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HoustonBusiness
A Perspective on the Houston Economy
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

•

HOUSTON BRANCH

•

DECEMBER 2006

Income Growth Shows Houston’s
Economic Strength and Maturity
The most recent
data available
should relieve
concerns that
we are getting
poorer, that
Houston is a
low-wage city or
that our standard
of living is below
that of other large
U.S. cities.

T

he focus of current economic analysis in a major metropolitan area like Houston is
almost always on the labor
market. Wage and salary employment and unemployment statistics are both comprehensive
measures of the local economy’s
performance, but more important, they are timely. The measures are released at the same
time, within about 30 days after
the close of the month reported.
Other economywide gauges,
such as wages and income, are
reported with a lag of many
months at best. Yet other measures — like production — are not
reported at all.
This article looks at Houston’s recent economic performance in terms of wages, salaries
and total income. As we end
2006, some of the data will
sound like the product of a long
time ago. However, it’s the most
recent available. The numbers
should relieve concerns that we
are getting poorer, that Houston

is a low-wage city or that our
standard of living is below that
of other large U.S. cities. These
local income data also clearly
signal strong economic progress
in Houston, both for the long
term and in the current commodity cycle.
Per Capita Income and Components
The most comprehensive income measure for U.S. metropolitan areas is the personal income
series from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, usually reported
as local per capita income. This
measure includes wages and
salaries, proprietors’ income,
transfers to individuals, and
income from dividends, interest
and rent.
Table 1 shows 2005 per
capita income (personal income
divided by population) for
Houston and 11 other metro
areas that can be considered the
city’s peers based on either
population or total personal
income. By either measure in
2004, the 12-city list is the same,
with New York, Los Angeles and
Chicago the largest three metro
areas. Based on total personal
income in 2004, Dallas–Fort
Worth is No. 8 and Houston No.
9, followed by Miami, Detroit
and Atlanta.

On the 2005 list, we see the
highest per capita income in
high-wage cities like San Francisco, Washington and Boston.
Houston falls in the middle of
the pack, in the No. 6 spot.
High-wage cities, however, also
have a high cost of living. We
can adjust the income data for
those cost of living differences
using information the Council
for Community and Economic
Research publishes in the form
of an index. The index is based
on a quarterly survey of the
cost of groceries, utilities, transportation, health care, and miscellaneous goods and services
in nearly 300 cities.1
It is no surprise that adjusting income for the cost of living
significantly shuffles the order
of cities in Table 1. Houston,
Dallas, Chicago and Atlanta
shoot to the top of the list,
while San Francisco, Los Angeles, New York and Detroit fall
to the bottom. While a low cost
of living should not be confused
with a high quality of life, it is
clear that a dollar goes much
further in Houston and Dallas
than it does in cities on the
bottom of the list.
Table 1 also shows which
cities experienced the most rapid
per capita income growth in
1999– 2005. To make this comparison, we adjusted each of the
metropolitan areas for inflation,
using a consumer price index
specific to each. The winners in
this race are primarily on the
Eastern Seaboard (Washington,
Philadelphia, New York and
Boston). Only Houston breaks
into this group, landing at No. 4
thanks to real per capita income
growth of 1 percent a year.
Table 2 compares the
1999 – 2004 performance of some
major components of total personal income in Houston and
all U.S. metro areas combined.2
Houston comes in at a 2.9 percent annual rate, beating the
U.S. metro average by a full

Table 1
2005 Per Capita Income Adjusted for Cost of Living
Adjusted

Atlanta
Boston
Chicago
Dallas
Detroit
Houston
Los Angeles
Miami
New York
Philadelphia
San Francisco
Washington

Per capita
income (dollars)
35,009
48,158
38,439
37,075
36,650
39,052
36,917
36,293
45,570
40,468
51,964
49,530

Rank

Per capita
income (dollars)

Rank

Change 1999–2005
(percent)

Rank

12
3
7
8
10
6
9
11
4
5
1
2

35,833
34,671
37,211
39,737
20,967
44,529
23,454
31,450
22,649
32,220
29,728
33,948

4
5
3
2
12
1
10
8
11
7
9
6

–.2
.9
.3
.3
–.3
1.0
.6
.6
1.0
1.2
.7
1.6

11
5
9
10
12
4
8
7
3
2
6
1

SOURCES: Bureau of Economic Analysis; Bureau of Labor Statistics; Council for Community and Economic Research,
ACCRA Cost of Living Index, various issues; authors’ calculations.

Table 2
Major Components of Personal Income
2004 level
(billions of dollars)
Personal income
Wages and benefits
Proprietors’ income
Rents, interest and dividends
Transfers to individuals

U.S. metros

Houston

8,488.9
5,984.2
789.7
1,329.0
1,156.9

190.8
130.2
38.0
22.3
17.4

Annual growth,
1999–2004 (percent)
U.S. metros Houston Difference
1.9
2.0
3.4
–.8
4.2

2.9
2.5
4.7
.9
5.3

1.0
.5
1.3
1.6
1.0

NOTE: Percentage differences may not add up due to rounding.
SOURCES: Bureau of Economic Analysis; Bureau of Labor Statistics; authors’ calculations.

percentage point. Wages,
comparison is to all U.S. metrosalaries and employer-paid
politan areas. Nominal dollar
benefits — which constitute
wages and benefits per Housabout 70 percent of personal
ton worker were 7 to 8 percent
income — grew about 0.5 perhigher than in the typical metro
cent faster in Houston than in
area in both 1999 and 2004.
the U.S. metros. The share of
Calculations in the lower part
proprietors’ income — the inof the table show that nominal
come of the self-employed — is
wage and employer-paid paytwice as big in Houston as the
U.S. metro average and grew
1.3 percent faster. Transfer
Table 3
payments are less important
Increase in Real Wages and Benefits
Per Worker, 1999–2004
in Houston than in other
metro areas, but grew at a
U.S. metros Houston
5.3 percent annual rate verReal wages per worker 1999
$46,432
$49,859
sus 4.2 percent elsewhere.
Real wages per worker 2004
50,153
54,245
Given falling interest rates
Annual percentage increase
and a weak stock market, it’s
Nominal wages
4.5
5.2
no surprise that rents, inter– Inflation
2.4
2.6
est and dividends performed
= Real wages
2.0
2.5
poorly in this period, though
– Employment
.4
.8
= Real wages per worker
1.6
1.7
they did better in Houston.
Table 3 looks at wages
NOTES: Real wages are in 2004 dollars; percentage changes may not
and salaries and employeradd up due to rounding.
paid benefits. Again, the
SOURCES: Bureau of Economic Analysis; Bureau of Labor Statistics;
authors’ calculations.

2

Figure 1

ments per worker grew 5.2
percent annually in 1999 – 2004,
but adjusted for inflation, they
grew 2.6 percent. Houston
employment during this period
of jobless recovery from the
recession expanded only 0.8
percent per year on average.
As a result, real wages per
worker rose 1.7 percent in
Houston, not much different
from the 1.6 percent of the U.S.
metros. The city’s faster nominal wage growth is primarily
attributable to faster job growth
during this period, not higher
hourly or annual compensation.
We can update Table 3, but
only by narrowing the focus,
since numbers on 2005
employer-paid benefits are
unavailable. Figure 1 shows
how real wages and salaries
per worker have changed in
the Houston metro area in
recent years. They rose 1.8 percent in 2005—stronger than the
turnaround year of 2004, when
they went up 1.4 percent.
Based on the many reports of
ongoing labor shortages and a
general scarcity of workers at
all levels in Houston, the outlook for even higher numbers
for 2006 is excellent.
Income by Occupation
Houston’s deep roots in oil,
natural gas and chemicals
sometimes raise doubts about
whether it’s a blue- or whitecollar town, about our knowledge base compared with other
cities’, and where we stand in
terms of occupational mix and
compensation by occupation.
Table 4 shows 22 major occupational categories, along with
the average pay in Houston
and the typical peer city and
the difference between them.
The occupations are ranked
from best- to worst-paid in the
peer cities.
Houston pays a significant
premium over the other cities
in six of the seven best-paid

occupations : manIncrease in Houston’s Inflation-Adjusted Wages
Per Worker, 1998–2005
agement, legal, comPercent
puters and math,
5
architecture and
4
engineering, business and finance,
3
sciences and health
2
care practitioners.
The premium is
1
largest in engineer0
ing and science; the
exception is busi–1
ness and finance.
–2
Looking at lower1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
paid occupations,
with the notable
SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Quarterly Census of Employment and
Wages; Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas; authors’ calculations.
exceptions of production and transportation, Houston
ratio is greater than 1, the city
pays wages below the peer-city
has more than a typical share;
average. The top seven catewhen it is less than 1, it has
gories are likely tied to a naless than a typical share.
tional market and Houston’s
With the exception of engineed to draw higher-than-averneers
and scientists, compared
age skills. The occupations at
with
its
peers, Houston is not
the bottom are probably a
well
represented
in the top
product of the local labor marseven.
Generally,
the city’s
ket. Although pay is below the
strengths
throughout
the list repeer-city average, a cost-of-livflect
a
well-known
industry
mix.
ing adjustment similar to that
Its
reliance
on
engineers
is
in
made for per capita income in
oil
and
gas
extraction,
chemicals
Table 1 would move cities like
and refining, and aerospace.
Houston and Dallas to the top
Strength in transportation is tied
of the compensation list, even
to transmitting energy (pipelines,
in these local markets.
for example), being a major
To determine if Houston is
port, and moving goods prowell represented in the bestduced by a manufacturing base
and worst-compensated occularger than is found in most
pations, we computed concenpeer cities.
tration ratios for each occupaHouston’s notable weakness
tion, or the percentage share of
in
computers
and math comthe occupation in the city,
pared
with
its
peers might be
divided by the percentage
attributable
to
the proximity of
share in the nation as a whole:
Austin and Dallas, which both
percentage share of an
have a significant high-tech
occupation in the city
base. Similarly, weakness in
Concentration ratio =
percentage share of an
business and finance probably
occupation in the U.S.
reflects Dallas’ emergence in
the 1990s as the state’s finanThe ratio is computed for
cial center.
both Houston and the 12 peer
Does Houston have its
cities combined, and both
share
of these highly compenratios are compared with the
sated
jobs?
There is a large
national average. When the
break
($12,785
per year) in the
ratio is 1, the city has a share
list
of
annual
compensation
by
typical of places throughout
peer
cities
after
health
care
the United States. When the
3

Table 4
2005 Wages and Concentration Ratios for Houston and Peer Cities
Average wages (dollars)

Concentration of occupations

Houston

Peer cities

Difference

Houston

Peer cities

Difference

Management
Legal
Computers and math
Architecture and engineering
Business and finance
Life, physical and social science
Health care practitioners

93,190
85,460
69,780
72,600
60,710
67,650
59,610

91,263
82,914
65,350
63,222
61,277
58,928
57,812

1,927
2,546
4,430
9,378
–567
8,722
1,798

1.08
1.18
.95
1.61
.98
1.17
.98

1.17
1.41
1.45
1.10
1.26
1.17
.97

–.08
–.22
–.50
.51
–.28
0
.02

Arts, entertainment and media
Education, training and library
Community and social services
Construction and extraction
Installation, maintenance and repair
Protective services
Sales and related

39,750
43,220
36,980
30,570
37,320
35,270
34,560

45,027
43,472
39,674
38,303
37,255
35,617
33,774

–5,277
–252
–2,694
–7,733
65
–347
786

.74
.99
.56
1.27
1.08
.99
.98

1.24
.96
.88
.89
.90
1.06
1.01

–.50
.03
–.32
.38
.18
–.08
–.03

Office and administrative support
Production
Transportation and material moving
Health care support
Personal care and services
Building and grounds
Farming, fishing and forestry
Food preparation and serving

29,780
32,090
29,240
20,970
22,030
17,670
19,400
16,180

29,890
28,141
26,569
24,532
23,731
22,476
19,724
18,732

–110
3,949
2,671
–3,562
–1,701
–4,806
–324
–2,552

.99
.92
.97
.83
1.06
1.02
.24
.95

1.05
.78
.91
.87
.99
.99
.20
.92

–.06
.14
.06
–.04
.07
.03
.04
.03

SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Metropolitan Area Occupational Employment and Wage Estimates, May 2005; authors’ calculations.

practitioners and before arts,
entertainment and media. A
second break ($3,884) occurs
after sales and before office
and administrative support.
Using these breaks, we can categorize the top seven occupations as highly compensated
and the bottom eight as the
lowest paid. Compensation
across the top seven averages
$68,681 per year, while for the
lowest paid, the average is
$24,224. The remaining seven
occupations pay $39,017 annually.
For all 12 cities, we computed the share of highly compensated jobs in total employment. Figure 2 summarizes the
results. Nationally, 19.5 percent
of jobs are highly compensated; the 12 peers average
22.8 percent. Washington,
Boston and San Francisco are
the three metro areas that
clearly stand out as having
extraordinary concentrations of
white-collar, or knowledgebased, workers. The average

for the other nine cities is 20.7
pare 1999 to 2005. The differpercent, leaving Houston (at 21
ence between the two years in
percent) typical of this group.
the share of jobs in high- and
The share of jobs in the
low-pay occupations for each
lowest-paid occupations is
city and the nation is shown in
summarized in Figure 3. For
Figure 4. Those differences are
these jobs, the national average
generally small in both comis 49.7 percent and the 12-peerpensation groups.
city average is 47.1 percent,
The national average saw
with Washington, Boston and
no change in the share of
San Francisco again standing
highly compensated workers,
out from the pack. The average
but the share of workers in
for the remaining nine cities is
low-pay occupations fell by 1.1
48.8 percent, with Houston
coming in at 47.7
percent. It is hard to
Figure 2
Percentage of Metro-Area Jobs in the Seven
make a case for
Highest-Paid Occupations
Houston as a lowMiami
wage city when
Los Angeles
places like Dallas,
Detroit
Chicago, Los Angeles
Houston
and Atlanta have a
Dallas
New York
larger share of lowChicago
wage workers.
Philadelphia
To determine
Atlanta
trends, calculations
San Francisco
similar to those in
Boston
Washington
Figures 2 and 3 were
National
carried out for 1999,
15
20
25
30
allowing us to comPercent
4

35

SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Metropolitan Area Occupational Employment
and Wage Estimates, May 2005; authors’ calculations.

Figure 3
Percentage of Metro-Area Jobs in the Eight
Lowest-Paid Occupations

of jobs in the poorly
paid.

Washington

Conclusions
Houston
New York
income data arrive
Philadelphia
with a significant
Houston
lag, but what’s been
Atlanta
released so far conDallas
Miami
firms a pattern of
Chicago
accelerating growth
Los Angeles
already seen in the
Detroit
employment statisNational
tics.3 Job growth in
30
35
40
45
50
55
Percent
2002 – 03 was virtuSOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Metropolitan Area Occupational Employment
ally nonexistent, but
and Wage Estimates, May 2005; authors’ calculations.
it began to pick up
in 2004. Final numbers for both 2005 and 2006
percent. Jobs in midlevel occuwill put it near 4 percent, and
pations were the net recipient.
the Beige Book and other
For the 12 peer cities, the averreports have focused on a
age change from 1999 to 2005
shortage of workers.
was a 0.9 percent drop in the
Preliminary 2005 reports
share of jobs in well-paid occuwere of engineering and techpations and a 1.2 percent
nical skills in short supply, but
decline in the lowest paid.
workers are now difficult to
Again, the jobs in occupafind at all levels and in all
tions with pay in the middle
industries. Total wages appear
were the recipient, a trend
to have initially followed the
shared by seven of the 12
path of employment, with little
cities. Atlanta, Boston and
or no increase in hourly or
Washington all showed a rising
annual pay. However, the limshare of well-compensated
ited data through 2005 show
occupations and a declining
workers drawing higher wages,
share at the bottom of the
a trend that has probably
scale. Only Houston and Los
strengthened in 2006.
Angeles showed a decline
Houston’s per capita
among the jobs in the best-paid
income and wage levels are
occupations and a rising share
typical of the country’s top dozen cities.
Figure 4
There are large difChange in the Share of Jobs in High- and Low-Pay
ferences in income
Occupations, 1999–2005
and wages across
Miami
these cities, but there
Los Angeles
are also large differDetroit
ences in the cost of
Houston
living. A dollar spent
Dallas
by a middle manageNew York
High pay
Chicago
ment employee in
Low pay
Philadelphia
Houston goes much
Atlanta
further than in most
San Francisco
peer cities, so when
Boston
Washington
per capita income is
National
adjusted for the cost
–4
–3
–2
–1
0
1
2
3
of living, Houston
Percent
SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Metropolitan Area Occupational Employment
rises to the top of
Boston

San Francisco

and Wage Estimates, May 2005; authors’ calculations.

5

the list. Although a low cost of
living does not guarantee a
high quality of life, high
salaries in cities like New York,
Washington and San Francisco
provide less purchasing power
than might be apparent.
Finally, Houston’s occupation profile matches the city’s
strong role in extractive and
manufacturing industries, with
an especially large number of
engineers and scientists, transportation employees and factory
workers. Houston pays a premium for highly skilled workers, perhaps because it demands
a higher level of skills than its
peers. The city pays significantly less, however, for lowpaid workers. But again, when
adjusted for the cost of living,
these wages improve dramatically compared with other large
cities. Houston’s mix in terms
of the number of jobs found in
high- and low-wage occupations is typical of that of the
largest cities in the country.
— Robert W. Gilmer
Charles L. James
Gilmer is a vice president of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
James is a graduate student in
economics at New Mexico State
University.
Notes
1

2

3

The index can be criticized for having
varied participation by urban area
from quarter to quarter, surveying a
relatively short list of items that primarily reflect a middle-management standard of living, and excluding state and
local taxes.
The major components shown in
Table 2 do not add up to local-area
personal income. Benefits employers
paid to government pension funds
must be subtracted, plus an adjustment
made for commuters who earn their
income in one area and live in
another. Table 2 does not cover 2005
because although data are available for
total personal income, a breakdown
by major components is available only
through 2004.
“Oil Exploration Booms— Is Houston
Next?” by Robert W. Gilmer, Houston
Business, March 2006.

Houston

T

he Houston economy
continues to boom. Seasonally
adjusted unemployment has
fallen to 4.7 percent, the lowest
rate since 2001. Allowing for
known data revisions to come,
Houston has created 99,000
wage and salary jobs in the
past 12 months. While there are
dark clouds in the distance —
most notably, a slowing U.S.
economy and rising natural gas
inventories — the immediate
problem in key local industries
remains labor shortages, backlogs and long lead times.

Retail and Auto Sales
Retail sales turned weak in
recent weeks, with most retailers failing to meet their October or early November plans.
Year-ago comparisons would
be misleading because of consumer buying after the hurricanes. But recent strong months
had led retailers to plan on solid
increases for October. Now, the
results of the past few weeks
have raised concerns about the
coming holidays.
September auto sales were
very healthy, up 14 percent
from a year earlier.
Real Estate
Strong job growth is supporting most of Houston’s real
estate markets. Existing-home
sales were up 18 percent in
September from a year earlier,
with the median price rising
3.1 percent. New-home sales
were up 6 percent. The office
market has made dramatic
absorption and occupancy
gains in recent months, led by
Class A and central business
district space. Industrial real
estate remains strong, but the

BeigeBook

November 2006

retail market has softened. The
post-Katrina apartment market
continues to move in reverse,
with falling occupancy and
lower rents over the past six
months.
Energy Prices and Drilling
The price of West Texas
Intermediate is near $60 per
barrel and has moved in a narrow range between $57 and
$61 in recent weeks. Natural
gas fell under $6 per thousand
cubic feet in late August, under
$5 in mid-September and
briefly under $4 in late September. Price has steadily strengthened and been in the $6 – $8
range since mid-October. This
apparent strength defies the
fundamentals of over 3.4 trillion cubic feet of gas in storage, when the Energy Department estimates maximum
storage of 3.6 trillion cubic feet.
In response to possible
weak natural gas prices,
domestic drilling has flattened
at high levels over the past
three months. Unconventional
gas in the Rockies and Canadian drilling in Alberta have
been most affected so far. A
few smaller land-based rigs
have come offline, and dayrates continue to rise — just
more slowly than before. International activity continued to
grow significantly, with every
continent adding rigs in recent
months.

Refining
Gulf Coast refineries have
returned from maintenance and
are now operating at high levels. The return was delayed in
some cases by labor and construction shortages or relatively
weak margins that offered less
incentive to hurry back into
production. Refining margins
have been $8 – $10 per barrel,
strong by historical standards
but half to one-third the margins enjoyed over the summer.
Petrochemicals
Petrochemicals were
mixed. Ethylene production has
been affected by a series of
planned and unplanned outages that have supported prices
and kept profit margins high.
Expectations are for lower
prices in the future as outages
end, the price of natural gas
falls and the demand for downstream plastics shrinks.
Demand for butadiene, in
contrast, is very strong. Price is
high, helped by strong demand
for natural rubber, and margins
are excellent. Isobutylene, used
in the production of many consumer products, weakened in
October, but returned strongly
and is pushing capacity limits
in November.

For more information or copies of this publication, contact Bill Gilmer at
(713) 483-3546 or bill.gilmer@dal.frb.org, or write Bill Gilmer, Houston Branch,
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, P.O. Box 2578, Houston, TX 77252. This publication is
also available on the Internet at www.dallasfed.org.
The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the positions
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas or the Federal Reserve System..