions ; it was to such a condition that France was reduced at the accession o f Louis X V I. Perhaps the trifling reforms (hat were attempted at the commencement o f his reign* may have given the nation more strength to throw o ff the load upon them. W e confess, that after a due consideration o f the state o f the lowest classes in our own country, and o f what they appear to have been Von. Vi-1—no. i. 16 122 American Manufactures. in the ancient world, we can discover none more wretched than the peas ants under the old dynasty o f France. T h ey were slaves, without that exoneration from self-support which slavery g iv e s ; and they were free men, without any o f the privileges o f freedom but that o f gathering, through the severest labor, the most scanty materials for subsistence. It was through a revolution alone that the unequal tenures that kept the peo ple from an absolute ownership o f the soil— the oppressive taxes, that threw upon them the entire support o f the state— and the extravagant government, that doubled their burdens while it took from them the means o f bearing them,— it was only through a revolution, in fact, that the evils o f the old econom y— fastened as it had been on the social existence o f the kingdom, and woven in its civil constitution— could be thoroughly eradi cated. I f we inquire why it was that the revolution, instead o f being ac complished peacefully and wisely, was hurried forward with the velocity and madness o f a whirlwind,— licking from the earth the imperfect traces o f prosperity it found there,— mingling in its eddies the rafters o f the peas ant’s hut with the architraves o f the noble’ s palace ;— we may answer, in paraphrase o f the words o f Madame de Stael which we have already quo ted, that the spirit that rode on its wings had been for ages condensed into a limit so close, that when its bonds were loosened, it rushed forth with the elastic vigor which its sudden release had given it. A rt. II.— A M E R IC A N M A N U F A C T U R E S . It is the design o f the present article to trace a brief sketch o f the pro gress, and to exhibit the present condition o f the manufactures o f the United States. The subject has grown to such magnitude as a national interest, so far as the amount o f pecuniary value which is invested in its enterprises is concerned, and it is so important as connected with the large number o f its active agents, and, moreover, as it will shortly come up before the national legislature as a broad question o f national policy, the facts connected with its advance and present actual position should, we think, be widely difiused and strongly fixed in the public mind. Its opera tions, and in consequence its influence, extend throughout the greater portion o f the country. The sound o f manufacturing labor, with its ten thousand arms, and in innumerable forms, is echoing in the crow ded marts and upon the hill-sides o f most o f our older states; and it is an important question to those before whom the policy which shall govern it w ill be pre sented for final judgment, what have been the causes which have marked its progress, and what is its present state ? In the first place, we shall consider the condition o f Am erican manu factures while our country continued colonies o f the British crown. It can hardly be supposed that the feeble settlements which were scattered at wide intervals over the greater portion o f the Atlantic states, could have devoted much o f their time to manufacturing industry. Employed, mainly, in laying the foundations o f a new social system in dense forests, which, excepting at a few points where clearings had been made, were slumbering in their primeval solitude and grandeur, it is evident that with American Manufactures. 123 out the resources o f wealth their time must have been, in great measure, filled up in procuring the means o f subsistence from the soil, and in pro tecting themselves against the attacks o f many o f the Indian tribes, who, it is Well known, regarded them as trespassers upon the Indian territory. Agriculture, then, was the natural and primary pursuit which was followed by the settlers, and at first but little attention was devoted to manufac tures, which must always spring up as a secondary interest, and at a time when a basis is laid in the cultivation o f the earth. N or could it have been expected to grow to any considerable extent, especially when the parent country, provided with ample means and motives, had already ad vanced to so great perfection in that respect. But notwithstanding the obstacles presented by the facts which we have mentioned, we find the hardy colonists o f N ew England early engaged in the manufacture o f coarse woollens for their own u se; and here was first exhibited that jealousy with which Great Britain has ever regarded the progress o f every species o f manufactures that might, in any mode, compete with her own. In order to nip the manufacturing interest o f this country in the bud, we find the British parliament, as early as 1699, declaring that “ no wool, yarn, or woollen manufactures o f their Am erican plantations should be shipped there, or ever laden in order to be transported from thence to any place w hatever;” and twenty years afterward, in 1719, the house o f commons enacting that “ the erecting manufactories in the colonies tended to lessen their dependence upon Great Britain.” The policy o f the parent government, which was afterward so signally exhibited in those causes which ripened the Am erican revolution, was not slow in displaying itself. Accounts were carried to the mother country that the colonists, who at this period began to exhibit the germ o f that enter prise which has since been the prominent feature o f the country, were not only carrying on trade, but also setting up manufactures detrimental to Great Britain; and, in consequence o f these reports, an order was issued by the house o f commons requiring the board o f trade to report with respect to laws made, manufactures set up, or trade carried on, detri mental to the trade, navigation, or manufactures o f Great Britain. This act, designed to cripple the growing power o f the infant colonies, was faithfully executed, and a report was made by the board o f trade in 1732, which, although probably not accurate, contains the best account o f the condition o f American manufactures at that period. This report stated that a law had been passed in the colony o f Massachusetts Bay to encour age the manufacture o f paper, which act tended to diminish the profits made by the British importer o f that article ; that in “ N ew England,” N ew Y ork, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania, woollen and linen cloth were manufactured to some extent for domestic use, and that the product o f those colonies being chiefly cattle and grain, with a quantity o f sheep, the w ool would be lost were it not used for that purpose. It was also reported that flax and hemp were produced in the colonies to a con siderable extent, which were manufactured into a coarse sort o f cloth, as well as bags, traces, and halters for their horses, that were more service able than those that were imported from abroad; yet, from the high price o f labor here, the manufacture o f linen could not be carried on at less than twenty per cent, and that o f woollens than at fifty per cent less than the cost o f the English fabrics.* The returns from the English governor o f * Pitkin’s Statistics. 124 American Manufactures. N ew Hampshire alleged that there were no manufactures in that province, excepting a little linen made by its emigrants from Ireland, but that the principal trade was in lumber and fish. Massachusetts, at that time, also manufactured a coarse cloth from their flax and wool, but the merchants could import the foreign fabrics at a cheaper rate than they could purchase those which were made at home. A few hatmakers worked at their trades in the towns o f that state, but none o f their articles were exported. The leather o f this province was also wrought by the people ; and although iron was worked to some extent, it was deemed inferior to that which was imported from Great Britain, this being considered much the best, as it was wholly used in shipping. The same report stated that all the iron works within its bounds did not make one twentieth part o f the amount re quired for its consumption. N or did N ew Y ork at that time exhibit the degree o f manufacturing enterprise which was deemed detrimental to Great Britain— provisions, furs, whalebone, pitch, oil, and tar, constituting the principal portion o f its trade. That o f N ew Jersey was no more for midable in this respect, as its traffic consisted o f necessary articles shipped from Pennsylvania and N ew Y ork. T o these articles may be added, a lit tle linen and cotton cloth, brown holland, “ for women’ s wear,” a papermill that manufactured to the amount o f £ 2 0 0 yearly, in the province o f Massachusetts Bay, besides six furnaces and nineteen forges for making iron, that had then been constructed in N ew England. In Rhode Island there were no manufactures returned ; and the province o f Connecticut produced timber and boards, all sorts o f English grain, hemp, flax, sheep, black cattle and swine, goats, horses, and tobacco. The manufactures in this colony were inconsiderable, the greater portion o f the people being engaged in tillage, while others w ere employed in the various handicrafts, such as tanning and shoemaking, in building, joining, tailors and smiths’ work. A t this period the colony o f N ew Y ork was enabled to pay for the foreign fabrics imported from Great Britain, by being permitted to exchange their provisions, and those o f N ew Jersey, as also horses and lumber, with the foreign sugar colonies, for money, rum, molasses, cocoa, indigo, cot ton, and wool. Horses and lumber were exported from Connecticut in return for sugar, molasses, salt, and ardent spirits. In Pennsylvania brigantines and small sloops were built, which they sold to the W est In dies, and “ the surveyor-general o f his majesty’ s woods” states, that in the province o f N ew England many ships were built for the French and Spaniards in exchange for rum, molasses, wines, and silks, which “ they truck there by contrivance.” * Such was the condition o f Am erican manufactures when the United States were humble colonies o f the parent government, and such the pol icy o f the mother country in 1732 ; a policy which resulted in a recom mendation o f the board “ to give these colonies proper encouragement for turning their industry to such manufactures and products as might be o f service to Great Britain, and more particularly to the production o f all kinds o f naval stores.” Immediately upon this event acts were passed by the British parlia ment, designed to prevent the progress o f the colonial manufacture ; and from the information which had been received, that hats were made to a considerable extent in these colonies, it was provided, by statute passed in * See Macpherson’s Annals o f Commerce. American Manufactures. 125 1732, that no hats should be exported ; the same act limiting the number o f apprentices who were to be engaged in this business, and prohibiting the exportation o f hats from one British plantation to another, as well as the manufacture o f hats, excepting by those who had served an apprentice ship o f seven years, and forbidding any black or negro from making hats at all.* The manufacture o f iron was also regarded with equal jealousy ; and although the colonies were permitted, by a law that was enacted in 1750, to import pig and bar iron into Great Britain free o f duty, its sole design was that they might thus be enabled to monopolize its manufacture; and all establishments for that object erected in the colonies, were deemed a “ common nuisance,” and were required to be abated within thirty days after the evidence o f their existence should be adduced, under a penalty o f £ 5 0 0 . These acts were justly deemed by the Am erican colonists usurpations o f their rights ; for why, said they, ought not the manufac turers o f this country have been permitted the same privileges as the same classes in England ? Thus matters continued until the Am erican revolu tion— the colonies struggling against the exactions o f the British crown ; and it has been alleged that this systematic policy, connected with the colonial trade, tended to ripen that event. W h en the war came, it was reasonable to suppose, what was in fact the case, that our own country should augment not only the manufacture o f all articles required for do mestic use, but also those which were found necessary for defence ; and at the peace o f 1783, although efforts were made to extend the manufac tures o f the country, little appears to have been done in this respect, from a want o f unanimity in the several states, as well as the want o f power under the old confederation.! Mr. Jefferson, in his “ Notes on the State o f Virginia,” alluding to the manufactures and com m erce o f that state in 1781, remarks : “ W e never had any interior trade o f any importance ; our exterior com m erce has suffered very much from the beginning o f the present contest. During this time we have manufactured, within our families, the most necessary articles o f clothing. Those o f cotton will bear some comparison with the same kinds o f manufacture in Europe, but those o f wool, flax, and hemp, are very coarse, unsightly, and unpleasant; and such is our attachment to agriculture, and such our preference for foreign manufactures, that be it wise or unwise, our people will certainly return, as soon as they can, to the raising raw materials, and exchanging them for finer manufactures than they are able to execute themselves.” In regard to its exports, he says : “ In the year 1758, we exported seventy thousand hogsheads o f tobacco, which was the greatest quantity ever produced in this countiy in * Lord Brougham, in the first volume o f his “ Inquiry into the Colonial Policy o f the European Powers,” a work published in Edinburgh in 1803, remarks : “ The hat manu facture o f N ew England was an object o f jealousy to the British legislature. It is absurd to suppose that any laws could have prevented the colonists from making hats even for the use o f the neighboring settlements, so long as it continued to be very convenient and profitable. But in a very short time the manufacture disappeared, even in so far as it was permitted ; and now, without any laws whatever, Great Britain supplies the United States with this article to a much greater extent than ever she did during the existence o f the colonial government.” This statement is probably inaccurate; but if true, it is well known that the fact no longer exists. + Pitkin’s Statistics. American Manufactures. 120 one year. But its culture was fast declining at the commencement o f this year, and that o f wheat taking its place, and it must continue to decline on the return o f peace.” The succeeding table from Mr. Jefferson’s com putation, indicates the annual amount o f exportation from that state during the period in which he wrote : A rti cles. Quantity. Price in Dollars. Amount in Dollars. T o b a c c o , .................. 55,000 hhds. 10001b. at 30d. perhhd. 1,650,000 at fd . per bush. 666,666§ W h e a t ,...................... 800,000 bush. Indian corn, . . . . 600,000 bush. at -id. per bush. 200,000 S h ip p in g ,................... 100,000 Masts, planks, scant ling, shingles, and s t a v e s ,.................. 66,666| Tar, pitch, turpentine, 30,000 barrels at l^ d. per bar. 40,000 Peltry, viz. skins o f deer, beavers, ot ters, muskrats, raccoons, foxes, . . . 180 hhds. 6001b. at T5jd . per lb. 42,000 P o r k , .......................... 4,000 barrels at lOd. per bar. 40,000 Flaxseed, hemp, cott o n , ...................... 8,000 Pit coal, pig iron, . . 6,666| P e a s , .......................... 5,000 bush. at |d. per bush. 3 ,3 3 3 i B e e f , .......................... at 3-jd. per. bar. 1,000 barrels 3 ,3 3 3 i Sturgeon, white, shad, h e r r i n g , ............... . . . . 3,3331 Brandy from peaches and apples, and w h is k e y ,............... l,6 6 6 f H o r s e s ,....................... l,666jt* . . . . . . . . . Upon the establishment o f the constitution new energy was infused into the government, and the attention o f the prominent statesmen o f the coun try was directed to the establishment o f a fixed policy, not only in regard to our com m erce, but the manufactures o f the nation. In July o f 1789, a law was passed for the “ encouragement and protection o f manufactures and although the question o f the measure o f that protection appears to have divided the public mind, the absolute importance o f protecting our manufactures in some mode was clearly avowed. The pressing urgency o f the interest, and the direction o f the public mind to the subject, resulted in the full conviction that some systematic course o f legislation should be adopted regarding i t ; and this conviction resulted in the very able report which was made by Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary o f the treas ury, which was communicated to congress in 1791. The financial talents o f that great man,— with a mind equally profound and comprehensive, severe, acute, and far-reaching— equally adapted to grapple with great principles which lie at the foundation o f the political system, and looking back to the past and forward to the future, to analyze the most minute * See Notes on the State of Virginia, by Thomas Jefferson, p. 277. American Manufactures. 127 point, and to detect error in any o f its details, i f error existed,— were brought to bear upon this great subject. In that report General Hamilton collated the principal facts connected with this interest; exhibited the amount and kind o f the manufactures existing in the country at that period ; showed the commercial causes which would most directly bear upon the various sorts o f our production ; examined, weighed, and answer ed the objections which were then already made to the protective system and in favor o f free trade, and showed the productive capacities and the various products o f the country which he deemed required protection ; and, finally, recommended such duties and bounties as w ere deemed cal culated to advance the prosperity o f the American manufacturer. In that report he laid the foundation o f what has been termed the “ Am erican Sys tem,” by his attempt to show that the protection o f the manufacturing in terest would tend indirectly to advance the other great interests o f the nation. In the course o f that report he remarked : “ But there are more particular considerations which serve to fortify the idea that the encour agement o f manufactures is the interest o f all parts o f the Union. If the northern and middle states should be the principal scenes o f such estab lishments, they would immediately benefit the more southern by creating a demand for productions, some o f which they have in common with the other states, and others o f which are either peculiar to them, or more abundant, or o f better quality than elsewhere. These productions princi pally a r e : timber, flax, hemp, cotton, wool, raw silk, indigo, iron, lead, furs, hides, skins, and coals. O f these articles, cotton and indigo are peeuliar to the southern states, as are hitherto lead and coals. Flax and hemp are or may be raised in greater abundance there than in the more northern states, and the wool o f Virginia is said to be o f better quality than that o f any other state; a circumstance rendered the more probable by the reflection, that Virginia embraces the same latitudes with the finest wool countries o f Europe. The climate o f the south is also better adapted to the production o f silk.” * The influence o f this report was felt throughout the country, proceeding as it did from so able a mind, and embodying a mass o f statistical matter connected with the production o f the country, which was peculiarly valuable at that period, and more satisfactory to the people, inasmuch as it recommended some uniform and systematic course o f policy upon the subject. Meanwhile, Mr. Samuel Slater, a manufac turer from England, who was the founder o f the cotton manufacture o f the United States, had arrived in this country, and established a manufactory in Providence, Rhode Island. T o this individual we are indebted for the introduction into this country o f the Arkwright machinery. The manu facture o f coarse cloths, composed o f cotton, woollen, and flax, had pre viously been carried on to some extent, and in sufficient quantities, in sev eral districts, to supply four fifths o f the clothing o f the people. Estab lishments for the manufacture o f cotton and wool, were also erected in Massachusetts and C onnecticut; and during the year 1790, the legislature o f the former state granted aid to a number o f gentlemen who had, in 1787, founded a cotton manufactory in Beverly, o f which the principal articles were corduroy, fustians, and jeans. In the same year cotton spin ning was first commenced in Pawtucket. A manufactory o f woollen was, * See the Report on Manufactures, in the works o f Alexander Hamilton, vol. i. pp. 221, 222. 128 American Manufactures. about the same time, founded in Hartford, Connecticut, through the agency o f Jeremiah Wadsworth, Esq. ; and it is an interesting fact connected with the institution o f this factory, that George Washington, then president o f the United States, during the January o f 1790, addressed congress in a suit o f woollen cloth woven from its looms, and presented to him by the .owners o f that establishment.* Besides the articles to which we have alluded, the product o f the manufacture o f the United States, General Hamilton, in his report, specifies skins and leather, iron, wool, flax and hemp, bricks, coarse tiles, potters’ ware, ardent spirits, malt liquors, different kinds o f paper for writing and printing, sheathing and wrapping, press paper, and paper hangings, hats, womens’ stuff and silk shoes, refined sugar, oils o f animals and seeds, soap, spermaceti and tallow candles, copper and brass wares, andirons and other domestic utensils, philosophical apparatus, tin wares, snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco, gunpowder, and painters’ colors ; which articles w ere manufactured in the course o f ordinary trade. Such was the germ o f the manufactures o f this country, which would have ripened to a solid and effective system had not the course o f our national policy been affected by circumstances which we shall mention. The encouragement given to Am erican manufactures, both by individuals and national legislation, did not escape the notice o f leading statesmen abroad. In 1791, the committee o f the Board o f Trade, in their distinguished report upon the subject o f the W est India trade, although acknowledging the right o f this country to establish protective duties either for the purposes o f revenue or for the encouragement o f domestic industry, expressed their anxiety lest these duties should be raised to an extent which, should interfere with the manu factures o f Great Britain ; and recommended that they should not be in creased to a greater amount than they then were. Indeed, they proposed to bind the United States not to raise these duties to a higher than the ex isting rate ; and if that object was not attained, it was agreed to stipulate that the duties should not exceed those which were established by com mercial treaties upon British goods, introduced into Holland and France by formal negotiations with those powers. Another proposition was, that duties upon British goods imported into the United States should not be raised to a greater amount than merchandise imported from any other foreign nation. It was the evident design o f these several propositions, not only to pro. vide for the consumption o f British goods in the United States, but also to secure for that empire the carriage o f foreign articles. N o effective mea sures appear to have been adopted by the United States upon the subject, however, from the year 1793 to 1807, when the embargo coming on, our colonies found themselves deprived o f many necessary articles o f manu facture to which they had been accustom ed; and being cut o ff from foreign intercourse, and, in consequence, from the products o f British manufacture, their attention was naturally turned to the protection o f this interest among themselves. The House o f Representatives, accordingly, in 1809, not only ordered the re-printing o f General Hamilton’s report upon manufac tures, but also required the then Secretary o f the Treasury, Hon. Albert * A society was founded in 1787, in Pennsylvania, for the “ encouragement o f manu factures and the useful arts.” For their plan see White’s History o f the Rise and Pro, gress o f the Cotton Manufacture, p. 50, American Manufactures. 129 Gallatin, to collect the prominent facts connected with the manufactures o f the United States and to report a plan for their protection. In accord ance with these instructions, Mr. Gallatin, in view o f the facts which he had obtained, estimated the total value o f Am erican manufactures at $120,000,000, and those from cotton and wool at $4 0,00 0,00 0. This information, although inaccurate, was communicated to the house in April o f 1810, but on account o f the deficiency in the returns, the marshals, with their assistants, were ordered, under the direction o f the Secretary o f the Treasury, to collect and report all the facts con nected with manufactures within their several districts ; and from these returns, which were, however, defective, the total value o f American man ufactures at that time was estimated by Tench Coxe at $127,694,602. The number o f cotton factories in the United States, according to the re turn o f the marshals, was one hundred and sixty-eight, and but few w ool lens were manufactured at all, excepting in private families.* But the war o f 1812 soon followed, by which the country was effectively deprived o f foreign fabrics, and the necessary consequence o f this event, was the direction o f the public mind to the subject o f domestic manufactures. A large amount o f capital was accordingly invested in this interest, and the number o f manufactures was increased to a great exten t; but these establishments were erected only to meet with disaster on the return o f peace, for in 1815, our ports having been opened to foreign goods, the manufactures o f Great Britain poured in upon the country to such an amount as effectually to glut the Am erican markets; and while the British importers suffered great losses by the diminution o f the price o f their goods, from that fact the prospects o f the Am erican manufacturer were effectu ally clouded. Indeed, the principles which have uniformly characterized the policy o f Great Britain w ere clearly demonstrated in the remark made by Lord Brougham respecting this policy upon the floor o f the British parliament, in relation to these losses. “ It is well worth while,'” said that gentleman, “ to incur a loss upon the first exportation, in order, by the glut, to stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States, which the war has fo rced into existence contrary to the natural course o f things.” The national mind, upon the return o f peace, appears to have been more particularly directed to the importance o f the protection o f Am eri can manufactures, and in 1816 an effective course o f legislation was di rected to that object. Its offspring was the tariff o f 1816, designed mainly to protect the domestic production o f cotton and woollen fabrics. By this act, the duty upon woollens, from June o f 1816 to the same month o f the year 1819, was fixed at twenty-five per cent ad valorem, and from the period last named at twenty per cent. It was also provided by this act that all cotton cloths whose original cost was less than twenty-five cents per yard, should be deemed to have cost that sum, and should pay duties accord in g ly ; the design o f the act being to exclude the coarse cot ton fabrics o f the East Indies, and to protect the manufacture as well as the production o f Am erican cotton. A permanent duty o f thirty per cent was also laid upon various other articles, such as hats, cabinet wares, manufactures o f wood, carriages, leather, and also upon all manufactures o f leather and paper ; and in order to encourage the production o f domestic * T o Mr. Pitkin’s work we arp indebted for many valuable facts connected with this part o f the subject. "VOL. V .---- NO, II. 17 130 American Manufactures. sugar, a duty o f three eents per pound was laid upon all imported brown sugar. Upon some o f these articles, however, the duty was raised in 1818, and in 1824 there was a revision o f duties upon all woollen and cotton goods ; which, however, was met by a countervailing act o f the parliament o f Great Britian, which reduced the duty upon imported wool from six pence sterling per pound to one penny, for the purpose o f permitting the British manufacturer to send his woollen fabrics to the United States at a cheaper rate, and in order to prevent the successful operations o f Am eri can industry in this respect. In consequence o f these measures the Am erican manufacturers applied to congress for relief, and the result was the celebrated tariff o f 1828, which increased these duties to a considerable extent, prescribing the duties upon all woollens which did not exceed fifty cents at forty-five per cent ad valorem, and the duty upon other articles in the same proportion. Such was the policy o f the country in reference to the production o f Am erican manufactures until the year 1831. At this period it was pro posed to reorganize the revenue system, inasmuch as the national debt was nearly extinguished, and for that object two separate conventions were held for the purpose o f remodelling the financial policy o f the nation in this re spect: the one, the free-trade convention which was held at Philadelphia, and composed o f gentlemen o f intelligence, maintained the expediency o f reducing all the duties upon imported products to a low and equal rate; and the tariff convention, composed o f men o f equal character, supported the policy o f reduc ing the duties only upon those articles which did not interfere with our domes tic products— articles which had not been and could not be produced in the country. A t the meetings o f these several conventions, the principles gov erning the interests involved were weighed, discussed, and set forth in their several addresses made to the people, and the petitions to congress, by both parties. Upon theirseveral suggestions followed the acts o f congress o f the fourteenth o f July, 1832, modifying the preceding tariff laws. During the succeeding year arose the sectional discussion that wellnigh rent the Union asunder, when the people o f the country beheld the state o f South Carolina in a posture o f alleged rebellion against the laws o f the Union. Before the prior act had taking effect, however, the tariff law o f 1832 was modified by what was denominated “ The Compromise Bill,” which is un derstood to have been framed by the admirable statesmanship o f the Hon. Henry Clay, who, by this measure, doubtless saved the country from those overt acts on the part o f South Carolina, claiming itself to be a sovereign state, which would probably have amounted to treason by the constitution. This last tariff law, enacted during the winter o f 1833, extended its provi sions down to the thirtieth o f June, 1842. It provided that all the duties which exceeded twenty per cent upon the value, should be reduced twenty per cent annually, until the thirtieth o f June, 1842. The same act de clares what articles shall be admitted free o f duty after the thirtieth o f June, 1 8 4 2 ; attempts to limit the power o f future legislatures in regard to the amount o f the imposition o f duties on imports to a sum not exceeding twenty per cent ad valorem, and also declares that only those duties should be laid after the thirtieth o f June, 1842, as may be required for the pur pose o f raising such revenue as may be necessary to an economical ad ministration o f the government. Such then is the present state o f the tariff law. Having sketched a brief history o f the manufacturing policy o f the American Manufactures. 131 country, we now propose to enter upon a rapid view o f the opinions enter tained upon that subject, from time to time, by different sections o f the republic. On the establishment o f the first tariff law in 1816, it is well known that N ew England voted with the south, and in opposition to the western states, as well as N ew York, N ew Jersey, and Pennsylvania, upon the question o f the protection which was to be afforded to the interest o f the cotton manufacturer ; and the bill for reduction was ultimately carried by N ew England votes, together with those o f the southern portion o f the country. A s regards the alleged original support o f the protective system by the south, we have upon record the explanation o f the southern policy upon that subject, from Mr. John C. Calhoun, o f South Carolina, one o f its most eloquent and able orators. His remarks we subjoin, in order that both sides o f the question may be heard; for it is our design to enter into no party argument, but only to trace the political history o f manufactures, and, as accessory thereto, to give the views o f leading statesmen upon this important national interest. “ There still remains another misrepresenta tion o f the conduct o f the state,” said Mr. Calhoun, “ which has been made with the view o f exciting odium. I allude to the charge that South Carolina supported the tariff o f 1816, and is, therefore, responsible for the protective system. T o determine the truth o f this charge, it becomes ne cessary to ascertain the-real character o f that law, whether it was a tariff for revenue or protection; which presents the inquiry, what was the condi tion o f the country at that period ? The late war with Great Britain had just terminated, which, with the restrictive system that preceded it, had diverted a large amount o f industry from commerce to manufactures, par ticularly to the cotton and woollen branches. There was a debt at the same time o f one hundred and thirty millions o f dollars hanging over the country, and the heavy war duties were still in existence. Under these circumstances the question was presented, to what point the duties ought to be reduced. That question involved another— at what time the debt ought to be paid ?— which was a question o f policy involving, in its consider ation, all the circumstances connected with the then condition o f the country. A m ong the most prominent arguments in favor o f an early dis charge o f the debt was, that the high duties which it would require to ef fect it, would have, at the same time, the effect o f sustaining the infant manufactures which had been forced up under the circumstances to which I have adverted. This view o f the subject had a decided influence in de termining in favor o f an early payment o f the debt. The sinking fund was accordingly raised from seven to ten millions o f dollars, with the pro vision to apply the surplus which might remain in the treasury as a contin gent appropriation to that fund, and the duties were graduated to meet this increased expenditure. It was thus that the policy and justice o f protect ing the large amount o f capital and industry, which had been diverted by the measures o f the government into new channels, as I have stated, was combined with the fiscal action o f the government, and which, while it secured a prompt payment o f the debt, prevented the immense losses to the manufacturers which would have followed a sudden and great reduc tion. Still revenue was the main object, and protection but the incidental. The bill to reduce the duties was reported by the committee o f ways and means, and not o f manufactures, and it proposed a heavy reduction on the then existing rate o f duties. But what o f itself, without other evidence, was decisive as to the character o f the bill, is the fact that it fixed a much 132 American Manufactures. higher rate o f duties on the unprotected than the protected articles. I will enumerate a few leading articles only. W oollen and cotton above the value o f twenty-five cents on the square yard, though they were the lead ing objects o f protection, were subject to a permanent duty o f only twenty per cent. Iron, another leading article among the protected, had a pro tection o f not more than nine per cent, as fixed by the act, and o f but fif teen as reported in the bill. These rates were all below the average du ties as fixed in the act, including the protected, the unprotected, and even the free articles. I have entered into some calculation in order to ascertain the average rate o f duties under the act. There is some un certainty in the data, but I feel assured that it is not less than thirty per cent ad valorem, showing an excess o f the average duties above that im posed on the protected articles enumerated o f more than ten per cent, and thus clearly establishing the character o f the measure, that it was for reve nue and not protection.” * Even during the year 1824, the votes o f N ew England stood fifteen for and twenty-three against the act, while those o f the states o f N ew Y ork, Pennsylvania, N ew Jersey, Kentucky, and Ohio, were in favor o f the mea sure— seventy-eight standing for and nine against it. Upon the bill which was introduced into the house during that year, Mr. W ebster, acting as the organ o f a portion o f N ew England, clearly expressed his views, which, com ing as they did from one o f the most powerful minds o f any age, certainly deserve respectful consideration. Upon that question this distinguished statesman, although he did not in fact oppose the tariff sys tem as a system, was, nevertheless, averse to the measure o f protection viewed by that bill. F or example, he was opposed to a very high duty upon imported wool, and, indeed, he appears to have been informed by his constituents that such duty would, in the end, injure the domestic producer o f that article, because, as was claimed, a certain quantity o f wool, cheaper than could be furnished here, was required for the operations o f our wool len manufactories, and would thus tend to diminish its consumption. He was opposed to an increased duty upon iron, because the serfs o f Russia and Sweden could manufacture it for the wages o f seven cents per day, and to an increased duty upon hemp, because it was calculated to injure the shipping interest. Indeed, his opposition to those features o f the bill, which seemed, in their consequences, likely to injure the commercial in terests o f the nation, was eloquently and openly avowed. In regard to the cotton manufacture, he stated in that debate, “ A s to the manufactures o f cotton, it is agreed, I believe, that they are generally successful. It is understood that the.present existing duty operates pretty much as a pro hibition over those descriptions o f fabrics to which it applies. The pro posed alteration would probably enable the Am erican manufacturer to commence competition with higher priced fabrics, and so would, perhaps, an augmentation less than is here proposed. I consider the cotton manu factures not only to have reached, but to have passed the point o f com pe tition. I regard their success as certain, and their growth as rapid as the most impatient could well expect. If, however, a provision o f the nature o f that recommended here, should be found necessary to commence new * See the speech o f Hon. John C. Calhoun in the senate, Feb. 15th, 1833, on the bill reported by the committee on the judiciary, relative to the proceedings o f South Caro lina. American Manufactures. 133 operations in the same line o f manufacture, I should cheerfully agree to it if it were not at the cost o f sacrificing other great interests o f the coun try. I need hardly say that whatever promotes the cotton and woollen manufactures, promotes most important interests o f m y constituents. Th ey have a great stake in the success o f those establishments, and, as far as those manufactures are concerned, would be as much benefited by the provisions o f this bill as any part o f the community. It is obvious, too, I should think, that for some considerable time manufactures o f this sort, to whatever magnitude they may rise, will be principally established in those parts o f the country where population is most dense, capital most abundant, and where the most successful beginnings have been already made. But if these be thought to be advantages, they are greatly counterbalanced by important advantages enjoyed by other portions o f the country. I cannot but regard the situation o f the west as highly favorable to human happi ness. It offers, in the abundance o f its new and fertile lands, such assu rances o f permanent prosperity and respectability to the industrious, it enables them to lay such sure foundations for a competent provision for their families, it makes such a nation o f freeholders, that it need not envy the most happy and prosperous o f the manufacturing communities. W e may talk as we will o f well-fed and well-clothed day-laborers or journey men ; they are not after all to be compared, either for happiness or re spectability, with him who sleeps under his own r oof and cultivates his own fee-simple inheritance.” * The fundamental principle o f the argument o f Mr. W ebster in that de bate was, that protection should be afforded only to those articles which we might produce at nearly the same cost as they could be furnished from abroad. “ The true inquiry is,” said he, “ can we produce the article in a useful state at the same cost, or at any reasonable approximation towards the same cost at which we can import it ?” ■)■ In the debate upon that sub ject in 1824, the same system o f policy appears to have been advocated by Mr. W ebster, and, in 1833, he maintained the constitutionality o f the tariff laws against the most powerful champion o f the south, Mr. John C.Calhoun. From the causes which we have mentioned, the various manu facturing interests o f the country have gradually grown to their present state, sometimes impeded by temporary checks, but generally main taining their proper equilibrium, so that now they may be considered as having attained a solid and permanent foundation. N or has the produc tion o f cotton and woollen fabrics alone been nurtured into vigor. The various species o f manufactured production, as connected with the trades, have kept pace with the larger interests, so that we have not only in great measure supplied ourselves, but in some species furnished a surplus for exportation. It would be impracticable to go into a particular description o f the amount o f the various manufactured articles which are produced in the U. States, from the want o f accurate returns o f their production. W e accordingly pass over at present a consideration o f the manufacture o f cottons and woollens, and proceed to ageneral view o f those articles which are produced from other' sources than manufacturing establishments. And first, we turn to the manu facture o f iron. It is well known that immense beds o f this mineral, as well * See Webster’s Speeches and Forensic Arguments, Vol. I., p. 294. t Ibid. 134 American Manufactures. as those o f lead, are beginning to be laid open throughout our western states, and as early as 1810, the total manufactures o f iron in the country was estimated at $14,364,520 in value. Indeed, when we look at the vast quantity o f machinery that is made in Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and many o f our eastern states, besides the very large amount o f hardware that is even now manufactured in the country, as also implements o f house hold comfort, we must be convinced that this production is an important and lucrative branch o f enterprise. T o these may be added the manufac ture o f leather, a sufficient portion o f which is wrought for the domestic consumption o f the country. N ew Y ork and Pennsylvania carry on this business to a great extent, and it is well known that the great bulk o f the inhabitants o f Lynn, in Massachusetts, are principally engaged in the man ufacture o f shoes. The manufacture o f trunks, harness, boots, and sad dlery is carried on in almost every village o f the country o f any consider able size. A ccording to the authority o f Mr. Pitkin, the total amount o f this manufacture in the United States cannot be less than from forty to forty-five millions o f dollars. The manufacture o f hats has also long been an object o f American enterprise ; and when we consider the num ber o f these articles which is required at home for domestic consumption, it is a source o f honest pride that we have long, not only supplied our do mestic markets with hats o f our own production, but furnished a surplus for exportation. The manufacture o f fur hats is carried on to a considerable extent in Albany, besides that o f straw-hats in Massachusetts. It was esti mated by Mr. Pitkin, that in Massachusetts the value o f hats, caps, and straw bonnets o f all kinds, amounted, in 1832, to fifteen millions o f dollars. The manufacture o f cabinet ware, in its various forms, is, it is well known, carried on to a great extent in the country, and produces not only a sufficient quantity for our own supply, but in 1833 yielded a surplus for exportation that amounted to $200,635. The necessary article o f salt is also made in great abundance in the states o f Massachusetts, N ew Y ork, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Sugar has been made formerly in Louisiana to the amount o f from twenty-five to thirty thousand hogsheads per annum, and molasses to the amount o f one million two hundred and fifty thousand gallon s; although the amount returned in 1831 from that state was, o f sugar seventy-five thousand hogsheads, and o f molasses three millions six hundred and fifty thousand gallons. The business o f refining sugar has recently become an important object o f enterprise, and this busi ness is carried on to a considerable extent in the country. It is well as certained that the sugar o f Louisiana is equally valuable for refining with that o f the W est Indies. A n establishment for this purpose has been erected in N ew Orleans, and a considerable number o f sugar refineries have been erected throughout different parts o f the country. The useful and beautiful article o f glass is, it is probably well known, made to a considerable extent in our country ; the principal points for the manufacture o f which are Pitts burgh, Boston, N ew York, and W heeling in Virginia, Maryland, Browns ville in Ohio, Massachusetts, N ew Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, and in the District o f Columbia. T h e manufactures o f the United States have extended not only to the making o f flint glass, but crown window-glass, cylinder window-glass, glass bottles, vials, apothecaries’ ware, demijohns, carboys, & c., and the total amount o f our domestic manufacture o f this arti cle was recently estimated at three millions o f dollars. The production o f spirituous liquors forms no inconsiderable a portion o f the manufactures o f American Manufactures. 135 the country, and notwithstanding the laudable exertions o f the temperance societies, a large amount is now produced, not only from molasses, but the different kinds o f grain. Besides the several species o f manufacture which we have enumerated, may be mentioned the production o f a new fabric j we mean that o f silk. A s early as 1760, the white mulberry tree was in troduced into Mansfield, in the state o f C onnecticut; but little appears to have been accomplished in this interest until the close o f the Am erican revolution, and in 1783 a bounty o f ten shillings was granted for every hundred white mulberry trees, and a bounty o f three pence for every ounce o f raw silk. This bounty, together with others which succeeded, was emi nently calculated to stimulate the enterprise o f the silk manufacturers, so that the amount o f raw silk annually made was recently estimated at about seven thousand pounds, which were valued at thirty thousand dol lars. The recent attention o f the people to this subject throughout the country is calculated to increase the manufacture o f this article to a much greater amount. Various chemical compounds sold by the druggists are also made in large quantities ; an application o f chemistry to the useful arts which is attended with very valuable practical results. Copperas, to the amount o f many millions o f pounds, is also here produced. The manufac ture o f lead has been carried on also to a considerable extent, the mines o f the western portion o f our country having produced from 1823 to 1832, fifty-five millions nine hundred and three thousand eight hundred and eightyeight pounds, to which a large addition will be made from the new mines o f W isconsin and Iowa, which recent developments have opened to the light. White lead, red, and sugar o f lead, are also made to a considerable extent. Soap and spermaceti candles ; paper, which has always received protection from the government, not only by the imposition o f duties upon the imports, but also by the free importation o f the rags o f which it is made; tobacco, that is annually produced in this country to several millions o f dol lars. Cables and cordage, gold and silver jew elry and plated ware, as well as ware o f brass, copper, tin, pewter, and britannia buttons and combs, porce lain, and carriages o f different sorts, various articles made from flax and hemp, which are used in shipping and other purposes, are also yielded. W e have thus merely alluded to these products o f American industry for the purpose o f showing the numerous objects to which the activity o f our country has been directed, an enterprise which is destined to be advanced to more important results as the population o f the republic increases, and augmented stimulants are provided for domestic production, by more ex tended markets, both at home and abroad. Most o f these articles consti tute the greater part o f the materials o f domestic trade, and fill our shops and warehouses. There is no plainer evidence o f the progress o f the country than in the contrast o f the amount o f these articles now daily yielded with that o f former times. And it is a source o f satisfaction that their manufac ture is constantly increasing. Throughout the whole length and breadth o f the settled portion o f the republic, how many thousand workshops are ring ing with the sound o f the hammer I How many forges are pouring forth their columns o f smoke towards the heavens, and what multitudes o f men in the various trades are moulding the raw materials, provided by nature, into new forms o f utility and taste, thus augmenting human comfort and swelliug the sum o f national wealth! O f the amount o f this productive labor, we can form some estimate by computing the value o f the consumption o f our country, 136 American Manufactures. and the proportion which is furnished to this consumption by our domestic production. Besides the articles to which we have alluded, various others are yield ed in the country, and among those which we would specify, are manu factures o f umbrellas, brushes, brass nails, and cotton and woollen cards, all o f which are supposed to amount in value to about three hundred and fifty millions o f dollars per annum, and which load the shelves o f our shops. W e have thus seen the manufactures o f the United States forced into existence by the early exigences o f the country when we were cut o ff from foreign supplies, and actually strengthening under the fostering hand o f the government, so that they have now gained a fixed and permanent foothold upon the soil. W e now proceed to a consideration o f that part o f the policy which, as a system, is probably designed to be the subject o f more ardent discussion than any other o f our national interests, because it is more important in its character, being more extensive in its influence, and involves larger consequences than the individual industry which is connected with the trades. The solid and vigorous enterprise o f the people o f our north ern states, and that o f a portion o f the west and south, have planted the ba sis o f the cotton manufacture upon the soil, encountering obstacles in the attempt that would seem calculated to dishearten any but themselves. W e have seen the south at one time in favor o f the system, and at another op posing it, and it becomes interesting to know something o f its present state. W e have no means at hand o f ascertaining the precise condition o f the woollen manufacture, but it is ascertained that this has advanced to con siderable importance in our northern states. In those portions o f our ter ritory where the rugged character o f the soil seems to furnish but scanty motive for agricultural labor, and where an abundance o f water-power ap pears to have provided ample means for this species o f industry, manufac tories have sprung up to an extent that would hardly seem credible to one whose attention had not been directed expressly to the fact. Numerous villages have silently extended themselves in the interior o f N ew England, whose existence was scarcely known to those upon the border; and it is only by the cutting o f a railroad through them, in order to furnish an outlet to their products, that the public have had an opportunity to witness their actual condition. The searching glance o f Am erican enterprise has sought out every fall where a head o f water could be obtained for the purpose o f placing upon it a factory ; and even the southern and western states appear to be emulating the example which has been set by those o f the north: indeed we cannot fail to be impressed with the amazing growth o f this branch o f enterprise, when we learn that, according to an authentic computation, the amount o f capital invested in the cotton manufacture o f our country is forty-five millions o f dollars,— aboutone fourth o f that which is employed in the cotton manufacture o f Great Britain.* In regard to the policy o f encouraging the manufacturing system o f this country by national legislation, the fundamental doctrine laid down by General Hamilton, in his report, appears to be founded in solid reason,— a doctrine which maintained that “ every nation ought to endeavor to possess within itself all the essentials o f national supply; these comprise the means o f subsistence, habitation, clothing, and defence. The possession o f these,” * See “ The Cotton Manufacture o f Great Britain and America contrasted,” by Jamea Montgomery, page 161. American Manufactures. 137 he remarked, “ is necessary to the protection o f the body politic, to the safety as well as to the welfare o f society : the want o f either is the want o f an important organ o f political life and m otion; and in the various crises which await a state, it must severely feel the effects o f any such deficiency. The extreme embarrassments o f the United States during the late war (the war o f the revolution) from the incapacity o f supplying ourselves, are still matters o f keen recollection. A future war might be expected again to exemplify the mischiefs and dangers o f a situation to which that incapacity is still in too great a degree applicable, unless by timely and vigorous ex ertions, T o effect this change as fast as shall be prudent, merits all the at tention and all the zeal o f our public cou n cils: ’tis the next great work to be accomplished.” * This view appears to have been fortified by all our national experience. General Hamilton had himself been a prominent a c tor in a contest which clearly demonstrated the position. He had seen a country invaded by a foreign army, destitute, in a great measure, o f the means which might have supplied their necessary wants ; and a soldiery, in many instances, driven on to forced marches beneath wintry skies without the necessary clothing which ordinary comfort would seem to have required to protect them in the service o f their country. The war o f 1812 exhibited the same scene, and after the peace it was found necessary to direct the public mind with more vigor to the protection o f manufacturing industry, a policy which has been continued to the present time. It is understood that the south and southwest are opposed to the imposi tion o f duties upon foreign manufactured fabrics, because they say that the diminution o f importations would have a tendency to contract the market for their cotton abroad, and that, since their staple furnishes the great bulk o f the freights which are exported, they have a right to control the pro tective policy o f the Country. But how stands the matter ? The imposi tion o f duties upon foreign fabrics, is the levy o f a tax upon the consumer o f the article protected; and how large a proportion o f these consumers is furnished by the population o f the south ? Certainly a very inconsider able portion o f the consumption o f the nation is provided by that part o f the country ! The raising o f cotton by the south is an enterprise dictated by their own interest, and the shipping it to foreign parts is governed by the same motives. If duties are to be laid upon foreign fabrics, the largest proportion o f the consumers, or those upon whom the tax is levied, should Control the policy. W e profess to be opposed as much as anybody to a narrow, exclusive, sectional legislation. Let broad-minded statesmen have in their eye the good o f the whole country, and they will establish this in terest upon the right basis. Let them keep in view the welfare, not only o f the factory owner, but the mechanic— the good o f the northern weaver, as well as the southern planter, and the western wheat-grower-^-and their ends will be good. Let them legislate for the just gains o f the employers, who, in most cases, have acquired their capital by their own industry, and for the interests o f the great mass o f the operatives also. If it is found that it is necessary for the economical administration o f the government that duties should be augmented, let these duties be discriminating, hav ing clearly in view the prosperity o f the whole country. If a tax is to be levied, the great bulk o f the consumers, the people, must pay it, and let it be imposed in such mode and measure as will result * See the Report of General Hamilton on Manufactures. VOL. V.— NO. XI. 18 138 American Manufactures. in their benefit. It would seem to be the proper policy o f the country, i f we are to nurture the system o f manufactures by national legislation as a branch o f national enterprise, to discover, in the first place, how far the interest o f the nation makes it necessary that this system should be pro tected. If there are any evils which have been found growing out o f the system by the employment o f operatives who are too young to engage in such labors, if their too constant occupation in these establishments leaves but little time for intellectual and moral cultivation, or i f by full investiga tion it should be discovered that such labor is calculated to produce ill health to the workmen who- are engaged in them, consequences which we are informed have often flowed from the manufacturing system as it has been conducted in England, we should in the commencement o f our career guard ourselves against these consequences. If the manufacturing system receives aid from the government, it will doubtless yield to those rules pre scribed by the several state legislatures for its regulation. The most im portant o f these rules would seem to be such enactments as should prohibit the employment o f all operatives under a certain age, a proper provision for their education, a proper regulation o f the hours o f labor, and such a ventilation o f the factories as to prevent the mephitic influences which may possibly spring from the confined air o f those institutions. Such a policy would be o f no detriment to the cotton manufacturer, while it would most effectually tend to the advantage o f that large class which- comprises our factory population. The policy o f protection is founded in this :— that it is desirable that all nations should possess in themselves the means o f comfort without depen dence upon foreign markets. This independence may be partially secured by such an imposition o f taxes on the article necessary to be protected, as will furnish encouragement to the producer. The abstract policy o f free trade cannot, we think, be considered with any practical advan tage as a national question, because we have no power o f controlling for eign legislation. It is very evident that the western portion o f our country is by nature more favorable for the raising o f agricultural products, such as wheat and corn, than any other part o f the globe. But if the at tention o f our own people is directed exclusively to the raising o f wheat, what would be its value if foreign ports should be barred against us, as Great Britain now is in effect by the existence o f the corn laws. The for eign policy which we have mentioned, and the necessity that is found to the depending upon ourselves in case o f exigency, has induced the establish ment o f the protective policy, in order that encouragement may be thus a f forded to various kinds o f manufacturing industry. The numerous trades, and every species o f productive labor, will be benefited by that legislation which excludes the competition o f foreign labor, whether manufacturing or otherwise. But whatever may be the differences o f opinion which may hereafter divide the country upon the subject o f the protective policy, the manufacturing system has become so deeply rooted among us, that it must in the nature o f things be permanent. It has, indeed, been estimated by an experienced manufacturer, that the amount o f capital invested in the cotton manufacture alone, throughout the Union, cannot be less at the pres ent time than forty-five millions o f dollars. O f this amount the state o f Massachusetts alone, four years ago, employed $14,369,719 o f this capi tal. New Y ork, with its vast agricultural and commercial resources, ap pears to be but little behind her sister state o f Massachusetts. American Manufactures . 139 Lowell, the offspring o f the manufacturing system, now containing a population o f about twenty thousand,* has derived its prosperity from this branch o f enterprise, and the system is here more thoroughly organized than in any other part o f the country ; the factories producing a greater amount o f cloth and yarn from each spindle and loom than is furnished by any other factory upon the g lo b e : and our surprise at its amazing prosper ity will be increased, when we learn that only about twenty years since the tract which now embraces this great city o f spindles was occupied only by a few farmers, who gained their subsistence by cultivating this unfruitful spot in taking fish in the rivers o f Concord and Merrimack. That the cotton manufacture is gradually extending through the country under favorable auspices, there can be but little doubt. The principal wa terfalls o f Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, are suc cessfully improved by its wonderful a g en cy ; and in N ew Jersey, Pennsyl vania, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and some o f the principal towns upon the Ohio, it has made considerable progress. It is believed that the interest will be permanently fixed as the population o f the country advances, not only in the north and east, but the southern states and the remote west, which is now burdened with all the resources which give wealth and stability to nations.f W e are informed that several cotton factories are in existence in Tennessee, which are operated by slave labor, no white man being in the mill but the superintendent ;• and the water power in a part o f that section o f the territory is so abundant, that it is be lieved that the interest o f manufactures can be prosecuted successfully, * A late number o f the Lowell Journal published a sketch o f that city, its manufacturing establishments, schools, morals, religion, & c., drawn up by Eliphalet Case, Esq., from which we derive the following: “ The town o f Lowell was incorporated March, 1826. On the spot now occupied by the city, the population, at the time the first purchases were made for manufacturing purposes, did not exceed 200 persons. In 1828, it reached 3,532; in 1830, it was 6,477; in 1833, it was 12,363; in 1836, it was 17,633; and by the census o f 1840, it was 20,981. It is now only twenty years since the project o f using the Wat ; o f the Pawtucket Falls originatod with several enterprising gentlemen o f Boston and vicinity. The increase o f population has, therefore, exceeded a thousand a year, for twenty years. The city charter was obtained in 1836. The city is situated at the confluence o f the Merrimack and Concord rivers, on the west side o f the Merrimack, above and below the famous Pawtucket Falls, and on both sides o f the Concord, between which and the Falls, a distance o f about a mile, the canals and mills are all located, extending back from the first-named river about three fourths o f a mile. Lowell is connected with Boston by the Middlesex canal and the Boston and Lowell railroad. The distance is twenty-six miles. The road is the best built o f any in the United States. It is constructed with iron rails, resting on granite sleepers laid on stones imbedded in the earth, and has double tracks. The city is connected with Andover and Haverhill, in this state, and Exeter, N. H ., by a railroad that connects with the Boston and Lowell, ten miles below. It is connected with Nashua, N. H ., by the Nashua and Lowell railroad, fifteen miles in length. Numerous lines o f stages also connect it with every other important section o f the surrounding country. It is bounded as follows, viz: 1,068 rods on Merrimack river, 426 on Tewksbury, 248 on Con cord river, and 1,122 rods on the old town o f Chelmsford, o f which it originally formed a part. It contains 3,200 acres, including half the waters o f the rivers, the distance which they bound it.” f The progress o f population in the new states o f the west has tended in good measure to extend the interest o f manufactures into that quarter. 140 American Manufactures. although perhaps the climate o f that region may in some measure impede its present prosperity; indeed, while we are writing, we learn by the news papers that a cotton factory has just gone into operation within the remotest southern boundaries o f Florida. It is understood that the principal manu facturing establishments o f our northern states are engaged in the produc tion o f goods for home consumption, but considerable quantities have been exported to India and South Am erica, where it is understood that Am erican staples have hitherto competed successfully with those o f British produc tion. If Mr. W ebster, as early as 1824, could say with truth that even at that time the manufactures o f the country had been established upon a ba sis beyond competition, how much more safely may the remark now be be made, when prosperous manufacturing villages dot the country from Maine to Tennessee and the banks o f the Ohio, and are beginning to spring up even in the extreme south ! A nd what is the condition o f these institutions in reference to the modes o f life o f the operatives engaged in them ?— for that condition becomes a part o f the question when the interest is brought up before the country as a matter o f national legislation. W e have had, indeed, distressing pictures painted for us by Miss Martineau and Edward Lytton Bulwer, o f the condition o f these establishments abroad. And, in truth, amid the overgrown population o f the United Kingdom, and that subdivision o f labor, by which the same course o f pursuit is entailed from generation to generation, we might well expect scenes o f distress which are revolting to human nature, and opposed to the spirit and structure o f a republican government. W e have had evidence o f the existence o f children in English factories, who w ere scarcely disrobed o f their swaddling clothes, urged on by long-continued toil to premature age, before the bloom o f youth should have faded from their cheeks ; o f Spitalsfield weavers— those dwarfish, withered, crooked apologies for humanity— with the light o f intellect faded from their eyes by the incessant labors to which they are exposed, and the want o f the ordinary means o f education. And this evidence has been adduced in abundance upon the floor o f the English house o f commons. Opposed to this we have had counter-statements, going to show that the condition o f the English factory operatives is as happy as that o f any other class o f the English population. The state o f the infant portion o f the factory population in that empire has awakened the interest o f some o f the most benevolent o f the'British statesmen ; and it certainly is one o f the noblest passages o f the career o f Sir Robert Peel, that in 1819, he succeeded in obtaining the passage o f an act by which no child, under nine years o f age, should be allowed in a cotton factory, nor under sixteen be subject to more than twelve hours o f labor during the day ; a course o f policy which brought upon him unmerited reproach. N or was the late Mr. Saddler far behind his noble compeer in the same cause, who fully laid open the hor rors which were perpetrated in the English cotton and woollen factories ; and being a member o f the legislature, proposed not only that every species o f manufacture should be subject to the same law, but at a more recent period proposed that the hours o f labor should be limited to ten. But the causes which bear so unfavorably upon the factory operatives o f Great Britain, we think, can never obtain any permanent foothold in our own country. In the first place, the character o f the government is entirely distinct, being based upon a broad foundation o f republicanism. American Manufactures. 141 The people in this country are peculiarly jealous o f all those measures o f policy whose tendency is in any way to debase the more active classes ; and it is well known that they watch with lynx-eyed vigilance all those in terests which abroad have induced in any measure such a result. It is also well known that it is in the power o f the majority at all times to dis countenance measures which lead to the consequences that we have de scribed. The principles o f our holy religion are too deeply implanted in the soil, to further that course o f policy which might lead either to vice or ignorance ; and it is well known that in no other part o f the globe are moral principles more widely diffused than in that particular section o f the republic where the manufacturing system the most extensively prevails. The husbands, the fathers, and the brothers o f those who constitute the active agents o f this system, are themselves voters, and some o f them even the legislators o f the country. W e have, moreover, so much faith in the conscientious integrity o f the factory owners themselves— many o f them true-hearted men, as we know them to be— as to believe that they would never be willing to foster any course o f legislation which should have a tendency, in the remotest degree, to endanger the intelligence or the morals o f their fellow -citizens; and equal confidence in the people o f the country, who we believe will never countenance any form o f national abuse. N or do we believe that the condition o f the factory operatives o f the United States is such as to warrant any fears respecting their present state. In the interior o f N ew England, we all know, that many o f them are employed near their own homes, and within the range o f the oversight o f their friends ; and so far as morals are concerned, it is believed that the factory establishments afford as much purity in this respect as is found in other branches o f occupation. A s regards the health o f the active agents o f the cotton establishments, evidence has been from time to time adduced upon that subject even here ; and it would seem that the advantages o f the operatives in this respect are as great as are furnished by most other kinds o f active employment. W e learn from a work which has been recently issued, that the health o f six females out o f ten is better than before being employed in the mills, and that o f the males, one half derive the same advantage. N or is factory labor pursued here as in England— a continuous business for life. The young men and women o f the country, in those places where the factory system prevails, employ their industry in these establishments, not as a main object o f pursuit, but as a stepping-stone to a future settlement, or to other occupations. W hen they have, by dint o f labor, procured for themselves a small sum, it not unfrequently happens that they marry and engage in other pursuits, or emigrate to the broad and rich fields o f the west, where the soil, like a kind mother, opens its arms to receive them, and where they settle down permanent freeholders, perhaps the future legislators o f the country. It may be well here to enter into a brief view o f the domestic arrange ments o f our cotton manufacturing establishments, so far as the operatives employed in them are concerned. And, first, respecting the ages o f the children. From the table to which we have referred, it appears that in 1831, there were only four thousand six hundred and ninety-one children employed in these establishments at that time who were under the age o f twelve years. O f these Maine had none, N ew Hampshire sixty, Vermont nineteen, Rhode Island the largest number, namely, three thousand four hundred and seventy-two, Connecticut four hundred and thirty-nine, New 142 American Manufactures. Y ork four hundred and eighty-four, and N ew Jersey but two hundred and seventeen ; certainly a small number, when it is considered that at that time there were eighteen thousand five hundred and ninety males employ ed in all the factories, and thirty-eight thousand nine hundred and twentyseven females. A s regards the hours o f labor—-taking Low ell as a test— it appears, that work is commenced in the morning, from the first o f September to the first o f May, at daylight, or as soon as the operatives can see, and is discontin ued during these eight months at half past seven in the evening. From M ay to the first o f September, five o ’clock in the morning is the time for the commencement o f the work, and it is stopped in the evening at seven o ’clock. Half-past twelve is the dinner hour during the year, forty-five minutes being allowed for that purpose during the summer months, and thirty during the other eight. The following table from an experienced manufacturer, Mr. Montgomery, gives the average hours o f labor during the year, A verage hours o f work p er day throughout the year. January, February, March, . April, . May, , June, , . . . . . , . . . . , . . , . , , Hours. 11 12 11 13 12 12 Min. 24 —- 52 31 45 45 July, . August,. . September, October, November, Decem ber, , , . . . . . , . , . , . . , Hours. 12 12 12 12 11 11 Min. 45 45 23 10 56 24 This statement may, perhaps, apply to most o f the manufacturing estab lishments in the eastern portion o f the country, although the hours may vary somewhat in the middle and southern districts. The four holidays, fast, independence day, thanksgiving, and Christmas, besides the sabbath, o f course, are devoted to rest, religious duties, and amusement. It may be mentioned also, that the average wages o f females at Low ell is two dollars a week, besides the!: board, and that o f the men is about eighty cents per day, besides their board.* * The following is a particular account o f the manufactories o f Lowell, obtained from the source to which we have referred in a former note : “ The great corporations o f the city are eleyen in number. The capital invested in them amounts to $10,600,000. The proprietors o f the locks and canals on Merrimack river may be considered as the original owners o f all the water-power o f the Merrimack at this place, and the original purchasers o f all the most valuable adjoining lands. This company was incorporated in 1792, for the purpose o f making a canal and locks around the Pawtucket falls. Its capital stock is $600,000. The charter was purchased by the present company on the eve of commencing the manufacturing operations in this place that have resulted in such unparalleled success. The dam across the Merrimack, and the various canals in the city, by which its waters are conveyed to the mills, were made by it. W ith two excep tions it built all the mills, boarding-houses, and machinery o f the other corporations. It has two shops, smithy and foundry, and gives constant employment to five hundred men, and when building mills and boarding-houses for new corporations, to twelve hundred, Its principal building is called ‘ The Machine Shop.’ It turns out manufactured articles to the amount o f about $250,000 per annum. The stock in this corporation has been, if it is not now, probably the best in the world. Besides selling a vast amount o f land, on which the principal part o f the city now stands, at prices varying from one eighth o f a dollar to one dollar per square foot, which was purchased at one or two hundred dollars the acre, the profit on all the mills and boarding-houses it has built op good contracts tor the othet American Manufactures. 143 W e have thus traced.a brief view o f the rise and progress o f the manu facturing interest o f the United States— an interest which has kept even pace with the progress o f the country in its other mercantile enterprises, and that has now becom e fixed upon the soil. The offspring, in great measure, o f necessity, it has sought and obtained direct legislation from the government in its favor. The period is within the remembrance o f some o f our older citizens, when the customary dress o f the people was homespun, and a suit o f broadcloth was deemed a luxury— a silk dress being considered an indulgence which required a public reprimand. The progress o f the country in this respect is clearly demonstrated, not only by the general use o f imported and costly cloths among the great body o f our citizens, but also in the vast amount o f domestic consumption from the looms o f our own manufacturing establishments. The question o f the fur ther protection o f our manufacturing interests, resolves itself into a matter o f expediency and econom y. W ould such protection be o f solid benefit to the community, and is it required by our present condition ? Further more, is it a branch o f economical policy which should be fostered ? These are interrogatories which now divide the people ; and they will receive a final discussion upon the expiration o f the present tariff law. It is admit ted, on all hands, that duties are required for the maintenance o f the reve nue ; but the more important'question is, are those duties required for protection ? The system o f manufactures, as we before hinted, may be considered, in great part, the offspring o f the governm ent; and all must admit, that such a policy should be pursued as will tend to the best in corporations, and the profits on the immense manufactures o f its shops, consisting princi pally o f full sets o f machinery for cotton and woollen mills, locomotive engines, & c., it re serves and receives an annual rent for the water-power disposed of for each mill. “ The capital stock o f the remaining ten great corporations is, o f course, $10,000,000. Besides these establishments, there are the Lowell Bleachery; the extensive Powder Works o f O. M. Whipple, E sq .; the Flannel M ills; the Whitney Mills, where blankets of the very best quality and finish are m ade; a Batting M ill; Card and W hip Factory of White & C o .; an extensive Bobbin Factory o f the Messrs. Douglass; Planing Machine of Brooks <fc Pickering; extensive Carriage and Harness Manufactory o f Day, Converse <fc W hittredge; Sash and Door Factory o f J. H. W rand; employing altogether a capital of about $400,000, and 400 operatives. The whole number o f males employed in all the manufacturing establishments in the city is about 2,500, and o f females 7,000. Very few children are employed. It is provided by the laws o f the commonwealth, that all youths employed in the mills, under fourteen years o f age, shall attend the schools three months out o f twelve every year. The average wages o f females is two dollars per week, clear of board; and o f males, common hands, eighty cents per day, clear of board. All are paid monthly. The total amount o f average monthly wages, out o f which board bill must be paid, is about $170,000, making a yearly aggregate, paid to operatives, by all the corpora tions, o f over $2,000,000. The weekly product o f the mills is 1,265,560 yards o f cotton cloth, o f which 79,000 are o f the coarsest kind, called negro cloth. The rest is mostly common, coarse, and fine sheetings, shirtings, drillings, and cotton flannels. A large portion of the finer goods is manufactured into calicoes at the Merrimack print works, and a small portion of the coarser fabric is printed at the Hamilton print works. 1,800 yards o f broadcloth, and 6,000 yards o f cassimere are produced per week, by the Middlesex Company; and 2,500 yards of car peting, and 150 rugs, measuring one yard and three fourths each, by the Lowell Company, making a weekly aggregate o f 1,265,560, and a yearly o f 65,809,120 yards. Thus, it will be seen, that this city manufactures a fraction over four and a half yards o f cloth per year, for every man, woman, and child in the United States, allowing the population to be fifteen 144 American Manufactures , terests o f all. It has been our design not to enter into any discussion, or to engage in exparte demonstrations, but to set forth, in a clear and com densed form, the facts connected with the rise, progress, and present state o f the manufacturing interest. A s one o f the most important branches o f our national enterprise, it deserves to be understood thoroughly, and maturely considered by the people, and such a course o f legislation should be pursued as will tend to the prosperity o f all. W e cannot close this paper without adverting to the mighty revolution which has been effected during the present age by the agency o f ma chinery, N ot only has the individual condition o f the great bulk o f men become changed by its recent introduction among us, but the enterprises o f states seem to be undergoing a change through the influences which it appears to be extending. Doubtless its agency will be instrumental in work ing out a greater amount o f good to the great body o f the people, in in creasing their productive power, and in spreading abroad those comforts and that intelligence which are the peculiar features o f our own age. But at the same time, its direct tendency is to abolish, in considerable meas ure, the sentiment o f taste which has thrown a pure coloring over ages past. If Edmund Burke, that distinguished patriot and statesman, could declare, in his own time, that the age o f chivalry had departed, with how much greater truth can the remark be made in our own day, when machinery has almost supplanted the ordinary forces formerly used by men, and converted the country into a great workshop. Our tournaments are the annual fairs which are held in the principal marts o f the nation j millions. 270,000 yards o f cloth are dyed and printed per week. The consumption of cot ton per week, in all the mills, is 1,025 bales, or 412,000 pounds. The yearly consumption o f wool is, in the Middlesex Mills, 600,000, and in the Carpet 439,536 pounds—making to gether 1,039,536 pounds. The Middlesex Company consumes, per annum, 3,000,000 teasels. All the companies consume, per annum, 11,660 tons o f anthracite coals, 3,410 cords of wood, 500,000 bushels o f charcoal, 65,289 gallons o f oil, 600,000 pounds o f starch, and 3,000 barrels of flour for starch. “ The average time o f working in the mills per day, is about twelve hours and a quarter, The female operatives remain in the employ o f the companies, on an average, a fraction over three years. Their average ages probably range from fifteen to twenty-four. Very few are under fifteen, and not many over twenty-four. The expense o f a female employed in the mills, exclusive o f board, need not exceed $40 per annum, even when she dresses elegantly on sabbaths and holidays, and well every day. She may therefore save, in three years, $186, enough to purchase a small farm in the western country, or to decently furnish a young mechanic’s or farmer’s house in New England. It is a very important fact, that most o f the girls employed in the mills take good care o f their earnings. The cashier of the Savings’ Bank informs me, that o f $386,000 deposited in that institution, $250,000 be long to the operatives, mostly females, employed in the factories. Some young females come here from the surrounding country, work a few years, and employ their earnings to aid their fathers to pay small debts: some to procure the means of completing a genteel education at some one o f our numerous New England academies. The majority, however, save their money to furnish the houses o f their future husbands. It is supposed that their chances o f marrying are increased, rather than diminished, by their residence and employ ment in the city. Not a few are betrothed before they enter the mills; and while the young men, to whom they were to be wedded, are laboring here or elsewhere for the means to purchase a farm and build a house, they labor for the means to furnish it, and in most cases successfully too.* * For a full and complete tabular statement o f the Lowell Manufactures in January, 1840, see Merchants’ Magazine, vol. iii. p. 92 . British Import Duties. 145 and he who bears o ff the victor’s prize, is the man who exhibits the finest yard o f broadcloth, or the best cattle. Men now combine mainly to ad vance mere utilitarian projects, having reference to the mere base and physical nature o f man, without, we think, devoting sufficient attention to the pure in taste, which is believed to be allied to the pure in morals. But we rejoice that the weapons o f modern political society are great principles o f truth and right— not the mere brute power o f physical force. The spinning-wheel o f our ancestors is discarded, and the spacious factory, with its confused clattering, has taken its place. The old-fashioned pillion has been forgotten, and our citizens ride to their neighbors upon the swift wings o f the railroad. The small shallop, which formerly transacted most o f the domestic carrying trade, has yielded to the steamboat, which now vexes every sea by machinery. Machinery divests the cotton plant o f its seed, transports it to the factory, weaves it into cloth, and then distributes it to the respective markets in all quarters o f the globe. The duty which is binding upon our own government, we think, is, to direct these modern agents in such channels, that they may confer upon the people the great est happiness and comfort, and establish permanently, in the condition o f all classes and all interests, the principles o f the Constitution. A rt. III.— B R IT IS H IM P O R T D U T IE S . ABSTRACT OF THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON IMPORT DUTIES, AND THE EVIDENCE OF JOHN M'GREGOR, ESQ. O n the 5th o f May, 1840, it was “ ordered by the British parliament that a select committee should be appointed to inquire into the several duties levied on imports in the United Kingdom ; and how far those duties were for protection to similar articles the produce or manufacture o f that country, or o f the British possessions abroad ; or whether the duties were for purposes o f revenue alone.” The committee appointed consisted o f fifteen members, who remained in session one month, and examined twenty-seven witnesses, and subsequently published a very elaborate re port, containing a vast amount o f evidence o f a valuable character, which cannot be attentively perused without producing a strong conviction that important changes should urgentl}"- be required in their revenue legislation. The committee maintained that the tariff o f the United Kingdom pre sents neither congruity nor unity o f purpose— that no general principles seem to have been applied, and that it often aims at incompatible ends. The duties are sometimes meant to be both productive o f revenue and for protective objects, which are frequently inconsistent with each oth er: hence they sometimes operate to the complete exclusion o f foreign pro duce, and in so far no revenue can, o f course, be received ; and some times, when the duty is inordinately high, the amount o f revenue becomes, in consequence, trifling. Th ey do not make the receipt o f revenue the main consideration, but allow that primary object o f fiscal regulations to be thwarted by an attempt to protect a great variety o f particular interests, at the expense o f the revenue and o f the com m ercial intercourse with other countries. The committee were strongly impressed that the effect o f pro- vot,. v.— NO. II. 19 146 British Import Duties. hibitory duties, while they are, o f course, wholly unproductive to the revenue, is to impose an indirect tax on the consumer, often equal to the whole difference o f price between the British article and the foreign arti cle, which the prohibition excludes. On the article o f food alone, it is averred, according to the testimony laid before the committee, that the amount taken from the consumer exceeds the amount o f all other taxes which are levied by the government. And the witnesses concur in the opinion, that the sacrifices o f the community are not confined to the loss o f revenue, but that they are accompanied by injurious effects upon wages and capital : they diminish greatly the productive powers o f the country, and limit their active trading relations. Somewhat similar is the action o f high and protective duties. These impose upon the consumer a tax equal to the amount o f the duties levied upon the foreign article, whilst it also increases the price o f all the com peting home-produced articles to the same amount as the duty ; but that increased price goes, not to the treasury, but to the protected manufac turer. It is obvious that high protective duties check importation, and consequently are unproductive to the revenue ; and experience shows that the profit to the trader, the benefit to the consumer, and the fiscal interests o f the country, are all sacrificed when heavy import duties impede the interchange o f commodities with other nations. The inquiries o f the committee naturally led them to investigate the effects o f the protective system on manufacture and labor. They found, on the part o f those connected with some o f the most important o f their manufactures, a conviction, a growing conviction, that the protective sys tem is not, on the whole, beneficial to the protected manufactures them selves. Several witnesses, who were manufacturers, expressed the utmost willingness to surrender any protection they had from the tariffs, and dis claimed any benefit resulting from that protection. The committee gathered from the evidence laid before them, that while the prosperity o f their own manufactures is not to be traced to benefits derived from the exclusion o f foreign rival manufactures, so neither is the competition o f continental manufacturers to be traced to a protective sys tem. They were informed that the most vigorous and successful o f the manufactures on the continent had grown, not out o f peculiar favor shown to them by legislation, but from those natural and spontaneous advantages wich are associated with labor and capital in certain localities, and which cannot be transferred elsewhere at the mandate o f the legislature, or at the will o f the manufacturer. The committee had reason to believe, that the most prosperous fabrics are those which flourish without the aid o f special favors. It was stated, that the legislation o f Great Britain, when ever it is hostile to the introduction o f foreign commodities, is invariably urged by the foreign states that produce such commodities, as a ground and a sanction for laws being passed by them hostile to the introduction o f products o f British industry. W ith reference to the influence o f the protective system upon wages, and on the condition o f the laborer, the committee were convinced that the pressure o f foreign competition is heaviest on those articles, in the pro duction o f which the rate o f wages is low est; so it is obvious, in a coun try exporting so largely as England does, that other advantages may more than compensate for an apparent advantage in the money-price o f labor. The countries in which the rate o f wages is lowest are not always those British Import Duties. 147 which manufacture most successfully ; and the best service that could be rendered to the industrious classes o f the community, would be to extend the field o f labor, and o f demand for labor, by an extension o f com m erce ; and that the supplanting the present system o f protection and prohibition by a moderate tariff", would encourage and multiply, most beneficially for the state and for the people, their commercial transactions. The committee further recommend, that as speedily as possible the whole system o f differential duties, and o f all restrictions, should be re considered, and that a change therein be effected, in such a manner that existing interests may suffer as little as possible in the transition to a more liberal and equitable state o f things. The committee have been persuaded that the difficulties o f modifying the discriminating duties which favor the introduction o f British colonial articles, would be very much abated if the colonies were themselves allowed the benefits o f free trade with all the world. ’ • Although the committee were not able to embrace all the several branches which com e within the scope o f their instructions, yet. they thought themselves warranted in reporting their strong conviction o f the necessity o f an immediate change in the import duties o f the kingdom : .and should parliament sanction their views, by establishing imposts on a small number o f the articles most productive, the amount o f each impost being carefully considered with a view to the greatest consumption o f the article, and thereby produce the greatest receipt to the customs, they are persuaded that no loss would occur to the revenue, but, on the contrary, a .considerable augmentation might be confidently anticipated. T h e simplification they recommend, would not only facilitate the trans actions o f com m erce, and thereby benefit the revenue, but would, at the same time, greatly diminish the cost o f collection, remove multitudinous sources o f complaint and vexation, and give an example to the world at large, which, emanating from a community distinguished above all others for its capital, its enterprise, its intelligence, and the extent o f its trading relations, could not but produce the happiest effects, and consolidate the great interests o f peace and commerce, by associating them intimately and permanently with the prosperity o f the whole family o f nations. In accordance with these general principles the committee elicited, in the course o f their inquiries, the following important evidence, which has made a deep impression on the British nation, and has produced an almost universal conviction that their commercial relations demand prompt and important changes. Mr. M ‘ Gregor, one o f the joint secretaries o f the Board o f Trade, af firmed, that the whole amount o f the revenues received for the protection o f British manufactures in the year 1839, was £4 43 ,3 55 , with the excep. lion o f the amount received on cotton and woollen goods, the duties o f which he did not consider as protective, inasmuch as neither the manufac turers o f the one or the other require any protection ; on the contrary, several manufacturers themselves had avowed to the Board o f Trade, that they wanted no protection whatever, while others, immediately after the peace, declared that unless they changed their system they could not suc ceed ; that is, they must manufacture in large quantities, and instead o f going upon the old system o f large profits, they must go upon the principle o f small profits and great sales. He mentioned, as a curious fact, that some branches o f manufacture which are protected— linens and silks, for 148 British Import Duties. example— have been more frequently in a greater state o f distress and mis ery than any others. The whole amount o f cotton manufactures exported from Great Britain in the year 1839, he stated to be £24,552,129, and that o f woollen goods £6 ,679 ,2 87 . T h e amount o f import duties on cotton manufactures re ceived the same year, was £ 6 ,5 8 4 , and the amount o f duty received on woollens £2 5,11 3. The revenue duty on cotton manufactures at 10 per cent, and that on woollen at 15 per cent, he regarded as no protection. The expense o f transport, if foreign manufacturers produced them on the spot so much cheaper than British goods, would be equal nearly to 10 and 15 per cent. Every duty, if paid, he considered protective, that exceeds the cost o f transporting the goods, produced at the same price, from the country where they are manufactured to the country where they are sold. The fact o f the duty being 10 per cent, and the revenue derived on cotton manufactures being only £ 6 ,5 8 4 , were conclusive evidence to him, with perhaps a few exceptions in regard to Germany, that those goods were produced or sold in England as cheap as in other countries, and that they required no protection. The British manufacturers had hitherto produced those articles cheaper than the chief manufacturers abroad ; but latterly they had found, in the Mediterranean, that the woollen cloths o f the south o f France had been produced cheaper than theirs; coarse fabrics from the south o f France met them in the foreign market, and had driven their cloths out o f the markets o f Italy and Egypt to some extent. He was not prepared to say, however, that the present duty will not very soon become a protection, inasmuch as the manufacturers in the south o f France, in places in the neighborhood o f Aix-la-Chapelie, and in Westphalia, and also in Saxony, possibly in Moravia, may produce woollens at a cost much less than those o f Great Britain, as may be equal not only to the expense o f transport, but also to the 15 per cent on the import. Although the amount o f the exports o f British woollens, particularly to the German states, had not diminished since the establishment o f the Prussian tariff over the whole o f those countries, yet he found, in all parts o f Germany, that Americans, and other purchasers for South A m erica and Cuba, came to the fairs o f Leipsic and Berlin, and also Vienna, to purchase woollens and cottons, who had before received their entire supplies from Great Britain. It was his belief that the consumption o f British woven manufactures had de creased in the states o f G erm an y; but very extraordinary facilities have been afforded under the Prussian system for the transport o f goods. H e thought that the consumption o f British woollen and cotton goods had diminished to the extent o f one half in all the Rhenish states. But the general declared value o f British and Irish produce and manufactures ex ported from the United Kingdom to Prussia, Germany, and Holland, dur ing the years from 1833 to 1838, both inclusive, was as follows : Prussia. 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 ...................£ 1 4 4 ,1 7 9 ............... 136,423 ............... 188,273 ............... 160,722 ............... 131,536 ............... 155,223 Germany. Holland. £ 4 ,355 ,5 48 4,547,166 4,602,966 4,463,729 4,898,016 4,988,900 £ 2 ,181 ,8 93 2,470,267 2,648,402 2,509,622 3,040,029 3,549,429 Total. £6 ,681,620 7,153,856 7,439,641 7,134,073 8,069,581 8,693,552 British Import Duties, 149 The consequence has been, since the year 1833, that a much greater quantity o f British manufactures have been sold to be sent through and out o f the states under the Germanic Union, into other countries, from the facility which has been extended by the Prussian government in respect to the inland warehousing. A ll importers o f respectability, residing within the confederation, are allowed to bring their goods to their own ware houses. In the towns where fairs are held, they are weighed when they are put in ; and at the end o f six months the goods remaining are re weighed. On being first weighed, the duty is charged to the merchant in the customhouse books ; they receive credit at the end o f six months for all that has been sold for transit, and for what remains on hand, paying up the difference o f duty for what has been sold for consumption ; for the goods then remaining on hand the duty is charged against them for another six months ; and the facility thus created by the Prussian government has been found to be very convenient to the importers, for they generally re ceive the money for the goods they sell before they pay the duties. H e cited some instances o f German woollen and cotton goods that were imported to Great Britain to be bonded for exportation ; but he considered it contrary to law to put English marks upon them. H e stated that he had various specimens o f British marks and cards that were printed for the sales at Frankfort, and that they had been sent out to Am erica, & c ., in packages, not in the same cases with the goods, but in another box, to be put upon the goods after their arrival. Mr. M ‘ Gregor presented the committee a synopsis o f twenty enumerated articles on which the duty has been laid to protect their manufactures, and not for the purposes o f revenue.* T h ey were incidentally selected, with the view o f showing the very small amount o f duty that they receive altogether upon manufactures. The amount o f revenue in the year 1839, on the twenty articles above referred to, was £4 02 ,5 75 , and the amount received for the unenumerated articles was £ 4 0 ,3 8 0 . He did not think the limited number o f articles he had selected a sufficient test o f the amount o f protection : for, in taking an article on which the duty has un doubtedly been laid as a protective one— on silk manufactures, for exam ple— he found, notwithstanding the high duty, that the legal imports yield ed £247,361 nett revenue— more than one half o f the whole amount o f duty yielded by all other manufactures imported ; which shows, that while they receive a great revenue on silk goods, silk manufactures are manu factured so much cheaper in other countries, as to be able to bear a duty o f from 30 to 40 per cent in Great Britain. N or does the amount o f revenue collected upon any article afford a test, in all cases, o f the extent o f protection. It would be very small if the articles were produced, as nearly as possible, at the same price as they could be produced in another country— that is, with the difference o f the protecting duty ; but when we com e to the silk manufacture, which yields a revenue o f £2 4 7 ,0 0 0 a year,and when it is considered that the contraband trade in that article is car ried on to a great extent, and that i f upon all the silk introduced into Great Britain the duty was paid, the treasury would receive probably m ore * Mr. M ‘ Gregor, in the course o f his examination, also laid before the committee a re vised tariff, the importance o f which has induced us to give it a place in a subsequent part of this number. It will not only be useful in showing the existing rate o f duties in Great Britain, but will exemplify his views as given in his evidence.— E d 150 British Import Duties. than £4 00 ,0 00 , it is evident that the silk introduced, after paying the cost o f transport, and paying the duty o f from 30 to 40 per cent, must be nianu* factured much cheaper, otherwise it would not yield a profit by being imported into that, country. Mr. M 'G regor stated that he had had communication with the head o f customs in France, and with others, who assured him that cases and boxes o f gloves had been sent to Boulogne and Dieppe for the express purpose o f being smuggled into England, which was countenanced by the French cus tomhouse officers at those ports, who assisted frequently in getting the goods off. H e further stated that the charge for smuggling was nine per cent upon certain qualities o f silk and fine g lov es; but for ten and twelve per cent, one can get all but the heavy goods insured into England. He expressed it as his opinion, that the present high duties imposed by the Brit ish tariff promotes and encourages smuggling, and, consequently, interferes with the revenue, without saving at all the labor o f the coun try; and he regarded it as a truism, which experience has proved in every country in Europe, that the moment the duty is higher than the premium for smug gling it ceases to be protective. The rate o f revenue duty that he would recommend is ten per cent, the same as the premium for smuggling, which he always considered a pretty fair test o f the duty being too high. H e put all duties above ten to fifteen per cent as protective duties, except upon articles upon which heavy duties are laid on account o f not having the same article in the country. The duty on brandy he considered in two senses ; in the first place, protective— as protecting British spirits; and in the next, as protecting W est India spirits, rum, & c. H e also considered it a revenue duty. In the negotiations that Mr. M:Gregor had had in Austria, France, and the German and Italian states, as a commissioner o f the government for the arrangement o f commercial affairs, he stated that the simplest tariff that he found in those countries, both in regard to the number o f articles and the simplification o f the duties, is that o f the Germanic Union o f cus toms. The number o f rates o f duties in the Prussian tariff amount to about 43, while that o f the British tariff is 1,150. The basis o f the Prus sian tariff was calculated to be an ad valorem duty o f ten per cent upon every article, with the exception o f those used in manufacture ; raw ma terials o f every description being admitted entirely free, o t upon a nominal duty equal to what the French call droit de balance, or a duty sufficient to defray the expenses o f entry and keeping accounts, and also to ascertain the quantity o f articles imported ; but the duties upon manufactures being by weight, they vary from two per cent, ad valorem, to as high as eighty per cent in some instances, on articles o f very coarse manufacture. The original intention was to make the basis o f duties ten per c e n t; but when the question o f levying the duty for all the states o f the Union came to be settled, levying the duty by weight was preferred, as albthe states had but one common customhouse, and as each state received out o f the aggregate a proportion o f that revenue according to its aetual population. F or ex ample, out o f every hundred dollars or florins raised, Prussia alone received 5 5 ; o f the remaining 45, the other states received the proportion due them according to their population. Prussia and Saxony, and some other states, feared that in those states bordering on France and Switzerland, if the duty were made an ad valorem duty it would lead to corruption on the part o f the employes on the frontier, in letting in goods at prices lower than British Import Duties. 151 the real valu es; and they finally decided that upon all articles liable to be smuggled, the duty should be levied by w eigh t; and the consequence has been, that upon coarse goods o f low value, the duty has averaged as high as about eighty per cent. Under the Prussian tariff, the general belief was that the new tariff had been adopted for the first time by the whole population o f the Union, amounting to about 27,000,000 o f people : but previously to the Germanic Union, with regard to the customs, there had been for a long time in Prus sia a higher tariff o f duties upon woollen cloths, and some other articles, than the tariff o f 1839. And inother states, as Bavaria, with a population o f nearly 5,000,000, and Wurtemburg, with a population o f 1,700,000, Hesse Electorate, with a population o f 700,000, and the Duchy o f Hesse, with a population o f 800,000,— all these, with Prussia, having a population o f 23,700,000, had duties nearly as high, and in some instances higher than the tariff o f 1839. In other states, having in all the remaining population o f 3,300,000, the duties were less ; in the Duchy o f Baden and Nassau they were still less ; and in the free town o f Frankfort there were no duties at all except town dues. In Saxony, with a population o f more than a mil lion and a half, the import duties were very trifling ; and it is a valuable fact in commercial legislation, that in Saxony, a country by no means natu rally rich, yet there, without any protection whatever, manufactures o f every description have thriven more than in any other part o f the conti nent o f Europe. Switzerland is cited as a country where there are no protective duties whatever; and the state o f their manufactures is such that their cotton goods come into competition with the English, and meet them with very great advantage in their East India markets ; and they are sent to the Uni ted States and to the Brazils in very large quantities. On the contrary, the government o f most countries, excepting those o f Saxony, Switzerland, and Holland, have been led away by the visionary splendor o f being able to supply themselves within their own countries with every thing they re quire. It commenced in France, under Colbert, and it was imitated by other monarchs ; but it has turned out that those countries in which those protections have been completely established, have not at all thriven in consequence o f those protections; and where they have occasionally thriven, they have done so in defiance o f them. W hen Mr. M 'G regor was at Vienna in 1836, he was informed by Prince Metternich o f the great difficulty they had to struggle against the protective system, and since the formation o f the Germanic Union o f cus toms, the manufacturers o f Bohemia had stated in their petitions that they had some hopes o f being able to compete with the fair trader, but that they could never compete with the contraband. In 1814, when the people o f Germany were compelled to-becom e agri culturists instead o f being engaged as soldiers, in the course o f two or three years they produced a great superabundance o f agricultural products, and not being able to find a market for that produce either in England or in France, in both o f which the high duties shut out that produce, the ex cess o f labor formerly employed in war and afterward in agriculture went into the manufactures o f Westphalia and Silesia. The argument they made use o f to Mr. M ‘ Gregor upon every occasion, both in Prussia, Sax ony, and in the Rhenish states, and particularly at the two congresses held at Munich, and at Dresden, was this,— “ Y ou compelled us to become 152 British Import Duties. manufacturers; we have not mines o f gold and silver, and you would not take what we had to sell you. If you had taken what we had to give, we should have continued to produce it, because we would have found a market for i t ; but as you would not take it, necessity compelled our people to look out for other occupation, and they were intelligent enough to turn their atten tion exclusively to manufactures. The German grazier now exchanges his cattle and his beef for fabrics with the home manufacturer, and the corn-dealer and the miller provide bread for the manufacturer, and lake his goods and use them in return.” This was the common saying in Prussia, where every man is intelligent, and where every man thinks, and where as soon as he sees an effect he immediately inquires into the cause. T h ey have an abundance o f all that is necessary to maintain life within themselves; and their industry being directed to manufactures, they are more independent o f other countries than those countries are which have not an abundance o f food, and wood for fuel and for their buildings. The artisan in the cotton manufacture can subsist himself with equal com fort in Germany at half the expense at which an English artisan can support him self; in Westphalia and the neighborhood o f Frankfort, and in Bava ria and Austria, at less than half. In reference to the real prices o f labor, they are stated to be much lower in England than in Saxony and on the continent generally, with the ex. ception o f maritime labor, inasmuch as the provisioning o f ships is much dearer in England. If ship-owners on the continent even gave the same wages as they do in England, which they do not, they could carry on their shipping more econom ically, because the provision which is found by the ship-owner for his crew forms an essential part o f the wages. Again, if a Hollander, or if a Prussian were compelled to victual his family on shore at the prices paid in England, his wages then would not be to him self more than one half what the same wages are in Prussia; but as he maintains his family in Prussia, the low wages he gets enables him, by the cheapness o f provisions in that country, to live as well as an English sailor will who maintains his family in England. The provisioning o f a ship is, in every sense o f the word, a part o f the wages, and wages is what the British ship-owners have greatly to compete against. One o f the great advantages that the Am erican ships, and also those o f Hamburgh, have over the British ship, is the cheapness o f provisioning them. After a laborious investigation in almost every country in Europe, Mr. M 'G regor came to the conclusion that England— with all her natural advan tages o f position, which no other country possesses in the same degree, and the intelligence and industry o f her artisans, together with capital, machinery, and other elements, such as coal and iron, and the superiority o f her harbors for exportation, and many other internal advantages as to carriage and intercourse— should have nothing but fiscal taxation, that is, duties for revenue only, have no protection at all ; but only equalize upon equitable principles the system o f taxing the population for revenue, and they may then meet the people o f all other nations with their manufactures in every country in the world, and in most articles undersell them. W ith regard to th.e duties which have been imposed to protect colonial produce, they were considered so high by Mr. M 'Gregor, that they amounted, in fact, to prohibition. The articles under restriction in the colonies, in order to protect the sale in Great Britain, he stated to be wood, timber, and salt provisions o f every description; and in truth every article o f provision British Impart Duliesi 153 lie thought more or less taxed or prohibited. H e considered that the an nual loss to the revenue from the protective duty on the article o f sugar alone, to be £3 ,000 ,0 00 , and expressed his belief that it is the cause o f the exorbitant price which sugar bears in Great Britain. He estimates the consumption o f sugar throughout the kingdom to be three quarters o f an ounce to each individual a day. The calculations made when he was at Paris and Vienna were, that each individual who took coffee or tea twice a day consumed two ounces and a half, which is more than double the quantity consumed in Great Britain. This is exclusive o f all that would be required, and that to a great extent, in the preserving o f fruits, and in various other ways, such as domestic wines, pastry, and many other pre parations into which sugar enters. Mr. M 'G regor’s reasons for anticipating so large an addition to the reve nue under his proposed duties, are obvious. The duty on Muscovado sugar from the British possessions is 2%d. per lb. ; the duty on foreign Muscovado 64d. per lb. W hen sugar rises above 'Id. per lb., he asserts that the labor ing classes seldom can use any, and with the diminished use o f sugar there is a corresponding decrease o f tea and coffee ; on the contrary, an increased consumption o f sugar would cause an increased consumption o f other articles contributing to the revenue, as tea and coffee, while simulta neous reductions in the duty on those articles would not only increase their consumption, but extend their use, as has lately been manifested among the middling and poorer classes, as a substitute for spirituous liquors. A considerable and influential body o f the citizens o f Great Britain ob ject to the admission o f Brazilian produce at lower duties than at present, because it is cultivated by slave labor. On this point Mr. M 'G regor ob served, that by the treaty existing between the two countries, which ex pires in 1844, it is stipulated that all British produce and manufactures shall be admitted for consumption in Brazil at a duty, the maximum o f which is not to exceed 15 per cent; that the British have no stipulation whatever as to receiving Brazilian produce, except as to its paying no other or higher duties than that o f the most favored nations ; and that the Brazilians are anxious to break up the treaty, and, on breaking it up, to give the British notice that they will prohibit all their manufactures entirely if they do not receive their sugars. H e stated that the extent o f British manufactures that are annually sent to the Brazils amount to about £5,000,000, and that the markets o f that country are the best they have for cotton goods, and, unless it be the United States, for all manufactures* He expressed it as his opinion that by the rejection o f British manufactures from that country, the condition o f the artisans o f Glasgow, Manches ter, and Birmingham, would be worse than the slaves o f B ra zil; for, said he, “ the slaves, however deplorable their condition otherwise, are always provided with substantial food, sufficient clothing and lodgin g: our operas fives have no security as to any maintenance, except for the poor rates, which form one o f our greatest general taxes, and which is chiefly caused by our protective duties.” On the subject o f supplying the general markets with free-labor sugar,Mr. M‘ Gregor entertained a belief that such an attempt would cause an increased demand for slave-labor sugar* “ On common commercial prin ciples,” continued he, “ where a portion o f what is consumed is withdrawn, i f you could get the same article elsewhere, you would go in search o f it, where purchasable at any profit; but I believe you would increase the consump tion. v.— n o . i i . 20 154 British Import Duties. tion o f free-labor sugar by purchasing all sugars in the cheapest markets. All restriction on buying and selling is a despotic interference with indus trious and enterprising liberty. Therefore, if we attempt to discourage slave-labor sugar by allowing only the importation o f free-labor sugar, we should be liable to have our efforts thwarted by that principle. All inter ference with the general freedom o f trade is to be apprehended, and it has always affected not only the morals but the prosperity o f those countries. E ven i f we draw a distinction between free-labor and slave-labor sugar, it will never su cceed; no com m erce can flourish as it should i f we choke up its natural channels.” On the subject o f colonial coffee, it was stated by Mr. M‘ Gregor, that the effect o f the high differential duty on coffee has been the legal evasion o f the law, in principle, as to the way o f bringing coffee to Great Britain. Cargoes o f coffee have been sent from the United Kingdom, and from ports o f the continent o f Europe, to be landed at the Cape o f Good Hope, which is considered to be within the limits o f the East India Company’s charter, and brought back to the United Kingdom for the purpose o f supplying the necessary consumption there. From the 26th o f April, 1838, to the 24th o f March, 1840, it appears by the returns that eighty-one cargoes, import ing more than 21,000,000 pounds o f foreign coffee, had arrived in the United Kingdom from the Cape o f Good Hope ; the duty being on that mode o f carrying coffee nine pence a pound ; that is, less than if imported direct from foreign countries. The duty, if imported from the country o f the growth o f the principal part o f the coflee, would amount to £ 1 ,7 5 0 ,0 0 0 ; the duty saved by the indirect importation would be £7 50 ,0 00 , supposing all to be entered for consumption. The expense o f sending coffee to the Cape o f Good Hope is about one penny, and consequently it arrives in Great Britain at about five pence less duty than if it came direct from the countries o f its grow th ; but if these duties were reduced to an equitable fiscal principle, the article would be cheaper, and the consumption o f coffee in that country would no doubt increase to a very great extent, and save a nominal loss to the revenue o f about £ 2 5 0 ,0 0 0 . The refusal on the part o f England to take coffee from the Brazils, undoubtedly limits very much the introduction o f British manufactures into that country. In proportion to the exclusion o f British manufactures from Brazil, is the increased de mand for the manufactures o f Germany, Austria, France, and Switzerland. Mr. M 'G regor was o f the opinion that the differential duty upon foreign and colonial timber is exceedingly injurious to the manufacturing interests, and indirectly to British navigation, inasmuch as they are prevented from supplying in return those foreign nations with their manufactures, which they would take in about the same proportion as they took their timber, or their other productions which they may have to export to Great Britain. It was also his opinion that by lowering the duties on foreign and colonial timber, or equalizing them, the revenue derived from them would be in creased— which,in 1839, w a s £ l , 603,194— to £ 2 ,5 0 0 ,0 0 0 ; that all classes would be benefited, timber being so extensively required in all kinds o f buildings down to the poor man’s cottage, and for so many implements and countless other uses. If the duty were to be levied ad, valorem, even at the same rate, he thought it would in amount be higher, from its greater value, on foreign timber. It was his belief that (he change would not be prejudicial to the colonies, if the useless restrictions with which they are shackled were taken away, and all British customhouses were removed BrilLili Import Duties. 155 from them. He stated that he had resided in all the British North Am eri can colonies, and it was his opinion that i f the restraints upon the trade o f those possessions were removed, they would not be long required to continue any protective duty w hatever; but while the colonial restrictions are continued, they will be obliged to continue some o f those protections. H e also considered that removing those restrictions would be no disad vantage whatever to the mercantile navy, inasmuch as if the mercantile navy be increased the British navy will be increased also. A s the British nation has, by their legislation, caused merchants and others to embark in undertakings with their capital, which it would be unjust to destroy by other legislation, except upon equitable principles, he would remunerate them for their losses. F or example, the province o f N ew Brunswick alone, from existing circumstances, from the labor and industry o f the country having been directed so much more to saw-mills and timber-cutting than to agriculture, would experience inconvenience and loss which ought to be guarded against, on the principle o f equity, for some tim e: but none o f the other colonies would, to any serious extent, experience injury. Some individual houses would suffer, but it would be econom y to the nation ; and it would only be justice to remunerate them for their losses, provided they effected a change which would give them at least an additional million o f revenue, with far greater advantages to their manufacturers, shipbuilders, and to their whole population. Mr. M 'G regor felt confident that the colonists themselves would not only be in favor o f those restrictions being withdrawn, but would consider it as one o f the greatest boons that the home government could extend to them. A s far back as 1834 the people o f the Canadas expressed the opinion distinctly :— “ Remove these restrictions and prohibitions,” said they, “ and you may legislate as you think wise and fit in regard to the timber duties.” The prohibitions and duties which have been imposed to protect British agriculture and grazing, Mr. M ‘ G regor considered to have a two-fold effect— the one exclusive, in regard to bread and salted provisions, except when the prices rise to what may be called great scarcity p rices; and the other, to keep up the prices generally o f the same articles in England. In so doing, they impose upon all the consumers o f the United Kingdom the greatest tax to which they are subjected ; and whatever adds to the cost o f living, takes from the wealth o f the country. T he higher the tax upon food and articles o f necessary consumption, the less must be the means o f the people o f paying their revenue tax. One great extra taxa tion occasioned by the price o f food is that o f throwing people out o f employment, preventing them from earning any thing, and by leaving no resources but the poor rates for their maintenance. It diminishes the fund for the employment o f labor. Although it seems a contra diction ; but still it is a fact borne out by inquiry, that whenever the price o f food is high in England, it is found that there are a greater number o f the laboring people unemployed ; and not only that, but the wages o f those employed, in consequence o f so many being thrown out o f employment, is less than when food is plentiful. The abundance o f employment is gene rally observed to be greatest where food is cheap, which has invariably been the case in France and throughout the Austrian dominions. It has been the result o f producing econom y in production, and enabling the public to consume the article cheaper, that the wealth o f the country is in 150 British Import Duties. creased, as well as an increased demand for la b or; and with reference tar cheap food, it is one o f the greatest principles o f public and domestic consideration in countries where the people have been always most employed. Belgium and Holland are cited as familiar examples. Mr. M ‘ Gregor contended that the protective duties o f the United King dom produce great fluctuations in the demand for labor, and consequently, the distress which occurs among the working classes from time to time. “ Those fluctuations,” said he, “ have been principally the consequence o f short crop s; and from there not being a steady demand in England for the agricultural produce o f other countries, other countries have not been pre pared at all times to supply u s ; because, in consequence o f our system o f averages and fixed duties, a degree o f uncertainty has always prevailed on the continent relative to the British market. The consequent shortness o f supply, causing high prices for bread and other articles o f food, dimin ishes the means o f purchasing and paying for other articles for home con sumption, while the increased price o f food, at the same time, diminishes employment in manufacturing labor for exportation to other coun tries; and the demand for labor is also decreased by the diminished quantity for home consumption, leaving a great surplus to be exported, and which surplus supplies the place o f the manufactures that were previously produced when the prices o f provisions were low. The steady mode rate price o f food, the dependent steady demand for labor, the equally dependent demand for manufactures, and the increased or decreased ap plication for parish relief, by those employed, or thrown out o f employment, being made in fact by our legislation, not on any measure o f certainty, but on the changes o f the wind, or the rise and fall o f the barometer.” If there was a fixed duty on corn, however objectionable that duty might be, it was his belief that there would be something like certainty as to the trade in that article between foreign countries and England. In that case the trade would be like most other trades not placed under variable and uncertain restrictions ; it would lead to a more natural exchange o f com modities between England and other countries, and a large amount o f rev enue would be collected thereby ; for it is evident that the greatest reve nue that can be collected is from those articles which are most consumed, and certainly o f c o m the people would consume the most. I f there was a low fixed duty on corn and other provisions, it would relieve the people from taxes levied on other articles, and bring wines and other luxuries more within their rea ch ; and not only that, continued he, “ but I am con vinced that, with the present corn laws, it will be impossible to maintain the present rents o f land, inasmuch as i f the present corn laws are con tinued, the inevitable consequence will be that persons o f capital in this country, and men o f ingenuity, will do what the landlords cannot d o ; that is, they will remove with their capital and their industry to other coun tries, whereas the lands cannot be rem oved; and if you remove the man ufacturing industry from the neighborhood o f agricultural lands, you re duce the rents o f those lands, as has taken place under similar circum stances in every country in the world. In the neighborhood o f many commercial towns, Liverpool and Manchester for example, lands which pay a rent o f from £ 3 to £ 6 per acre, would scarcely be considered fit for any sort o f cultivation in places distant from the seats o f trade and industry. These lands would becom e what they were formerly, only fit for rabbit warrens. In various parts o f Germany the rents are not one- 157 General Average. tenth part what they were one hundred years ago, occasioned entirely by the removal o f the manufactures; for example, in the neighborhood o f Ausbury, which was once a flourishing imperial city, the rents at that period were im m ense; the landlords were, during the prosperity o f trade and manufactures, led to build some o f the finest palaces in Europe : those palaces are now deserted, or turned into post-houses, or inns, or barracks, or hospitals ; nobody is living in them o f the name or family o f those who constructed them. The same may be said o f every town where manufactures once flourished, and which bad laws and bad government have been instrumental in destroying. Desolation has been the conse quence o f the withdrawal o f that flourishing industry, and the same is to be found in every other country in every period o f the history o f mankind, under similar circumstances.” A rt. IV .— G E N E R A L A V E R A G E .* ITS APPLICATION TO LIGHTERAGE AND FREIGHT. A v e s s e l , on a voyage from Europe to N ew Y ork, was stranded sixty or seventy miles from New Y ork. T h e underwriters sent an agent to preserve the cargo in the first place, and if practicable, also the ship— though there was very slight expectation o f saving her, as there had been no instance o f getting off a ship that had been stranded on the same coast. A greater part o f the cargo was landed ; but a small part, consisting o f iron and a few packages o f goods, could not be got out, there being a great deal o f water in the hold. The cargo thus landed, was brought on to the port o f destination by other conveyance. The vessel, by help o f empty casks and lightwood to buoy her up, was got off, and was towed to N ew Y ork by a steamboat. On these facts the following questions are proposed : 1. A re the expenses o f getting o ff the vessel with the small quantity o f the cargo left on board, general average ? 2. A re the charges o f bringing the cargo from the place o f stranding to the port o f destination general average, or are they to be paid by freight ? 1. The expenses o f floating the ship is doubtless to be adjusted by an average on the ship and the part o f the cargo remaining on board at the time o f floating her, and which could not before be got at to be landed. Upon the same principle, the expense o f landing the rest o f the cargo would have been adjusted as an average on the ship and cargo, if it had been landed for the purpose o f lightening the ship and floating her. But as it was landed for the purpose o f saving the cargo itself merely, and not that o f floating the ship, 1 do not see that the ship is liable for any part o f that expense, since the proceedings for floating the ship appear to have been subsequent, and entirely independent o f the discharging o f the cargo. But the expense o f getting o ff the vessel certainly cannot be a general average upon the whole cargo saved. In the case o f H eyliger vs. N . Y . * Furnished for publication in the Merchants’ Magazine, by Z ebedee President of the Mutual Safety Insurance Company. C ook, Jr. Esq., 158 General Average. Firem en’s Insurance C o., 11 Johnson’s Rep. 85, the expense o f saving the cargo and materials o f the wrecked ship were adjusted in general average. In that case the court say, “ the expense o f conveyance in another vessel or boat, strictly so considered, ought to fall on the ship, owner, and not on the shipper o f the goods.” They distinguished between the expense o f saving the property, that is, rescuing it from the situation in which it was liable to be destroyed, and the transportation o f the cargo from the place o f the wreck to the port o f destination. A s far as labor and expense are bestowed indiscriminately for the benefit o f different in terests, those interests contribute proportionally, and whether this is called general or particular average will make no difference in the amount o f the loss on each interest. But the moment the vessel and cargo become separated— and what is done for saving either has no effect in regard to saving the other— the principle o f general average ceases. This is the doctrine o f the case above cited. The transportation o f the cargo is held to be a charge upon freight— that is, if the freight exceeds the expense ; for it cannot be supposed that the shipowner will pay a greater amount than the freight for the purpose o f earning freight. H e must hire another ship, if it is reasonable that he should ; but it is not reasonable that he should be required to hire another ship at an expense greater than the whole amount o f freight. Suppose vessels to go sixty or seventy miles from N ew Y ork to take out the cargo o f a w recked vessel and bring it on to N ew Y ork, and the cargo is taken directly from the wrecked vessel on board o f the lighters ; this mixes up the expense o f saving and that o f f o r warding the cargo. It is not easy to say what expense is incurred for salvage, and what for transportation. But suppose the cargo to be fished out o f the wreck, landed and stored in a safe place, and that it is then reshipped and forwarded, the expense o f salvage and that o f transportation are distinct. Here the shipowner has a right, if he so elects, to re-ship the cargo and forward it, and entitle himself to freight. The case admits o f an easy and plain adjustment upon this principle. But in the case first supposed, as it is not obvious what was the expense o f salvage, and what that o f transportation, there is not the same facility in making the adjust ment ; still this can make no difference in the principle by which the case is governed. Though it is a matter o f some difficulty to distinguish the expense o f salvage from that o f transportation, yet this is a difficulty o f settling the facts, and not one o f determining the principles applicable to the case. W hen it is once determined what expense belongs to each de scription, the case is determined ; and in such case, i f the forwarding o f the goods is impracticable, or if the expense o f the forwarding exceeds the whole freight for the voyage, so that the owner elects not to forward them for the sake o f earning freight, the question becomes one o f total or partial loss on the cargo. I think, then, that the expense o f getting o ff the vessel is not a subject o f contribution by the part o f the cargo landed before the vessel was floated. The shipper o f those goods had no interest whatever in the float ing o f the vessel. And the fact o f the vessel’s afterward proceeding to the port o f destination was entirely indifferent to him ; so long as she did not take his goods, it was immaterial to him what port she next made, or whether she made any. This shows conclusively that he is not liable to contribute to the subsequent expense o f floating the vessel. The only question in this respect is, whether the vessel, i f she is event A Question on Average. 159 ually saved, and the freight, if it be eventually earned by transhipping the goods, shall contribute towards the expense o f landing the cargo taken out o f the vessel as she lay stranded ; for if it was taken out for the three fold purpose o f lightening the vessel that she might be floated, o f saving the goods, and o f eventually earning freight, then all three interests must contribute to this expense as far as those objects are attained— that is, to the extent o f the amount and in the proportion o f the ship, freight, and cargo saved. But if the cargo is taken out m erely for the purpose o f saving it, without any reference to getting o ff the vessel, the latter is not liable to contribute for that expense, even though incidentally the floating o f the vessel may be thereby facilitated. But if it be matter o f doubt whether the discharging the cargo was for the double purpose o f saving both that and the ship, the more obvious construction seems to be, that it was for the double purpose, if that be the actual result. This doubt can not, however, be applicable to the subsequent expense o f floating the ves sel, and navigating her to the port o f destination. There is no room for the supposition that the cargo can be benefited by that expense. 2. A re the charges o f bringing the cargo from the place o f stranding to the port o f destination general average, or are they to be paid by freight ? These questions have been already answered. After the cargo is landed and forwarded by other conveyance to the port o f destination, the shipper cannot possibly be benefited by the floating o f the ship, and the navigating her to the same or any other p ort; and this shows conclusively that he is not liable to contribute any part o f the expenses incurred for those purposes. A s to the expense o f transporting the cargo being defrayed out o f freight, this must depend on the fact whether it is done to earn freight— that is, on its being more or less than fre ig h t; for if it be more, it is ab surd to suppose that the owner o f the vessel incurs this greater expense for the purpose o f entitling himself to a less amount, viz, freight. In such a state o f the facts, the question is one o f total or partial loss o f the cargo ; for in consequence o f a peril insured against, the cargo has been brought into a situation whereby the voyage insured is defeated as to the cargo, or the shipper, in order to accomplish the voyage as to his goods, is subjected to an expense o f transportation greater than the stipulated freight. The underwriters must either pay this extra expense, or pay a total loss on the goods, which could be avoided only by incurring such extra expense. The underwriter on the goods has stipulated that the ship shall not be prevented by the perils insured against from transporting the goods to the port o f destination ; the ship has been thus prevented from transporting them to that p o r t ; they must, therefore, either pay a total loss, or pay at least the extra expense incurred to avert it. w . p. A rt. V .— A Q U E S T IO N O N A V E R A G E . I t sometimes happens that a vessel at sea loses her rudder, or parts a stay, or some other o f her standing rigging, by which she is in danger o f losing her masts, or she springs a dangerous leak, when it becomes neces sary to apply certain articles, that were put on board for other purposes, to a temporary repair o f these accidental dam ages; and a question arises 160 A Question on Average, ns to the manner in which such a use o f them is to be compensated for—> whether they are to be considered and treated as a partial loss, or made the subject o f a general contribution. In the opinion o f writers on insurance, “ no authorities are requisite to show that this is a subject o f general contribution yet there are some who affect to doubt the correctness o f these views, and contend, that as the damage was casual, its repairs should be adjusted as a partial loss. A merely superficial view o f the case might very naturally lead to such a conclusion, while a deliberate examination would doubtless tend to an opposite and more reasonable and just result. It is not the magnitude o f the sacrifice, but its quality, that determines the principle o f a contribution. A voluntary sacrifice o f any thing belong ing to a vessel, whether it be o f her appurtenances, or o f the goods o f her lading, when made for the general safety, is in law and in practice admit ted to constitute an undoubted claim for general contribution ; and in most, if not all cases, a voluntary sacrifice, in whatever form it occurs, is preceded by, or is intended to avert, a further accidental dam age; and whether the sacrifice so made be for prevention or remedy, it is equally the subject o f general average contribution. T o the practical insurer it would seem to be unnecessary to cite author ities in support o f the right o f the owner o f a vessel to claim indemnity for a sacrifice deliberately made with a view to the preservation o f the interests at risk, whether the sacrifice be that o f a jettison, the cutting away o f masts, the slipping from, or cutting away o f a cable, or the cutting up o f spars, or any other appurtenances, for an extraordinary purpose, or their application to any use other than their original one, for means o f preserva tion, or in mitigation o f an impending peril. W e had supposed, until recently, that the principle was universally ad, mitted by practical insurers, as it is by elementary writers ; and we believe that the exceptions are only to be found among those who have not given to the subject that consideration, and applied that liberal rule o f construc tion, that is requisite to a just and proper disposal o f the question; for whether they are willing to allow that the extraordinary applications o f the articles constitute a claim for contribution, or otherwise, they cannot deny that the cutting up o f spars, or o f cables and hawsers, by which means they are rendered useless for their original purposes, is a sacrifice, to all intents and purposes, o f just so much in value as it would cost to replace them, and just as much a sacrifice as would be a jettison o f pro perty o f equal value. The requisites necessary to make a valid claim for restitution are as follow. W hen it is demanded, the ship must be in actual distress ; the thing intended to be destroyed must be expressly selected for that pur pose ; the sacrifice must be made premeditatedly and deliberately; and the end in view must be no other than that o f the general preservation. A b stractedly considered, the mind and agency o f man must be employed ; the act must be preceded by foresight, and attended by volition. W hen recompense is claimed, it must be clearly shown that services have been performed out o f the ordinary course o f the voyage, and which had no partial advantage in prospect, but were absolutely intended for the general benefit. Stevens on A v ., Part I. ch. i. sec. 1. And the same authority is referred to to show, that “ s a i l s , h o p e s , and o t h e r m a t e r i a l s , c u t and u s e d at sea for the purpose o f stopping a le a k , A Question on Average. 161 o r to rig jury-masts, or for any other purpose, where the general safety appears to require the sacrifice,” constitute an undoubted claim for general contribution. N ow it is not contended that the mind and agency o f man were employ ed in producing the injury, for that was accidental; but it cannot be denied that they were instrumental in its reparation, and were exerted to preserve the property that had become jeoparded by the casualty, and the means devised for this purpose necessarily involved a sacrifice o f something o f more or less value, and that sacrifice was a voluntary act, and as such constitutes a claim for recompense by a general average contribution ; and in these views we are sustained by the concurrent testimony o f all elementary writers upon the subject o f insurance, either directly or indi rectly, as well as by the practice o f insurers in the common and ordinary application o f the principles o f general average. The cutting away o f a mast, or the cutting or slipping o f a cable, or the jettison o f the cargo, are either preceded by an accidental damage, or done to prevent or ameliorate it. Thus a vessel may be thrown on her beam-ends by a sudden squall, when to enable her to resume her upright position, it may be necessary to cut away her masts ; or being at anchor, she may be struck adrift, and in danger o f being precipitated upon a reef or shoal, when the cable is cut, or slipped, to facilitate her getting under way to avoid the impending peril ; or she springs a leak, and jettison o f the cargo is resorted to, or a sail is used to fother her to stanch the leak. All these measures are superinduced by or are the consequence o f a cas ualty ; but we never yet knew it to be maintained, that because these several or individual sacrifices were thus preceded, they were to be borne by the owners or insurers o f the vessel in the nature o f a particular aver age or partial lo s s ; but on the contrary, that it is universally admitted that they constitute an undoubted claim for general average contribution. W herein, then, we would inquire, consists the difference in the quality o f such sacrifices, from that o f cutting up spars, cables, or hawsers, for a temporary repair at sea, when but for such an application o f them, the vessel and cargo, and the crew, being in great jeopardy, would probably be lost ? T o say nothing o f a liberal, we will merely ask for a reasonable construction o f the case, and whether, upon a deliberate and dispassionate view o f it, or a critical examination, it can be perceived why one should be accounted a sacrifice, and the other not ? W h y the throwing overboard, in a season o f peril, the materials, or applying them to an extraordinary purpose for the general safety, can change the principle o f indemnity 1 The application o f the appurtenances o f a vessel as has been suggested, is, as we conceive, clearly a voluntary sacrifice ; they are diverted from the original and ordinary use for which they were designed ; they cannot be restored to their original form ; spars or cables, once severed, cannot be reunited for any practical uses afterward: why, then, i f they are thus appropriated with a view to preserve the vessel and cargo, should not these interests be held to contribute for the means thus devoted to their preservation ? If such an extraordinary use or application o f the materials o f a vessel, as we have here referred to, is not a voluntary sacrifice, and meant to minister to the preservation o f all the interests exposed to a common dan ger ; and if such an application o f them does not constitute an essential ingredient in general average, o f which jettison is the foundation, or as it von. v. — NO, II. 21 162 Culture o f Silk in the United States. is termed, “ the most ancient and legitimate source o f average contribu tion,” we are at a loss to perceive the distinction that is attempted to be made between such a sacrifice, and that o f voluntary cutting away the masts, or cutting or slipping o f a cable, when all the interests are jeopard ed by extraordinary sea perils, and the act is performed with a view to their preservation. A rt. V I.— C U L T U R E O F S IL K IN T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S . To the Editor o f the Merchants’ M agazine : T he following remarks* were made at the last annual fair o f the Am er ican Institute. In compliance with the request o f T . B. W akeman, Esq., the corresponding secretary o f that institution, I enclose them for publication in your Magazine. T h e culture o f silk, although o f the greatest import ance to the welfare and commercial prosperity o f the country, has lost much o f its interest, from the fact o f its having been already thoroughly agitated, and unfortunately treated by some ill-disposed persons with ridi cule, if not contempt. The experience o f more than half a century has effectually convinced every person conversant with the culture o f silk, that our soil, our climate, our pure and dry atmosphere, and our silvery waters, are evidently adapted to the production o f silk. It is proved almost with a mathematical preci sion that we could, in a short time, not only dispense with silk o f foreign origin, but even supply the European markets with this highly valued arti cle, o f our own production. The ever-increasing importation o f every kind o f foreign silk into the United States, and the unfavorable balance o f our com m erce with foreign nations, imperiously require some efficient measures to increase our agricultural products, and to diminish the ruin ous drain upon our resources. The production o f silk is unquestionably destined to fill the dangerous deficits left in our domestic and public econom y by our unlimited specula tions, and by our extravagant luxuries. The culture o f silk is the principal source o f the riches o f every coun try where it is properly and diligently pursued. The Lombard Venetian kingdom, ha ving a territorial extent o f about one half o f the state o f New Y ork, with a population a little above four millions, exported in 1833, 6,132,950 pounds unmanufactured silk. The United States, having a soil and climate eminently adapted to the culture o f silk, imported in a single year twenty-three millions o f dollars o f manufactured silk ; and this, whilst our people were laboring under the consequences o f a tremendous crisis just past, and threatened with a more destructive one ; whilst our finances and public treasury were in the most embarrassing difficulties. It is, however, to be lamented that at the very moment when some en terprising and philanthropic men were trying their utmost exertions to give an impulse in this country to the culture and manufacture o f silk, the * Mr. Tinelli, the author o f these remarks, is a native o f Italy, where he was long engaged in this branch o f industry. He is now an adopted citizen o f the United States, and is devoting his time and experience to the same object. Culture o f Silk in the United Stales. 163 evil spirit o f monopoly and speculation, which is often in the way o f all enterprises o f public utility, came to throw new obstacles in the accom plishment o f patriotic views. Men, who never had the slightest idea o f producing silk, taking advantage o f a momentary excitement which existed among the farmers and the promoters o f the culture o f silk, undertook to monopolize the com m erce o f mulberry trees. The extravagant and al most ridiculous speculations which took place in that article, became pro verbial. That business ended where it ought to end— disappointments and failures were the consequences o f a feverish thirst o f sordid g a in ; and what is more to be lamented, the delusions and disappointments o f some speculators in trees have spread discouragement and dissatisfaction among many persons who positively intended to make the culture o f silk one o f the principal branches o f husbandry, and an object o f agricultural pursuit. But as the good sense o f the public generally succeeds in deriving some good from evil, that very extravagant speculation in mulberry trees pro duced good effects respecting the culture o f silk. Many persons, who had planted in large quantities the favorite M orus Muliicaulis, having been disappointed in their expectations, and not finding a market for their trees, they thought to make them useful by applying their production to their proper real destination— the feeding o f silk-worms. Cocoons to an immense amount have been produced* this very season in many states, and especially in Pennsylvania, N ew Jersey, New Y ork, Massachusetts, and Connecticut; and a great many more would have been produced if co coons could find a ready market— if silk filatories were established at dif ferent parts o f each state, where the farmers could readily sell their cocoons. However, some o f those experiments have not been crowned with satis factory suecess. The art o f rearing silk-worms and reeling silk, embrac ing many details and much information, perfection cannot be obtained but by repeated experiments and a continued practice. E very error is a step towards the truth. And the numerous specimens o f cocoons and silk now exhibiting at your fair will carry conviction to every mind, that a gigantic progress has already been made in the seropedic art, and that the produc tion o f silk is not a chimera, but an ascertained fact in the United States. The causes o f those failures, and o f the disappointments with which the patriotic attempts o f many silk-growers have been attended, are to be found especially in the want o f practical knowledge in regard to the choice o f the quality o f their silk-worms, their management, and the cure o f their distempers. A capital point in the art o f rearing silk-worms, is a good choice o f the eggs and good management in their hatching. Some farm ers have purchased the silk-worm’s eggs at distant p la ces; in advanced season they brought them home agglomerated in small boxes or bottles, where the privation o f air, and a fermentating process, caused a complete destruction o f the vital principle o f the insects, or rendered imperfect and very precarious their hatching. Eggs, when taken from distant places, ought to be transported in a cold season, and before March, and kept at home in a cool and dry place, from which they must be taken and exposed gradually to a higher temperature, when the time for their hatching ap proaches. The bad construction o f the rooms where the worms have been raised— the want o f a constant ventilation— the use o f wet or spoiled leaves o f mulberry trees, and the fermentation produced by the agglomerated remnants o f the food, have, in many instances, generated 164 Culture o f Silk in the United States. distempers among the silk insects, and destroyed the fruits o f long exer tions and labor. It is to be hoped that experience and perseverance will guide our farmers to better results in their future experiments. But let us now examine the question whether the art o f raising silk-worms and spinning silk, will indubitably be a source o f advantage and profit to such persons as engage in the business. T o those men who are always ready to display their opposition whenever a new object o f enterprise is present ed to their view, we must answer by asserting facts, the truth o f which can be daily defined. The average crop o f foliage yielded by an acre o f trees in hedge rows, will be at least fifteen thousand pounds for the first year, and twice as much for the ensuing years. The largest quantity o f leaves consumed in the feeding o f the worms hatched from one ounce o f eggs, is one thou sand five hundred pounds, and the smallest quantity o f cocoons produced will be at least eighty pounds, that is to say, eight hundred pounds o f cocoons at least will be produced by an acre o f land. Calculating the cocoons to be sold at the lowest rate, that is to say, at thirty cents a pound, we shall have a product o f two hundred and forty dollars per acre o f land, taking the minimum as a standard in all my calculations. If the operation should be undertaken on a larger scale, then, o f course, some deduction must be made for additional barns or buildings, and for hiring a larger number o f hands during the six weeks o f operation. I am aware that my estimate is far below what other patrons o f the culture o f silk have exhibited in their statements, which are certainly more brilliant and more seducing ; but I must observe, that in this respect any exaggeration, any disappointment, would operate against our views rather than in our favor. Another objection, and even with some shadow o f truth, is made against the profitableness o f reeling cocoons into silk. The want o f practice in spinning cocoons among our countrywomen, and the high wages paid for every kind o f work in this country, will certainly prevent the production o f silk from becoming a profitable undertaking. W e cannot compete, (thus say our opponents,) in this art, with countries where labor is at a very low rate, where the wages are 75 per cent below that o f our working classes. I beg leave to observe, that in the production o f unmanufactured silk, the largest capital is constituted by the value o f the raw material, and the expenses for labor are very trifling. A s I have always insisted upon the necessity o f establishing large filatories, and as I always thought that reel ing silk would prove profitable, when undertaken on an extensive scale, I will suppose a filature o f 50 reels, having 50 female spinners and 50 girls to turn the hasps. 50 women, according to the present price o f labor, will cost, board and lodging included, 16 dollars a month, making $800 500 Fifty g i r l s , ..................................................... $1,300 T w o m e n , ............................................................................................................. 40 Three women to pick c o c o o n s , ................................................................ 48 One superintendent,. . . . . . . . 50 W ood or coal for 50 furnaces, at 8 cents per day for each furnace a m o n t h , .............................................................................................112 S u n d r i e s , ................................................................................................ 20 $1,570 Culture o f Silk in the United States. 105 The average o f silk produced by 50 skilful women per day, will be at least 70 pounds, or 1960 pounds per month, which quan tity, calculated at only $5 a pound, will give a gross proceed o f $9,800 1,570 Charges d e d u c t e d , ..................................................... Nett proceeds, . . . . . . . . $8,230 I will suppose that a whole bushel o f cocoons will produce a pound o f silk, if the cocoons are o f good quality, and I calculate the cocoons at the fair price o f $ 3 per bushel, for 1960 pounds o f silk, or 1960 bushels o f cocoons, at the rate o f $ 3 per bushel, 5,880 There will be a nett profit o f $2,350 every month on a filature o f only 50 reels. You must observe, also, that the great advantage peculiar to this coun try, highly favored by nature over Italy and France, o f producing two and three crops o f cocoons in one year, and the abundance o f wood and coal, and the facility o f building houses at a moderate expense, will at any time enable us to sustain advantageously competition with silk o f foreign production, if the same protection were afforded to that branch o f industry as is granted by our tariff to the manufacture o f cloth, muslin, and other articles. But it is almost in vain to attempt the introduction o f a new species o f industry, a new art or manufacture, without governmental aid. Our con stitution happily imparts to our government the right as well as the duty to protect the arts and industry o f its citizens, and expressly ordains that “ congress shall have power to regulate com m erce.” The existence o f that power implies an imperative duty to make use o f it. A cting on this wise principle, our laws protect the author’s copyright, protect the A m er ican tonnage, in behalf o f the shipbuilder. A tax is imposed upon almost every imported article, even o f the most common use and neces sity. Standing insulated and alone, by a most strange anomaly, silk goods, the luxury o f the wealthiest part o f our population, are not com prised in our customhouse laws. Thus the activity, enterprise, and costly efforts o f those o f our agriculturists and manufacturers, whose activity, zeal, and industry are devoted to the culture o f silk, in order thereby to form a new national staple, are sacrificed by the overpowering competition o f foreign fabrics introduced free o f duties. May, therefore, our people, may our legislators, be duly impressed with the truth, that a duty imposed upon all foreign silks imported into the United States, effects a diminution o f the importation o f foreign silk ; that such a diminution amounts to an increase o f the production o f our domestic silk, and that such an increase o f our production will gradually free our country from every indebtedness to foreign nations, and complete the sacred work o f our independence. l. t. 166 Protection vs. Free Trade. A rt. V II.— P R O T E C T IO N vs. FREE TRADE. To the Editor o f the Merchants’ M agazine : Sir :— Having already been repeatedly favored by you with an oppor tunity to defend the great principle o f Protection to Industry, in your work, I feel that it would be an unworthy return for your kindness to claim a dozen more pages wherein to answer my “ Free Trade” opponent’s last article, and continue the discussion. I will not so tax your liberality, nor the good-nature o f your readers. Indeed, sir, I am very well content to leave the general argument where I have already placed it. I f the en lightened public, on a calm comparison o f what I have written with the counter essays o f my opponent, decide against me, I submit. I have merely presented, as concisely as I may, the considerations which have induced a large majority o f the most eminent statesmen the world has known, to give their best energies to the cause o f protection. I f such men as Pitt, Napoleon, Canning, Hamilton, Webster, Clay, H . Niles, & c., have groped through life in utter ignorance o f the first principles o f political econom y, the blindness o f so bumble an individual as m yself cannot ex cite astonishment. Without desiring to press the discussion further, I will now barely note one or two mistakes in my opponent’ s last article. 1. He commences with the broad assertion, that “ governments are quite as likely to extend their ‘ fostering, protecting aid’ to a branch o f in dustry for which the country is not at all adapted, as to one for which it has a natural capacity.” N ow it would have been just as easy to assert that governments are as likely to hang saints as felons— to punish up rightness as forgery. And it would have been easy not only to assert this, but to adduce facts, after his fashion, in support o f it. Have not mul titudes o f great villains lived honored and law-protected ? And were not Christ, Socrates, and others o f the wisest and best, condemned by law, and executed according to law ? The inference is direct,— Aw ay with all la w s! they punish 1the innocent quite as often as the guilty !’ But the man who can seriously assert that our government is ‘ as likely to protect a branch o f industry to which the country is not at all adapted’ as any other, is certainly beyond the reach o f my powers o f argumentation. W hether France is so idiotic as he supposes, in protecting the manufac ture o f beet-sugar, is o f course a matter o f opinion. It seems a pity her Say, Arago, Chaptal, Guizot, & c., could not listen to one hour’s lecturing o f my opponent, and thereby save their country six millions per annum on its sugar alone ! But when it is considered how difficult to obtain, and how costly when obtained, was the sugar consumed in France in 1811, when such blockheads as Bonaparte and his counsellors undertook to pro tect and foster the home manufacture o f that article, I must think their ig norance o f political econom y deserving o f some compassion ! 2. I shall try to answer all m y opponent says against countervailing duties by a single question,— Is he opposed to the Navigation A ct 1 Great Britian and other nations say to us, “ W e allow goods imported in our own vessels a deduction o f five, ten, or twenty percen tfrom our regular duties. W e do this from no ill will to you, but to encourage our own marine.” N ow , how shall we treat this ? A ccording to the doctrines o f Protection or those o f Free Trade ? One thing is certain. Without countervailing the discrimination, our shipping must be driven from all share in the car- Protection vs. Free Trade- 107 lying trade with the discriminating nations; so, without a dissenting voice, w e have countervailed. W hat would my opponent have us do in the premises ? I have tried to learn already, but without success. 3. My opponent cannot escape my illustration o f the truth, that nominally low may often be actually high prices, by his poor perversion about “ cider and turkeys at Londonderry.” M y illustration was necessarily drawn on so small a scale that every one could see it, but the principle covered the whole ground. The same influences that raised the price o f “ cider and turkeys’ " at Londonderry, raised that also o f flour at Rochester, and pork at Cincinnati. I do not believe there is a producing interest, or a county in the Union, what would not be directly vastly benefited by our manufacturing at home the cloths, hardware, & c ., we now import from England. 4. I do not contend that a free trade between different nations is one “ equally taxed,” as my opponent gratuitously asserts, but one equally un taxed. Strictly, free trade implies the absence o f all imposts ; but I am an advocate o f fa ir trade— a trade mutually advantageous and just to both parties— or none. My Oregon illustration was intended to show that a trade really free would not always benefit an infant settlement or a country just emerging from barbarism. I will not go over the ground— which seems to me unshaken by my opponent— but I ask a moment’s at tention to his manifest unfairness. My illustration supposed that the new Oregon settlement could not sell its bulky products in any way but by bringing them across to St. Louis— in other words, not at all. Under such circumstances, I maintained that it would be policy in that country to impose a protecting tariff, and manufacture for herself. And my oppo nent professes to answer this by saying, “ barter your mountains o f grain and beef which you cannot consume, for those articles which you pressingly need.” In this strain he amplifies triumphantly. Is this discussion ? O f course I have said nothing in opposition to credit, either individual or international. I am in favor o f the former, and not averse to the lat ter under circumstances which render it desirable. But running up a heavy balance, year after year, with a foreign nation, by buying o f that nation articles which we could easier produce than pay for, and for which she will take scarcely any o f our products in return, is utterly inconsistent with my ideas both o f proper credit and o f fair trade. My opponent cannot see how the manufacturers o f a protected country can ruin those o f an unprotected one, except by lowering the price o f their mutual products. I think he must be the only reader o f my illustration by the case o f France and England who did not see this. The protected manufacturers have a steady, stable, reliable home market, securing them a certain and uniform business and profit. T h ey throw their surplus and refuse stock into the market o f their free trade neighbors, causing a sudden depression. They sell, for instance, all their surplus razors thus at cost and charges— say five dollars a dozen— and thereby glut the market. The rival free trade manufacturers now find their sales forestalled— they cannot sell at all. Th ey are ruined and fail, and next year the protected fabricators have both markets to themselves, and can get six dollars a dozen for all they can produce. Free trade has produced fluctuation, temporary de pression, and the ruin o f its devotees ; while the average cost o f razors is left as high as, perhaps higher than, ever. In fact, my opponent, though “ weary o f answering positions which seem so manifestly erroneous,” evi 168 Mercantile Law Department. dently feels the force o f this illustration, and urges that “ the moderate! duty required for the support o f the government would prove a sufficient protection.” I submit that this is giving up the free trade ground, which implies that all duties are an injury to the public interests and an obstacle to national prosperity— to be endured, if at all, only as a lesser evil than direct taxation. Respectfully, a . e. MERCANTILE LAW DEPARTMENT. RECENT DECISIONS IN THE UNITED STATES COURTS.* INTERESTING- MERCANTILE LAW CASE. United Slates Circuit Court.— In Equity— before Judges Thompson and Betts.— April term, 1841. The United States vs. William Couch, survivor, &c. and another.— The prayer o f the bill demanded an account in respect to effects and moneys alleged to have belonged to the late firm o f Castro and Henriquez, and that the right o f the plaintiff thereto, in preference to others, might be decreed, and the amount applied on outstanding judgments and customhouse bonds in favor o f the United States against Castro and Henriquez. The bill presented this state o f facts; that Castro and Henriquez, prior to April, 1823, had been in partnership, carrying on the distilling business in this city; and in connec tion with that business, imported merchandise, and became indebted to the United States on customhouse bonds to a large amount. On the 20th April* 1823, the firm stopped payment, then being indebted to the United States on duty bonds for over $74,000. Henriquez was at that time in Europe. The business o f the concern was managed by Castro, who also had a full power o f attorney from Henriquez. On the day o f their failure, or the day follow ing, Castro made an assignment o f the property o f the firm and that o f himself* to Lewis A. Brunell, and immediately departed from New York, without the knowledge o f his creditors. On the same day, proceedings were taken under the state act against Castro and Henriquez as absconding or absent debtors* by the defendant Couch, (and his then partner Stebbins,) and others o f their creditors. A few days thereafter, Castro returned to the city, and his assignment to Brunell being supposed imperfect or insufficient in law, he resumed and can celled it, and executed another, prepared under the advice o f counsel, in which he assigned all the partnership estate, and all his individual estate, to Brunell* for the payment o f the debts o f the partnership, giving preference to the debts due the United States. That prior to the failure, the firm had consigned to Stebbins and Couch large quantities o f distilled spirits for sale, some o f which had been sold on credit, and some remained unsold on the day of their failure, but has been since sold and the proceeds realized, which are now held by the defendant Couch, (survivorof Stebbins and Couch.) That after the assignment, Brunell, the assignee, placed like property, belonging to Castro and Henriquez, in the hands o f Stebbins and Couch, the avails o f which defendant has received and yet retains; and also, that Brunell carried on the distillery o f Castro and Henri quez, with their stock assigned him, and consigned the liquors to Stebbins and Couch for sale, and that the proceeds o f such sale are retained by the defen dant The bill also avers that judgments have been recovered by the United States * Reported expressly for the Merchants’ Magazine. Mercantile Law Department. 169 On the customhouse bonds, and executions thereon have been returned unsat isfied, to the amount o f $24,000, which Brunell is unable to satisfy; and it charges that the United States are entitled to have such proceeds (realized by Stebbins and Couch) applied to the satisfaction of the balance. The bill was filed, April, 1832— Couch filed his answer, January, 1833. The cause was brought to hearing, Dec., 1840. The cause was argued by Messrs. Butler and Paine for the United States, and by Mr. D. Lord, jr. for the defendant. The court remarked, that there might be a serious difficulty in the present posture o f the case, in giving the plaintiff the relief sought, if the merits were beyond all question on that side. The action rests upon the authority of the United States vs. Howland, (4 Wheat. 108,) and in its institution conform ed to that precedent; but has since varied from it by discharging the assignee from the suit. That the original debtors, (Castro and Henriquez,) or their assignee, seemed to be indispensable parties to a bill o f this description, not only for the purpose o f discharging the debtor from his liabilities to those from whom he received the funds, and to authorize the institution o f a new cestui que trust in their place; but also, because an accounting is called for, and the equity o f the United States can only intercept what is due the party directly responsible to them, on a just amount taken between such party and his debtor. The assignee ought there fore to have been retained a party to the taking of such account, to enable the court to decree definitively upon the rights of all interested in the subject matter. This formal difficulty might be obviated, if the case as now disclosed estab lished any right in the United States upon the merits,— unless the staleness o f the claim and the extraordinary delays in prosecuting it should be regarded as outweighing any equity on the part o f the United States, to amend the pro ceedings. The unvaried construction o f the 65th section o f the act o f March 2, 1799, settles this point, that the priority therein given the United States, to be paid out o f the estate o f an insolvent debtor, takes effect only when the insolvency is established by an assignment o f all his property, either by his own act, or by act of law, and when such assignment is carried into execution by the as signee. (4 Wheat. 108. 1 Peters’ R. 386. 10 Peters’ R. 597. 12 Peters’ R. 102. 3 Cranch, 73. 8 Cranch, 431. 1 Paine’s R. 183. ib. 629.) The evidence on the part of the plaintiff is very faint upon this head, and it is in no respect aided by the answer. There is ground for implication that Brunell took control o f the partnership effects as assignee, yet the evidence equally comports with his having acted merely as factor or agent, and it is not a little remarkable, that no trace o f the assignment among his papers, or proof o f his claim under ifi could be produced, if that was the only foundation o f his powers in respect to the estate and interests o f Castro and Henriquez. But independent o f all question upon the effect o f this evidence, the assign ment fails to establish the insolvency o f the partners, because the individual property o f Henriquez was not included in it. As the insolvency o f one partner, or the insufficiency o f their joint means to pay the partnership debts, does not necessarily prove the insolvency o f the other partner, it is clear that the assignment made by Castro does not secure an entire preference or priority to the United States. The rights o f the credi tors of Henriquez, at least, are not displaced by it. (8 Peters’ R. 271.) This is independent of the doubt that might be raised as to the sufficiency o f Castro’s assignment o f even partnership effects, to supply proof o f the insolvency o f the firm. (4 Wash. C. R. 235.) The court further observed, that as it appeared from the answer and proofs, the attachment sued out o f the state court was carried no further than the arrest o f partnership property, and was discontinued within a few days with out the appointment o f trustees, or any order of assignment. This initiatory ar rest o f property, and holding it in custody o f the law to abide the decision o f the proper forum, whether it shall pass to assignees, is not the proof o f insolvol. v .— no. n. 22 170 Mercantile Law Department. vency contemplated by the act of congress. For although it is declared that cases of insolvency mentioned therein, shall be deemed to extend to cases in which the estate and effects o f an absconding, concealed, or absent debtor shall have been attached by process o f law, (act March 2, 1789, sec. 65,) yet manifestly the term attached must be understood as having relation to the ulti mate disposition o f the property, and not its simple seizure ; because that is often divested immediately for the want o f due grounds for the procedure ; but more especially, because the priority o f the United States arises and is enforced, not that the property o f their debtor has been taken from his possession, but for the reason that it is invested in some other party (assignee or executor) who has power to distribute and dispose of it. (12 Peters’ R. 136, 137. 1 Peters’ R. 386.) The sheriff becomes no such party by serving a process o f attachment. He could not be made amenable to the United States, either by means of his pos session o f the property, or because he had surrendered it to the owner, or trans ferred it to the assignees. When the property is placed, by means o f the attachment, in a situation to be distributed, the priority of the United States comes into existence, and then only, for the act renders the assignee paying any debt previous to those due to the United States answerable in his own person and estate for such debts, (sec. 65,) and this liability necessarily imports that the party charged with it, had full dominion over the estate and effects of the insolvent, because he is re garded as having committed a devastavit, or misapplied funds by paying them out in disregard o f legal priorities, and not as a debtor to the .United States, or subject to their action merely by having the estate in his possession. The court accordingly ruled, that neither the assignment made by Castro, nor the attachment levied on the property o f the firm,, proved the insolvency of Castro and Henriquez so as to enable the United States to sustain this action. It was therefore ordered that the bill be dismissed. f r a u d u l e n t e n t r y o f g oods . United States Circuit Court.— In Equity— before Judges Thompson and Betts. April term, 1841. The United States vs. Samuel R. Wood, and George R. Ives. On the 23d October, 1839, the United States recovered judgment against the defendant W ood for $12,469 14. The foundation o f the judgment was, that W ood had fraudulently entered goods at the customhouse at this port at prices below their actual cost abroad, and had thus evaded the payment of the duties due on their importation. John W ood, from whom the goods were purchased in England by the defendant, became bankrupt, and his assignees employed the other defendant, Ives, to collect or secure the debt owing by Samuel R. W ood to John W ood, and arising chiefly out of sales o f the goods so imported. On the 30th o f May, 1838, Ives obtained o f Samuel R W ood an assignment o f a large amount of property to cover that debt. On the next day Ives executed to S. R. W ood a certificate or stipulation, to the effect that “ the following securities are to be applied to the amount due by said S. R. W ood to John W ood in the first place, and to his other creditors and the expenses attending the collection and securing the same, and the balance I agree to reconvey and redeliver to him,” and then followed a description o f the property and securities assigned. On the 28th of April, 1840, the United States filed a bill in equity against the defendants upon these facts, and claimed priority o f payment out o f the property so assigned. The answer denied that the assignment was o f the entire estate o f W ood, or that it was made because o f his insolvency, and averred, that it was a partial assignment intended to secure a specific debt only. By arrange ment between the parties, Ives was examined as a witness on the part of the United.States, and detailed the circumstances leading to and attending the as signment; but stated that the assignment at the time was not understood to embrace all of Samuel R W ood’s property; his household furniture, repre sented to be worth several thousand dollars, was not included, &c. Mercantile Law Department. 171 The cause was argued for the United States by Mr. Hoffman, Dist. Attorney,and Mr. Butler, and for the defendants by Mr. Foote. The Court observed, That if the debt due the United States is entitled to the preference secured by the impost act of 1799, sec. 65, to bonds given-for the payment of duties, yet such priority was conferred only in case of insolvency proved by the assignment of all the debtor’s property. The language o f the act plainly looks to this condition, and no adjudication o f the U. States courts or state courts has given it a greater extent. (3 Cranch, 73. 1 Peters’ R. 386. 1 Paige R. 139. 1 Paine, 629.) The United States must establish by clear proofs their right to come in as creditors o f the first degree. When the assign ment purports to convey all the debtor’s estate, that may be sufficient evidence per se, but this assignment not being of that character, the plaintiff must sup ply the proof aliunde. If the receipt or stipulation o f Ives to W ood may im port that the whole of W ood’s estate was conveyed, still it is susceptible o f explanation by parol proof, and the testimony o f Ives shows that it was de signed as an acknowledgment only of the amount of property transferred, and the conditions upon which it was received. This testimony, corroborative of the answer, is full to the fact that the assignment was o f parcels of W ood’s estate only, and for the specific object of securing the debt which Ives repre sented. The United States accordingly lay no foundation for their claim of priority, if such right may be considered to exist even where no bond has been taken or credit given. But the evidence, as it now stands, exhibits Ives as a general trustee o f W ood’s creditors for the surplus in his bands. The plaintiff as such creditor, would be entitled to enforce the trust in this form of action. (4 Wheat. R. 108, and note 118.) The bill can, therefore, be retained for that object, and the suit be prosecuted to the appropriate decree. (Order accordingly.) TARIFF DUTIES, Circuit Court of the United States.— April term, 1841.—-Before Judge Thomp son. United States vs. T w o cases woollens. Lindsey, claimant. By the Court:— This was a writ o f error to the District Court, upon a judgment acquitting the goods. The information charged the goods with hav ing been invoiced at less than their actual cost at the place o f exportation. On the trial, evidence was given of their actual purchase at the invoice price ; but this was contested by evidence on the part o f the United States. The claimant then showed the current market value at the time and place o f exportation. The United States Attorney insisted that if the jury were not satisfied o f the actual purchase on the terms set up by the claimant, they should find against the claimant, and could not look at the actual general market value. The judge, however, charged that they might look to the actual market value. And this is the error complained of. The actual cost was no doubt in issue. There was no question as to the admissibility o f evidence of the actual market value. The question was as to the mode in which the jury should consider i t ; and upon this, the decision o f the district judge was correct. The evidence was relevant to the issue : unless the actual seller can always be produced, it may be impossible to give proof o f actual cost: it may be impossible to produce the witnesses actually present at the sale. The market price is the surest test o f the fairness and honesty of the transaction, and o f the question whether the price in the invoice was probably the price really paid. It would be a very harsh rule to lay down, that no other evidence would suffice but that o f actual purchase. Judgment affirmed. MARINE INSURANCE. Superior Court, (New York,) before the full bench.— May 29, 1841.— Heath vs. American Insurance Company. Chief Justice :— This was an action on a policy dated July, 1837, on the schooner Milly Francis, effected in the name of S. Kissam, on behalf o f the plaintiff, as trustee. On the 7th July, 1837, Haughton & Booth, o f Edenton, 172 Mercantile Law Department. had assigned the vessel to the plaintiff as a trustee for their creditors. The vessel was lost in August o f the same year. The defence was, that there was a prior insurance, and thereby, under the clause as to avoiding the policy in case o f prior insurances, the defendants were exonerated from this policy. It appeared that Haughton, Boardman, & No ble, o f N. York, the correspondents in business o f Haughton & Booth o f Edenton, had, on their order, effected a time policy in December, 1836, for a year, on the same vessel, loss payable to the New York house, which was unexpired at the effect ing o f the policy in suit. The house Haughton, Boardman, & Noble, were creditors to a large amount, accruing in the course of business o f Haughton &. Booth. The house of Haughton, Boardman, & Noble, assigned their claim on Haughton & Booth to Kelso, for the benefit o f their creditors: and Noble, one o f the firm, sent the policy o f December to Kelso, with other papers. In the assignment by Haughton & Booth to the plaintiff, the vessel was transferred, and the policy held by the New York house was also comprised in the terms o f the assignment. The plaintiff fearing that his right to recover out o f the policy first made might be contested, wrote to Kissam, who effected the policy, to state the matter to the insurers, and to apprize them that the former policy would not be enforced against them by him or the Edenton house. The de fendants after this effected the policy now in suit. The plaintiff under the circumstances had the right to make this insurance, either independently on his own interest as assignee for the creditors he repre sented, or as superseding the prior policy. The owners of the vessel had a right to convey that to whom they pleased, and this would defeat the prior policy; for the one claiming a loss under a policy, must show himself owner at the time o f loss. How could their agents defeat this right, or the right to make a subsequent insurance on the property transferred 1 The transfer was made while the vessel was yet in safety ; the only right o f the New York house was by way o f lien on the policy. Before any loss, all claims under the policy were merely inchoate, and the rights o f the agents could not prevent the transfer of the vessel. The plaintiff here has certainly an insurable interest, and if either o f the policies is to fail, it must be in this case the first policy. But in another view o f the case: Here both the policies were by the same insurance company : the insurers in the second policy had full notice o f the first. It was at all events intended that the second policy should be effective, unless the plaintiff could have the benefit o f the first. That is retained and delivered over to a party in adverse interest, although in form assigned to the plaintiff. The plaintiff then clearly had a right to give the notice that he intended to claim under the second policy, and to proceed on it : if he was entitled to the first policy, still this election would protect the defendants, on paying the second. Whether or not the first policy could also be recovered on for the benefit o f the New York house, is not a question necessarily involved in this decision. There was certainly an insurable interest in the plaintiff— there was a lien in favor o f the N ew York house on the first policy, which might or might not take ef fect: in case it did, then the question would present itself, whether, although both policies covered the same vessel for the same voyage, and were founded on the same original ownership, there was not yet distinct and separate deriv ative interests, each insurable. It is also a question arising, but not necessary to be here decided, how far this clause as to prior insurances is to apply where both the insurances are in the same office, and the insurers apprized of the whole circumstances. Judgment for the plaintiffs. The Book Trade. 173 THE BOOK TRADE, 1.— A Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening, adapted to North America; with a view to the improvement of country residences; comprising Historical Notices, and general principles of the art— Directions fo r laying out rounds and arranging plantations— Description and cultivation of hardy trees— decorative accompaniments to the house and grounds— The formation of pieces of artificial water, flower gardens, cJ-c.— With remarks on Rural Architecture. Illustrated by Engravings. By A. J. D owning . New York and London : W iley & Putnam.—Boston : C. C. Little & Co. 8vo. pp. 451. 1841. For some years past a lively interest has been manifested in this country in rural improvements, and the evidences o f our growing wealth and prosperity have become apparent by the increased number o f cottages and villas in the vicinity o f our larger towns, and along the banks or shores o f our noble rivers and other waters,— throughout our rich valleys, and wherever nature seems to invite us by her pleasing and varied charms. Yet, in general, a want o f professional skill in rural architecture, or landscape gardening, has been equally manifest wherever we turn our eyes; which has either been caused by a defi ciency o f a proper knowledge o f the subject, or from a desire to imitate foreign works, which are not at all adapted to our soil and climate, or our social and political condition. It is with these views that the author o f the present volume has endeavored to supply the desideratum which has been so long needed ; and, as far as we are able to judge, he has been successful in his undertaking. It appears to have been his object to trace out such principles, and to suggest such practical methods o f embellishing our rural residences, on a scale commensurate to the views and means o f our proprietors, as are best adapted to this country and the peculiar wants o f its population. The performance o f the work reflects the highest credit on the enterprising and intelligent author, as well as on the skill o f those by whom the work was executed. ? 2.— A Treatise on the Law of Sales of Personal Property. By F kancis H illiard , author o f “ An Abridgment of the American Law o f Real Property.” New York : Halstead & Voorhies. 1841. 8vo. pp. 365. As a sound legal writer, Mr. Hilliard is already well known to his brethren o f the American bar, and the work before us cannot fail to add considerably to the reputation he had previously acquired, o f being an able and well-read law yer. The general principles o f law, by which sales o f personal property are regulated and controlled, our author has systematized and elucidated with much clearness and precision ; while the minutest requisites necessary to con stitute a legal sale, or which invalidate it, are well explained and clearly illus trated. A treatise o f this kind, we are informed, has been long wanted by the legal profession; for although the law relating to sales o f real property has been elaborately treated of, and fully considered and laid down by numerous jurists o f great ability and vast legal learning, yet the works which have ap peared on the law o f sales o f personal chattels, have been meager and unsatis factory. The one before us is, we think, o f a different character; nor need its usefulness be confined to the lawyer alone. To the merchant it would be almost invaluable ; for although we are far from advising him to attempt such an acquisition o f the law, as would fit him to understand and pass through its innumerable mazes and complications, yet a knowledge o f so much o f its prin ciples as would enable him thoroughly to understand his rights, in relation to the sale and transfer o f goods— transactions which with him are continually occurring— would enable him to avoid and extricate himself from many o f the difficulties and misfortunes into which men engaged in trade so frequently fall. 174 The Book Trade. 3.— Life of Petrarch. By T homas C ampbell , Esq., author o f “ The Pleasures o f Hope,” &c. Complete in one volume ; 8vo. pp. 444. Philadelphia: Carey & Hart 1841. The author, it appears, in writing the life o f this great Italian poet, employ ed, as a text-book, the celebrated work o f the Abbe de Sade, who showed an admirable sagacity in discovering, w e may almost say, the chronology o f Pe trarch’s life— his ecclesiastical preferments, his descendants, his relations and friends, his political and literary life. De Sade’s work is, in fact, a deep and large reservoir o f information respecting the manners and customs o f Petrarch’s a g e; and he has given, as it were, a new life to Laura, by bringing forward documents relating to that interesting woman, from the archives o f his own family, which he shows to coincide with passages in his writings. Petrarch, as is not generally known beyond his poetry, was a great man. His zeal, his knowledge in recovering the wrecked treasures o f the classics, and his Hercu lean labors in transcribing them, were heroic. He was the first who substi tuted any thing like an approach to a classical style in Latin, instead o f the barbarous jargon which had prevailed throughout Italy for centuries. The fastidious scholars of latter times have condemned his imperfect endeavors at purity ; yet it is confessed by competent modern scholars, that passages o f pure Latin eloquence are frequent in his writings. Nor was he a mere lookerback upon antiquity : passages might be quoted from his works that show a liberality o f spirit far in advance o f his age. He derided astrology at a period when skepticism on that subject was deemed as bad as atheism. He studied geography assiduously, and promoted the knowledge o f it, as may be seen in the course o f his biography. The volume is beautifully printed and neatly bound. 4.— The French Revolution. B y T homas C aelyl e . Second American (from the second London) edition. 3 vols. in 2. New Y ork: William Kerr & Co. 1841. The style o f this book is perfectly monstrous : such a “ bituminous alarumfire,” “ smoke-atmosphere,” “ fire-maehlstrom,” “ theatrical thunder-barrel” style— to use his own phrases^was never before written. Original as it is, w e trust it may find few imitations : it is as painful a study (and you cannot read it at leisure) as to watch the chain-lightning. But we cannot help ad miring the profound knowledge and wonderful instinct— the ever-abounding mirthfulness and rich thought— the racy originality and dramatic descriptions characterizing this work, and never surpassed by any writer o f history. Car lyle gives us a picture-gallery complete, needing no “ illustrations” more than these “ word paintings.” He brings before the reader the actors themselves ; w e mingle in the mob at the taking o f the Bastile— in the rabble rout journey ing to Versailles— in the sanguinary crowd, crying for the head o f that weak and ill-fated king. The tale seems o f yesterday; the historian a breathless narrator just escaped from the thickest o f the fight, supposing in his hearers a minute familiarity with the principal actors in the fearful tragedy— portraying with but a stroke or two, yet like those famous etchings in the “ Song o f the Bell,” in a way that must be felt, and cannot be forgotten. 5.— A Treatise on the Elements of Algebra. By the Rev. B. B kidge, B. D. F. R. S. Fellow of St. Peter’s College, Cambridge; and late Prof, o f Math, in the East India College, Herts. 2d American, revised and corrected from the 7th London Edition. Philadelphia: Thomas, Cowperthwait & Co. 12mo. pp. 224. 1841. In this work the hitherto abstract and difficult science o f Algebra is simpli fied and illustrated, so as to be attainable by those who have not the aid of a teacher- The author is clear in his explanations, and systematic in his arrange ment, and has succeeded in rendering a comparatively abstruse branch of .science afl agreeable and interesting exercise, both to the pupil and the teacher. The Book Trade. 175 6. — Collections of the New York Historical Society. Second Series, vol. I. N ew York : Printed for the Society. 1841. 8vo. pp. 486. This volume is principally occupied with the annals o f the Dutch colonies, “ by whom the arts of civilization were originally planted on the banks o f the Hudson.” The commonwealth which has sprung up within the limits o f their ancient jurisdiction, now embraces within its boundaries nearly one sixth o f the whole population of the United States, and rivals in extent and population some o f the monarchies o f the old world. Beginning with the first glimpses o f a discovery o f our seacoast, Mr. Folsom, o f the publishing committee, has brought together the earliest notices o f Hudson’s memorable voyage, that dis closed the existence of the noble river that bears the navigator’s name. The materials o f history here presented, exhibit the primitive settlements on Man hattan Island and near Albany— the gradual spread of population into the in terior— the perils and hardships, and the difficulties and embarrassments with which the early colonists had to contend. The labor o f preparing the present work devolved entirely upon Mr. Folsom, the librarian, and he has, in our judgment, performed his task in a very satisfactory manner. The labor ne cessarily bestowed upon a careful revision o f the various translations, and in collating them with the original works, cost the compiler more time and at tention than will be apparent to the reader. The collections of historical so cieties have heretofore been printed and done up in a very cheap and slovenly style. W e are pleased to note an evident improvement in this particular. The volume before us is, on the whole, a very creditable specimen o f the typo graphic art. 7. — The Life of Thomas Paine, author of “ Common Sense,” “ Rights of Man,” “ Age of Reason,” <Syc. dye., with critical and explanatory observations on his writings, and an Appendix containing his letters to Washington, suppressed in his works at present published in this country. By G. V ale , Editor o f the Beacon. New York : published by the author, pp. 221. 1841. It has been said that a biographer should be a sincere admirer o f the man whose character, conduct, and principles he attempts to delineate. As far as this goes to make up the qualifications o f Mr. Paine’s biographer, there can be no doubt that Mr. Vail was abundantly qualified to do him justice ; for he has lost no opportunity to eulogize his politics, his morals, his religion, and even his gross and abusive attack on Washington. The work is, o f course, antiChristian throughout; and the author speaks o f the followers o f the cross as “ the pious but duped disciples o f Jesus.” As a literary production it has an average merit, and will, on the whole, do but little towards rescuing the name o f Paine from that infamy to which the almost unanimous judgment o f man kind has consigned it. The book is not, however, devoid of interest, and con tains a very full and yet condensed account o f the narrative o f Mr. Paine’s life. 8.— Chronicles of the Pilgrims. By A lexander Y oung. Little & Brown. 1841. pp. 500. Mr. Young has done a great service, and made a contribution o f permanent value to our historical literature. He has discovered and sent forth honorably the original narratives o f the settlement at Plymouth— its motives, struggles, perils, and triumphs. Governor Bradford’s lost history, and portions o f other documents thought to have perished a century ago,’ are now in our hands. W e have to-day the living witnesses of our forefathers’ faith in Providence, invincible resolve, heroic endurance, sublime courage, and apostolic virtue. The first twenty-five years o f our history stands before us in the monument erected by their own hands, but now freshened and rescued from supposed ruin and future peril by a true son. W e are rejoiced to see how triumphant is their self-vindication— that there is not a word of theirs we could wish un said, not an act we could wish forgotten, not a line we could desire blotted out— that theirs is that “ memory of the just which is blessed.” y. w. h . 176 The Booh Trade. 9. — Selections from M. Bouilly’ s Encouragement fo r Youth, with an English Translation facing each page. Prepared and designedfor learners of the French. Language. By J. A. F rontin , A. M., Prof, o f the French Language and Literature. New Y ork : J. A. Frontin. 16mo. pp. 140. 1841. M. Bouilly was the contemporary and friend o f the persons described in these sketches, and is universally acknowledged to have portrayed their char acters with truth and fidelity. The touching simplicity o f the sentiments em bodied in this little volume, will convey through an enticing medium a salutary moral influence. The object o f the translator in preparing a work with the French and Eng lish in juxtaposition, has been not only to excite in the American youth a taste for literature in general, but also to assist them in acquiring, in the most agree able manner, a knowledge and perfection o f the French language. The work evidently deserves general encouragment, and no doubt will find it. 10. — Lectures on Spiritual Christianity. By I saac T aylor , author o f “ Natural History o f Enthusiasm,” &c. New Y ork: D. Appleton & Co. 1841. 12mo. This is the last effort o f a somewhat original and very liberal thinker o f the English Church. It is written more naturally, though less forcibly, than any other o f his books. Mr. Taylor in these lectures attempts to define a spiritual Christianity, as to its externals, its peculiar truths, its morals, and its influ ences ; sometimes with great success, but as a whole, much to our disappoint ment. The moral internal argument for the truth o f the New Testament writers, in the' first lecture, is excellent But the lecturer continually halts upon the threshold o f a good conclusion, and sometimes indulges the most savage sever ity to heretics and opponents. W e like not his mind— nor his cold, unimagi native mode o f thought— nor the tendency o f his writings : but there are yet things in them which every scholar ought to study, and every Christian lay to heart. 11. Tales of the Kings of England; Stories of Camps and Battle-fields, Wars and Victories, from the old historians : with numerous engravings on wood, by Butler. New York : Wiley and Putnam. 16mo. pp. 234. 1841. These tales, written for the amusement and instruction o f children, are evi dently designed to create a relish for the study o f history. The dislike, so fre quently evinced by the young for this naturally pleasant and profitable branch o f literature, may, w e think, be attributed to the very general practice o f giving them abridgments, mere outlines o f history, in which there is nothing to arrest the attention o f a child. Young minds require something more amusing, more interesting, than a bare detail o f occurrences, or the dates o f the years in which kings reigned or died. They want something more strong, and the compiler o f this neat little volume has, we think, selected such incidents from the history o f England, as are calculated to convey instruction to his young readers, and at the same time afford them as much interest and delight as the fairy stories o f their infancy. It is a reprint o f an English edition, and Butler’s copies o f the cuts that “ adorn” the book are very good imitations of the English. 12. Sermons to Children. By F. W . P. G reenwood, D. D., minister o f King’s Chapel, Boston. Boston: James Munroe & Co. 12mo. pp. 128. 1841. The well-known intellectual character o f the author o f these Sermons, is a sufficient voucher for their merit. The points o f conduct advocated, are set forth in a familiar and affectionate style, and should be fondly cherished by the large class o f children to which they are addressed. 13. — Early Friendships. By Mrs. C opley . New Y ork : D. Appleton & Co. 12mo. pp. 174. 1841. This little volume forms another o f the admirable series o f “ Tales for the People and their Children.” It will bear a favorable comparison with the ex. eellent narratives o f Mary Howitt, which have preceded it in the same series. Commercial Regulations. 177 COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. TREATY OF COM MERCE AND N A V IG A T IO N B E T W E E N T H E U N ITED STA TE S AND T H E KING- OF H AN O VER. The following treaty o f commerce and navigation, between the United States o f A m e rica and his majesty the King o f Hanover, was concluded and signed by their plenipo tentiaries at Berlin, on the 20th day o f May, 1840; which treaty, being in the English and French language, is as follow s:— The United States o f America and his majesty the King o f Hanover, equally animated by the desire o f extending, as far as possible, the commercial relations between and the exchange o f the productions o f their respective states, have agreed, with this view, to conclude a treaty o f commerce and navigation. For this purpose, the President o f the United States o f America has furnished with full powers, Henry Wheaton, their envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary near his majesty the King o f Prussia; and his majesty the King o f Hanover has furnished with the like full powers, Le Sieur Auguste de Berger, his envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary near his majesty the King o f Prussia, lieutenant-general, knight grandcross o f the order o f Guelph, the red eagle o f Prussia, the order o f merit o f Oldenburg, & c .; who, after exchanging their said full powers, found in good and due form, have concluded and signed, subject to ratification, the following articles A r t . I.— There shall be between the territories o f the high contracting parties a reci procal liberty o f commerce and navigation. The inhabitants o f their respective states shall mutually have liberty to enter, with or without their ships and cargoes, the ports, places, waters, and rivers o f the territories o f each party, wherever foreign commerce is permitted. They shall be permitted to sojourn and reside in all parts whatsoever o f said territories, in order to attend to their affairs, and also to hire and occupy houses and warehouses, for the purposes o f their com m erce; provided they submit to the laws, as well general as special, relative to the right o f residing and trading. While they conform to the laws and regulations in force, they shall be at liberty to manage themselves their own business in all the territories subject to the jurisdiction of each party, in respect to the consignment and sale o f their goods, by wholesale or retail, as with respect to the loading, unloading, and sending off their ships, or to employ such agents and brokers as they may deem proper, they being, in all these cases, to be treated as the citizens or subjects o f the country in which they reside, it being nevertheless un derstood that they shall remain subject to the said laws and regulations also in respect to sales by wholesale or retail. They shall have free access to the tribunals o f justice in their litigious affairs, on the same terms which are granted by the law and usage o f the country to native citizens or subjects, for which purpose they may employ in defence o f their rights such advocates, attorneys, and agents as they may judge proper. A r t . II.— N o higher or other duties shall be imposed in any o f the ports o f the United States on Hanoverian vessels than those payable in the same ports by vessels o f the United States; nor in the ports o f the kingdom o f Hanover on the vessels of the United States than shall be payable in the same ports on Hanoverian vessels. The privileges secured by the present article to the vessels o f the respective high con tracting parties shall only extend to such as are built within their respective territories, or lawfully condemned as prize o f war, or adjudged to be forfeited for a breach o f the mu nicipal laws o f either o f the parties, and belonging wholly to their citizens or subjects VOL. V .— NO. II, 23 178 Commercial Regulations. respectively, and o f which the master, officers, and two thirds o f the crew shall consist o f the citizens or subjects of the country to which the vessel belongs. The same duties shall be paid on the importation into the ports o f the United States of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the kingdom o f Hanover, or of any other country belonging to the Germanic confederation and the kingdom o f Prussia, from whatsoever ports o f the country the said vessels may depart, whether such importation shall be in vessels o f the United States or in Hanoverian vessels; and the same duties shall be paid on the importation into the ports o f the kingdom o f Hanover, of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the United States, and o f every other country o f the continent o f America and the W est India islands, from whatsoever ports o f the said countries the vessels may depart, whether such importation shall be in Hanoverian ves sels or the vessels o f the United States. The same duties shall be paid and the same bounties allowed on the exportation o f any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the kingdom o f Hanover, or o f any other country belonging to the Germanic confederation and the kingdom o f Prussia, to the United States, whether such exportation shall be in vessels o f the United States, or in Hanoverian vessels, departing from the ports o f Hanover, and the same duties shall be paid and the same bounties allowed on the exportation o f any articles, the growth, pro duce, or manufacture o f the United States and o f every other country on the continent of America and the W est India islands, to the kingdom o f Hanover, whether such exporta tion shall be in Hanoverian vessels or in vessels o f the United States, departing from the ports o f the United States. A r t . III.— N o higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United States o f any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the kingdom of Hanover, and no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the king dom o f Hanover o f any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the United States, than are or shall be payable on the like articles, being the growth, produce, or manufac ture o f any other foreign country. N o higher or other duties and charges shall be imposed in the United States on the exportation o f any articles to the kingdom o f Hanover, or in Hanover on the exportation o f any articles to the United States, than such as are or shall be payable on the exporta tion o f the like articles to any other foreign country. N o prohibition shall be imposed on the exportation or importation o f any article, the growth, produce, or manufacture o f the United States, or the kingdom o f Hanover, to or from the ports o f said kingdom or o f the said United States, which shall not equally ex tend to all other nations. A r t . IV.— The preceding articles are not applicable to the coasting trade and naviga tion o f the high contracting parties, which are respectively reserved by each exclusively to its own citizens or subjects. A r t . V.— N o priority or preference shall be given by either o f the contracting parties, nor by any company, corporation, or agent, acting on their behalf, or under their authority, in the purchase o f any article o f commerce lawfully imported on account or in reference to the national character o f the vessel, whether it be o f the one party or the other, in which such article was impoi ted. A r t . VI.— The contracting parties grant to each other the liberty o f having, each in the ports o f the other, consuls, vice consuls, agents, and commissaries, o f their own appoint ment, who shall enjoy the same privileges and powers as those o f the most favored na tions ; but if any o f the said consuls shall carry on trade, they shall be subjected to the same laws and usages to which private individuals o f their nation are subjected in the same place. T he consuls, vice consuls, and commercial agents, shall have the right, as such, to sit Commercial Regulations . 179 as judges and arbitrators in such differences as may arise between the masters and crews o f the vessels belonging to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge, without the interference o f the local authorities ; unless the conduct o f the crews or o f the captain should disturb the order or tranquillity o f the country; or the said consuls, vice consuls, or commercial agents, should require their assistance to cause their decisions to be carried into effect or supported. It is, however, understood that this species o f judgment or arbitration shall not deprive the contending parties o f the right they have to resort, on their return, to the judicial au thority o f their own country. The said consuls, vice consuls, and commercial .agents are authorized to require the assistance o f the local authorities for the search, arrest, and imprisonment o f the desert ers from the ships o f war and merchant vessels o f their country. For this purpose, they shall apply to the competent tribunals, judges and officers, and shall, in writing, demand said deserters, proving by the exhibition o f the registers o f the vessels, the muster-rolls o f the crews, or by any other official documents, that such indi viduals formed part o f the crew s; and on this claim being thus substantiated, the surren der shall not be refused. Such deserters, when arrested, shall be placed at the disposal o f the said consuls, vice consuls, or commercial agents, and may be confined in the public prisons, at the request and cost o f those who shall claim them, in order to be sent to the vessels to which they belong, or to others o f the same country. But if not sent back within three months o f the day o f their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not be again arrested for the same cause. However, if the deserter shall be found to have committed any crime or -offence, his surrender may be delayed until the decision o f the tribunal, before which his case shall be pending, shall have been carried into effect. A r t . VII.— The citizens or subjects o f each party shall have power to dispose o f their personal property within the jurisdiction o f the other, by sale, donation, testament, or otherwise. Their personal representatives, being citizens or subjects c f the other contracting party, shall succeed to their said personal property, whether by testament or ab intestato. They may take possession thereof, either by themselves or by others acting for them, at their will, and dispose o f the same, paying such duties only as the inhabitants o f the country wherein the said personal property is situate, shall be subject to pay in like cases. In case o f the absence o f the personal representatives, the same care shall be taken o f the property o f a native in like case, until the lawful owner may take measures for re ceiving it. If any question shall arise among several claimants, to which o f them the said property belongs, the same shall be finally decided by the laws and judges o f the country wherein it is situate. Where, on the decease o f any person holding real estate within the territories o f one party, such real estate as would, by the laws o f the land, descend on a citizen or subject o f the other, were he not disqualified by alienage, such citizen or subject shall be allowed a reasonable time to sell the same, and to withdraw the proceeds, without molestation, and exempt from all duties o f detraction on the part o f the government o f the respective states. The capitals and effects which the citizens or subjects o f the respective parties, in changing their residence, shall be desirous o f removing from the place o f their domicile, shall likewise be exempt from all duties o f detraction or emigration on the part o f the respective governments. A r t . VIII.— The ancient and barbarous right to wrecks o f the sea shall be entirely .abolished with respect to the property belonging to the citizens or subjects o f the con, trading parties. Commercial Regulations. 180 W hen any vessel, o f either party, shall be wrecked, stranded, or otherwise damaged, on the coasts or within the dominions o f the other, their respective citizens or subjects shall receive, as well for themselves as for their vessels and effects, the same assistance which would be due to the inhabitants o f the country where the accident happens. They shall be liable to pay the same charges and dues o f salvage as the said inhabitants would be liable to pay in a like case. I f the operations o f repair shall require that the whole or any part o f the cargo be un loaded, they shall pay no duties o f custom, charges, or fees, on the part which they shall reload and carry away, except as are payable in like cases by national vessels. It is nevertheless understood, that if, while the vessel is under repair, the cargo shall be unladen, and kept in a place o f deposit destined to receive goods the duties on which have not been paid, the cargo shall be liable to the charges and fees lawfully due to the keepers o f such warehouses. A r t . IX .— T he present treaty shall be in force for the term o f twelve years from the date hereof; and further, until the end o f twelve months after the government o f the United States on the one part, or that o f Hanover on the other, shall have given notice o f its intention o f terminating the same. A r t . X .— The present treaty shall be approved and ratified by the President o f the United States o f America, by and with the advice and consent o f the senate; and by his majesty the King o f H anover; and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged at the city o f Berlin, within the space o f ten months from this date, or sooner, if possible. In faith whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the above articles, as well in French as in English, and have affixed thereto the seals o f their arms, declaring at the same time the signature in the two languages shall not hereafter be cited as a precedent, nor in any manner prejudice the contracting parties. Done in quadruplicate, at the city o f Berlin, on the twentieth day o f May, in the year o f our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty, and the sixty-fourth o f the indepen dence o f the United States o f America. H EN RY W HEATON, [l . AU G U STU S DE B E R G E R , s .] [ l . s .] This treaty has been duly ratified, and the respective ratifications o f the same were exchanged at the city o f Berlin, on the fourteenth o f November, 1840, by the ministers plenipotentiary o f the two governments; and is made public by the President o f the United States, to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof, may be ob served and fulfilled with good faith, by the United States and the citizens thereof. C H A N G E IN T H E C U R R E N C Y OF JA M A IC A . The chamber o f commerce at Kingston, Jamaica, published on the 1st o f January, 1841, under the signature o f their president, Hector Mitchell, Esq., the following notice o f a change in the currency o f that c o lo n y :— “ By an act o f the legislature o f this island, 3d Vic., cap. 39, which has received the royal assent o f her majesty in council, and comes into operation this day, the currency o f the country has been altered, and henceforth the sterling money o f Great Britain will be u se d ; and all accounts, quotations o f prices current, & c., will be made in sterling money. All contracts, sales, and other monetary transactions now subsisting, are to be regarded and settled for in the rates o f .£100 sterling for every £ 1 6 6 13s. 4 d . currency. T he doubloon is declared a legal tender at £ 3 4s. sterling; the silver dollar at 4s. 2d.; and the several subdivisions o f those coins at the same rate ; and the gold and silver coins o f Great Britain and Ireland shall be a legal tender to any amount, at the rate they pass current at in Great Britain and Ireland.” Nautical Intelligence. 181 NAUTICAL INTELLIGENCE. PORT REGULATIONS. RATES OF P IL O T A G E FOR THE HARBOR OF BOSTON. In conformity to law, the following rules and regulations relative to pilotage for the harbor o f Boston, approved by the trustees o f the Boston Marine Society, are published for the information o f the p ublic:— That the following be the rate o f fees o f pilotage to be charged on all vessels outward bound:— From November ls£ to May ls£. 7 feet,......... — at 90 cents per foot. it 8 “ ......... 90 it t< 9 “ ........ 90 ti it it 10 “ ........ 95 it ii 11 “ ......... ....$1 00 it 12 “ ......... .... 1 05 ii ii 13 “ ......... .... 1 10 it ii 14 “ ......... .... 1 10 it it 15 “ ......... .... 1 10 it it 16 “ ......... .... 1 10 it ii 17 “ ......... .... 1 10 it ii 18 “ ......... .... 1 20 ii ii 19 “ ......... .... 1 30 it it 20 »* ......... .... 1 50 i ti 21 “ ......... .... 2 20 ii ti 22 “ ......... .... 2 50 l ii 23 “ ......... .... 2 75 ti ii 24 “ ......... .... 2 75 ii ii 25 “ ......... .... 2 75 t From May 1st to November ls£. 7 feet,......... per foot. ti 8 “ ......... 75 “ ii 9 “ ......... 75 “ ii 10 “ ......... 80 “ ti 11 “ ......... 85 “ it 12 “ ......... 90 “ it 13 “ ......... 95 “ ii 14 “ ......... 95 “ ti 15 “ ......... 95 “ it 16 “ ......... 95 “ ii 17 “ ......... ....$1 00 “ ti 18 “ ......... ...." l 00 “ it 19 “ ......... .... 1 25 “ ti 20 “ ......... .... 1 50 “ tt 21 “ ........ .... 1 75 “ ii 22 “ ........ .... 2 00 “ tt 23 “ ......... .... 2 25 “ ii 24 “ ......... ii 25 “ ......... .... 2 25 “ And the following be the rates or fees on all vessels inward bound:— From May ls2 to November ls£. F r o m N o v e m b e r 1st to May 1st. 7 feet,......... 45 per foot. 7 feet,......... .......at $1 10 per foot. ii 1 8 “ ......... ........ 1 10 8 “ ......... ........ ii 1 45 9 “ ......... ........ 1 10 9 “ ......... ........ “ ti1 56 10 “ ......... ........ 1 20 10 “ ......... “ it 11 “ ......... ........ 1 72 11 “ ......... ........ “ 1 25 ti 1 77 1 30 12 “ ......... ........ “ 12 “ ......... ........ ii 1 77 13 “ ......... ........ 13 “ ......... ........ “ 1 35 ii1 87 14 “ ......... ........ “ 14 “ ......... ........ 1 35 ti 1 87 15 “ ......... ........ 15 “ ......... ........ “ 1 35 it 1 87 16 “ ......... 16 “ ......... ........ 1 35 ii 1 87 17 “ ......... ........ “ 17 “ ......... ........ 1 35 ii 2 50 “ 18 “ ......... ........ 18 ......... ........ 1 88 ii 19 “ ....... 2 75 19 “ ......... ........ “ 1 88 it 3 00 1 88 20 “ ......... ........ 20 “ ......... ........ “ ti 21 “ ......... ........ 4 00 21 “ ......... ........ 2 80 “ ti 4 00 22 “ ......... ........ “ 22 “ ......... ........ 3 00 ii 23 “ ........ ........ 4 00 23 “ ......... ........ “ 3 00 ii 4 00 24 “ ......... ........ “ 24 “ ....... ........ 3 00 ii 25 “ ......... ........ 25 “ ......... ........ 4 00 “ 3 00 That if any branch pilot o f the harbor o f Boston offers himself to any vessel liable to take a pilot, outside o f a line drawn from Harding’s Rocks to the outward Graves, and from thence to Nahant Head, if inward bound ; or any branch pilot who may first offer himself to any vessel outward bound, (the pilot who brought in said vessel, or one be longing to the same boat, in all cases to have the preference,) and the master o f the ves sel should refuse to take such pilot on board, the master and owners o f said vessel, or 182 Nautical Intelligence . either o f them, shall incur and be liable to the penalty o f the amount o f pilotage said ves sel would pay, for the benefit o f the pilot so offering himself, if he be the complainant. That if any vessel while under the charge o f a branch pilot, or his apprentice, shall be lost or run aground, or sustain any damage* through the negligence or unskilfulness of such branch pilot or his apprentice, such branch pilot shall be liable, not only for himself, but for his apprentice, to pay the owner o f such vessel all damages, and also be liable to have his branch or commission taken from him. That no branch pilot for the harbor o f Boston be allowed to make or combine or be in any way interested in the business o f pilotage for said harbor, with any other branch pilot, except those who may belong to the same boat with himself, under the forfeiture of his branch. That it shall be the duty o f every pilot, after having brought a vessel into the harbor o f Boston, to have such vessel properly moored in the stream, or secured to a wharf, at the option o f the master, within twenty-four hours after the arrival o f said vessel, if the weather permits, without extra charge. The pilot, if called upon after the expiration o f twenty-four hours from her first anchoring, to haul any vessel into the wharf, shall be en titled to receive three dollars for his services; and a pilot shall be entitled to receive the same for taking a vessel from the wharf into the stream, provided said vessel does not proceed to sea within twenty-four hours from the time o f her anchoring in the stream. That if any vessel outward bound, having a pilot on board, should be compelled* either by a head wind or a head tide, to anchor in Nantasket Road, it shall be the duty o f the pilot to remain on board said vessel until the next high water, (if requested by the master so to remain,) and if, at the expiration o f that time, the master does not see fit to proceed to sea, and wishes the pilot to stay by him longer, the pilot so remaining shall be entitled to receive two dollars per day for each and every day he may be detained on board said vessel, over and above the regular fee for pilotage; but no pilot shall leave a vessel out ward bound, proceeding directly to sea, without the permission o f the master, until said vessel is to the eastward o f George’s Island. That the hull and appurtenances o f all vessels piloted into or out o f the harbor o f Bos ton, shall, at all times, within sixty days, be liable for the fees o f pilotage. That from and after the first day o f May, 1835, each pilot boat in the employ of the branch pilots for the harbor o f Boston, may have on board one or more apprentices, to be regularly indented to one or more branch pilots attached to the boat, who shall, after having served not less than two years, and on examination and approval o f the trustees o f the Boston Marine Society, be authorized to pilot vessels o f certain draft o f water; and further, that not less than four boats shall be kept in constant employ by branch pilots. That no apprentice belonging to either o f the pilot boats shall take charge o f any ves sel drawing a larger draft o f water than his warrant authorizes; nor shall any other person from either o f the pilot boats, (not having a branch,) be put on board o f any vessel, unless a branch pilot is not to be obtained. A nd in event o f their taking charge o f any vessel, as above, they shall cause the usual signal for a pilot to be kept flying, until within the line drawn from the Harding’s Rocks to the Graves and Nahant Head ; and shall give the Vessel up to any branch pilot, or authorized apprentice, that may apply previous to getting within the said line. Any apprentice who shall omit to give true information respecting his authority, or refusing to give up a vessel to an authorized pilot when he has charge unlawfully, shall forfeit his warrant. That a blue and white signal, similar to Parker’s Telegraphic, No. 3, be established as a signal for the pilot boats by day, and a bright red light by night, to designate them from other vessels. Nautical Intelligence. 183 The present arrangement is that each pilot boat shall take turns for the outside berth in the bay, and take all vessels (both large and small) that she can board, until all her pilots are out, when she is to be relieved by the boat having the next inside berth, and so to continue in rotation. In order that the regulations may be carried into full effect, two masters have been appointed to each boat. P IL O T A G E OF TH E SC H E LD T. The following information, essential to be known by all mariners, was recently pub lished in the Brussels papers:— “ According to the second section o f the fifth article o f the provisional regulations for the execution o f article nine o f the treaty o f the 19 th o f April, 1839^ relative to pilotage, merchant slrps, with a less draft than fifteen decimetres, are not obliged to take a pilot in the Scheldt. In order to enjoy this advantage, several captains leave Antwerp with little or no ballast, and as they drop down the river, take in the quantity o f sand which is wanting. After having thus fraudulently increased their draft o f water which would make a pilot necessary, they endeavor to pass Flushing in the night, and thus to evade likewise the payment o f the pilotage duty on leaving the river. “ The board o f pilotage at Antwerp have received the strictest orders to check this abuse. The delinquents will be prosecuted by virtue o f the law o f the 26th o f March, 1818, which renders them liable to a fine o f 10 to 100 florins, and from one to fourteen days’ imprisonment; and they will have only to blame themselves for the delay which may arise from the prosecution to which they will expose themselves.” R E G U L A T IO N S T O BE OBSERVED IN S P A N IS H PO R TS. The following is a copy o f a circular received at Lloyd’s, from the Spanish consul in England, relative to certain regulations to be observed in all ports in Spain by command ers o f vessels and consignees “ It having been noticed with regret that the captains o f foreign merchant vessels do not observe with due punctuality the established regulations and dispositions on their ar rival and clearance in Spanish ports; and it having recently occurred in Cadiz that one of these vessels sailed by stealth, without having cleared at the captainship o f the port (capitania de puerto,) nor received the bill o f health, omitting thereby to satisfy the ad miralty fees, the provisional regency o f the kingdom have resolved, through the financial department, as follows :— “ 1. That vessels coming to a certain consignment shall remain under the responsibility of the consignee, who shall be answerable for all infractions o f the law s; and “ 2. That the consuls, as agents and protectors o f the trade o f their country, shall guarantee, not as priva'e individuals, but as such consuls, the punctual observance o f the laws, and shall further offer the just vindication o f their government against those who may infringe them, or who may evade the penalties by taking to flight. “ By order o f the regency I inform you o f the above, that you may act accordingly, and give it due publicity. (Signed) “ Madrid, April 12, 1841. JO A Q U IN M A R IA DE F E R R E R .” H O S P IT A L M O N E Y A T N E W Y O R K . Extract from chapter xiv. title iv. o f the “ Revised Statutes o f the State o f N ew Y ork,” entitled “ O f the Public Health:” — S ec. VII.— The health commissioner shall demand, and be entitled to receive, and in case o f neglect or refusal to pay, shall sue for and recover, in his name o f office, the fol lowing sums, from the master o f every vessel that shall arrive in the port o f N ew York, namely:— 1. From the master o f every vessel from a foreign port, for each cabin passenger, one dollar and fifty cents; for each steerage passenger, one dollar. 2. From the master o f each coasting vessel, for each passenger on board, twenty-five cents; but no coasting vessel from the states o f N ew Jersey, Connecticut, and Rhode 184 Nautical Intelligence. Island shall pay for more than one voyage in each month, computing from the first voyage in each year. S e c . IX.— Each master paying hospital moneys shall be entitled to demand and reco ver, from each person for whom they shall be paid, the sum paid on his account. S ec. X.— Every master o f a coasting vessel shall pay to the health commissioner, at his office, in the city o f N ew Y ork, within twenty-four hours after the arrival o f his vessel in the port, such hospital moneys as shall then be demandable from him, under the pro. visions o f this title; and every master, for each omission o f such duty, shall forfeit the sum o f one hundred dollars. L A W IN R E L A T IO N T O T H E H A R B O R OF M OBILE. In consequence o f “ divers and grievous complaints” having been made o f the captains and masters o f vessels coming into the port o f Mobile, and throwing stone, gravel, and other ballast from on board their vessels, to the great detriment o f said harbor; and as the laws heretofore enacted have been found inefficient to prevent such offences; therefore, the senate and house o f representatives o f the state o f Alabama have passed an act, con taining the following provisions, which was approved by the governor, April 28th, 1841. I. That from and after the passage o f this act, if any captain or master o f any ship, vessel, or other water craft, which shall hereafter come into the bay or harbor o f Mobile, shall throw from on board o f such ship, vessel, or other water craft, into the waters of Said bay or harbor, any stone, gravel, or other ballast, he shall forfeit and pay for every such offence the sum o f two thousand dollars, and be imprisoned for a period not exceed, ing three months nor less than three days, at the discretion o f the court wherein such offender shall be sued ; one half o f said forfeiture to be paid to the first person who shall, on oath, before either o f the officers hereinafter named, give information o f such offence, and the other half to the harbor master and port wardens o f the port o f Mobile. II. That the said forfeiture may be sued for and recovered, by the harbor master and port wardens o f the said port o f Mobile, in any court having cognizance o f the amount sued for, by process o f attachment; to be issued in the same manner, and subject to the same rules o f construction, provided and established in other cases o f attachment j the said attachment to be issued by either o f the officers hereinafter named, and to be levied Upon the ship, vessel, or other water craft, the captain or master o f which shall be the alleged offender; provided, however, that oath be first made by the informer, or other credible person, o f the commission o f the offence, before some judge or justice o f the peace, or clerk o f the county or circuit court o f the county o f M obile; and provided also, that the said ship, vessel, or other water craft may be replevied on, the captain, master, or consignee thereof giving bond with good and sufficient sureties, to be approved by the officer issuing the attachment, in treble the amount o f forfeiture or penalty sued for, con ditioned for the forthcoming o f the said ship, vessel, or other water craft, to satisfy such judgment as shall be recovered in the suit. III. — That it shall be the duty o f every pilot and deputy pilot o f the bay and harbor o f M obile, to inform the harbor master and port wardens o f Mobile, o f every violation o f this act coming to their knowledge, as soon as possible after knowing thereof, and every pilot or deputy pilot knowing such offence to have been committed, and failing to give such information, shall forthwith be deprived o f his license, and be forever thereafter disqualified for the office o f pilot or deputy pilot o f the said port and harbor of Mobile. IV. — That all laws contravening or impairing the provisions o f this act, be and are hereby repealed; provided, however, that all suits commenced, or liabilities heretofore incurred, shall in no manner be affected by this act. 185 Steamboat cind Railroad Statistics. STEAMBOAT AND RAILROAD STATISTICS. E A S T IN D IA M A IL S T E A M E R S . The East India Company look to these steamers as the right arm o f their strength. They consist o f nine vessels, all o f which are nearly completed, and are mostly in a good condition. They have an aggregate burden o f 15,658 tons, and a gross value of about .£500,000. They are employed, with the exception o f four o f the number, in transport 22 lbs. 32 lbs. 18 lbs. 2 68 lbs. 32 lbs. 32 lbs. 220 646 670 230 285 950 220 1000 300 ) ) 2 3 \2 ls 4 68 lbs. 32 lbs. 32 lbs. 88 88 77 88 M ILES. 8 . g ^ 60 s § § o Speed. 3 3 4 3 900 Berenice,.................. Semiramis,...................... 230 210 180 220 714 6G7 411 700 4 A V E R A G E OF T R IP S TO SUEZ AND BACK----- 5984 Time taken. V ictoria,......... .. ........ Atalanta,.................. Hugh Lindsay,......... *5 8 3 Cb Calibre. NAMES Horse Power. Tonnage. ARM AM ENT. The following is a list Total officers and men on board. ing what is called the “ overland mail” from Bombay to Suez. o f them and their appointments. 630 660 665 38 42 45 9i 74 6 8J 841 850 40 42 8} 134 88 97 71 130 132 The voyage to Suez out and in is 5984 miles, and commonly performed, including all delays, in 33 to 40 days. T he stay at Suez is about 100 hours. The coaling alone costs from £2 ,500 to £3,000 for each voyage up the Red Sea, and the total cost o f coal for all the vessels is upwards o f £30,000. The number o f passengers o f all descriptions for two years preceding May, 1840, was— from Suez, 2 3 4 ; for Suez, 2 5 5 ; these include ser vants and children. The fare o f the first class passengers between Suez and Bombay is £ 8 0 , o f which £ 3 0 goes to the commander o f the vessel for table money, and £ 5 0 into the government treasury. The gross receipts for passengers in the period just alluded to was above £30,000, o f which about £12,000 went to the commanders, and £18,000 to the treasury. M A SS A C H U S E T T S R A IL R O A D S . T he following table shows the receipts, expenditures, and dividends o f the Massachu setts railroads during the year 1840 :— CO M PA N Y . Receipts. N ew Bedford and Taunton Railroad,*........... $267,457 202,601 231,575 183,297 121,347 82,638 93,468 26^437 Expenditures. Dividend. Per cent. 6 7 8 5 $140,441 91,400 105,293 62,071 52,532 70,022 13,026 ....... 74........ 64 * This road has only been in operation since the 4th o f July, 1840. VOL. V.— NO. II. 24 186 Bank Statistics. BANK STATISTICS. CO N D ITIO N OF T H E S T A T E B A N K S IN T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S . A resolution was adopted by the house o f representatives, July 10, 1822, directing the secretary o f the treasury to lay before the house o f representatives, at each successive session o f congress, copies o f such statements or returns, showing the capital, circulation, discounts, specie, deposits, and condition o f the different state banks and banking com panies as may have been communicated to the legislatures, governors, and other officers o f the several states within the year and made public; and where such statements cannot be obtained, such other authentic information as would best supply the deficiency. The states or territories that have not complied with the demand o f the secretary o f the trea sury, or only in part, are Vermont, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, N ew York (free banks,) Delaware, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Ohio, Illinois, and Iowa. W e are indebted to the Hon. Thomas Ewing, the secretary o f the treasury, for a copy o f the document, which is quite voluminous, occupying nearly fifteen hundred pages. The condensed statements which follow are derived from this document, and are entitled— 1. A condensed statement o f the condition, at different intervals, o f all the banks in the United States. 2. A comparative view o f the condition o f all the banks in the United States, near the commencement o f each year, from 1834 to 1840, inclusive. 3. A general statement o f the condition o f so many o f the banks as have made returns dated near to January 1, 1841. In a subsequent number o f the magazine, we shall endeavor to lay before our readers, the condition o f the banks in each state or territory, for several years. 1s t Ja n . 1811 1815 1816 1820 1830 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 51 120 134 213 282 406 515 559 632 663 662 661 38 88 112 95 48 100 43 8 2 61 T o ta l n u m b e r o f b a n k s .* D a te T a b le , e x h i b i t i n g a c o n d e n s e d s t a t e m e n t o f th e c o n d itio n , a t d iffe r e n t in t e r v a ls , o f a ll th e b a n k s o f th e U n ite d S ta te s. N u m b er o f banks th e a ffa ir s o f w h ic h a r e e s tim a t e d . A N u m b er o f banks f r o m w h ic h r e tu r n s a r e r e c e iv e d * I. 89 208 246 308 330 506 558 567 634 663 662 722 L oa n s and d is c o u n ts . S p ecie . C ircu la tio n . D e p o s its . C a p ita l. D o lla r s . D o lla r s . D o lla r s . D o lla r s . D o lla r s . 15,400,000 28,100,000 52,601,601 82 259 590 17,000^000 45,500,000 19j000j000 68,000,000 89,822,422 19j820j240 44,863,344 35,950,470 137,110,611 200,451,214 22,114,917 61,323,898 55,559,928 145,192,268 324,119,499 94,839,570 75,666,986 200,005,944 365,163,834 43,937,625 103,692,495 83,081,365 231,250,337 457,506,080 40,019,594 140,301,038 115,104,440 251,875,292 525,115,702 37,915,340 149,185,890 127,397,185 290,772,091 485,631,687 35,184,112 j116,138,910 84,691,184 317,636,778 492,278,015 45,132,673 135,170,995 90,240,146 327,132,512 462,896,523 33,105,1551106,968,572 75,696,857 358,442,692 * The number o f branches is not given in this table, as it was not the practice to enu merate them previous to 1835. For the number in that and each succeeding year, see table 2. T he whole number o f banks and branches, at the commencement o f 1840, is there given as 901. A c c o r d i n g to r e tu r n s n e a r e s t J a n . 1,... Banks from which returns have been rec’ d, Branches do. do. do. do... Banks, the affairs o f whieh have been ( estimated, for want o f returns,............ t Branches, the affairs o f which have been ( estimated, for want o f returns,....... .. \ W hole N o. banks and branc’s in opera’ n, 1834. 1835. 1836. 1837. 1838. 1839. 1840. 406 515 141 559 146 632 154 663 166 662 178 661 100 43 8 2 506" 5 704 "713" "788" Capital paid in,............................................. §200,005,944 §231,250,337 §251,875,292 §290,772,091 525,115,702 324,119,499 457.506.080 365,163,834 Loans and discounts,....... ........................... 12,407,112 11,709,319 9,210,579 6,113,195 S tocks,............... ........................................... 19,064,451 14,194,375 10,850,090 11,140,167 Real estate,................................................... 10,423,630 9,975,226 4,642,124 1,723,547 Other investments,...................................... 51,876,955 59,663,910 40,084,038 27,329,645 Due from other banks,..................... ......... 36,533,527 22,154 919 Notes o f oilier banks on hand,.................. 32,115,138 21,086,301 5,366,500 Specie funds,.................... . ......................... 3,061,819 4,800,076 26,641,753 Specie............................................................ 37,915,340 40,019,594 43,937,625 149,185,890 Circulation,......................................... „ ....... 140,301,038 103,692,495 94,839,570 127,397,185 75,666,986 Deposits,....................................................... 83,081,365 115,104,440 Due other banks,............................... .. ....... 62,421,118 26,602,293 50,402,369 38,972,578 25,999,234 Other liabilities,........................................... 36,560,289 19,320,475 816,047,441 Aggregate o f bank accounts,.................... 974,643,887 1,205,879,136 1,372,826,745 567,010,895 342,806,331 Agg. o f investm’s suppos’ d to yield inc’me, 390,156,804 493,385,000 276,238,804 Excess o f do. beyond am’ t o f cap. paid in, 142,800,387 241,409,708 158,906,467 170,506,556 276,583,075 Aggregate o f deposits and circulation,... 255,405,478 186,773,860 Agg. o f do., do., and sums due oth. bk.s., 197.108.849 339,004,193 225,746,438 305,807,847 A gg. o f specie, specie funds, notes o f > oth. bks., and sums due by oth. bks., £ 76,126,317 128.811.763 139,479,277 108,169,783 Excess o f imm. liab. beyond imm. means, 120,982,532 176,996,084 199,524,916 117,576,655 Total o f means o f all kinds,............ .. 705,490,172 418,932,648 622.196.763 498,326,587 Total of liab., exclu. of those to stockh’s, 197.108.849 245,066,913 331.807.081 376,564,482 Total of liab. of the bks. to one another,. 76,086,857 100,142,917 134,394,462 158,618,555 Liab. to all, except oth. hks. andstockh’s, 121,121,992 144,923,996 281,404,712 313,143,364 Nett circulation,........................ . 82,606,194 72,684,651 108,185,900 112,652,363 139 61 829 840 40 901 c I 5 1 , 5 §327,132,512 §358,442,692 492,278,015 462,896,523 36,128,464 42,411,750 16,607,832 29,181,919 24,592,580 28,352,248 41,140,184 52,898,357 20,797,892 ^ 27,372,966 3,623,874 3,612,567 45,132,673 33,105,155 135,170,995 106,968,572 f 90,240,146 75,696,857 53,135,508 44,159,615 C 62,946,248 43,275,183 1,371,008,531 1,286,292,796 559,082,772 00^ 573,366,559 200,640,080 246,234,047 182,665,429 225,411,141 226,825,044 278,546,649 1 129,016,563 149,530,086 702,383,122 341,492,897 133,406,831 288,357,389 107,798,029 98,667,105 128,157,939 657,749,877 270,100,227 106,097,691 270,100,227 86,170,680 •r I D a te . 1841 Jan., Oct., Jan., 1841 1840 1841 Jan., 1841 Jan., Jan., Jan., Virginia,................................... Jan., N ov., Oct., Georgia,................................... Oct.; Florida,.................................... Jan., Oct., Dec'., Arkansas,................................. Oct.,' M aryland,............................... 1841 1841 1841 1841 1840 1840 1840 1841 1840 1840 1840 L oa n s and D is c o u n t s . S to c k s . B e a l E s ta te . 47 27 7 115 62 |4,371,500 2,837,508 597;810 33,750,000 9;823,558 $5,820,792 4,099,612 964,417 46,513,685 12,194,485 95 26 36,401,460 3,834,816 54,691,163 5,315,936 $4,630,392 ' 40,098 3,588,132 343,696 881,648 10,214,908 1,745,155 10;283;633 3,225,000 li;78 2;35 8 15,098,694 4,040,775 14,379,255 41.711,214 3,532;706 1,472,464 12,554,889 2,000,505 15,495,117 4,506,226 16,106,806 13,783,221 5,024,877 24,183,586 48,646,799 3,838;694 59,411 939,953 219,989 1,204;567 66,918 504,433 188,048 798;i46 95,780 333;497 4,217,493 115,343 599,366 13,192,038 ' 67;i96 1 5,802,447 2^87,200 1,178,866 4;044;025 2,671,618 8,103,243 1 1 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 7,604,352 3;02i;458 1,628,203 3,4921438 3,689,595 9,878,328 1,713,769 224,365 771941 3 21 6 6 3 12 23 3 3 16 2 2 i 1 i i 26 3 4 2 21 7 16 4 3 31 8 14 4 2 6 12 1 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 1 lo o io o o 514 136 O th e r I n v e s tm e n ts . $322,750 76,893 14;380 1,169,803 2,222,293 1,785,304 977,045 500,000 1 2 ,0 0 0 1,025,000 2,101,849 294,000 74,541 1,000 431,985 92^ 0 4 80,580 47i;995 223,629 75,512 14,404 4 ^ 06 D u e b y o th e r B a n k s. $223,397 $600,804 " 337,620 111,691 4,702;491 603;938 861,643 60,243 10,061,002 1,138,043 137,311 34,536 55;341 4,076 107,212 328,102 104,169 434,904 395,082 2,007,906 1 2 2 ,1 1 0 1,440;684 538,784 533;869 1,785,649 2 1 0 ,0 0 2 403,030 1,499,693 1,816,630 'm ;3 i o 29,850 23,808 15;990 717,782 2,688,692 160,172 80,537 7|221 905,123 5011609 186,520 7971278 305,146 571,333 180,467 2,571 762 the banks as Jan., 1841 Dec., 1840 Jan., 1841 Illinois,..................................... Nov'., 1840 Indiana,.................................... Nov., 1840 Dec., 1840 Michigan.................................. Jan. 1,1841 Sept., 1840 Sept., 1838 Pennsylvania Bank o f U. S., Kentucky,............................... C a p ita l. T a b le , e x h i b i t i n g a g e n e r a l s ta te m e n t o f th e c o n d itio n o f so m a n y o f h a ve m a d e r e tu r n s d a te d n e a r to Ja n . 1, 1841. Jan., N um b, o f N um b, o f B a n k s. B ra n ch es. ] \. A S T A T E OR T E R R IT O R Y . N um b, o f N um b, o f N o te s o f B a n k s . B r a n c h e s . O th . B k s . Jan., June, Jan., Oct., Jan., 1841 1840 1841 1840 1841 47 27 7 115 62 Jan., Jan., 1841 1841 95 26 Jan., Jan., Jan., Jan., Nov., Oct., Oct., Jan., Oct., Dec., Oct., 1841 1841 1841 1841 1840 1840 1840 1841 1840 1840 1840 Jan., 1841 Dec., 1840 Jan., 1841 Nov., 1840 Nov., 1840 Dec., 1840 Jan. 1,1841 Sept., 1840 Sept., 1838 $213,737 64,594 27,924 2,120,782 318,998 3 21 6 6 21 3 7 12 23 3 3 16 16 4 3 31 2 8 2 1 1 1 1 14 4 26 3 2 6 12 1 1 1 1 514 136 Specie F u n d s. Specie. Circulation. Deposits. $269,729 193,359 67,777 $60,209 2,991,804 327,206 D u e to O t h e r O th e r B a n k s. L ia b ilit ie s . $733,834 420,800 7,116,703 7,257,410 950,747 3,911,724 3,961,805 518,615 4,922,764 2,188,565 5,429,622 15,235,056 17,053,279 436,049 2,099,069 400,720 10,374,682 211,307 106,604 1,022,382 176,752 900,538 221,067 295,208 2,140,161 49,745 2,693,292 2,577,578 157,123 343,847 446,936 42,345 129,977 166,251 867,935 71,964 29,397 18,874 155,691 1,556,020 245,629 2,318,791 802,709 1,608,537 1,300,694 5,032 1,589,510 3,163,243 403,030 203,813 53,101 5,000 647,945 663,449 509,597 529,640 1,076,551 1,052,767 123,635 48,492 3,033 ^1,754,390 1,088,750 9,483,029 9,112,882 1,565,880 860,963 312,247 2,529,843 3,136,979 121,975 6,852,485 2,092,877 3,008,514 5,518,822 476,706 7,211,141 6,443,785 995,905 2,045,375 1,795,058 347,530 3,105,415 2,865,568 3,584,341 568,177 90,305 10,990 $45,281 28,209 1,860,015 268,197 872,152 90,363 589,597 1,299,703 382,219 1,486,345 7,090,815 28,308 336,236 317,438 87,871 117,893 148,829 410,287 5,678 175 $136,909 145,738 1.379.512 1.379.512 504,935 2,937,485 225,529 3,135 725,743 92 521,297 582,937 1,126,591 2,152,508 7,777,812 250,000 423,172 509,590 1,939 1,022,503 512,849 85,451 5,035 T a b le , e x h i b i t i n g a g e n e r a l s ta te m e n t o f th e c o n d itio n o f so m a n y o f th e b a n k s a s h a ve m a d e r e tu r n s d a te d n e a r to Jan. 1, 1841. Maine,................................. N ew Hampshire,............... Vermont,............................. Massachusetts,................... Rhode Island,.................... Connecticut,....................... N ew Y o rk ,......................... N ew Jersey,....................... Pennsylvania,..................... Delaware,............................ Maryland,........................... District o f Columbia,........ Virginia,.............................. North Carolina,.................. South Carolina,.................. Georgia,.............................. Florida,............................... Alabam a,............................ Louisiana............................. Arkansas,............................ Mississippi,.......................... Tennessee,.......................... Kentucky,........................... Missouri,............................. Illinois,................................ Indiana,............................... O h io ,................................... Michigan,............................ Wiskonsin,.......................... Iowa,................................... Pennsylvania Bank o f U. S., Date. 3 c o n tin u e d .— A S T A T E OK T E R R IT O R Y . * 190 Commercial Tables . COMMERCIAL TABLES. STATE STOCK TABLE, Computed fo r the Merchants' M agazine, by D. J. Browne, civil engineer. This table exhibits the comparative value o f the various classes o f state bonds that have been issued in the United States; assuming the interest to be paid thereon at the end o f each year, and afterward improved at 6 per cent compound interest. Also, the present worth and amount o f any bond o f $1000, for 1 year to 30, if improved in the same manner as assumed in the table. For example, an Indiana 5 per cent bond, payable at the end o f 19 years, is worth 88yVj?o per cent, when compared with an Ohio or Illinois 6 per cent bond, at 100 per cent, or pary and its present worth is $888 42, while the Ohio or Illinois 6 is worth $1000. A N ew Y ork 5 per cent bond, payable at the end o f 9 years, is worth 93y q-Vo per cent, while a bond bearing the same rate o f in terest, and payable at the end o f 19 years, is worth only 88yV<nr per cent. Although the interest on state bonds is usually paid semi-annually, it was thought proper to assume it as paid at the end o f each year, on the ground that it would have to remain unimproved for a time. COCO«iOnN!NO(NOI>^P)‘rtWONCOCOO'^»-iC*5H^«0«OHiO TrnN^--r-lX-HCOGOGOi-':C3rHONO»iflNO'^0»OCDO-(OC50 05oqtOTt;c,«c5»oc'jGqeoaqcoaqc'jt':'-j'^oq<-H'r!;t'70cr5iot^oc<-'tfiot^ ©--HdcdstH-^idtdcdr-^t^GOGOoscsoooi-Hr-H-Hcicicicicdcdcdcdcd O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C r H r H r H r H r H - H r —,-<r^<-H.-H.-H,-HrH.— w ai g . ■fco >2 Pi s ~* ft. • • 2 ^|g. W to w £ P-) • • G5 5- £ w ■vj w g _«0 _■ •*1 “S • gs P2 w k? © ''t d < X > S T * O O t - d s t * O l O O O - — N i'fM ocjooooaiotN ^G O C Jt'iN O jN otoj-ciW G O i.o^’fio a iio r t OHCTCC«r)'iflWCOC5C!’HC*5*,l't£'N05-'niOh-Oi?{iOCO-iT)'N'-JiO St* sH -j< st< lO 1/5 CO tD o o o to o rH t—, to o CO _ t o t o 00 C O CO t o CO >—i r H M* C O s t* o t o CO 05 CT5 r- _ 05 CO 00 o 05 »—1 05 C '- o to (—) C O C O O J 05 on C l C l 05 CO 00 o Cl Cl o 05 o Cl Cl to o C O t o t— —H C 5 t o CO C O t o 1—i C O 05 C l - H t o 05 05 » d C l f f l fO to e o on CO C l Of C l C l C l C O C O 'C CO o CO t - - rr 05 to CO C l CM rJ- rIH 05 t o - t Of • —1o 05 t " C O G O 00 00 o n r— t - t 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 r— T f CD C 5 tO o to o O to to CO Cl Cl t o s t* o t o 1 05 00 O C O C O I— C l o C l r H O t o r— ^-1 i ' - 00 C O o o o t o 00 00 t o C l r - ^-1 t o C O -tt< C O to to t o CO CO Cl o / to 05 © T jt to o CO r H r H 1—< i-H r H >—1 C l C l C l C l C l C l C l CO CO r H t o CO to to 05 00 C O 05 o n 05 o CO CO o n Cl CO CO CO CO T f 05 o CO o 05 o 05 05 G O 00 CO CO CO t o 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 t o 00 C O t o o H 05 o n o t o o C l 05 CM 05 t o C l ^-1 - t r —I c d o ■St* t d 05 05 o C l t o o C O r - 05 CO 05 C l t o c — : ”“i ^ © 00 00 00 05 00 f ' 05 G O t o GO 1—^ 05 C l d rH C O C O CO C O CO C O C O C O c d •3WIX I *9JJ£ CO t o St* 0 5 si* 05 O O rH — I co co t-* to t d co co -t*» 5 CO 0 5 0 5 O t t~~ t O 5 C O t" » GO 0 5 C ■*3*-^*- 5© CO CO CO ■c on co o r t o 05 t o 05 C O - c C l rru o 00 H O l to 0 5 <75 CO st* St* St* — < CO O N C CO CO CO CO GO to tO tO co s * t - d C) rH 0 0 ■St* to i ' o ■St* 05 o St* t o t o t o CO 05 05 05 05 to 00 00 00 00 t c t c ' to to CO Cl td uo l* O O1.0 CO CO - s * CO 5ci ci -* -d -h © c 000 00 00 00 00 00 c 0 5 tO 0 5 ■<0JC0'^t0t0l^*X05OrH(M C0-rJ<t0t0t^00 0 5 O r to on to C l C O 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 t o t o o C l t o 05 CT> 00 t o t H 00 t o 00 o I—< C l CO ■St* c d C O 05 05 00 to o rO to o n r 05 o CO C O t o r - r-i C l t o CO tO d SCI ■St* S j* t o t o CO CO CO CO to G O C O st< r to r - t o •o* T f* t o o n C l C O CO Of o n t c t o 05 05 o to to © Of G O t o < N G O t o C O o 00 t o C O H 05 Cl C5 G O 00 CO CO CO t o t o t o t o T f —H - t -H< 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 C 5 05 1 CO r —1o o o o 05 - s f — > t o C O t o C l C O G O 05 r H 1— G O 00 C l C O o C O I—1 C O O t o t o C O o 05 00 t o G O * H 05 CO o C O ,— CO 00 t o o r—1_ 05 CO C O 05 rto C l C O t o / —■t o 05 t o C l 05 »— — CO CO CO C l ■rr t o c o / . r—( r H ■— H —H C l c ? C l Of C l C l C l C O C O r - CO to 00 o C O t o f ' - t o 00 d C l CO CO to 05 o no 05 - f r—( Tt< CO t o r H CO 1 1 o C l 00 t o H 00 t o C l o CO i d CO C O O ) O ) » H to to to o o 05 05 05 G O G O o n 00 00 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 00 G O 00 l< QO O H 1/5 O CO ^ C O C C O ^ d © d to 5 OO -H 0 0 0 5 ^ 5 OO CO CO CO o t d OO C l 0 5 ~C GO CO 0 5 5 f-H GO sj< — I 0 5 i f* s f »o 5 C iO — C l ^ * t o GO OO C l ■* O f d CO st* st* » Hd C l C l C l d d d d h .------ - t o t o t —1 0 0 d — si< 0 0 CO t : 5 t - d C l »o CO st< GO iO t o c Q0 1 0 C 5 0 oo d d go c 5 st< 0 0 d t-~ O f t i/? O J C 5 OO t o t o t o t o t -d t o to » d 5 oo oo i d st* > g o go 0 0 GO 05 05 05 05 5O 10 H COCOCfl 5st* sfirfO r tOCO->r- ao c Pi o n t o 05 CT5 05 C O C O CO C O ■o* C l rH GO CO Of r —1 t-t O (X) to 05 t - ' o n C l 05 to ' C 05 o t^ * t o c o t o t o t o t o CO t o c d 05 00 05 G O d CO CO CO t o t o GO O f Sf t o 00 o CO t o C O C O C O C O '-C ci st* t o 00 t o T-Hto Commercial Tables. 191 From the u Report o f a Late Committee o f the British House o f Commons, concerning Protective D u t i e s w h i c h report has been the basis o f an article on the subject o f import duties, which is already before the reader, zn the present number o f the Merchants' Magazine. PRO F O R M A T A B L E OR T A R IF F OF N E W C U STO M S D U TIE S, UPON A MOKE E Q U IT A B L E AND FISC A L B A SIS. Proposed. Rate o f Duty. v i z :— £ s. A sses,...........................................each 0 10 Goats,................................................... 0 Horned Cattle,.................................... 0 Horses, Mares, or Geldings,............. 1 M ules,.................................................. 0 Sheep,.................................................. 0 Swine,.................................................. 0 10 . Carriages, all sorts, per X100 value,...10 0 . Coffee and Cocoa,.................. per pound 0 0 Produce o f and imported from all British possessions, including the states under British protection in the Peninsula,................................. 0 0 4. Cotton wool, Sheep’s wool, Goat’s do., and all other kinds o f hair, & c., cwt. 0 2 Produce o f and imported from a British possession,...................... 0 0 1839. Estimated Revenue on Proposed Scale. £ £ s. d. Prohibited. Ditto. Ditto. n im a l s , CO (3 1. A Revenue fo r Present Rate o f D uty. 1 0 0 0 10 0 339 5,000 36 501 250 1,000 • 794,818 1,000,000 • 559,645 600,000 0 Prohibited,' except nearly at famine prices. 0 1,089,775 2,000,000 0 0 9 Prohibited. Ditto. 2 13 0 30 0 0 0 1 3 ■ 5 0 0 6 . 6 0 2 11 6 0 0 6 5 . F ood, viz :— W heat,.............................. per quarter 0 Barley,.................................. Rye, Peas, and Beans,...... 0 4 Oats,.................................... Maize or Indian Corn,...... Buckwheat, Bear or Bigg,, Flour,............................... per 196-lbs. 0 4 0 Barley and Oatmeal, Indian Corn, Meal, & c ................... .per 196 lbs. 0 2 0 Rice, not being rough,.. 0 8 0 0 15 0 1 Rice, rough, or Paddy,.. 0 1 3 0 2 6 Rice from British possessions, & c., \ 1 0 32,297 0 0 6 / rough 1 per cwt....................... 0 1 0 0 2 0 Potatoes,........................ Onions,........................... 0 2 6 0 3 0 1,840 1,792 M accaroni,..................... 0 0 1 0 0 2 12 0 Beef and Pork, salted,..,... .per cwt. | 0 8 0 30 Ditto, smoked, 1 1 0 8 Sausages,........................ 0 0 4 3,823 Bacon and Hams,.......... 0 12 0 1 8 0 Beef, Pork, and all kinds o f Butcher’s Meat, fresh,........ 0 12 0 Prohibited. Butter,............................ 0 10 0 i 0 0 213,077 0 10 6 105,219 C heese,................................................ 0 8 0 Eggs,........................................per 120 0 0 10 0 0 10 12,014 Chiefly Fish o f all kinds,................ 10 per cent ad val. prohibited, 2,040 Fish, British taking, free,.................. Free J Fruit o f all kinds,................20 per cent ad val. 10 to 200 p. ct. 437,046 H ay,.............................per load..........10 0 0 1 4 0 5 6. Indigo, Cochineal, and Verdigris, per lb. 0 0 4 0 1 6 37,624 Indigo, from British possessions,..... 0 0 3 0 0 3 800,000 500,000 30,000 192 Commercial Tables. Proposed Rate o f D uty. Present Rate o f D uty. 7. Hides and Skins o f all kinds, £ s. d. £ s. d. Undressed,............................. 2 J per ct. ad val, Var. duties"! 10 to 50 per ct. > Dressed or Tanned,......................... 5 ditto ........... J 8. M anufactu res, ....... Var. duties f 20 to 500 per ct. O f Silks, o f all kinds,......................... O f Paper, (except writing paper,).. . 20 per c. O f Leather and Skins, Boots, Shoes, J Gloves, & c .................................... O f Linen and Hemp, (except can vass,)........................................ 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 1839. £ 62,676 Estimated Revenue on Proposed Scale. £ 50,000 v iz O f Glass, (exclusive o f Excise,)..... " 9. Revenue fo r 27,326 247,362 2,681 - 500,000 24,874 14,182. 316,425 O f Cotton, W ool, and H air,,, •1 | 300,000 O f Metals, Minerals, Clays and Earths, Stone, W ood, Precious 126,930 -10 pr. ct. 10 to 30 pr. ct. Stones, Feathers, and all other 443,355 manufactures, not otherwise enu merated or charged,.................... _ Metals and Minerals, and Stones o f all kinds— R aw or Smelted,........................... 1 pr. ct. ad v. Var. duties £ 33,170 50,000 Forged or Hammered,.............. . 10 to 30 p. ct. £ Oils o f all kinds, per .£100 value,,... } 1£ ditto. ) jq ^qq 70,032 100,000 From British possessions, and from > > W est Coast o f Africa,................. ) 2£ ditto. ) ^er en ‘ Seeds and Grains— Flax, Hemp, and Rape Seed, quar. 0 1 O') Mustard S eed,........................ ........, 1 0 0 I Various du-^ Ditto ground,...................... 20 pr. ct. I ties, from ( U r «nc> 150,000 Carraway Seed,.,............................. 1 0 0 j 5 to 200 | ’ A ll other Seeds and Grains, not per cent. J otherwise enumerated, per cwt. 0 2 0 Spices o f all kinds,................... per lb. 20 p.. ct. C Various du- i 89,202 100,000 ad val. iral. < ties, 20 to > 10 ditto. itto. ( 600 pr. ct. ) From British possessions,.......... Spirits— Distilled, o f all kinds, (except Aqua fortis and Spirits o f Turpentine to be used in manufactures,) per 2,615,442 2,500,000 gallon,........ ................................. 0 14 Produce of, and imported from, a British possession,......................... 0 8 Liquors and Spirits, sweetened or prepared, the produce of, and imported from, a British posses 25,258 ................ sion, ........... ................................... 0 10 0 1 0 0 Aquafortis and Spirits o f Turpen 82,936 90,000 tine,.................................. per cwt. 0 10 0 T allow ,................................... per cwt. 0 3 0 0 3 2 Produce of, and imported from, a | 181,999 180,000 0 1 6 0 1 0 3,658,800 4,000,000 0 2 1 T ea,............................................ per lb. 0 2 0 0 3 0 1 Tobacco,............................ ................ . 0 2 6 0 2 9 £ 3,495,686 3,200,000 From British possessions,............ 0 1 3 0 6 0 Manufactured,............................., 0 3 0 Sugar, clayed, and in any way re fined,............................... per cwt. 2 10 3 3 0 ) continued— next page Muscovado, Brown and Y ellow ,., 1 10 Si 193 Commercial Tables. Present Rate o f D uty. Proposed, Rate o f D uty. £ 8. Produce of, and imported from British possessions— Clayed, White, and in any way refined,............ Ditto, ditto, Muscovado,.................. R efin ed,............................................. Molasses,........................................... Produce of, and imported from British possessions,............... per cwt. Syrups and Preserves in Sugar, per lb. Succades and H oney,...................... 18. W in e,.......................................per gall. And additional 20 per cent,........ Produce of, and imported from Brit, ish possessions,............... per gall. 19. W o o d Mahogany, Rosewood, and all oth er Fancy W oods for Furniture, per load o f 50 cubic feet,............ From British possessions,................ Boards and Deals o f Mahogany, Rosewood, and all Fancy W oods for Furniture, per load,................ And additional 10 percent,... Ditto, from British possessions,..... And 5 per cent, ad val................ Oak, Teak and Elm, Cedar and Juniper, and Mahogany from Honduras, for ship-building, per load,................................................ Deals and Boards of, per 50 cubic feet,................................................ And 5 per cent additional,..... Oak, Teak, Elm, Cedar, Juniper, and Hardwoods, & c. Produce of, and imported from British pos sessions, ......................................... Pine and Fir Timber, and Spars o f all kinds, per load o f 50 cubic feet,................................................ Deals, Boards, or Staves of, per load o f 50 cubic feet,.................. And 10 per cent additional,... Pine and Fir Timber, and Spars, Produce of, and imported from, a British possession, per load o f 50 cubic feet,............................... And 5 per cent additional,... Dyewoods, o f all kinds,..............5 p. 20. Raw Materials o f all kinds, to be used in Manufactures, in Science, and in the Arts, 2£ per ct. ad valo rem, .................................................... 0 6 d. 0 £ s. d. 1 4 0 8 8 0 1 13 9 0 0 0 2 4,893,733 7,800,000 1,849,710 2,000,000 1,603,194 2,500,000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 9 Estimated Revenue on Proposed Scale. £ 5 6 Oj 1 10 0 0 7 5 0 0 6 41. & 11.10«. 1 10 0 0 6 7 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 5 0 1 5 0 1 5 0 0 6 7 A ll former ly more than 250 per cent. c. ad val. 2J ditto Export Duties o f all kinds to be abol ished; with the exception, perhaps, o f Coal. Total Revenue for 1839,.. 10 to 200 p. c. 68,997 Various 1 duties, and I , co ( free, to 200 f per cent. J II. 25 351>153 .£22,962,600 Total Estimated Revenue by pro forma Tariff, say.... VOL. V.— NO. 393,775 .£28,850,025 194 Commercial Tables. IM P O R T DU TIES. RE A SO N S W H IC H H A V E INFLUEN CED T H E A M ERICAN CH A M B E R OF COMMERCE A T LIVERPOOL TO A S S IS T IN A D V O C A TIN G A R E V ISIO N OF T H E IM P O R T DUTIES. 1. T he magnitude o f the trade between Liverpool and the United States o f America, as compared with that with the British W est India possessions, including Demerara and Berbice, in whose favor prohibitory differential duties are sought to be maintained, in il lustration o f which the following table is annexed :— IN W A R D S . American British Tonnage. Tonnage. From the United States,................................ 397,745 From British W est India possessions,........ Total. Value, at £ 1 2 per Ton. 67,823 43,940 465,568 43,940 £5,576,816 527,280 82,335 55,562 406,894 55,562 5,962,728 666,744 O U TW ARDS. T o the United States,................................... 414,519 T o British W est India possessions,............ PRODUCE IM PO RTED . From the United States,........................................£12,422,450 From British W est India possessions,................ 1,286,220 2. The United States take from this country, in manufactures, on an average o f years^ the whole value o f the produce imported from thence, as shown by the following table :— Value (in dollars) o f Imports into Great B ritain and Ireland from the United States. 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 Value (in dollars) o f Exports from Great Britain and Ireland to the United States. ............. 26,329,353.................................. 24,539,214 ............. 30,810,995.................................. 36,921,265 ............. 32,363,450.................................. 37,845,824 ............. 44,212,097.................................. 47,242,807 ............. 52,180,977.................................. 61,249,527 ............. 57,875,213.................................. 78,645,968 ............. 54,683,797.................................. 44,886,943 ............. 52,176,610.................................. 44,861,973 .............59,896,212.................................. 65,964,588 3. The approaching termination o f the tariff compromise act in the United States, when 20 per cent ad valorem will be the highest duty levied upon any article imported into that country; and, as we impose a duty on tobacco o f 600 per cent, on wheat and flour a duty varying from 10 per cent to 75 per cent, and virtually exclude rice (clean,) ashes, timber, and staves, it is naturally to be expected that the states o f which those produc tions are the growth, comparing the moderate maximum duty to which our manufactures are subjected with the burdens we impose on the products o f their labor, will unite with a portion o f their manufacturers for the purpose o f establishing a tariff based on a prin ciple o f retaliation. 4. T he sliding scale o f duty on wheat and flour places countries so distant as the United States on an unequal footing with those less rem ote; because, whenever grain is admissible at a low duty, the demand is so rapidly supplied from the continent o f Europe, that the duty is generally at a prohibitory rate before supplies from the United States can reach this country; and, as above shown, that our imports from the United States are paid for by an equal amount o f exports o f our manufactures, it is reasonable to assume that the whole value o f grain and flour received from that country would be paid for in the same medium, and not in gold. 5. That if timber were allowed to be imported from the United States at the same duty as previous to the year 1808, the flourishing trade formerly carried on in that article would be re-established, to the great benefit o f both countries, as it is notorious that such is the superior quality o f timber the growth o f the United States, to that o f British Ame- « 195 Commercial Statistics. rica, that vessels built o f it are insurable as first class for double the length o f time al lowed to ships built o f the latter. 6. The circumstances o f the manufacturing interests have materially changed during the last few years; formerly we consumed the greater portion o f our manufactures at home, but now more than two thirds o f our cotton fabrics are exported, showing the vital importance o f encouraging trade with those countries which, like the United States, are willing to receive to any extent the productions o f our industry in exchange for theirs. N IC H O LA S ROSK E LL, Liverpool, May 10, 1841. President o f the American Chamber o f Commerce. COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. T R A D E OF G R E A T B R IT A IN W IT H T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S A N D F R A N C E . IM PO RTS AND E X P O R T S . The London Times o f April 10, 1841, contains the following valuable information, which shows the importance to that country o f the trade o f the United States:— “ The interchange o f the United Kingdom o f Great Britain and Ireland with all coun tries, given in English money, according to a scale o f official value settled in the year 1698:— Imported. Exported. 1835........ ....... £48,911,542............ ............£91,174,455 1836....... ........ 57,230,997........... ............ 97,621,549 1837....... ........ 54,737,301............ ............ 85,781,669 1838....... ........ 61,268,320............ ............ 105,170,549 1839........ ....... 62,001,000............ ............110,198,716 “ The interchange o f France with all countries, given in English money, at the rate of 25f. for each pound sterling, according to a scale o f official value settled in the year 1826:— Imported. Exported. 1835....... ........£30,429,067............. .......... £33,376,888 1836....... ....... 36j223,014............. .......... 38^451^390 1837........ ....... 32,311,718............. .......... 30,323,898 1838........ ........ 37,482,179............. .......... 38,236,305 1839....... ....... 37,878,857............. .......... 40,133,271 “ The interchange o f the United States o f America with all countries, given in English money, at the rate o f 50d. for each dollar, according to the actual worth o f the mer chandise at the time and in the place where landed or shipped, in the year ending as under:— Imported. Exported. Sept. 30, 1835................ £31,228,279......................... £25,352,828 “ 1836............... 39,579,173......................... 26,804,800 “ 1837............... 29 ,372 ,753 ....;.................. 24,462,370 “ 1838............... 23,641,125......................... 22,651,378 “ 1839............... 35,227,527......................... 25,214,253 “ T he interchange o f France with Great Britain and her dependencies, by official va lue, given in English money, at the rate o f 25f. for each pound sterling:— Imported from . Exported to. Great Britain, and possessions in Europe,......... ...... £2,451,531... ...£3,982,833 Mauritius, and British possessions in A frica,.... 43,452... ... 138,296 N ew South W ales, and the East Indies,........... ...... 1,052,802... ... 184,191 British possessions in A m erica,........................... 17,506... 4,750 In the year 1835......... ...... £3,565,291... “ 1836........ ...... 3,974,438... “ 1837......... ...... 4,056,528... “ 1838........ ...... 4,545,077... “ 1839........ ...... 5,028,585... ...£4,310,070 ... 5,037,186 ... 4,139,382 ... 6,011,993 ... 6,952,001 196 Commercial Statistics. “ The interchange o f the United States o f America with Great Britain and her depen. dencies, (by declared value,) given in English money, at the rate o f 50d. for each dollar:— ...................................................... Imported from . Exported to. Great Britain and Ireland,.................... .£12,760,318........ £10,871,015 979,120........ 1,663,920 British dependencies,............................. Year ending Sept. 3, 1835................ £13,739,438........£12,534,935 “ “ 1836............... 17,921,023........ 13,334,906 “ “ 1837............... 10,881,157........ 12,753,642 “ “ 1838............... 10,218,995........ 12,434,044 “ “ 1839............... 15,020,906........ 14,201,892 “ Perhaps few o f our readers were prepared to see that France, as we are shown by her returns, is already importing from England and her dependencies direct, to an amount exceeding £5,000,000 sterling; and the import or custom o f France is larger consider ably than here appears, inasmuch as under existing regulations all products not being of European growth or manufacture cannot be received into the French market direct, but are sent from this country to Belgium or Holland, and thence into France. The excess o f the French exports to this country and her dependencies, compared with the imports, is in some degree accounted for by this cause. “ In like manner, out o f the exports from the United States to this country, a certain portion o f the amount (between £100,000 and £200,000) represents not the products o f the United States, but goods sent there ; as, for example, the gum o f Senegal or the annato o f Cayenne, which are dependencies o f France, in order that they may afterward be imported by British vessels into England. “ The excess in the amount o f the general exports over the imports o f this country shows, that we are a saving and a lending people ; our merchants lend to the merchants o f other countries, and individuals o f acquired fortune invest a portion o f their capitals in foreign stocks, or in the purchase o f lands in our colonies. “ In the general interchange o f the United States we see a condition o f trade, com . paring the amount o f imports and exports, the opposite o f our own. W e see that they are a borrowing people, and that the extent o f their purchasing our products is measured by the degree o f our lending the capital by which they are to be paid for. W e say this in no invidious spirit, because we are among those who are o f opinion that the bond of any solvent community is as good and convenient a return for our industry as commodi ties in the ordinary sense; only, we speak o f it as a fact, attested by all reasonable ob servation, and by such returns as are here before us, that when this country is in a spirit to invest in American securities, then it is that America is an unusually active customer for British goods. “ In the general interchange o f France, we see a steadily increasing trade, and that a remarkable equality obtains throughout, if the exports be compared with the imports. It may be stated incidentally, with regard to French commerce, that about one third o f the amount o f imports, and about one fourth o f the amount o f exports, are transported by land. “ W e cannot close this subject without subjoining one more table, for the purpose of exhibiting from our own customhouse returns, the progress o f that portion o f the exports to France and to the United States, consisting only o f British and Irish produce and manufactures, which, by declared value, were as follows, v iz :— 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 To France. To the United States. ..............£1,453,636........................£10,568.455 .............. 1,591,381........................ 12,425,605 .............. 1,643,204........................ 4,695,225 .............. 2,314,141........................ 7,585,760 ............. 2,298,307........................ 8,839,204 Commercial Statistics. 197 “ A s the exports from Great Britain to the United States extend little or nothing beyond our own produce and manufactures, it is at first sight not easy to reconcile what we re turn as the amount o f our exports to the United States with what the United States gov ernment returns as the amount o f their exports from this country. Am ong the causes which seem to explain the excess o f the United States return, one is, that the freight of the goods is only earned and added to their value after arrival, and the other, that all the imports into the United States, south o f New Y ork, will for the last two or three years have been estimated, we might perhaps add, paid for, in depreciated money. Still, ex plain it as we will, the irregularity o f the United States, as a customer o f this country, is remarkable. The trade is large, but occasional disorder is one o f the conditions under which we enjoy it. HOPS, M A L T , B R E W E R S , E tc., OF E N G L A N D . The total number o f acres o f land in England and W ales, under the cultivation o f hops, in the year 1840, amounted to 44,805 ; the duty on hops o f the growth o f 1840, amounted altogether to £62,253 ; the quantity o f British hops exported from Great Britain to foreign countries, from the 5th o f January, 1840, to the 5th of January, 1841, was 923,881 lbs.; the quantity o f foreign hops imported into the United Kingdom, in the year ending January 5, 1841, was 11,966 lbs. It further appears, from the above return, that the total number o f quarters o f malt made between the 5th o f January, 1840, and the 5th o f January, 1841, in the United Kingdom, amounted altogether to 5,337,107, out o f which 3,564,411 were used by brewers and victuallers, and 420,858 by retail brewers; that the number o f persons licensed to sell beer “ to be drunk on the premises,” in England, between the 5th of Jan uary, 1840, and the 5th o f January, 1841, amounted to 36,871; and the number licensed to sell beer not to be drunk on the premises, to 5,742. The number o f bushels o f malt consumed by the former was 2,913,978, and the number consumed by the latter 452,890. The quantity consumed by brewers in the whole o f the United Kingdom, during the same period, was 19,866,154 bushels, and the quantity consumed by victuallers 8,649,145 bushels. Q U A N T I T Y OF SO A P M A D E IN G R E A T B R IT A IN , IN 1840. The total quantity o f hard soap made in Great Britain from January 5, 1840, to Janu ary 5, 1841, was 159,220,068 lb s.; and the total quantity o f soft soap made during the same period was 13,535,856. The quantity o f hard soap exported from January 5,1840, to January 5, 1841, was 22,004,075 lbs.; and the quantity o f soft soap, 7,008 lbs.; the amount o f drawback paid thereon being £140,745. The quantity o f hard soap exported to Ireland was 9,930,108 lbs., and that o f soft soap 187,244 lbs. The total quantity o f foreign hard soap imported into Great Britain was 642 cwt., and the amount o f duty re ceived thereon £1,279 18s. 8d. T he total quantity o f foreign soft soap imported was 87 cwt., and the amount o f duty received thereon £ 2 0 3 2s. 6d. E X P O R T A T IO N OF COCOA FR O M G U A Y A Q U IL . The London Journal o f Commerce gives the following statement o f the quantity o f cocoa exported from Guayaquil for the last eight years— that is, from the year 1833 to 1840, showing a total o f 80,960,965 lbs., and an increase in 1840 o f nearly 8,000,000 lbs. The quantity exported each year is as follows :— 1833, 6,605,786; 1834,10,999,853; 1835, 13,800,851; 1836, 10,918,565; 1837, 8,520,121; 1838, 7,199,057; 1839, 12,159,787 ; 1840,14,266,942 lbs. The countries to which the cocoa was exported were Spain, England, France, United States, M exico, Central America, N ew Granada, Peru, Chili, Manilla, Hamburg, Genoa, St. Thomas, R io Janeiro, R io de la Plata. O f the quantity exported, England receives but a small portion, being no more than 864,177 lbs. Spain takes the greatest proportion, and M exico follows. The quantity shipped to the former place for the period stated is 37,477,503 lbs., and to the latter 10,865,561 lbs. 198 Commercial Statistics. PR ODU CTION OF COFFEE IN T H E W O R LD . The British Almanac states that “ according to an approximative estimate prepared by Mr. McQueen, the quantity o f coffee produced in the various countries in which it forms a commercial export, is as follows :— Brazils,................................ Cuba and Puerto Rico,.... Java,.................................... Hayti,.......................... . French tropical colonies,. Venezuela and Colombia,. Surinam,......................... Mocha,............................... Central A m erica,............. British W est Indies,......... British India,...................... Pounds. 134,000,000 49.840.000 80,174,460 43,007,522 14.720.000 11,544,024 2.400.000 5.500.000 897,540 10,769,655 6,245,028 359,398,229 The consumption o f coffee in Great Britain, during the year 1838, was 24,920,820 lbs., being more than double the quantity supposed to be produced by the British W est Indies, PR ODU CTION OF SU G A R IN T H E W O R L D . The following approximative estimate o f the quantity o f sugar produced in different parts o f the world, is taken from the British Almanac :— cwts. British sugar colonies,............................................. 3,571,378 British India,................................... ...................... 519,126 Danish W est Indies,.................................... ............ 450.000 Dutch ditto ...................................... ........... 260,060 French sugar colonies,............................................. 2,160,000 United States,............................................................ 900.000 Brazils, (exact quantity o f white not disting’hed) 2,400,000 Spanish W est Indies,............................................... 4,481,340 Java, (without distinction o f quality,)................... 892,475 For internal consumption, exclusive o f China, India, Siam, Java, and United States,. 2,446,337 18,080,658 COM M E R C E OF CUBA, IN 1840. The official statement o f the commerce o f Cuba, in the year 1840, has been made public. It appears, from this document, that the exports o f that most productive spot of earth, amounted, in the year 1840, to almost twenty-six millions-of dollars, being four millions and a half more than in 1839. The quantity o f sugar exported was six times as large as the quantity o f beet sugar grown in France during a similar period. The im mense wealth o f Cuba, and her great productiveness, in despite o f all the embarrassments imposed upon her by Spain, render her an interesting object for the contemplation of political economists. The foreign trade o f that island is equal to one fifth o f the foreign trade o f the whole United States, including cotton, tobacco, breadstuffs, and all the rest. Her internal trade is, however, comparatively small, as there is very little variety in the pursuits o f her people, almost all o f them being engaged in agriculture, and that confined to two articles, the sugar cane and coffee tree. The statement exhibits, in detail, the following general results :— 1.— Total Value o f Imports,. Total Value o f Exports,. 2.— Number o f vessels o f various nations which have entered the twelve ports o f the island open to foreign commerce :— Commercial Statistics. 199 Spanish, 95 8; American, (United States,) 1465(6); British, 355 ; French, 59 ; Bel gian, 2 4 ; Holland, 2 1 ; Hamburg, 32 ; Bremen, 37 ; Danish, 20 ; Swedish, 3 ; Prussian, 2 ; Russian, 1 ; Sardinian, 9 ; Granada, 3— Total 3023. Portuguese, 2 9 ; Mexican, 4 ; Oriental Republic, 1 j 3. Imports— (Articles o f prime necessity.) Rice, arrobas o f2 5 £ English,.... 675,082 Butter,.........arrobas,..................... 12,698 434,412 C heese,.................d o.................... Codfish, do.................................... 28,888 Pork, pickled, bbls..................... 3,871 Jerked Beef,........ do.................. 1,229,100 Flour, do...................... 194,023 Salted P ork ,........ do.................... 12,931 32,426 Sperm candles, lbs....................... Hams,.............arrobas,.................. 209,205 Lard,.................... d o .................... 168,860 52,171 Tallow do. arrobas,.............. 4. Exports— (Principal articles.) 10,209 Rum, pipes,.................................. Sugar,.........arrobas,....................12,863,856 C offee,....... do.......................... 2,143,573 Beesw ax,... do........................... 26,131 Molasses, .......hogsheads,.......... T obacco, leaf,...arrobas,.......... Do. cigars,... lbs................. 5. Duties— Imports,................... “ Exports,................... ................................ $5,951,801 ................................ 1,435,696 146,464 169,671 849,824- $7,387,497 6. Value o f Imports— From Spain in Spanish vessels, $5,288,276 “ do. in foreign do. 6,985 “ For. countries in do. do., 6,684,718 915,541 ** Spanish America,............ “ The United States,......... 5,654,125 “ Great Britain,.................. 1,437,199 “ France,............................. 618,461 “ Belgium,........................... 61,761 “ Holland,............................ 207,309 7. Value o f Exports— T o Spain in Spanish vessels, $3,473,630 “ For. countries in do. do. 2,044,441 “ Spanish America,.......... 37,219 “ The United States,........ 5,660,739 “ Great Britain,................ 6,749,438 (c) “ France,............................ 908,605 “ Belgium ,......................... 239,192 “ Holland,.......................... 474,371 “ T h p T T n n s p a tip . t o w n s ... 2 057 From “ “ “ “ Value Hanseatic tow n s,............ Denmark,......................... Turkey,............................ Italy,................................. Portugal,.......................... o f imports in deposit,..... $391,231' 47,914 901 20,297 8,294 3,357,172 Grand T otal,........$24,700,189 T o Denmark,........................ $11,686 “ Sweden,.......................... 56,233 “ Russia,............................. 856,479 (e) “ Italy,................................ 108,544 “ Portugal,......................... 211,397 Val. o f exports from deposit, 2,987,745 (d') Grand T otal,........$25,941,783' (a) Excess o f Exports o f 1840 over those o f 1 839,.................................... $4,459,921 Gold and Silver Coin imported,.............................................................. 1,362,226 “ “ “ exported,................................................................ 1,053,100 $309,126 Excess o f Imports,.......................................................... The circulation o f the country has increased, in the last eight years, $6,246,788; o f which $5,366,691 is in gold, the rest in silver. (i) O f the vessels o f the United States, many are o f the largest class. Many also, besides the direct voyage in and out, make a coasting voyage in quest o f cargo. (c) Most o f the large American ships, carrying sugar to Europe, clear for Great Britain, e. for “ Cowes and a market.” (d) (e) A great part in American ships. NOTES TO IM P O S T S AN D EXPORTS. 1. This valuation is founded on the customhouse valuations, which being fixed, are, generally speaking, much lower than the selling price, duty off. It makes no account of smuggling, which, inward and outward, is considerable. 2. It shows the commercial movement to have amounted to $50,641,972; being $3,844,307 greater than that o f the year 1839. Commercial Statistics, etc. 200 IM P O R T A T IO N OF G R A IN A N D FLO U R IN T O G R E A T B R IT A IN . T he following is a statement o f the total number o f quarters o f each kind o f grain( and cwts. o f flour and meal, imported into all the ports o f Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th January, 1841, showing the proportion imported and charged with duty in December, 1840, and the quantity remaining in bond on the 5th January, 1841, and also the rates o f duty on foreign from the 4th o f February, 1841:— PROPORTION Q U A R T E R S OF Rates o f Duty. W heat,................... Barley,.................... Oats,........................ B eans,.................... P e a s,...................... R ye, & c ................. 25s. 8 d. 13s. lOd. 155. 3d. 9s. 6c?. l l s . 0 d. 19s. 9d. FROM Total imported Remaining 5 t h d e c . t o 5 t h JA N . from 5th Jan., in Bond, 1840, to 5th Charged 5th Jan., Imported. Jan., 1841. with duty. 1841. Total quarte re,.................... Cwts. o f Wheat F lour,..... Oat, & c . , Meal,.................. 1,992,169 629,897 538,286 127,602 160,600 27,783 38,276 5,868 6,550 9,792 40,915 1,627 4,991 4,349 291 9,968 39,920 40 83,729 9,545 9,478 763 1,948 4,930 3,476,337 1,545,100 8,668 103,023 152,753 2,379 59,559 50,579 817 109,391 183,883 1,608 O f the flour imported in December, 1841, 107,279 cwts. were from British possessions, and o f the quantity remaining on hand 115,402 cwts. are also of British colonial produce. O f the wheat remaining in bond, 2,152 qrs. only are from British possessions. W IN E S IM P O R T E D IN T O E N G L A N D . T he total quantity o f the various sweets, or made wines, imported from Scotland and Ireland into England, from January 5,183:4, to January 5,1840, was 28,298 gallons; and the total quantity imported from the same countries into England, from January 5, 1840, to January 5, 1841, was altogether 26,771 gallons. SU G A R IM P O R T E D IN T O E N G L A N D . The quantities o f sugar imported into the United Kingdom in the year 1840 were asfollow, viz :— British plantation sugar, 2,202,833 cw ts .; Mauritius, 545,009 cw ts.; East India, 482,836 cw ts.; Foreign, 805,167 cwts. Total, 4,035,845 cw ts .; and the quan tity retained for actual consumption in the United Kingdom in 1840 was 3,594,834 cwts. T he nett revenue arising from the duties on sugar in the same year amounted to £4,449,070. ID” T h e M e r c h a n t s ’ M a g a z in e a n d C o m m e r c ia l R e v ie w was established July, 1839. T he number for June, 1841, closed the second year o f the existence o f this work, and completed the fourth volume. advance. It is published monthly, at f iv e D O L L iti^ p e r annum, in Six monthly numbers form a volume o f nearly six hundred octavo pages, with a titlepage and copious index. The first four volumes, neatly and substantially bound, can be procured o f the publisher, 142 Fulton street, N ew Y ork, at the subscrip tion price, and the cost o f .binding— fifty cents per volume. A s the repository o f statis tical information o f foreign and domestic trade, commerce, manufactures, banking, etc., etc., collected and compiled from official sources, and classified in tables, it will be found %■ peculiarly valuable as a standard work o f reference.