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Division of Research
Work Proiects Administration
Research Monograpbs
I.
II.
Ill.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
'Six Rural Problem Areas, Relief-Resources-Rehabilitation
Comparative Study of Rural Relief and Non-Relief Householcls
The Transient Unemployed
Urban Worken on Relief
Landlord and Tenant on the Cotton Plantation
Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration,
May 1!, 1933,to December 31, 1935
The Migratory-Casual Worker
Farmers on Relief and Rehabilitation
Part-Time Farming in the Southeast
Trends in Relief Expenditures, 1910-1935
Rural Youth on Relief
Intercity Differences in Costs of Living in March 1935, 59 Cities
Effects of the Works Program on Rural Relief
Changh19 Aspects of Rural Relief
Rural Youth: Their Situation and Prospects
Farming Hazards in the Drought Area
Rural Families on Relief
Migrant Fc:tmilies
Rural Migration in the United States
State Public Welfare Legislation
Youth in Agricultural Villages
The Plantation South, 1934-1937
Seven Stranded Coal Towns
Federal Work, Security, and Relief Programs
Vocational Training and Employment of Youth
Getting Started: Urban Youth in the Labor Marker
FEDERAL WORKS AGENCY
Major General Philip B. Fleming, Administrator
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION
George H. Field, Deputy Commissioner
DIVISION OF RESEARCH
Howard B. Myen, DINtctor
GETTING STARTED:
URBAN YOUTH IN
THE LABOR
MARKET
....
by
Albert Westefeld
Under the Supervision of
John N. Webb
Chief, Labor Market Research Section
Division of Research
•
RESEARCH MONOGRAPH XXVI
194 3
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON
OIC'I
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Letter of Transmittal
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION,
Washington, D. 0., December 1, 1941.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith a report on the experiences of urban youth who became members of the Nation's labor
force during the depression.
Unemployment has affected a larger proportion of workers under
25 than of any other age group in the population. The youngest
workers (those under 20) are especially subject to unemployment,
and are likewise among the lowest paid when they can find work.
Problems of choosing a vocation, getting an education, "getting
startecl" in work, and earning adequate wages all existed before
the depression, but they became greatly aggravated when economic
opportunities for youth narrowed after 1929.
Faced with a major problem of unemployment and economic distress among its young citizens, the Federal Government undertook
emergency work programs to meet the special needs of jobless youth.
Under the Work Projects Administration, the National Youth Administration, and the Civilian Conservation Corps, thousands of youth
who would otherwise have been unemployed were helped to gain
valuable work experience, continue their educations, and maintain
themselves until they could find private jobs.
The efficient operation of large-scale emergency work programs
depends in no small part upon having adequate information a.bout the
characteristics of the groups dealt with, the problems they face, and
the ways in which their successful adjustment may be achieved. In
view of the common interest of the Work Projects Administration
and the National Youth Administration in aiding unemployed youth
and preparing them for absorption into jobs, the WPA Division of
Research undertook a survey of urban youth in the labor market
jointly sponsored by the two agencies. The results of that survey 1
are presented in this report.
The survey gives particular attention to an important but hitherto
almost neglected aspect of youth's experiences in the labor market,
1
Conducted in July 1938 in the following seven cities: Binghamton, N. Y.;
Birmingham, Ala.; Denver, Colo.; Duluth, Minn.; St. Louis, Mo.; San Francisco,
Calif.; and Seattle, Wash.
Ill
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IV • LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
namely the process of their transition from wards of society in the
schools to self-supporting workers or homemakers. To study this
transition process effectively, young persons from the eighth-grade
graduating classes of 1929, 1931, a.ad 1933 were selected for investigation, and comprehensive records were obtained of their furthe1 school
attendance and labor-market e.ctivities.
A careful analysis of this transition process is of particular value
at the present time, when the Nation is preparing itself for defense
against foreign aggression. The entry of youth into the labor market
will accelerate rapidly as the defense program gathers momentum and
as schedules of munitions production call for increasing numbers of
workers. An understanding of the nature and timing of the process by
which youth a.re drawn into productive activity assists materially
in the rapid and effective recruitment of labor to meet defense goals.
This study was made under the direction of Howard B. Myers,
Director of the Division of Research. The information was collected
and analyzed under the supervision of John N. Webb, Chief, Labor
Market Research Section. The report was prepared by Albert W estef eld. Special acknowledgment is made to Stanley L. Payne and
Selden C. Menefee, who read and criticized the preliminary draft,
e.nd to Beatrice H. Mathieson, who assisted in preparing the statistical
material.
Respectfully submitted.
HOWARD B. 1\1 YEns,
Director of Research.
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Contents
Page
Introduction_
XIII
Summary_
XIX
I.
From school to labor market - - _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
1
The general picture of changes in the activities of youth _
1
Chapter
Absorption into the labor market _ _ _ _
2
Labor-market activities _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
5
Youth who did not enter the labor market _ _
Entry into the labor market ____ _
9
10
Reasons for leaving school ____ _
10
First activity after leaving school _
_ _ _ _ _
Time of first entry _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
11
Characteristics of labor-market entrants __
14
16
Age of labor-market entrants_
16
17
City differences
18
Section-of-city differences
Education of labor-market entrants _ _
19
Time in the labor market before _first full-time job_
City differences_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ · _ _ _ _ _
21
22
Race differences_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
23
Differences according to usual occupation of father_ _
24
Differences according to earnings on first full-time
job__________________
24
Chapter II. Youth's first jobs_
27
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
How youth learned of their first full-:time jobs
27
Occupational classes of first full-time jobs _ _
29
Occupational classes of youth and of their fatlwrs _ _
31
Occupational classes of white and Negro youth _
32
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Chapter II. Youth's First Jobs-Continued
Pape
Industrial groups of first full-time jobs __
City difkrC'Ilccs_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Earnings and hours on first full-time jobs
33
34
35
Weekly earnings _ _ _ _ _ _
36
·weekly hours ________ _
37
Earnings m relation to hours _ _
37
Earnings and hours in occupational clnsscs _
38
Earnings and hours in industrial groups _
40
Earnings and socinl-economic level
42
Earnings and education _ _ _ _ _
42
Earnings and age obtained first job _
43
Duration of first full-time jobs _
44
First part-time jobs _ _ _
45
Occupational classes_
Earnings _____ _
45
46
Chapter Ill. Youth's activities in the labor markeL
47
Number of full-time jobs ____ _
47
Amount of full-time employment _
48
Differences among youth in amount of full-time employment _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
50
Diffcrcnces according to sex _ _ _ _
50
Differmccs aecording to education
51
Employment on July 1, 1938 _
51
Amount of part-time employment
52
Sex diff crmces _ _ _ _
53
.Amount of unmnployment __
53
54
Section-of-eity differences
Race differences ____ _
55
Amount of enwrgmcy work-program employment_
55
How yout11 h·arnrd of all jobs held _ _
57
Occupational differences ____ _
58
Differences according to earnings _
60
Other diffcrcnces _ _ _ _ _ _ _
61
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CONTENTS • VII
Page
Chapter IV. Shifts in labor-marlcet adivity _
Types of shifts _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Changes in occupational class
63
63
65
67
69
_
Changes in industrial group _ _ _
Shifts involving unemployment _ _
Changes in earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
71
Changes according to occupational class _
72
72
Duration of employment and unemployment _
74
Changes according to year of shift
Chapter V. Trends in labor-marlcet adivitia _________ _
77
.Activities on each birthday_ _
Youth in schooL _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
77
Employment status of youth in the labor market __
80
80
80
Occupational classes of youth employed full time
83
Housewive.s _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Changes in industrial group _
86
87
87
92
Changes in earnings
Differences according to sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
93
94
First and latest jobs
Changes in labor-market status
Change.s in occupational class
Differences according to eighth-grade graduating
class _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Chapter VI. Activities In July 1938 - - - - - - - - Labor-market and employment status _ _ _ _ _
Sex differences _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Differences according to eighth-grade graduating class.
95
97
97
98
99
Differcnces according to time in labor market, age,
and education _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
100
Differences according to race and section of city _ _
Occupational classes _ _ _ -: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
102
103
Occupational classes according to sex and employment
status _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
103
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VIII • CONTENTS
Chapter VI. Activities in July 1938--Continued
Occupational classes-Continued
Occupational classes according to race
Page
105
Occupational classes according to education _ _ _ _
106
Occupational classes according t,o age at eighth-grade
graduation _ _ _ _ _ _ _
107
Industrial group _ _ _ _ _ _
109
Earnings at time of interview
110
Earnings according to sex
110
Hourly earnings
110
W cekly earnings
Annual earnings
111
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
112
Earnings according to eighth-grade graduating class _
Earnings according to city _ _ _ _ _ _
113
Social-economic differences in earnings
Age and earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
115
114
115
Labor-market experience and earnings
Education and earnings _ _ _ _ _
Race and earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
116
Occupational class and earnings
118
Duration of employment status
116
117
119
Duration of employment
120
Duration of unemployment
120
123
Chapter VII. Youth's reactions to their experiences _
Special difficulties in securing employment _ _
123
Special difficulties according to sex _ _
124
Special difficulties according to eighth-grade graduating class _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
126
Special difficulties according to race _ _ _ _ _ _
127
Special difficulties according to education _ _ _
128
Special difficulties according to reason left school
129
Special difficulties according to father's occupation _
131
Special difficulties according to employment status
on July 1, 1938 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
131
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CONTENTS • IX
Chapter VII. Youth '1 reactions to their exper,iences--Continued
Plans for the future _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Page
133
Plans according to sex
133
Plans according to education __
134
Plans according to activity on July 1, 1938
Plans according to occupation ______ _
136
137
Chapter VIII. Conclusions- _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Youth's position in the lnbor market
The background f,actors _
Needs of youth _______ _
Economic security
_ _ _ _
139
139
_ _ _ _ _
141
142
__ _
143
Work programs for youth
Vocational guidance _ _ _ _ _ _
143
Vocational training __ _
145
Public employment offic(•s _
147
144
The outlook for youth _
Appendix A. Methodology
147
151
- - _ _ _
Appendix B. Supplementary tables
161
Appendix C. List of tables - - - - - -
183
Index - -
187
ILLUSTRATIONS
Figures
Figure
1. Activities of male labor-market entrants of the 1929 eighth-
grade graduating class, January 1, 1929-July 1, 1938_ _
2. Activities of female labor-market entrants of the 1929
eighth-grade graduating class, January 1, 1929-July 1,
1938 ____________ - - - - - - - - - 3. Employment status of male labor-market entrants of the
1929 eighth-grade graduating class, January 1, 1929July 1, 1938 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
4. Employment status of female labor-market entrants of the
1929 eighth-grade graduating class, January 1, 1929July 1, 1938 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
5. Month and year youth of the 1929 eighth-grade graduating
class first entered the labor market _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
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7
8
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X • CONTENTS
Figure
Page
6. Seasonal indexes of month in which youth of the 1929,
1931, and 1933 clusses first entered the labor market _
7. Activities on each birthday of male labor-market entrants
of the 1929, 1931, and 1933 classes _ _ _ _ _ _ _
8. Activities on each birthday of female labor-market entrants of the 1929, 1931, and 1933 classes _ _ _ _ _ _
9. Employment status on each birthday of males in the labor
market, 1929, 1931, and 1933 classes. _ _ _ _ _ _
10. Employment status on each birthday of females in the
labor market, 1929, 1931, and 1933 classes _ _ _ _ _ _
11. Occupation of males employed full time on each birthday,
1929, 1931, and 1933 classes _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
12. Occupation of females employed full time on each birthday, 1929, 1931, and 1933 classes ______ .. _ _ _
15
78
79
81
82
84
85
Photographs
Future skill<'d worker
Industrial workPr
Homemaker
Office worker _ _
Young job seeker
_
_
__
_ _ _ _ _
_
Facing
Facing
Facing
Facing
Facing
XIV
32
80
104
146
Getting Started:
Urban Youth in the Labor Market
XI
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INTRODUCTION
THE SPECIAL problems of youth trying to get established in an overcrowded labor market are among the most difficult of those which
have grown out of the long depression. Even with the considerable
rise in industrial activity that has occurred since the depths of the
depression, finding a job still remains the number one economic
problem of young people.
It is sometimes pointed out that the obstacles youth face in getting
started are not new. Business depression, seasonal fluctuation in
the demand for labor, the decline or removal of basic industries in
particular communities, difficulties in securing adequate trainingall these problems existed before 1929. Likewise, earlier generations
had to face the same facts that modern youth have to face: that
jobs are hard to find, hard to obtain, and hard to hold.
Undoubtedly, the problems raised by the depression are so vivid in
most people's minds that the problems of earlier days are often forgotten. Nevertheless, the great depression has been worse, in both
severity and duration, than any the Nation previously experienced.
It is therefore not surprising that the economic problems of youth
have called forth an exceptional amount of discussion in recent years.
Several factors have been operating to intensify the economic
difficultil's of present-day youth. One of these is the increasl'd
number of "additional workers" in the labor market. In recent
yl'ars many older workers who would normally retire and many
women who would normally withdraw from employment to become
homemakers have kept their jobs, either because of low family
earnings or because of the unemployment of other members of the
family. Likewise, many persons who would ordinarily be nonworkers
have sought jobs in this period. The pressure of additional workers
in the labor market thus has tended to reduce the number of job
openings for young workl'rs.
An additional factor that complicates the problem of unemployment among youth is that thl' numbC'r of persons agl'd 16-24 is now
approaching a peak. This age group will by about 1944 be larger
XIII
XIV • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
than at any time in the past, or than it will be again in the predictable
future. 1 This condition, which arises from the peak number of births
shortly after the World War, means that young people face unusually severe competition for jobs.
With the supply side of the labor market swollen and the demand
side contracted, youth have been at a particular disadvantage in
getting jobs. Employers naturally give fewer jobs to beginners when
a surplus of experienced workers is available. At such times even
slight differences in employer preferences may mean the difference
between getting and not getting jobs. In fact, young persons are
sometimes barred from consideration through standards of hiring
that appear designed mainly to simplify the · problem of choosing
from a.n overabundance of applicants.
How serious is the unemployment problem among youth? According to preliminary returns of the 1940 Census, an estimated
minimum of 2,630,000 youth aged 14 to 24 were seeking work or
were engaged in public emergency work during the week of March
24-30, 1940. 2 Even more striking is the fact that 23 percent of the
workers aged 14 to 24 were unemployed, as compared with 11 percent
of those aged 25 to 44, and 13 percent of those aged 45 to 64. 8
The consequences of widespread unemployment among youth
have been pointed out in many quarters. Problems of postponed
marriage and excess leisure time, and hardships resulting from low
income, have faced many of "the depression's children." It is true
that young workers can look forward to jobs with more assurance
than older workers, for they grow more employable as time passes.
Nevertheless, youth face a special problem of their own-getting a
proper start in employment, for their whole future may be endangered
by protracted unemployment or work in blind-alley jobs. Young
people may have naturally buoyant spirits, but any long-continued
frustration of their desire to become self-supporting is likely to have
serious consequences.
As a result of general recognition that unemployment among youth
is a problem requiring the attention of the Federal Government,
special work programs have been inaugurated. The National Youth
Administration, Civilian Conservation Corps, and Work Projects
Administration (formerly the Works Progress Administration) have
helped many thousands of young people tide themselves over
1 Melvin, Bruce L. and Smith, Elna N., Rural Youth: Their Situation a~ Proapects, Research :Monograph XV, Division of Social Research, Works Progress
Administration, 1938, Wiu;hington, D. C., pp. 2, 137.
2 Bureau of the Census, Preliminary Figures on Employment Stattu1 of Persons
14 Years of Age and Over in the United States by Age, Color, and Se:c: Jl,farch 24SO, 1,940, Series P-4, No. 3, Feb. 8, 1941, p. 5. The figures cited are based upon
a 5-percent sample of the Census returns.
I Ibid.
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Future Sl..-illed 'Worker•
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INTRODUCTION • XV
periods of unemployment and acquire training and practical work
experience. Lately these agencies have given special attention to the
task of helping young workers fit themselves for jobs in defense industries. Thus work programs for youth have played e.n important pa.rt
. both in meeting their needs and io utilizing their abilities for the
strengthening of the Nation.
In order to operate public work programs for youth and to assist
their absorption into private employment, it is necessary to have
a thorough understanding of such. matters as how youth seek jobs,
what qualifications they must have, and what difficulties they face in
getting jobs. It was to get answers to questions such as these, and to
take stock of youth's position in the labor market generally, that
the present study was undertaken.
The ready absorption of youth into jobs was taken more or less for
granted until the depression, and it is only within the past decade
that exact studies of their economic problems have been widely
undertaken. These studies have shed much light on youth's employment and unemployment at a given time, but they have made available comparatively little information about the all-important process
of youth's transition from school to the job. Th~ present study was
designed to supplement the usual static picture of youth's activities
at a given time with a dynamic one of the striking changes that occur
as young people leave school and grow up in the labor market. By
the addition of a time dimension, it was possible in the present study
to explore the whole range of youth's experiences as they went through
the transition to adult workers.
The data upon which the present inquiry is based were collected
during the summer a.nd fall of 1938 in the following seven cities:
Binghamton, N. Y.; Birmingham, Ala.; Denver, Colo.; Duluth,
Minn.; St. Louis, Mo.; San Francisco, Calif.; and Seattle, Wash.
A re.ndom sample of more than 30,000 youth who had graduated from
the eighth-grade classes' of the public and private schools in 1929,
1931, and 1933 was visited by field interviewers, and complete records
of their activities since leaving the eighth grade obtained. The average
ages of these three groups of graduates on July 1, 1938 (the date of
enumeration), were 19, 21, and 23, respectively.
It is not possible from the seven-city sample employed in this study
to generalize concerning the economic situation of youth in the country
as a whole. Likewise, alt.hough statistical tests indicate that the seven
cities in the sample do not differ significantly from all cities in the
United States in respect to basic population characteristics, it is
4 Independent studies show that only a small proportion of youth leave school
before graduating from the eighth grade, so that a follow-up study of eighthgrade graduates adequately represents youth generally. For a further discussion
of the sampling technique, see appendix A.
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XVI • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
probably unwarranted to claim that the results of the study are
descriptive of the economic situation of a.II urban youth. N evertheless, the inclusion in the sample of cities that were located in widely
separated parts of the country, and that ranged in size from 78,000
(Binghamton) to 816,000 (St. Louis), justifies the view that the
findings are broadly descriptive of the economic situation of young
people in the larger American cities. 6
Four reports presenting the results of the survey of youth in the
labor market have already been issued. The first, based upon a
preliminary count of the schedule returns, summarized briefly youth's
experiences in the labor market and their situation at the time of
interview. 8 In the second report, youth whose long periods of unemployment set them apart as an especially disadvantaged group
were compared with all youth in the study to see how the groups
differed in social-economic cho.racteristics. 7 The third report presented a general picture of the employment status, occupational distribution, and earnings of youth at the time of intervie,v. 8 The
fourth report dealt with the value of vocational training to young
people in the labor market. 11
The present report considers in detail youth's activitil's from the
time they left the eighth grade (in 1929, 1931, or 1933) until the
time of interview (July 1, 1938). Special attention is centered
upon the changing nature of their experiences as they went through
the various stages of participation in the labor market. Some of
the questions considered are when youth left school, how they sought
their first jobs, what kinds of jobs they held, how much unemployment they had, and what special difficulties they encountered in
obtaining jobs. Also, boys and girls of different social and economic
charactl'ristics are compared to discover what groups accomplisht'd
the transition to jobs relatively successfully, and what groups were
subject to the extremes of unemployment and deprivation that
represent the "youth problem" at its worst.
Though a wide variety of topics are investigated in this report,
they are all intt>grated about one of three parallel lines of inquiry.
The basic questions around which the discussion revolves are as
See appendix A.
o Urban Youth: Their Characteristics and Economic Problems, Series I, No. 24,
Division of Research, \Yorks Progress Administration, Washington, D. C., 1939.
7 Payne, Stanley L., Disadvantaged Youth on the Labor l\farket, St'ries I, No. 25,
Division of Rc,;carch, Work Projects Administration, Federal Works Agency,
Washington, D. C., 1940.
8 Payne, Stanley L., Thirty Thousand Urban Youth, Work Projects Administration, Federal Works A11;e11ey, Wa,;hington, D. C., 1940.
u l\lencfce, Sl'ldcn C'., rorationnl Training and Employment of Youth, R<'"Parch
Monograph XXV. Division of Resl'arch, Work Projects Administration, Federal
Works Agency, Washington, D. C., 1942.
5
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INTRODUCTION • XVII
follows: (1) What are the nature and timing of the stages through
which youth pass in their transition from students to productive
workers? (2) How successful were youth as a whole in accomplishing the transition? (3) What social and economic factors
explain the different degrees of success with which youth underwent
the process of transition?
On the basis of this three-way analysis, it will be shown that a
majority of youth accomplished the transition to jobs fairly readily.
A significant minority, however, underwent long periods of unemployment, or, when they found work, had low ee.rrungs. This disadvantaged minority, moreover, represents a problem important considerably beyond the numbers involved, for long unemployment
and substandard wages were concentrated in particular groups within
the youth population. The assistance of public agencies will continue
to be needed if these young people are not to fall by the wayside.
One more word of introduction is needed. The most important
social and economic development since this study was undertaken is
the embarking of the Nation upon a vast program of military preparedness. This national effort has momentous consequences' for
youth, but it does not mean that attempts to study youth's absorption into the economic system a.re obsolete or even temporarily out of
place. In the first place, it is by no means certain that youth's economic difficulties are going to be fully solved by expanding employment
opportunities in the defense industries and the absorption of multitudes
of young men into the armed forces. Unemployment among youth
will shrink rapidly as a result of defense o.ctivity; with the passage of
the emergency, however, it may be expected that the problem of
unemployment among youth will recur in aggravated form. Finally,
and perhaps most important, nationa.J defense itself may be served if
more information is obtained about how young people are drawn into
productive activity. For all these reasons, it is more rather than less
important that facts about youth in the labor market be made available at the present time.
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SUMMARY
YOUTH IS preeminently a period of change and adjustment,. Among
the important transitions boys and girls undergo are those involving their beginning efforts to earn a living--<'ompleting their educations and choosing vocations, getting jobs and advancing in them.
An adequate idea of youth's absorption into the labor market can
be obtained only if their activities are studied as they occurred, in an
unfolding time sequence. It is mainly this dynamic aspect of urban
youth's economic development that the present survey considers.
LEAVING SCHOOL
Although education is not a key that unlocks all doors, it can be of
great assistance to youth in getting ahead in the labor market. The
. average amount of education of young labor-market entrants was
12.2 years. Thus about one-half of the boys and girls in this survey
completed their formal education upon graduation from high school.
The economic condition of their families had much to do with how
far youth went in school. Youth whose fathers usually worked in
white-collar occupations averaged 12.6 years of schooling, while at
the other extreme youth whose fathers usually worked in unskilled
occupations averaged 11.7 years. Likewise, 17 percent of whitecollar workers' children had some college training, as compared with
4 percent of unskilled workers' children.
Economic conditions also determine to a large degree why youth
drop_ out of school when they do. Nearly half (47 percent) of the
youth in this study reported that their principal reason for not continuing their education was financial difficulties. Othn major
reasons for leaving school were "no desire for further education''
(24 percent), and "preferred to work" (11 percent).
ENTERING THE LABOR MARKET
Three-quarters of the youth started to work or seek work directly
upon lc•nving school. It is clear, therefore, that entrance to the
labor market is closely related to completion of schooling. This fact is
XIX
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XX • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
strikingly shown when school attendance and labor-market participation are charted according to the number of months and years since
youth left the eighth grade or according to their successive birthday
anniversaries. The number of boys and girls in school dropped
sharply at the time of graduation from high school, and likewise in
June of each year when school terms ended. About half of the youth
first entered the labor market in June. Each drop in school attendance was accompanied by a corresponding rise in labor-market participation. The sudden influx of many new workers also caused
peaks of unemployment at the end of school terms.
The average age at which youth first entered the labor market was
18.2 years. Only one-tenth of the youth entered before they were 16,
and another one-tenth after they were 20. Youth from low rental
areas of the cities entered the labor market earlier, on the average,
than youth from high rental areas. The youngest labor-market
entrants were far more subject to unemployment than the older groups.
TIME IN THE LABOR MARKET BEFORE FIRST FULL-TIME JOB
Nearly one-half (49 percent) of the youth obtained full-time jobs
(of 30 hours or more per week) as soon as they entered the labor
market. The other one-half were unemployed or employed part time
for some interval before they got full-time jobs. Ten percent of the
youth were in the labor market a year or more before they got their
first full-time jobs, and another 9 percent had never had full-time
jobs up to the time of interview. Youth who spC'nt the longest time
in the labor market before getting their first full-time jobs were drawn
in high proportion from cities particularly hard hit by the depression
(Duluth nnd Birmingham), from Negroes, from poorl'r families, and
from youth who ha<l low Pnrnings wlwn they finally obtained jobs.
HOW YOUTH LEARNED OF JOBS
The most important way in which youth obtained information about
job openings was through friends. This was especially true when
they sought their first full-time jobs (31 percent of such jobs were
obtained through friends). Other important ways in which youth
learned of their first jobs were by personal application (23 percent),
through parents (11 percent), and through other relatives (12 percent).
As youth gained work experience, another method of learning of
jobs-through former employers-became important. In the case of
all full-time jobs after the first, boys and girls relied almost as
heavily upon former employers for job contacts (23 percent) as upon
friends (25 percent) and personal applications (24 percent). At no
time in their experience were many jobs learned of through public or
private employment offices, at school, or through want ads.
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SUMMARY • XXI
OCCUPATIONAL CLASSES
In both the earliest and the latest full-time jobs for which information was obtained, young urban workers were primarily represented in
two broad groups of occupations, the clerical and the semiskilled. On
their first full-time jobs 37 percent of the boys and 53 percent of the
girls worked in clerical occupations (including sales as well as office
work); and 36 percent of the boys and 22 percent of the girls worked in
semiskilled manual occupations. The proportions working in these
occupations on their latest full-time jobs 1 were as follows: clerical,
boys, 37 percent; clerical, girls, 58 percent; semiskilled, boys, 37
percent; semiskilled, girls, 24 percent.
The next largest group of occupations was the unskilled. The proportions of boys in this field on their first and latest jobs were 19 and
14 percent, respectively; the proportions of girls were 22 and 13 percent. The relative decline in unskilled employment is primarily a
reflection of youth's improved position in the labor market as they
gained experience.
The proportion of youth in professional, proprietary, managerial,
and skilled work was small at all stages of youth's experiences. Such
differences as occurred from first to latest jobs were generally in the
direction of more skilled and responsible work, however. For example, the proportion of skilled workers rose from 3 to 6 percent.
The concentration of young workers in the occupations of medium
difficulty and responsibility is consistent with their average educational attainment of high-school graduation. Youth who had the
least education were most likely to obtain jobs in the less skilled
manual occupations. Other social and economic differentials likewise
had a profound influence on the occupational levels youth reached.
For example, 12 percent of the white youth but 67 percent of the
Negro youth in Birmingham worked in unskilled occupations on their
first full-time jobs; and in St. Louis the corresponding proportions of
unskilled workers were 11 percent among whites and 59 percent.
among Negroes.
INDUSTRIAL GROUPS
As in the case of occupations, two industrial groups were outstanding as sources of employment for urban youth. These were the manufacturing and mechanical industries and wholesale and retail trade.
The proportion of boys in manufacturing industries was 36 percent on
first full-time jobs and 42 percent on latest full-time jobs; the corresponding proportions for girls were 23 and 27 percent, respectively.
1 Includes current jobs of youth employed and last jobs of youth unemployed.
on July 1, 1938.
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XXII • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Trade employed 38 percent of the boys on their first full-time jobs
and 35 percent on their latest full-time jobs; it also employed 36 percent of the girls on both first and latest full-time jobs.
The only other industrial group employing any considerable proportion of youth was domestic and personal service in the case of girls.
The proportion of girls in this group declined from 27 percent on first
full-time jobs to 19 percent on latest full-time jobs. Rdatively few
youth worked in agriculture or other extractive industries, transportation or communication, public service, or professional service.
EARNINGS
Average (median) weekly earnings on youth's first full-time jobs
were $15.40 for boys and $12.70 for girls. Because of greater experience and a general rise in occupational level, average wcl'ldy earnings
rose to $20 for boys and $15.30 for girls on jobs held at the time of
interview. Average earnings in private industry during the year
July 1, 1937-July 1, 1938, were $907 for boys and $701 for girls.
Earnings difTered markedly according to social-economic status,
city, and occupation. White youth in Birmingham averaged $17.20
per week on current full-time jobs and Negro youth $8.50; in St. Louis
white youth averaged $16.20 and Negro youth $11.70. Earnings also
were higher the older youth were, and the more education and labormarket experience they had.
Both weekly and annual enrnings were highest in San Francisco and
Seattle, and lowest in Duluth and Birmingham; with the exception of
Duluth (for which data were not available), tlwse cities held the same
order in respect to annual real wages as computed from data on cost
of living.
As for occupational differences in earnings, the highest weekly
wages on current full-time jobs were earned by boys in proprietary or
managerial work ($27.30) and professional work {$25.60). In the
cus.-i of girls clerical work paid the highest average wePkly wagps
($16) on cm-rf'nt full-time jobs. lt is particularly noteworthy that
boys in skilled occuputions had highrr averagr weekly wnges ($23.90)
than boys in clerical occupations ($19.20). This fact suggests thut
many boys who arc inclined to choose white-collar work hecause of its
grentPr prestige might find it financiitlly advantngeous to choose a
skilled occupation instead.
AMOUNT OF EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT
The bPst picture of youth's @rnployrncnt rxpl'riences over a period
of time is given by rdnting the amount of tinw they were employed or
unemployed to the amount of time they spent in the labor market.
On this basis the average youth was employed full time during 72
D1gi
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SUMMARY • XXIII
percent of the time he spent in the labor market, and was unemployed
18 percent of the time. The proportion of unemployment was higher
for Negroes than for whites, and for youth from low rental areas than
for youth from high rental areas.
ACTIVITIES AT TIME OF INTERVIEW
In July 1938, when youth were interviewed for this study, 18 percent
of those who had earlier been in the labor market were no longer in
the market. Most of the youth who withdrew were housewives.
Of the youth who were still in the labor market in July 1938, 72
percent were employed full time, 9 percent were employed part time,
and 19 percent were unemployed. Unemployment was particularly
high among recent entrants to the labor market, younger boys and
girls, youth with less education, Negroes, and youth from lower
social-economic groups. Unemployment was also higher in unskilled
and semiskilled occupations, in manufacturing industries, and in
domestic and personal service industries.
SPECIAL DIFFICULTIES IN SECURING EMPLOYMENT
Special difficulties in securing employment, over and above those
faced by all young job seekers during the depression, were reported
by 31 percent of the youth. They cited lack of experience as the
principal special difficulty encountered. Inexperience, however, is
not only a cause of unemployment but also an effect or symptom
of it. With many experienced workers idle during the depression,
inexperienced · workers were at a relative disadvantage in getting
jobs; under conditions of expanding employment, inexperience becomes a much less serious handicap.
The next most important difficulty youth faced was lack of sufficient
general or of sufficient specialized education (reported by 8 percent of
the youth).
Special difficulties in obtaining jobs (always with emphasis on
inexperience) were more frequently reported by girls than by boys, by
grade-school and high-school graduates than by college graduates, by
youth who left school because of financial difficulties or physical
handicaps, by younger and less experienced workers, and by youth
from poorer families.
PLANS FOR THE FUTURE
Eighty-one percent of the youth gave definite replies when asked
about their plans for the future. The most frequently expressed
plans were as follows: to retain or advance in present job (22 percent),
to continue education (15 percent), to secure better job (14 percent),
to secure employment (9 percent).
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XXIV • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Youth employed full time at the time of interview were chiefly
concerned about retaining or advancing in their present jobs; youth
employed part time were principally concerned about securing better
jobs; and unemployed youth were principally concerned about securing employment. Professional persons, proprietors, managers, and
officials expressed the greatest satisfaction with their jobs (as shown
by a high proportion of plans to retain or advance in their jobs), and
laborers and domestic servants the least.
CONCLUSIONS
In their efforts to get a start in the working world, comparatively
few youth were either outstandingly successful or outstandingly
unsuccessful. Most youth went through some unemployment during
the time their experiences in the labor market were studied, but they
spent considerably more time in employment. Most youth thus
had earnings during the greater part of their time in the labor market,
but in a considerable proportion of cases these earnings were inadequate for more than minimum self-support, with little margin available for provision for the future. The general picture is thus one of
fair, but only fair, attainment in the labor market.
Averages do not give the whole picture, however. The most
successful and the least successful young workers differed widely in
personal characteristics and in social and economic background.
The youth who were most severely handicapped in the labor market
were the youngest, those with the least education, Negro youth,
youth from poorer families, and educationally retarded youth.
If success in the labor market is to be more nearly proportional to
ability and effort, the effect of social and economic barriers upon
rconomic opportunity must be mitigated. These barriers probably
operate least powerfully in times of high economic activity, and certainly economic recovery is the most important condition necessary
for a solution of the "youth problem." Additional measures, however, are needed; among these are improved and expanded services
to youth in the three related fields of vocational guidance, vocational
training, and job placement. In addition, work programs for youth
can help to equalize educational opportunity, give youth practical
work experience, and furnish at least a stopgap source of income in
times of depression. At the present time such work programs perform
a further valuable service to the Nation, namely, the training of
young workers specifically for places in defense industries. If, as
seems likely, economic activity slumps sharply after the defense
emergency, public work programs can cushion the shock of unemploy. ment measurably.
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Chapter I
FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET
THE YOUTH group, defined in its broadest sense, includes those
persons in the population aged 14 to 25. Within these age limits
nearly all young men pass through a transition process from student
to worker. Likewise, in the same period of their lives, most young
women enter the labor market and then become housewives, become
housewives immediately after leaving school (and perhaps enter the
labor market later), or remain in the labor market regardless of
whether or not they get married.
Whatever the kinds and order of their activities, the labor-market
entrants face a critical adjustment period in their lives. How well
equipped they are to get jobs, how steadily they are able to remain
employed, and what the conditions of their employment are-all of
these questions are of vital concern to the youth themselves and to
society.
The present chapter is intended to give a bird's-eye view of the
entire transition process and, in addition, to trace in some detail the
first stage of that process, the shift from school into the labor market.
THE GENERAL PICTURE OF CHANGES IN THE ACTIVITIES OF YOUTH
The general outlines of the transition from student to worker are
clearly revealed when an examination is made of the predominant
activity of young labor-market entrants 1 each month from the beginning of the year of eighth-grade graduation until the time of interview
(July 1938). By this time-series device it is possible to discover
what proportion of youth were in school, employed, unemployed, or
1 This term, as used throughout this report, refers to youth who worked or
sought work at some time between leaving school and the date of interview.
Of the 30,075 youth enumerated, 25,684 were labor-market entrants.
1
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2•
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
housewives at any given time during the period studied. Since
primary interest in this study is in the activities of youth in the labor
market, 2 the changes in the proportion of the total group engaged in
labor-market activities are considered first.
Absorption Into the Labor Market
In discussing entrance into the labor market and activities while
in the labor market, a clearer picture is gained if the youth of a single
class are followed through from the time of eighth-grade graduation.
This procedure has the additional advantage that the youth studied
are of approximately the same age. Since the graduates of the 1929
class could be followed through for a greater number of years than
graduates of the 1931 or 1933 classes, the discussion at this point is
limited to the 1929 class.
As indicated in figures 1 and 2, the transition from school to labor
market and other activities was virtually complete for the 1929 class
by the time this study was made. Whereas ·nearly all of the boys
and girls of this class were in school on January 1, 1929, only 4 percent
of the boys and 1½ percent of the girls were still in school on July 1,
1938.8 The entrance of some youth into the labor market before
July 1929 is explained by the fact that January as well as June eighthgrade graduates were included in the study.
The proportion of you th remaining in school dropped sharply
each year between June 1 and July 1, or at the time when most school
years end. In the case of the 1929 eighth-grade graduates, the
sharpest drop in the number attending school occurred in the middle
of 1933, at the time of normal graduation from high school. About
one-half of the youth (52 percent of the boys and 51 percent of the
girls) were in school in June 1933, but by the next month the percentages in school were only 29 and 26, respectively.• The sharpness
1 Throughout this report the term "youth in the labor market" refers to youth
who were employed or unemployed workers. "Employed youth" means those
who worked for pay or profit (or without pay in the case of apprentices) for any
number of hours during a given week. "Unemployed youth" includes persons
engaged on public work programs (State and local work relief, CCC, NY A,
CWA, WPA, etc.), and persons who had no form of employment but were actively
seeking work, i. e., making definite attempts to sPcure jobs by enrolling at ·employment exchanges, applying to employers by letter or visit, advertising or
answering adVf•rtiRements for jobs, etc. Included in the category "unemployed"
were a small number of youth on layoff or on strike or lockout. New workers, as
well as youth who had previously had jobs, were included among the unemployed. 'Unpaid family workers were not col)sidered as being in the labor market.
1 See appendix table 1.
Youth were considered as "in school" during the
summer month1< if th<'ir subRPquent activity history showed continuation in school,
or if they stated at the time of interview that they were planning to return to
school in the fall of 1!)38. In cases where youth worked while in full-time school,
"in school" took precedence.
' See appendix table 1.
DgtizedbyGoogle
Fig_ I -ACTIVITIES OF MALE LABOR-MARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929 EIGHTH-GRADE
GRADUATING CLASS
January I, 1929- July I, 1938
1-.-:-:---_--:__..:-.-::::,-
i .;;rs:1rf·•
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1930
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►
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1935
1936
1937
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Fig. 2-ACTIVITIES OF FEMALE LABOR-MARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929 EIGHTH-GRADE
GRADUATING CLASS
•
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,c
a,
January I, 1929 - July I, 1938
Percent
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1930
~ource: Appendix table I,
1931
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
'0
1938
'/IPA JNI
FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 5
of this decline indicates that a large proportion of the youth ended
their formal education upon graduation from high school. The
<irop in 1937, corresponding to normal graduation from college, does
not stand out nearly so sharply, since only a comparatively small
proportion of youth manage to go through college. The most typical
educational attainment of young urban workers entering the labor
supply is high-school graduation. 6
Throughout the high-school years the proportion of boys and girls
dropping out of school each year was about the same. From the
middle of 1933 on, however, the rate of continuation in school was
somewhat higher for the young men than for the young women, indicating that more young men had the advantage of a college education.
That the great majority of youth enter the labor market upon
leaving school is clearly indicated by figures 1 and 2. Among boys
particularly, labor-market activities were far more important than
non-labor-market activities 6 after the time of leaving school. Among
girls, however, participation in the labor market did not increase in
the same proportion as dropouts from school. In the first place,
the number of housewives increased slowly but steadily, particularly
after high-school graduation, until the proportion reached 30 percent
by July 1, 1938. In addition, other non-labor-market activities were
more important among girls than among boys; for example, some
. girls helped at home with the housework.
In spite of the increasingly large proportion of young women who
were housewives or who were engaged in other non-labor-market
activities, the proportion in the labor market 7 remained fairly constant
during the last 4 years of the survey period. At least during the
youth period, getting and holding jobs are problems that face a
majority of urban women.
Labor-Marlcet Actlvltln
With the brief discussion that has been given of youth's absorption
into the labor market and some of the factors conditioning that ab.sorption, it is possible to study more thoroughly the group in which
-chief interest centers in this report--youth who were in the labor
See table 5, p. 20.
Other non-labor-market activities included illness, vacation, unpaid family
work, "waiting for a job to open up," and any activity other than employment or
unemployment. Owing to the strictness of the definition of unemployment
(see footnote 2, p. 2), it is probable that some youth classified under "other nonlabor-market activity" are youth who would be regarded as unemployed according
to a more liberal definition of unemployment. Examples of such marginal cases
are youth who were temporarily not making an active search for work because of
illness or because they believed no work to be available in their particular trades
or industries.
7 Housewives who also were working or seeking work were classified according
·to the latter activities.
6
0
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6 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
market. Again, 1929 eighth-grade graduates alone are considered,
because they were of approximately the same age, and because thl.'ir
activiti<>s could be followed for a greater number of yea.rs. Figurl.'s 3
and 4 show separately for boys and girls the proportions of labormarket participants who Wl.'re employed for 30 hours or more per
week, employed for less than 30 hours per week, engaged on work
programs, or seeking work each month from January 1929 to July 1938.
At all times, even when economic conditions are severely depress<>d,
the employed constitute the great majority of the labor force. The
severity of the unemployment problem must be measured in terms
of the size of a minority group. Thus wh<>n 20 percent of the labor
force is jobless, unemployment is at a critical point. This general
observation must be kt•pt in mind in apprnising figures 3 and 4, in
which employed youth constitute the largest proporton of the labormarket entrants. In addition, it must be remembered that the
strict definition of labor-market participation used in this study
results in a somewhat lower rate of unemployment than would be
obtained under the usual broader definitions.
The level of employment among these youth was influenced principally by three conditions: general business activity, the number of
youth coming into the labor market, and the characteristics of the
new job seekers. The influence of general economic conditions is
shown in the down trend of employment from 1930 to 1933, the slow
rise to 1937, and the slight decline in 1938. The C'ffcct of periodically
increased competition for jobs, resulting from the wavelike influx of
lnrge numbers of youth into the labor market, is shown especially
clmrly in the middle of 1929 and 1933, whm the C'ighth-grade and highschool graduates, respectively, enkr<>d the market and competedwith other workers and among themselves-for jobs. After 1933,
however, the number of additional youth from the 1929 class who
entered the labor mark<>t was so small that they did not produce
sharp peaks of unemployment as they began to sel.'k work. Finally,
the genl.'rally rising level of employment was in part a reflection of the
higher employmrnt qualifications, in age and education, of the later
entrants to tihe labor market.
Prior to high-school graduation a larger proportion of girls than
of boys was unemployed; after that point unemployment hit both
sexes with about equal force. As time went on the increasing number
of withdrawals of young women to become homemakers probably
relieved the competitive pressure and improved the job prospects of
those young women of the same ages and educational levels who remained in the labor market. The employment record of girls may
also have improved after high-school graduation because from that
point on many more girls were eligible for clerical jobs-a field m
which they found relatively good employment opportunities.
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Fig. 3- EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE LABOR - MARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929 EIGHTH-GRADE
GRADUATING CLASS
January I, 1929 - July I, 1938
Percen t
f
d
10 0 /
T },;:t
,·r:
;kr~;
4< -
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I
1100
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1929
1930
Source: Appendix table 2.
1931
1932
1933
1934
r::m~:.,;s-.,, ~•,.,.x•···•·~•·.v...-.·.»·.-.•.•,v*i:'
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1936
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Fig. 4-EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF FEMALE LABOR-MARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929 EIGHTH-GRADE
GRADUATING CLASS
•
C
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January I, 1929 - July I, 1938
CD
Perc en t
100
Pe r e en I
10 0
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1929
1930
Source: Appendix to!Q
t.
193 1
1932
19 33
1934
1935
1936
1937
10
1938
.,._,
FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 9
Although both sexes were about equally subject to unemployment
during the last 5 years of the survey period, a higher proportion of
boys than of girls obtained emergency work-program employment.
In the first place, only boys are able to enroll in the CCC. In the
second place, young men are likely to be given priority over young
women by local relief agencies in certification to WPA jobs. Finally,
boys have a slight advantage in securing NYA employment because
they are considered to be more permanently in the labor market,
and hence in greater need of work training.
The activities of the 1929 class are closely paralleled by the activities
of the 1931 and 1933 classes. With allowance for variations in the
state of economic activity, youth of these later classes exhibit the
same wavelike entry into the labor market from school, the same
shifting into the status of housewife, and the same trend toward more
employment and less unemployment as they grow older. Since these
relationships have been discussed in some detail for the 1929 class,
and since the activities of youth of the 1931 and 1933 classes cannot
be traced for so many yea.rs, a time-series analysis of the later classes
is not presented here. 8
YOUTH WHO DID NOT ENTER THE LABOR MARKET
The preceding description of youth's activities dealt only with
youth who were in the labor market at some time between their
eighth-grade graduation and the time of enumeration. This group
did not constitute the whole of the group interviewed, because
some boys and girls had never entered the labor market up to the
time the study was conducted. The size of this latter group and
its activities at the time of enumeration may be mentioned briefly
at this point.
Youth interviewed in the 7 cities numbered 30,075 in all. Of
these, 4,391, or 15 percent, had never been in the labor market up·
to July 1, 1938. These youth were chiefly the younger ones at the
time of interview; 14 percent of them were members of the 1929
class, 29 percent members of the 1931 class, and 57 percent members
of the 1933 class. Most of these youth were still attending school
at the time of interview. Some of the older girls were engaged in
homemaking at that time. Finally, a small proportion of these boys
and girls were ill, on vacation, engaged in unpaid family work, or
otherwise not actively participating in the labor market. 11
This brief outline of the activities of those who had not entered
the labor market is applicable only as of the time the study was
8 See appendix tables 3--6 for monthly data. on activities of youth of the
1931 and 1933 clas.5es.
9 See appendix table 7.
4e;o507•--43--3
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10 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
conducted. It is probable that most of the youth who were still in school
on that date entered the labor market at a later date, and that some
of the housewives and other nonworkers also went to work or sought
work later on. However, since the activities of these youth up to
the time of interview throw no light on the way in which absorption
into the labor market occurs, this group is excluded from discussion
from this point on. The tables throughout this report refer, therefore, except as noted, to the 25,684 labor-market entrants.
ENTRY INTO THE LABOR MARKET
The great majority of youth start ,working or looking for work
within a short time after leaving school. Some of these youth enter
the labor market with qualifications and connections that enable
them to get quick starts in their chosen fields; others, not so well
equipped, have lL hard time getting any kind of jobs. Some youth
look forward eagerly and confidently to "being on their own"; others
face the prospect of looking for jobs with apprehension. But whatever their qualifications or their attitudes, nearly all must eventually
come face to face with the problem of making a living. The first
stage of their labor-market experiences-entrance into the labor
market-is considered in this section.
Recnon1 for Leavln9
School
For most youth, as will be shown below, entrance into the labor
market is the almost immediate aftermath of leaving school. Because
of this close and almost automatic connection between the two stages
of youth's development, and because youth's success in the labor
market is largely dependent upon how much education they have,
it is important to know their reasons for leaving school. In table 1
youth's own statements of why they first left school are tabulated
according to the number of years of education they completed. 10
Nearly half (47 percent) of the youth left school because they ,
could not afford to continue their educations. It is especially noteworthy that 56 percent of the high-school graduates reported that
they did not go to college for economic reasons. The importance
youth attach to higher education is vividly shown by the fact that
one-fifth of the college graduates reported that they ended their
educations because they were financially unable to continue.
In about one-quarter of the cases youth left school because they
had no desire for further education. Lack of interest or ability a.re
10 Owing to the difficulty of assigning a single reason for leaving school, and the
differences in the ways youth expressed their reasons, there is some overlapping
in the tabulation presented. NevertheleBB, the main outlines are sufficiently
clear to show the forces operating.
D1gi
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 11
the major causes covered by this reason for leaving school. However,
"no desire for further education" also covers the situation in which a
youth feels that he has obtained all the education he needs or had
planned to take. For example, nearly half (47 percent) of the college
graduates reported that they left school because they had no desire for
further education.
Table 1.-Reason Youth Fint Lek School, by Years of Schooling Completed
Years of schooling completed
ReB!lOn youth ~t left school
Total
---------------[
I
j 1H1
8
I
I
12
1
13-15
1
16
and
over
Prrcent diatribution
Tote.I __ ... ·······-······························
100
Flnll1lriaL.-------------------•·--······· ·-·-········ --4-7
No desire !or further education._._ .......... _...... _._
24
Preferred to work ........ ·-······-····················
11
Disliked school. ______ ------··············............
6
Illness or physical disability..........................
4
Marriage_··--·········-········--·-·-·······--··-····
3
Other_·-··-··---···-····-··-·····-·--····-··-·········
6
100
100 I
100 I
100
100
--<IS-~-56
--44-t----21
25
23
24
16
47
1
8
7
3
13
10
6
10
I
2
12
3
5
14
1
3
2
7
6
6
2
6
3
17
I
13
Youth who reported leaving school because they preferred to work
numbered one-ninth of all youth. Many of these boys and girls
must have decided to leave school only after weighing the relative
advantages of finding employment ilnm.ediately or deferring it until
after further attendance at school. The choice of leaving school was
the more understandable when they had definite offers of jobs.
The real test of their wisdom in preferring jobs to further schooling
depends ma.inly upon the kind of work for which they could qualify
with the amount of training they possessed. In this connection, it is
significant that youth who left school because they preferred to work
had higher earnings on their first full-time jobs than those who left
school for any other reason. 11
Few youth reported that they left school because they disliked
it, because of physical disabilities, to get married, or for other miscellaneous reasons. When boys and girls left school because they had
no desire for further education, because they preferred to work, or
because they disliked school, there is reason to suspect that in some
cases the school was partly to blame for letting its students lose interest. This is particularly likely where academic training was unsuiton
to the needs of youth who were anxious for vocational instruction.
Flnt Activity After Leavins School
The proportion of youth that entered the labor market immediately
after leaving school, and the success attending their efforts, ~ay be
11
See appendix table 8.
1 2 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
seen most clearly whl'n youth's first activitil's 12 after leaving school
a.re tabulated. In table 2 these activities, and their average 11 duration, a.re shown.
Table !.-First Activity of Youth A~er Leaving School
Pere<>nt
distributiou 1
First a<:tlvlty after leaving school
Totlll ...... _....... -- -- - - - - -- - --- ---------- - - ------------------------ - ---
In Jahor market .. _. __________________________________________________________ _
Employed . _____________________________________________________________ _
Full-I ime • . _... _. __ . _.. _______________ . __________ -------------------P:1rt-t in1e 4___________________________________________________________ _
UnPmployr1I _. ___________________________________________________________ _
Not in labor mRrket ... --------------------------------· ______________________ _
Illness ........... _______________ . __ ----------- ____ . ________ -----------Housewife ________ . ------------------------------------------------------Unpaid family worker .. ________ . _________________________________________ _
Other .................... --- -- . ----- --- -- --- --- ---------------- -------- --
Averaep, duration of first
BCtinty (in
months)'
100
II
76
42
34
8
34
24
5
10
10
7
3
2
I
18
a
II
8
18
10
6
I Includes all activities after k11ving school whether ernl<'d hy date of interview or ~till continuing.
I Inclndes only activities that had ended prior to the date o( interview.
I 30 hours or more per W('Pk.
' Less than :IO hours per week.
Three-fourths of the youth entered the labor market within 1 week
after leaving school. The remfLining one-fourth of the labor-market
youth did not enter, on the average, until 6 months after leaving
school. Thus the great majority of boys and girls changed from
student to worker directly and not by passing first through one of the
other nonworker stages. With this almost instantaneous swelling
of the labor supply as youth leave school, it is not surprising that the
rate of unemployment among youth rises to a peak at such times.
If the youth entning the labor market dirl'ctly from school a.re
considered as a separate group, it is found that they divide according
to employment status as follows: 45 percl'nt were employed full time,
10 percent were employed part time, and 45 percent were unemployed.
The latter group remained unl'mployed for an average of 3 months
before getting their first jobs or leaving the labor market.
Several points should be krpt in mind in appraising the significance
of these findings. In some cases, youth's first jobs after leaving school
were a continuation of part-timr jobs held while they were in school.
It is probable also that some youth rl'mnined in school until they
located jobs ond thl'n started imnwdiatl'ly to work. Finally, some
youth undoubtl'dly failed to recall at the time of intl'rview the precise
time of getting their first jobs; periods of unemploymmt wl're likely
to bl' forgottl'n os the time since entry to the labor markl't increased.
The role of part-time jobs in raising the ll'vel of total employment
abovl' that of unrmploymcnt should also not he forgotten, for as many
it These first activities were the ones engaged in during the first week after
leaving· school.
11 "Average" means median throughout this report, except where otherwise
specified.
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 1 3
youth were unemployed as were employed full time. Although some
youth wanted only part-time work, most presumably wanted regular
full.;.time work; they were therefore only partially successful in their
first efforts in the labor market. In this connection it should be noted
that the average duration of part-time jobs was 7 months, as compared
with 10 months for full-time jobs. Either part-time employment
was less stPady than full-time, or else youth left thPir pnrt-time jobs
as soon as they could to get full-time jobs. '\Vhichever w·as the case,
young workers who got part-time jobs were less well off, on the average,
than youth who got full-time jobs.
There is an important inference to be drawn from these findings:
It is that youth who begin seeking employment before they leave school
can increase appreciably their chances of avoiding unemployment.
Doubtlrss some of the youth who got jobs directly after leaving
school had made no special efforts to locate openings while in school.
Many, however, must have been foresighted enough to anticipate the
time when they would have to seek work, and therefore let their
teachers, friends, relatives, and prospective employers know that they
were looking for jobs. Such a procedure cannot incrrase the total
number of jobs available, but it can give a head start to individual
youth who are wise enough to use it.
Relatively few of the youth who postponed entrance to the labor
market when they left school did so because they were ill, acting 88
homemakers, or helping as unpaid workers in family businesses.
Most explained that their delayed entrance was due to such miscellaneous reasons as helping at home with the housework, traveling, or
taking a vacation before beginning to look for work. This group also
included a considerable number of youth who were" able and willing"
to work but who were not making sufficiently definite attempts at
finding employment to meet the strict definition of "seeking work"
employed in this study. Inactive workers, such as these, who are on
the fringe of the labor market, are often regarded 88 unemployed.
Their inclusion ')Vith the nonworkers in this study tends to lower the
rate of unemployment reported.
The average time between leaving school and entering the labor
market in the case of youth ,vho spent some intervening time as nonworkers was 3 months for boys and 6 months for girls. Many of the
young women who entered the labor market later but not directly from
school were occupied as housewives during the intervening period;
the average duration of such periods was 1½years. Some girls also
entered the labor market principally to gain experience in case of the
possible future need for work; in such cases they were quite likely to
spend some time at home before seeking work. In general, young
men are under more pressure than young women to plunge into gainful
work immediately upon leaving school.
0
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14 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tim• of First Entry
Each June newspaper editorials remind us that a new crop of youth
is ready to leave the "cloistered halls of learning" for the "serious
business of life." It is, of course, obvious that with the end of most
school terms coming in June, and with most youth leaving school at
the time of graduation or at the end of a school year, the greatest influx of new workers comes at this time. Nevertheless, it is important
also to ascertain the relative number of youth entering the labor
market during other months, particularly at the middle of the school
term, and the number entering in different years. The time-series
method of analysis again throws light on these relationships.
The 1929 class illustrates best the time at which youth enter the
labor market, because the activities of this class may be studied over
a period lasting nearly 10 years.
Figure 5 shows clearly both the seasonal and the year-to-year
changes in the number·of youth of the 1929 class entering the labor
market each month. The completion of a particular amount of
education is evidently of great importance in affecting the time at
which youth first seek work. This is shown not only in the wellmarked peaks in Julie and the smaller peaks in January, but also in
Fig. 5-MONTH AND YEAR YOUTH OF THE 1929 EIGHTH-GRADE
GRADUATING CLASS FIRST ENTERED THE LABOR MARKET
Number
of Youth
Number
of Youth
1600
l600
1400
1400
1200
1200
1000
1000
800
800
C.00
600
-
400
200
0
- · -
-
---
-·
-
-
400
200
t
~
1929
\.:,
l-.J
1930
-
~ ~~
1931
1932
II
~
1933
L~ Jt
1934
1935
A
1936
l
1937
J,
0
1938
Source: Appendix loble 9.
HIO
D1c1 led by
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET •
15
the especially prominent peaks occurring in 1933 and 1929 when the
high-school and grade-school graduates, respectively, entered the labor
market. This chart confirms the earlier finding that the most typical
time of entering the labor market is immediately after high-school
graduation.
In order to express the findings shown in figure 5 concisely, a seasonal
index of the time at which youth entered the labor market was constructed. Since the seasonal· pattern was the same for each of the
three classes, the index was calculated on the basis of all entries into
the labor market. .Taking the monthly average throughout the year
as 100, the relative number of youth entering the labor market each
month was as follows:
January ____________ 179 May_______________ 57 September__________
February___________ 47 June _______________ 583 October____________
March_____________ 44 July_______________ 30 November __________
April ______________ 43 August_____________ 34 December __________
52
29
26
76
· These indexes are shown graphically in figure 6. The most striking thing about this chart is the outstanding importance of June as
the time of labor-market entrance; neal'ly half of the youth entered
the labor market during this month. January was only about oneFig. 6- SEASONAL INDEXES OF MONTH IN WHICH YOUTH OF THE
1929, 1931, AND 1933 CLASSES FIRST ENTERED
THE LABOR MARKET
S.o,onol
Seasonol
Index
600
Index
(Monthly Averaoe • 100)
600
500
500
400
400
300
300
200
200
\
100
\
100
~
I-
0
Jon
Feb
Mar
Apr
Maw
Jun
Jul
~:.---. ....
./
/
0
Aug
Sep
Oct
Nov
Source: Appendix toble 9.
Dec
WPA ll979
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16 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
third as important as June in the number of youth entering the labor
market. The small number entering the labor market in the remaining months were youth who dropped out of school at some time during
the semester, or who spent a period as nonworkers before seeking
employrnent. 14
Since young persons leaving school are the largest source of additions to the labor supply, and since their entrance to the labor market
is so definitely concentrated in one or two months during the year,
it follows that the labor supply grows not by constant but by widely
varying monthly increments. Consequently, unemployment is intensified in months when the number of new workers entering the labor
market is greatest. Monthly estimates of unemployment are thus
likely to be seriously in error if they assume that the annual increase
in the size of the working force is distributed evenly throughout the
months of the year.
CHARACTERISTICS OF LABOR-MARKET ENTRANTS
From the information concerning the month and year in which
youth of a given eighth-grade class entered the labor market, it is
possible to infer something about their ages and amounts of education
at that time, and therefore about the adequacy of their preparation
for work. In this study these important characteristics of new
entrants to the labor force may be analyzed, using data that bear
directly upon the question. In addition, age and amount of education
at time of entrance may be related to various social and economic
charactE'ristics of the youth, to sec how these background factors
affect the time of starting to work.
•
Age of Labor-Market Entrants
When youth enter the labor market at an early age, generally
speaking, they are less well equipped to get good jobs, and jobs that
promise advancement, than they would be if they had obtained more
education. Of course, work during_ summer vacations is helpful
because it adds to a youth's experience. But since we are concerned
here with the ages and education only of youth seeking their first jobs
aft.er leaving school, it is fair to assume that late entrance to the labor
market, in general, indicutcs better preparation, and less economic
compulsion to S<'ek work, than does early entrance. (This is not to
deny that some youth who leave school at a fairly early age to get
jobs do so volunto.rily.)
The average age at the time of entering the labor market, for youth
in all seven cities, was 18.2 years. More detailed information is given
in table 3 of the age at which youth entered the labor mo.rket.
14 December and May are the months of graduation in the San Francisco primary and secondary schools. The slight rise in these months reflects in part the
graduation of youth in this city.
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 17
To&le 3.-Age Youth First Entered the Labor Market, by Sex
Age Orst entered the labor market
I
Total
I
Male
Female
Percem diatrlbution
Total_ •.. -..............••................•...................
100
I
100
1----1---
Under
16___________________________________________________________
years .... -·-·-··- __ .. __ -·······-- .. -··--·· .. ···-_···-···-·._
16
y,·ars.
Ii years ....•. __ .. ___ .. -·-··- __ ._ .... _. ______ -· __ .. -·_·---·-._·----·18 years.---·· ___ . ___ -·--- ___ ··- .. ___ . ______________ -·-_-·-_ ... _____ _
10
12
24
29
24
28
10 years.--•·. ______ . __ --· ____ -· .................. _.. --·---··-----··-
20 years and over .. ·--··--·-·················-··················--·-
I.>
10
16
10
Avcmge age (in years).-········-··············-··· ···········-
18. 2
18. I
i
10
12
I
The fact that more than half of these youth entered the labor
market at the age of 17 or 18 shows again that the most usual time at
which youth start" on their own" is soon after high-school grnduation.
The groups that started to work before they were 16 or after they were
20 each accounted for only about a tenth of the labor-market entrants.
The proportion of labor-market entrants aged 20 and over would have
been larger if the study had been taken later, when more of the eighthgrade graduates of the 1931 and 1933 classes had entered the labor
market. Even then, however, youth entering the labor market at
the age of 20 or over would be in a distinct minority.
Two tendencies work in opposite directions to affect the ages at
which boys and girls, respectively, enter the labor market. On the one
hand, more boys than girls continue their education past the highschool level; on the other hand, more girls than boys spend some time
as nonworkers before entering the labor market. As a r~sult, there
was no significant difference in the ages at which boys and girls entered
the labor market (18.1 and 18.2 years, respectively). This fa.ct illustrates again that boys and girls participate in the labor market under
very similar conditions during their first years after leaving school.
City Dijference3
The average ages at which youth entered the labor market differed
somewhat according to the city in which they graduated from the
eighth grade, as shown in the following statement:
Seattle_______________________
Duluth _______________________
Birmingham _________ . _____·___
San Francisco_________________
18.
18.
18.
18.
6 Binghamton__________________
5 Denver __ . ___________________
3 St. Louis_____________________
3
18. 2
18. 1
17. 3
The intercity differences in the ages at which youth entered the
labor market are partly attributable to differences in the educational
requirements of the States. Considering, for example, only the cities
at the extremes of the distribution, the State of Washington requires
youth to attend school until 18 years of age or complet.ion of high
OgtizedbyGoogle
18 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
school, whereas Missouri requires youth to attend school until 18
years of age or completion of elementary school. 16 In addition to the
school attendance requirements, the degree of their enforcement, the
social characteristics and economic status of the population, and the
types of industries in the different cities probably all had some influence on the age at which boys and girls entered the labor market.
Section-of-City Dijferencu
The economic status of their families is also very important in
determining the age at which youth enter the labor market. The
measure of economic status used here is based on average rentals in
the section of the city in which the youth lived at the time of graduation from the eighth grade. One-fourth of the city's youth were
classed as living in high rental areas, one-fourth in low, and the remaining one-half in medium. The e.vere.ge e.ge at time of entering
the labor market is presented in relation to section of city in table 4.
Ta&fe .,f.-Age of Youth at First Entrance to the Labor Market, by Section of City
Section of city (nmW areas)
Age first entered the labor market
Low
Medium
High
hrunJ dimibutl<m
Total ___ -----------------------------------------------------_
Under rn year11____________________________________________ __________
16-17 years __________________ ____ ___ __ _________ _______________ ____ __
18-19 years ______________________________ . ___________ . _____ ... ______ .
20 years and over.··-··--·-···-·-·--·--------·-·--------------------
100
100
8
10
36
45
g
30
48
17
17.11
1s. 1
100
16
37
39
&
1====1= = = = ==
11
Average \119 (In years)_-----·.-------------------------------·
I
18.5
u The following table shows the school attendance laws for the seven Stat.ea
ranked in order of the average age at which youth entered the labor market in
the survey cities. The table is derived ftom U. S. Office of Education, Compulsory School Attendance Laws and Their Administration, Bulletin No. 4, U. S.
Department of the Interior, Washington, D_ C., 1935.
State
Minimum requirements for school
attendance
Mlnlmnm requirements for work permit
or oompletlon of
14 yenrs of lll?C and completion of eighth
grnrle, or 15 years of age and no other r&-
Minnesota _______________ 16 yean of age or completion of
eighth ~rade
-~lahBma_. ______________ 16 Y<'"rs of age or 14 years of age If
eighth grnde completed
California _______________ 18 yrnrs of age or completion of
high school
14 yrors of age and completion of eighth
Washington _____________
18 yeBrs of age
high school
New York _______________ 17 years of Bge or oompletlon of
high school
Colorado._______________ 16 years of al!'.e or 14 years of age If
ei~hth gra<le completed
Missouri._______________ 18 )'Pnrs or og,, or completion of
elementary school
quirrmPnt
grade
14 years of age and completion of eighth
grade
14 years or 811'.C and completion of eighth
grade. or 15 years of age and completion of
sevrnth ~ad~
14 years of see and ('Omplrtlon of ei!!hth
grade, or 15 yeru-s of nge and completion or
sixth grade
14 years of age and ability to read and write
14 years of age and completion of slith
grade
D191
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 19
The association shown in this table between early entrance to the
labor market and low economic level is due to a complex of factors,
among which may be mentioned limited educational opportunity and
social custom. Bo.sic to all of these, however, is economic need.
Children of poorer families must" get out and scratch" at an earlier age,
on the average, tha.n children of more comfortably situated families.
The same inverse relationship between the economic level of their
families and the ages at which youth entered the labor market appears
when economic level is measured by the usual occupations of the
youth's fathers. us Youth from homes of higher social-economic level
entered the labor market relatively late. Better educated and more
mature when they sought work, these youth had an advantage over
their fellows in getting jobs.
Education of Labor-Marfcet Entrants
The normal procedure is for a young person to SPek work or to begin
working as soon as he has completed the amount of schooling that he
wants and is able to acquire. As a result, there is a close relationship
between educational level and age at entrance to the labor market.
Table 5 shows the amount of education of all youth who entered the
labor market; the distribution by class is given because youth from
the later classes had not had the same length of time in which to
take college work as youth of the earlier classes. 17
Perhaps the most satisfactory information concerning the a.mount
-of education of young labor-market entrants is that for the 1929 class,
,since these youth could have completed college by the time the study
was made. At the two extremes, about one-seventh (14 percent) of
these youth had no more than an elementary-school education, and
-only 6 percent had graduated from college. 18 The largest single group,
amounting to 44 percent of the total, graduated from high school but
-did not continue further. This is by far the largest and most typical
group of urban youth for whom jobs must be found.
See appendix table 10.
The table refers to the amount of education completed as of the date of interview, July 1, 1938, and not as of the time at which the youth first entered the
labor market. Because some youth returned to school after a term or more in
the labor market, this table exaggerates slightly the amount of education possessed
by youth at the time of first entrance to the labor market.
18 The average level of education of all interviewed youth was somewhat higher
than that of labor-market entrants, owing to the fact that most youth who had
not yet entered the labor market were still in school. The average number of
,school years completed by all interviewed youth was 12.3, by labor-market
youth 12.2. Similarly, 8 percent of all interviewed youth of the 1929 claf<s had
-completed college, as compared with 6 percent of the labor-market youth of the
1929 class. (See table 5 and appendix. table 11.)
18
17
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20 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Ta&le 5.-Years of Schooling Youth Completed, by Eighth.Grade Graduating Class
Elghth•grade graduating cl8SS
Years ol schooling romplrtt'd by July 1, 1938
Total
1931
1929
1933
PtTctnl di&trUmlion
Total............................................
100
8.. ..... ........•.......................................
9-ll....................................................
12 ... ············ .. .............. .. .. .. .. ... ... . ...... ..
13-1~· -································ · ········· · ······
16 anrl more . . . . ............. . ..... ... . . .. .. ... ... .....
12
30
1_00_
___
1
1_00_1=100
___
1
14
26
44
10
6
411
7
2
11
30
JO
35
49
JU
53
•
-
Avrra~e ..•.••..•••••••••••.....•.•.•••••.•••••••• ':===1=2.=2cl===l2-.2= :, ===1=2.=2 I
2
12.1
• Les., than 0.5 p('T('('nl.
Since the educational r('q11iremPnts for most t~'pes of johs are constantly rising, it is highly important to young workers thnt they acquire
all the ed11cation they can before entering the labor market. Disregarding differences in aptitude and liking for school, youth's chances
of acquiring good educations depend largely upon the ability of their
families to finance their schooling. Evidence to this effect is contained
in table 6, which shows the relationship between the educational levels,
reached by young labor-market entrants and one measure of their
families' social-economic levels, the usual occupations of the fathers.
Ta&le 6.-Years of Schooling Youth Completed, by Usual Occupational Class of Father
I
YeAn -,f •choollng completed by July 1,
l'sual OC'C!Jpatlonal cl11.s.s of lather
19381 White-collar •I
I Semiskilled I
Skilled
Un.skilled
Percem di•tril>v.lioo
8
Total ........••...•....•.....•.••...••..
100
100
100
.............. ········•·••·····••··. ·•····· ..
6
12
31
51
5
1
17
34
9-11. ....... ······-- ..... . .................... .
22
12 ................•.............................
13·1.~ ....................................... .
16 or more .....................•...••••••••••••
65
13
4
I="""'==
A ,wage ••••.•....•••.••............... ·-12.61
12 21
'"41
12.O
100
16
39
'1
.
4
11. 7
•IA'~S than 0.5 pnrrnt,
1 Includes
prol,•ssional
Pf'l'80DS;
proprieton, managen, and ofIJclals; and clerical worken.
The traditional aim of parents in this country has been to give their
childrc>n betkr ed11cations than they tlwmsc>lves received. Although
this aim is partinlly fulfilled, as indicated for instance by the high
proportion of semiskilled and unskilled fathc>rs who could send their
children through high school. neverth<>less fomilic>s in the lower income
groups are not able on the aVC'rage to give their children as good
educations as fomiliPs in the higher incomc> gro11ps. This is shown
especially clearly in the proportion of youth who entered colleg~
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 21
17 percent among white-collar workers' children, 4 percent among
unskilled workers' children. Since opportunities in the labor market
are influenced by the degree of youth's educational preparation, there
is a tendency for the handicaps of his family to be passed on to the
youth himself.
TIME IN THE LABOR MARKET BEFORE FIRST FULL-TIME JOB
The aspect of youth's economic problems that has called forth most
attention is the unemployment and underemployment many of them
pass through before they get regular jobs. One of the best ways of
measuring the rate at which youth were absorb~d into full-time
employment is by noting the number of months they spent in the labor
market before getting their first full-time jobs. Table 7 shows the
proportion of boys and girls that found jobs quickly and the proportion that underwent various periods of unemployment or part-time
employment before getting regular full-time jobs.
Tobie 7.-Time Youth Spent in the Labor Market Before First Full-Time Job
Percent
distribution
Time In the lahor market before first
full-time Job
Total __ ---------------------------
100
1---
None ... ----· __ . ------------------------L<-ss than 3 months_____________________
3-5 months______________________________
&-II months_____________________________
49
16
9
8
Time In the labor market before first
full-time Job
Pem'nt
clistribu-
tion
I year hut less than 2 ___________________ .
2 years or more ... ··--------------------Never had a full-time Job _______________ _
6
In labor market July I, 1938 ________ _
6
3
Not In labor market July I, 1938 ___ _
4
9
Nearly one-half (49 percent) of the youth who entered the labor
market got full-time jobs immediately (i. e., within 1 week). 111 For a
considerable number of youth, therefore, the first stage of their
transition from student to full-time worker was accomplished with
little difficulty.
·
The other one-half were not so fortunate in finding full-time jobs
quickly. Some of these youth, of course, wanted only part-time
work, and some who had not had full-time jobs up ·to the time of
interview had been in the labor market no more than a few months.
Nevertheless, a certain group of youth illustrates the economic difficulties of new workers at their worst. Most youth who had not
obtained full-time jobs within a year or more fall in this group. At
1• It will be noted that the proportion of youth (49 percent) shown in table 7 as
obtaining full-time jobs immediately upon entering the labor market is hi!!;her
than that indicated in table 2, p. 12 (45 percent). The category "in labor market" in table 2 includes only youth who entered the labor market as soon as they
left school. Table 7 includes in addition youth who spent some time as housewives, unpaid family workers, and other nonparticipants in the labor market
before they sought their first jobs. The latter group in many cases retained their
nonworker Rtatus until they actually obtained full-time jobs.
22 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
least one-tenth of the labor-market entrants faced such difliculties in
finding their first full-time jobs that they were early marked off as a
disadvantaged group.:io
City Differenca
The question next arises: Did youth who spent a long time in the
labor market before getting their first full-time jobs come to a greater
extent from some sections of the population than from others?
One factor that has a bearing on the ease with which youth get
their first full-time jobs is their location. Not only are some cities
normally in a less active state economically than others but some are
also more vulnerable to fluctuations in economic conditions. Table
8 shows for each city the amount of t.ime youth spent in the labor
market before obtaining full-time jobs.
Tah/e 8.-Time Youth Spent in the Lobor Market Before First Full-Time Job, by City
Time In the 1Rhor mRrk<-t befon>
lull-time job
first
:,~~~: 1,~]:~;. ,
ton
ham
DPn-1 Duver
luth
I
St.
Louis
I ~I~~- I
!'an
I
Seattle
--------------.--Ptreenl diltri1>ulion
Total ___________________________ :_____
100
I
100
100
100
100
100
100
None ____ . _
···----------- - -----------~l~ - - 6 4 - - - . - 2 _ _48_ _ _46_ _ _ _
411
L<-ss than 3 months ·········· •···-··-·······
16'
16
Jl
17
14
19
16
3-6 months ____________ ---------····-··-----9
10
8
11
9
9
11
6--11 months..
. . ........ ____ ....... ___ .. _.
8
7
5
10
8
10
7
12 months or more ___ .. . . _____________________
7
It
6
10
13
8
8
r-,,ver h81.l a lull-time job _____ .... ____________
7
12
6
10
8
8
11·
Although the differences among the cities are not outstanding~
certain gt•neralizations may nevertheless be made. Denver and
Binghamton made the best showing, both in the high proportion of
youth who got jobs immediately upon entering the labor market, and
in the low proportion who were unemployed for a year or more before
thc>ir first full-time jobs, or who had never had full-time jobs up to the
time the survey was made. Birmingham and Duluth made the
poorest showing, on the whole. These two cities are dependent to a
great extt-nt upon the iron and sted industry, the> output of which
:io In another report ba.~ed on this 8t11dy a strict definition of "disadvantaged
youth" yielded the !-lame proportion (10 percent) among youth in the labor
market on July 1, 1938. In that report, youth were considered a.a "disadvantai;,:ed" who by July 1, 1938, had been unemployed at least 50percent of their total
time in the labor market and who in addition had a minimum amount of unemployment of 12 months. (Payne, Stanley L., Disadvantaged Youth on the Labor
Market, Series I, No. 25, Division of Research. Work Projects Administration,.
:Federal Works Agency, Washington, D. C., 1940, p. 4.)
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET • 23
sank to a low level during the worst years of the depression. 21 Since
most youth do not migrate in search of jobs, general economic conditions in the cities in which they live have a definite bearing upon the
rapidity with which they find employment.
Race Differences
Just as residence in a given city affects youth's opportunities for
finding work, so also their position in particular social or economic
groups within a given city affects their job opportunities. Striking
differences existed, for example, in the rapidity with which white and
Negro youth in Birmingham and St. Louis found their first full-time
jobs (table 9).
/
Table 9.-Time Youth Spent in the Labor Market Before First Full-Time Job, by Race
Birmingham
Time In tbe labor market before first full-time Job
White
I
St. Loui•
Negro
White
Negro
PeTcmt dutribution
Total __ ...••• ·········---·· ...••••••••••••••••••.
100
100
None __ . __ ------ - -- ---. --- ------- ----------···-···-··-··
Less than 3 months ___ -----------------------·-···----3-5 months ________________ ----------- _____ .--·-····---_
6-11 months _______ .. ___ --- -------- ----------- ----·····12 months or more _____ . -------------------·--·····---Never bad a full-time job .. ·-----------·-······-·······-
i9
16
g
7
9
10
37
Ii
100
JOO
f----f----
ll
8
U
16
49
16
g
8
13
6
36
6
g
6
12
81
White youth clearly had an advantage over Negro youth in both
Birmingham and St. Louis in obtaining their first jobs. In each of
these cities a considerably higher proportion of white youth than of
Negro youth got full-time jobs as soon as they entered the labor
market, whereas a higher proportion of Negroes than of whites either
experienced a long period of unemployment before their first jobs, or
11 The Census of Manufactures indicates that factory employment declined
more in Birmingham and Duluth during the depreBBion than in any of the other
five survey cities. Taking the average number of wage earners throughout the
year 1929 as 100, the corresponding indexes for 1933 in each of the 7 cities are
as follows: Duluth. _____________________________________ 49
Birmingham __________________________________ 50
Seattle ______________________________________ 62
St. Lcuis ____________________________________ 65
Denver ______________________________________ 66
Binghamton _________________________________ 68
San Francisco _____________________________ ._ _ 60
(Bureau of the Census, Biennial Census of 'Manufactures: 1935; Summary for
Citie3 Having 10,000 Inhabitant.a or More and for Countie3: 1935, 1933, and 1929,
series of State releases, U.S. Department of Commerce, Washington, D. C., 1937.)
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24 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
had never held a full-time job up to the time of the survey. The
disadvantaged position of Negroes appears again and again in this
study, regardless of the measure of economic success used.
Differences According to Usual Occupational Cla• of Father
Differences in the ease of getting their first jobs are also found
among youth of different social-economic backgrounds regardless of
their race. Employing the usual occupational class of the youth's
father as a rough measure of social-economic level, these differences
are clearly brought out.
Ta&le 70.-'-Time Youth Spent in the Labor Market Before Fim Full-Time Job, by Usual
Occupational Class of Father
Usual occupational clB.'IS of father
Time In the labor market before ftrst full•tlme
Job
White-collar
•I
I Semiskilled I
Stilled
Unskilled
Pe,cem diltrllmiirm
Total ................................... -
None ..................•....•••••••••••...•.....
Less than 3 months .....••..•••..•• __ .. _.• __ ...
3-5 months ...... ·········•····-······--·--····
6-11 months .... - . .............•...•...•........
12 months or mol"<' . .. _.. __ ...•.........•........
Never had a full•tlme Job ...................... .
1 Includes
100
100
100
100
55
48
16
10
g
9
8
46
42
15
10
g
13
11
,---- f------1-----1---14
9
7
7
8
16
10
9
11
8
professional persons; proprietors, managers, and officials; and clerical workers.
The higher the position of his father in the social-economic scale,
the more easily does the youth find a full-time job. These differentials a.rise largely because the children of families higher in the socialeconomic scale are given greater educational advantages. Since these
youth enter the labor market with better training and at a more mature age, they are more acceptable to employers. Another advantage
of youth from families of higher economic level is that their parents
are of more help to them in finding their first jobs than are the parents
of youth from families lower in the economic scale. 22
Differences According to Earnings on First Full-Time Job
A further question that arises is whether there is any connection
between the time it takes a youth to get his first full-time job and his
earnings on that job. Do those who get higher paid jobs find them
with comparatively little difficulty, or do they have to hunt longer
than other youth? Table 11 throws light on this point.
In general, youth who got better paid jobs did so comparatively
quickly, and youth who got poorer paid jobs had longer periods of
job hunting. One reason for this is that many employers recruit
22
Seep. 61
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FROM SCHOOL TO LABOR MARKET •
25
To&le 11.-Time Youth Spent in the Labor Market Before First Full-Time Job,
by Earnings on Job
usss than I
________________ ,_______
_I
Time ln the lahor market lx>forc first lull-time
job
$l0-$lll
$10
$2)-$21!
1'
$30--$391
$40 and
over
Perrtnt diatrilnttian
Total_____ ---------------------------------- None-·--·--------------------------------------Less than
3 months _______________________________ _
3-5 months ___ . ___________________________________ _
IHI months __ ----------------------------------12 months or more ___________ --- _------------------
100
100
100
100
100
53
52
11
67
15
9
9
11
8
11
64
14
6
6
10
67
10
8
17
12
8
10
17
4
11
youth directly from schools and colleges when filling jobs that involve
specialized training. In addition, boys and girls who started at
relatively well-pa.id jobs were on the average better educated and
older and thus were able to get jobs relatively soon after entering the
labor market.
1:;0;;117•-4~4
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Chapter II
YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS
AFTER ENTRANCE to the labor market the next important stage in
youth's development is getting their first jobs. Some youth, as was
shown in the preceding chapter, obtained full-time jobs almost as soon
as they entered the labor market. Others went through periods of
unemployment or part-time employment first. However, more than
nine-tenths (91 percent) of the boys and girls who had spent some
time in the labor market had had one full-time job or more by the
time of interview.
In order to obtain further information on the transition process and
how well different groups of youth fared in this stage of it, questions
such as the following will be considered in connection with youth's
first jobs: How did they learn of those jobs? In what occupations
and industries did t,hey find work? "Wnat were their wages and
. hours on those jobs?
In this chapter both first full-time and first part-time jobs are
considered. Special attention is given to full-time jobs, however, as
they represent the most important kind of labor-market participation.
HOW YOUTH LEARNED OF THEIR FIRST FULL-TIME JOBS
One of the most pertinent questions that can be asked about youth's
employment experiences is: How did they get their jobs? The question
is of importance not only for youth about to seek their first jobs, but
also for any unemployed worker. This is not to say that the job
seeker need only know the right formula to find work; a decade of
depression has taught that much more is needed to get a job than
determinat.ion, a neat appearance, and a knowledge of how to find job
openings. The total number of jobs cannot be increased by the use
of proper job-hunting techniques. The situation rather is this: If a
person knows the ways in which others have succeeded in getting jobs,
27
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28 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
he may improve his own chances by concentrating his efforts on the
most fruitful methods. His chances of getting a job depend primarily
upon conditions in the labor market and upon his own qualifications,
but he can make his job hunting more effective by using the methods
that experience has shown produce results.
In the present study youth were asked how they learned of each
job they had held up to the time of interview. Table 12 lists the
answers they gave regarding their first full-time jobs.
Table 12.-How Youth Learned of Their First Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Male
Total
How learned ol first lull-time job
Femnle
Ptrctnt di•tribution
Total ...........•.•...•.......•.••...••..•..............
JOO
I
100
I
JOO
1----·.-----·-----
Frlend.....
. ............................................ .
Personal application ....... . ......... . ....................... .
Parent. . . . ·····-····· · ··········· •·-···••-• · ··············
Othn rPlative ................................................ .
At school.....
. ........................................... .
Former employer ........................................... .
Employment S!!ellCy ••....•••••••••••..••••••••••.•.•.•.•••...
Want ad ....................•.....•...•.......•.......•.......
Other.............................................. , ...... .
31
23
31
31
ZI
II
12
7
24
14
12
4
4
6
3
i
12
10
3
6
4
4
3
6
4
2
6
The most usual way of locating a job is by lc>tting friends and
acquaintances know of one's efforts to find work. If a youth's friends
know of his unemployment they may be able to tell him of job
openings that exist in their offices or plants, and recommend him to
their employers.
The next most common way of getting a job is by "making the
rounds," obtaining interviews with employers or personnel officers
if possible, and in any event filing applications for employment. This
is hard work and involves frequent discouragement, but it paid dividends to many youth in this study.
Parc>nts and rc>latives are often of great help to youth in obtaining
employment. Boys were particularly likely to learn of jobs through
their parents. In addition to helping their children find other jobs,
parents are sometimes in a position to take their children into their
own businesses. The so-me is t.rue of other relatives.
The remaining ,vays in which youth reported that they learned of
their first full-time jobs were all of minor importance compared with
those already mentioned. Youth could learn of jobs through former
employers only if they had worked part time before seeking their first
full-time jobs. Recruiting by employers at the schocls, either directly
or through the school placement office's, led to jobs in some cases,
but more' frequently for girls thou for boys. RC'gistrntion at employment ag1mcies and answering or inserting want ads in newspapers
were devices seldom resorted to successfully by young workers.
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 29
It is not possible, strictly speaking, to infer that the most frequently
used methods of hunting jobs were also the most effective in terms of
results for effort expended. It may be that the most effective method,
in the sense of successes per number of trials, was keeping in touch
with former employers, but comparatively few youth could do-this in
seeking their first full-time jobs. It is probably safe to say, however,
that the ways in which these youth most frequently learned of jobs
are also the ways that hold the most promise for other new workers. 1
OCCUPATIONAL CLASSES OF FIRST FULL-TIME JOBS
The occupational pattern of youth's first full-time jobs is determined
partly by the training they have acquired, but even more by the
kind of job opportunities available in their communities when they
seek work. When jobs were scarcest during the depression, some
youth had to take work that was less skilled or responsible than they
had been trained for, as for example, clerical instead of professional
work. Furthermore, since the more advanced types of positions are
usually held by older workers, it would not be expected that young
persons would be well represented in these jobs. The occupational
classes in which youth found themselves when they started to work
full time are shown in table 13.
Tahle 13.-0ccupational Classes of Youth's First Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Occupational class 1 or first full-time Job
I
Male_
Female
Ptrcrnl di.<tribution
/
____ ,____
Total______________________________________________________________________ ,
Professional ___________ .. __ ... ___________________________________________________
~f~/f~~t-~~
. -~~~~-ri~~'- ~~d -~m~~al--~~=:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Account!n~ and semiprofessionaJ ___________ •.•. ____________________________ . _
Stenography and allied ______ ._. _________________ ..•... ______________________
Other clerical. ________ . ________________________________________ .. ____________
Sales .. ______________________________________________________________________
Skilled ____ -----------------------------------___________________________________
Semi,ldl!ed ____________________________________________________ . ___________ . ____ .
Unskilled .. _________ . ___ .________________________________________________________
Servant and domestic_----------------------------------------------------Laborer_____________________________________________________________________
HJO
100
2
8
3~
~5
2
I
18
16
3
36
19
5
14
16
16
16
•
22
22
21
•
•Less than 0.5 percent.
1 Because of the t~~hnical imposslhility of taking account or all chflnJ?es In occupation on each Job, the
occupational class of the work performed longest on the particular Job Is used to describe the entire Job.
About three-quarters of these boys and girls started full-time work
Another one-filth obtained
unskilled jobs-the boys chiefly as laborers, the girls as servants.
Only 8 percent of the boys and 3 percent of the girls held professional,
proprietary, managerial, or skilled positions.
The bulk of the jobs youth obtained were thus in occupations
requiring little training in school or on the job. Semiskilled jobs,
in clerical or semiskilled positions.
1 See pp. 57-62 for a fuller discussion of how youth learned of all jobs held
during the survey period.
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30 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
most of which are in factoriPs, can ordinarily be lParned in a few weeks
or months. Likewise, selling jobs, in which about one-sixth of the
youth worked, require little specialized training. Unskilled employment, of course, claims a residual group of workers, who are unable to
secure· more generally desired types of jobs, either because of their
own lack of training, experience, or ability, or because of a scarcity of
the better jobs.
It must be remembered that the proportion of white-collar workers,
particularly professional persons, is lowered slightly by the fact that
some of the youth who had entered college or professional schools had
not completed their courses and entered the labor market by the time
this study was made. The proportion of youth who got unskilled
jobs is probably also understated because of the exclusion from the
study of youth who had not graduated from the eighth grade.
It is sometimes said that job opportunities in whit~ollar occupations are entirely too few to accommodate the great numbers of youth
seeking admission to them. However, the fact that two-fifths to onehalf of the youth in this study got whi~olla.r jobs shows that the field
is of major importance in furnishing employment to youth. In respect
to earnings, as shown later, boys fared rather poorly in clerical work,
but girls fared well. It is probable, therefore, that a good many boys
would prefer to prepare for jobs in fields other than clerical if they
knew more precisely what average earnings are in clerical work.
Vocational guidance programs should make available to youth the
facts both about the number of job opportunities in particular occupational fields and the wages and working conditions on those jobs,
so that youth may choose occupations with fuller knowledge of
conditions in the labor market. The point stressed here, however, is
that no hard-and-fast policy should be followed of discouraging youth
from preparing for clerical work on the assumption th.at this field is
exceptionally overcrowded. 2
1 The following quotation illm,trates several misconceptions regarding opportunities for youth in white-collar work:
"In fact, white-collar jobs are among the poorer fieldi;; of job opportunity.
About two-thirds of our high-school graduates hope to find white-collar work.
Yet, only one-third of the present job holders in the country are employed in these
types of positions." ("America's Major Occupations," Vocational Trends, June
1940, p. 4.)
In the first place, white-collar workers are recruited chiefly from youth with
high-school or college educations. Therefore, high-school graduates have a better
chance of obtaining white-collar jobs than is implied in the above quotation.
Secondly, opportunities for youth change more rapidly than opportunities for
older workers. The expansion of the white-'.collar field in recent years has been accompli,ihed more by drawing into them youth who had never before worked than
by diverting older workers from other firldR. Continued expansion of the whitecollar field is likely, and will therefore mean further job opportunities for youth.
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 31
Only 3 percent of the young men were engaged in skilled occupations
on their first jobs. Skilled workers are developed even more on the
job than in vocational schools, so that it is to be expected that they
would constitute only a small proportion of the workers in the youth
group. United States census data of 1930 indicate that the proportion
of skilled workers to all male nonagricultural workers does not reach ·
a maximum until ages 35-44.3 Some of the youth in this study classified B.B semiskilled workers in their first full-time jobs became skilled
workers at the expiration of their apprenticeship.
Occupational CICIINI of Youth and of Their Fathen
Do youth tend to follow in their fathers' footsteps when they go. to
work? Some evidence that they do, though not to any marked degree,
is obtained from a comparison of youth's occupational classes on their
first jobs with the usual occupational classes of their fathers (table 14).
TalJle 74.-0ccupational Classes of Youth's first Full-time Jobs, by Occupational
Class of Fathers
Usual occupational class of lather
Occupational cl8"8 of first full•tlme Job
psfin';;j.
f
I
managcri~l,
Proprietary,
and 01Ilc1al
I
Clerical
I
Skilled
I
Semi•
skilled
Unskilled
Pereem dl1trlbuti011
TotaI-,ions ........•••••••••••••..
100
100
100
100
100
Professional. . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. ......••.
Proprietary, managerial, and official....
Clerical.................................
Skillrd. ...............................•.
Semiskilled.............................
Unskilled...............................
4
2
2
1
6
42
6
31
14
3
2
61
2
28
14
1
1
100
100
100
9
I
69
•
4
3
66
71
63
44
34
16
12
14
22
22
28
26
30
Total--<laughters........ ... . . .....
Professional....
. . . . .. . . . .. . ......
Proprietary, managerial, and official....
Clerical.................................
Skilled. ____ ----------------------------Semiskilled ...............•.•.•.•.•.....
Unskilled ...............•....•..•.••....
44
3
28
Ill
===1,====1===
2
36
4
37
=
~
100
. .• .
88
g
12
1
11
1
1
3
26
3
19
29
43
41
- -100- - - 100
---1----+----1----1--6
100
.
2
.
..
2
34
•Less than 0.5 percent.
Because of the strong tendency of all youth to enter a few particular
occupational groups, it cannot be said in any absolute sense that they
tended to follow their fathers' occupational classes. For example,
young women, regardless of their fathers' occupational classes, were
more likely to go into clerical work than any other. The influence of
the fathers' occupational classes does show up, however, in the relatively
greater likelihood of their children's obtaining jobs in the same broad
occupational fields. The young women who were most likely to enter
1 Woytinsky, W. S., Labor in the United States, Social Science Research Council,
Washington, D. C., 1938, p. 59.
32 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
the clerical field were those whose fathers had bem in the sume type
of work. Likewise, though only a small proportion of all youth
obtained professional work on their first jobs, the proportion was
highest among children of professional fathers. These relationships
also hold for the other occupational groups, with only two exceptions.•
The occupational class in which a young person starts is thus
partly determined by the occupational level of his father.
The reasons for this relationship illustrate well the way in which
social stratification tends to persist. In the first place, the occupation at which a youth starts to work is largely dependent upon the
amount of education he has received. Furthermore, his ability to
continue in school is influenced by the economic circumstances of his
family, which in turn are dependent upon the father's occupational
class. The second important factor is the way in which a youth
locates his first job. As shown above,6 a large proportion of youth
were helped in obtaining their first jobs by the efforts of relatives and
friends. Particularly where the youth is helped to get a job by his
father or his father's friends, that job is likely to be in the field in
which the father himself works or with which he is most familiar. 11
Sometimes the youth's father is even able to give him a job at his
own type of work, as in the case of the proprietor of a store or business.
These various influences-some, involving economic pressure, operating powerfully, and some, involving sentiment, operating subtly-increase the likelihood that youth will find work on their fathers' occupational levels.
Occupational Clan•• of White and Negro Youth
Not only do NPgro youth take longer thnn white youth to get
their first full-time jobs; they also are much more likely to find
themselves in menial, low-paid, and physically exhausting occupations when they do find jobs. Because Negroes were a sizable
group in this study only in Birmingham and St. Louis, the comparison of their occupational grouping with that of white youth is
made only for these two cities (table 15).
The proportion of youth in unskilled jobs was more than five times
as high among Negroes as among whites in these two cities. Negro
youth were especially highly represented in servant jobs-55 percent
4 The .sons of proprietors, managers, and officials showed a slightly greater
tendency to enter skilled work than did the sons of skilled fathers, and the
daughters of unskilled fathers entered semiskilled work somewhat more frequently than did the daughters of semiskilled fathers.
5 See table 12, p. 28.
e Some unions of skilled workers give preforence to the sons of members in
admitting apprentices. In such cases the relationship between father's and son's
occupations is clear and direct.
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I nd ustrial W urA:er.
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS •
33
Ta&le 75.-Occupational Classes of White and Negro Youth on First Full-Time Jobs,
Birmingham and St. Louis
Birmingham
Occupational class of first full•timc Job
St. Louis
I
White
I
Negro
White
I
Negro
1-----c---~--.
•.
Percent di$tribution
Total ..............•.•.•••...•.•.•.••.•••..••....
Profcssionnl. .. _. _......... _. . . . . __ ...............•...
Propridary, managerial, and official _________________ _
Clerical. ... __ ........... __ ..........•...•.....
Account in!' and semiprofessional.. ........•.........
St<'norrnphy and allied ................•..••...... _
Other clerical. ....... _............•...•...........
Sales ____________________ --------------------------Skilled ...............................•.................
SNniskilled ....................................•.......
Unskilled ............. _............................... .
St>n·ant and domestic ....................•.........
Laborer ..............................•.............
100
4
4
57
5
11
16
26
3
20
12
6
6
I
JOO
I~
3
1
00
5
1
1
1
3
9
23
2
15
2
34
1
24
67
5.5
12
11
7
4
I
100
.
14
5
9
3
20
59
4S
11
•Less than 0.5 percent.
of them in Bim1ingham and 48 percent in St. Louis starting at this
work, as compared with 6 and 7 percent, respectively, of white youth.
Limited occupational opportunity for Negroes is partly accounted
for by inadequate educational opportunity. In some areas the
standard of instruction is lower for Negroes than for whites.
However, even when Negro youth a.re able to get good educations
they still have greater difficulty than white youth in getting the
better jobs, or any jobs at all. In this study Negro youth in
St. Louis actually had a somewhat higher average a.mount of
education than white youth (11.7 and 11.0 yea.rs, respectively). In
Birmingham Negro youth had a lower average a.mount of education
than white youth (11.6 and 12.2 years, respectively). Yet Negroes
in St. Louis were only a little more successful than Negroes in Birmingham in getting jobs above the unskilled and semiskilled level.
Enabling Negroes to get better educations is a necessary condition
for their economic emancipation, but by no means a guarantee of it.
The disadvantaged position of Negro youth relative to white youth
is least when economic conditions are good and the demand for labor is
expanding. At such times race is a less important bar to employment.·
INDUSTRIAL GROUPS OF FIRST FULL-TIME JOBS
Because of thPir generally lower level of skill end leek of experience,
young workers are limited to a smaller range of occupations than are
mature workers. They are not so limited in the industries they may
enter, because in most industries workers of widely different degrees
of skill and responsibility are employed. The industry in which a.
youth finds work is also determined in part by the economic characteristics of the city in which he seeks work as well as by his vocational
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34 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
preparation. The industrial distribution of all youth in the seven cities
on their first full-time jobs is shown in table 16.7
Ta&le 76.-lndustrial Groups of Youth's First Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
I
Industrial lfOUP of lint full-time Job
Male
Female
----Pe,ctfll dutributi<>11
Total ______________________________________________________________________ ,
Agrlc,ulture _____ - - - - -- _- - - - - _- - - - -- - ____ - ___ -· - __ - _- ____________________________ _
Other extractive 1_______________________________________________________________ •
Manufacturing
mechanical___ -----------·----·--·-------------· ---·--- ··_
Tramportatlon and
and communication.
_____ .--· _____
. __________ . _______________
Trade _______________________ . ____ ... ___________________ .. ______________________ _
Public aervlce ______________________ ·----· ________ . ____________________________ . _
ProfeMional !lervice. _________________ ---- ____ .. __ -• ___ . _________ -------------- .. .
Domestic and personal service _________________ --·--- ·--·------------------ --·-·
- - JOO
-I
100
3 '
I
36
JO
311
I
5
ff
21
3
36
I
10
27
• 1 - than 0.5 percent.
t Includes forestry, llshinl, and extraction of minerals.
Young workers were concentrated in two or three large industrial
groups on their first full-time jobs. Nearly thre(H}uarters of the boys
worked in manufacturing and mechanical industries or in trade, the
two broad groups being about equally important (36 and 38 percent,
respectively). It may be said, therefore, that boys contributed
chiefly to the fabrication and merchandising of goods.
Girls were represented in trade in about the same proportion as
boys (36 percent), in manufacturing and mechanical industries somewhat less (23 percent), but in domestic and personal service a great
deal more (27 percent). These three industrial groups together
employed nearly seven-eighths of the girls on their first full-time jobs.
Young women also were more highly represented than young men in
professional service (10 percent as against 5 percent). The economic
contribution of girls was thus more definitely in the fields of distribution and personal service than was true in the case of boys.
City Dllferenca
Some industries, such as building and construction, have much the
same relative importance in any city, although others, such as shoe
manufacturing, are concentrated in particular cities. The presence
of natural resources, proximity to markets, and the availability of
transportation facilities are some of the factors determining the
location of industries. Whatever the reasons for the industrial
composition of a particular city, job opportwiities are in fact largely
7 See appendix table 12 for a detailed breakdown of indll8try of youth's fint
full-time jobs.
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 35
determined by the types of industry located in that city.8 This is as
true for young as for older workers. Table 17 illustrates how youth
in the seven survey cities differed in respect to the broad groups of
industries in which they found their first employment.
Tal,le 77.-lndustrial Groups of Youth's First Full-Time Jobs, by City
Industrial grouo or first full•tlme Job
Bing•
bam•
I ton
I ming•
Bir· IDenverIDuluth I Lo.;ls
St
I Fran•
San ISeattle
ham
els co
Perct'llt di,tribution
Total. ..•••••••••••••••••••••••••••• __ •
Al!rlculture .............••.•• _·_ •.•.•••.•.•...
Other extractive 1 ·······- _ -·--···•···········
Manufacturing and mechanical. ...•.•••.•••..
Transportation and oommw1ication ..••••.•••
Trade ................................•....••.
Public servloo .............................. .
Professional servloo ....... _.......•..•••.....
Domestic and personal service ..........•.....
100
100
100
100
I
3
I
- - - -I - 3
33
5
32
1
9
19
1
21
•
36
2
9
26
21
8
42
~
8
31
I
2
9
15
r,
8
100
--+-1_00_1~
I
4
2
2,~
41
32
5
8
.
36
41
2
6
6
10
12
36'
I
8
17
• Less than 0.5 peroont.
•Includes forestry, fishing, and extraction or minerals.
The proportions of youth employed in manufacturing and mechanical industries were greatest in St. Louis, Binghamton, and San Francisco. Domestic and personal service employed considerably higher
proportions of youth in Birmingham and Duluth than in any of the
other cities. The reason for this may have been the exceptionally low
rate of activity in manufacturing and transportation in these cities
during the worst years of the depression. Domestic and personal
service probably offered the only chance of employment to many
youth who in more normal times would have entered the basic industries upon which the economic life of these cities so largely depends.
The differences among the cities in the proportions of youth employed in the large field of trade were not great, on the whole. Such
differences as existed were in favor of Denver and San Francisco.
EARNINGS AND HOURS ON FIRST FULL-TIME JOBS
The most widely accepted measure of success in the labor market is
income. In certain fields, such as the professions and the higher
levels of public service, prestige is sometimes felt to outweigh earnings
as a sign of achievement, but by and large it is accepted that the more
8 The point is illustrated also by the way in which migration operates to distribute workers according to an industrial pattern almost identical with that of
residents of the area of destination. See Webb, John N., and Westefeld, Albert,
"Migration of Workers to .Michigan," Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 2, No. 5, May
1939, p. 19.
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36 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
money a worker makes the more successful he is. Income thus provides a simple quantitative measure of how youth fared on their
first jobs.
The hours a youth works are also important to consider. If he
works very long hours for an average or below avcrage wage, his
working conditions clearly are substandard. Likewise, very short
hours may mean either that the youth has exceptionally good working conditions or that he is underemployed, dcpendi.ng upon the wage.
Of course, many young persons willingly undergo difficult working
conditions for the sake of future advancement. Nevertheless, for the
bulk of the youthful labor force, it can be determined with some degree
of confidence whether hours worked are those generally accepted as
being reasonable.
Weekly
Eamin91
The first point considered is the question of earnings on youth's
first full-time jobs (table 18).
Tobie 18.-Weekly Earnings on Youth's First Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Weckly.earnin~s I on first full time Job
I
Male
Female
PtTetnt dbtrihtttion
TotaL ______ ------------------------- ---------------------- ------------- __
A ,•er~•--- _________________________________ --- --- ---- -- __ - _____ - _-- __ - __ .
100
100
'l
3
21
41
2S
5
1
1----1----
LPSS than $4. 50 _______ ------- -------------- ----------------------- --------------.
$4. 50-$9. 49 _____________________ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - $9. 50-$14. 49. _-- __ --- _--- _-- _-- - - - -- - -- -- - - - --- - -- - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - . -- --- -- -- --- - $14 . .'i0-$19. 49 __ --- _- - -- - - - --- --- -- - - - - -- -- -- - - - - --- - - - - - - - -- --- - - - - -- - -- ----- - -$19. ;,0-$24. 49 ___________ --- ----- -- -- - ---- - - -- - -- - - - - - - - - -- -- -- - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- -- -$24. 50--$29. 49. _ ----- ---- _-- --------------------- --- --- ---- --- -- - -- -- -- --- -------$2\1. 5()--$34. 49. _ --- ---- ---- --------------------- - --- - - -- - -- ------ ---- - - - --- ------ $34. 50--$39. 49 __________________________ ------ __ -- ____ . ______ -- -- _ - - --- - ---- _____
$39. 50 or more ________ ---------------------------- -- ---- --- ----------------------
12
Ti
33
15
7
3
°
1
1
I
i====l====
$15. 40
$12.70
•Less than 0.5 pcre<>nt.
Includes an allowance for earnings In kind (meals, lodgin~. etc_) where these were furnished the worker_
1
Average weekly earnings of youth on their first full-time jobs were
$15.40 for boys and $12.70 for girls. In evaluating the adequacy of
these earnings, it must be remembered that some boys and girls were
still living with their parents and so were not completely dependent
upon their own earnings. On the other hand, some had to contribute
to the support of their families and therefore had greater responsibilities than if they were supporting themselves alone.
The earnings figures prC'sented here, it should be recalkd, apply only
to jobs that would generally be regarded as full time (30 hours or more
per week). If pnrt-tirnc jobs were included, average wages would be
much lower than those shown.
The average weekly wages of young men on their first full-time
jobs were about one-fifth higher than those of young women. Of
YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 37
course, some young women had higher earnings than young men,
but the average expectancy was for lower earnings among young
women than among young men. This sex differential in earnings
persists as youth grow older.
Weekly Houn
The most usual hours youth worked on their first full-time jobs
were from 40 to 44 per week. There was less difference in the hours
worked by boys and girls than in the earnings they received (table 19).
Taflle 19.-Weekly Hours on Youth's First Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Weekly hours on first full•tlmc job
I
Male
Female
Ptretnl di,tribution
Total ........•.•.•.•••.••••••••••••• ··················-·--····-·-··········
30--34 .•••.•••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•.••....•...•..•..•.. •·· ••.••.••••••••••
35-39. . . . . . . . . . . . .• . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . .......... . ....................•.....
40--H .••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•••.•.•. •·······•·····•·········••·•·•·•••
45-49 ...•.••••••••••...•••..••••.••..•.•••.•...•••.•••••.. ·• .••.....••••.••••..•.
100 I
100
--- --51
5
33
22
10
50---,>4 ......................... ·················· ................................ .
55-59 ... -·· ··--· •• ·- .•. -· ..•.•...•.. · -·· ••.•.•... . .... . ........• ·- ....•.. • ....••.
60-69 .• ··--·-·--·· •.•••.•..•••...•..••.•...•.......................•....••.•••.•.
70--79 .• --·. ·-··-· ••••••• ·• .•.•...•.•.•.•.•.•.•.......••• ·- ...• . •.••• ·--·. -· •••••.
80-112. _...................•.•.........................................•.........
5
JO
6
4
··--···-···I
,~~~
Average ................•• ---··· - -·-·· • •·· • · · · · ·· · · · · · ·· ·· · · · ···
46
6
11
34
ZI
7
3
6
4
2
I===
44
On their first full-time jobs boys worked an average of 46 hours
per week and girls 44. Half of the youth worked fewer hours than
these, and half worked more. The majority of youth were thus on
the job for more than the 40 hours per week now established by
Congress through the Wage-Hour Act as a desirable maximum in
most ind us tries. 9
One of the desires youth often expressed, when queried about their
plans, was to continue their educations. The youth most in need of
further education (aside from the unemployed) were those who were
working long hours and receiving the lowest pay. Usually the most
practical way for such persons to get more education was by attending
night school, but long working hours made it difficult for them to do
so. This is one of many examples of the way in which factors placing
certain youth at a disadvantage in the labor market frequently reinforce rather than offset each other.
Eamin91 in Relation to Houn
Neither hours nor earnings considered alone are as good a measure
of youth's position in the labor market as the two considered together.
For example, many youth working short hours would prefer some
9 The youth in this study were interviewed before the Wage-Hour Act went
into effect.
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38 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
increase in th('ir ho1_1rs if they could increase their earnings proportionately. On the other hand, the advantages of high earnings were
qualified somewhat if youth had to work an exc('ssive number of hours
for those wag('s. In table 20 avernge (mean) 10 weekly earnings are
consider('d in relation to weekly hours worked, and the two are
further ?Ompared in a derived measure of average hourly earnings.
Ta&le .20.-Weekly Hours and Weekly and Hourly Earnings on Youth's First Full-Time
Jobs, by Sex
Average (mellJl) weekly
earnings
1
Average hourly earnlnJZS
Weekly hours on first full•tlme Job
Male
30--34 _____________________ ---·-··· ••••••••••••••
$12.M
3,',-'>0. - ·······--- •••••••• ·- ••••••• - ••••• - •••••••
15. 80
17. 50
4(H4 ••••.••••••••.•....••.•..•.•.•.............
4HII..•••.••••.•....•••.......................•
5'>-"" .......................................... .
16.60
Jr,.
to
6'>-59 ••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••.••.••.•••••.
t,0--011 ••••••• -----· -·- ••••• - •••••••••••••••••••••
16. 60
70- 7(}_. --------- ••••• -· •••••••••••••••••••••••••
16. 20
80-112 •••••••• ···- •••• ---- •• -·--. --- ••••••••••••
1
1
Male
Female
15. 00
1e.so
Female
so.a.,
S0.40
$10. 50
12. 00
14.00
12.80
JI. 10
11.40
10. 60
11.00
JO 70
.43
.42
.35
. 31
.35
.33
.'IT
• 21
.29
. 2.~
.22
.16
.16
,:,)
(')
Computed hy dlvi<lin~ the mell11 weekly enrnini:s hy the mirlpoint or e8<'h Wl'<'kly-hours cla..qg Interval.
Not compul.<.'<i becalllitl or unocrtaln position or midpoint in 80-112 weekly hours class interval.
Avernge (mean) weekly earnings rose up to the point where youth
worked 40 to 44 hours per week, and then declined. Much the same
relationship is shown in the ease of average (mean) hourly earnings.
In other words, those youth who had the highest earnings worked
only a moderate number of hours per week. Most youth who held
lower paid jobs had to work longer than 40-44 hours per week. 11
Thus the disndvantnges of low enrnings were usually accompanied by
the clisadvantnges of long hours and only infrequently were offset
by short hours.
Earnings and Hours In Occupational Clane1
Earnings and hours on youth's first full-time jobs differed markedly
according to occupational class. One reason for these differences is
that the occupational clusses youth enter are partly determined by
their SPX, their race, the economic circumstances of their families,
their education, and the ag<·s at which they seek work. But earnings
and working conditions in various occupational groups are much more
tlrnn the reflection of tlwse background factors. Other factors of
10 The median usually affords a better method of averaging earnings than the
mean, owing to the exaggerated importance given in the mean to extreme cases.
However, in computing average earnings by both occupation (or i11dustry) and
hours worked, it was not fea.~ible to use the median because of technical difficulties
of tabulation. In order to pPTmit comparison with later tables of this kind, the.
mean is used in the present table.
11 See table 19.
D191• zed by
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS •
39
importance are the relative oversupply or undersupply of workers in
particular occupational fields, the degree of unionization, State regulations, and whether there are other compensations in the way of
prestige or attractiveness of the work (as in teaching). Some idea
of the way in which wages and hours varied ·from one occupational
class to another is given in table 21.
TalJle .27.-Weekly Hours and Weekly and Hourly Earnings, by Occupational Class of
Youth's First Full-Time Job and by Sex
Female
Male
Occupational class of ftrst
lull-time Job
Professional •........ _____ .•..•
Proprietary, managerial, and
ofilcial ...••.•.••...•••...•••
Clerical ..... ---···---···----··
Accounting and semi•
professional. ... ___ ---···
Stenography and allied ...
Other clerical. _______ .•••.
Sales...... _..••.••..•.•.•.
Skilled ........ ----·-_ ...•••
Semiskilled .........•.•..... ::
Unskilled ........ -·--------···
Servant and domMtlc•••••
Laborer ..•.. _. __ ....•.••••
Average
weekly
hours
(mean)
Average
weekly
earnin~s
(mean
Average
hourly
earn-
ings'
45
$23.00
$0.51
59
23.00
15.60
.39
• 31
18. 70
16.10
15. 70
15.10
20. 10
16. 50
16:60
16. 70
16.00
.41
50
{6
45
{6
56
47
49
52
56
51
.36
.34
.Zl
.43
.34
.32
.28
.33
Average
weekly
earnin~s
(mean
Average
weekly
hours
(mean)
Average
hourly
earn•
ingsl
48
.
$16. llO
t
t
13.80
.81
45
13. 10
14.20
12. 00
.29
.34
.34
.28
12.30
9.80
9.80
,18
.18
42
43
{6
t
45
56
56
t
14.50
t
t
t().33
t
t
,'n
t
t Average not computed for fewer than 50 cases.
1 Obtained by dividing the mean weekly earnings by the mean weekly hours.
The highest weekly wages were earned by boys and girls in professional work and by boys working as proprietors, managers, and officials. The relatively favorable earnings in these types of work are
one reason why so many young people are ambitious to enter the
professions or to go into business for themselves. It must be remembered, however, that long, difficult, and expensive preparation is
needed for entrance to the professions, and that this hurdle is insurmountable for many youth who would like to enter the field. Likewise, an important prerequisite for starting almost any kind of business
is an adequate amount of capital, but even a small amount is hard for
most youth to raise.
Failing a chance at professional or proprietary work, many youth
next prefer any sort of clerical work. An important reason for this
preference seems to be the greater prestige attached to white-collar
jobs. Earnings and hours, however, are factors that should also enter
into any evaluation of the advantuges of particular jobs. From the
evidence available here, it appears that boys fared rather poorly in
clerical work, but girls made out well in it.
The averuge earnings of boys were lower in the broad field of
clerical occupations than in any others, even unskilled. The relatively
low average level of boys' earnings in the clerical field as a whole
D191· zed by
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40 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
($15.60) were largely a reflect.ion of the wage levels in sales jobs
($15.10). In the case of girls, however, earnings in clerical work
were second only to earnings in professional work. The relatively
high average earnings ($13.80) of girls in clerical work were due in
considerable part to the employment of many girls in stenographic
and related jobs, 12 where weekly earnings averaged $14.20.
The next highest paid occupations for boys, after professional and
proprietary work, were those in skilled work. Young mechanics averaged $20.10 for a work week of about 47 hours-$4.50 more than
clerks. Of course, the skilled field can usually be entered only after a
period of apprenticeship or vocational instruction in school. And the
work may be less regular than most kinds of office jobs. Nevertheless,
in view of the relatively high earnings in skilled work, it would appear
that many boys who now prepare for clerical work might find it
advantageous to prepare for skilled work instead. This conclusion
holds with especial force at the pr~sent time, when activity in the
defense industries is providing many jobs for skilled workers.
The lowest paid group of young workers were girls employed as
servants and domestic helpers. These girls earned an average of only
$9.80 for a 56-hour week, or 18 cents per hour. When it is recognized
that servant work, in addition to low wages and long hours, usually
involves less freedom than factory work, it is not hard to see why
most girls avoid servant jobs if they can possibly secure any other.
So long as wages are too low to compensate for the long hours and
restrictive working conditions in domestic service, the best qualified
young workers will continue to seek jobs in other fields, and employers will find a shortage of capable help. These are the economic
relationships at the heart of the "servant problem."
Earnings and Hours in Industrial Groups
The earnings and hours of young workers vary greatly also according to the broad groups of industry in which they find their first fulltime jobs. These differences are partly due to occupational differences,
however, for the industries that represent extreme cases usually employ particular types of workers and not a cross section of all types.
Table 22 summarizes the situation in each major industrial group.
The highest weekly wages ($22.30) were earned by young men
employed in extractive industries other than agriculture, i. e., in
forestry, fishing, or mining. Most of these young men worked in
logging near Seattle; both unionization and location in a high-wage
area 13 contributed towards raising their weekly earnings. However, they worked an average of 56 hours per week to make these
relatively high wages.
12
11
i:-1ee table 13, p. 29.
See table 80, p. 114.
D1gi zed by
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 41
Tal>le .H.-Weekly Hours and Weekly and Hourly Earnings, by Industrial Group of
Youth's First Full-Time Job and by Sex
Male
Industrial irroup on ftrst
full-time Joh
Agriculture __________________ _
Other extractive•-- __________ _
Manufacturing and mechanical ____ ·-------------------
Transportation and rommunlcntion ________________ _
Trade _______________________ _
Public service ________________ _
Profo.s..c,;ional srrvlce __________ _
Domestic and personal service_
.~verage
,..e,•kly
hours
(mean)
Average
W('('kly
earnings
(mean)
FemBle
Average
hourly
earnings
I
Average
weekly
hours
_(mean)
Average
We<'kly
earnings
(m~an)
Average
hourly
earnings
1
$13. llO
22.30
$0.22
56
.40
t
i
t
46
17.50
.38
43
$13. :ll
$0.31
18.10
15.40
.35
.29
43
45
. 37
.30
.31
.27
56
16.00
13. 70
19. 30
13.10
10.10
62
61
63
48
50
66
21.30
16. 70
16. 30
.«
41
44
t
. 47
.30
.18
t Average not romputed tor fewer than 50 cases.
• Obtained by dividing the mean weekly earnings by the mean weekly hours.
Includes lorestn•, fishing, and extraction of mineral!.
1
Employment in the public service yielded the second highest weekly
wages for boys ($21.30) and the highest for girls ($19.30). A work
week of 48 hours for boys and 41 hours for girls was a further aspect
of the relatively favorable working conditions youth found in public
employment. These advantages help explain why many youth who
in more normal times might prefer to enter private industry now seek
government work instead. Other attractions that exist in many jurisdictions of government service are protection against arbitrary dismissal, sick leave and vacation privileges, and retirement benefits.
The two industrial groups employing the largest proportions of youth
were, as noted above, manufacturing and trade. Earnings in these
industries were consequently not far from the average earnings of
boys and girls in all industries. It is interesting to note, however,
that boys earned more in manufacturing than in trade, while girls
earned more in trade than in manufacturing. This relationship is
parallel with the one found earlier in connection with occupational
groups: i. e., boys earned more in semiskilled than in sales work,
and girls earned more in sales than in semiskilled work.
Youth employed in professional sez:vice had relatively low average
weekly earnings-$15.70 for boys, and $13.10 for girls. However,
only a few who planned to enter the more advanced types of professional work, such as law, medicine, and engineering, had finished.
their preparation by the time this study was made. Furthermore,
many of the higher paid youth in professional occupations were employed in industries other than professional service. 14
1' For example, in the industry table, chemists are classified under the industry
in which they worked, and not under "professional service." On the other hand,
"professional service" in the industry table includes some youth in semiprofessional types of work who were classitie!f under "clerical" in the occupation table.
460;;97'-43--5
42 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Agriculture and domestic and personal service were the lowest
paid industries in which youth worked. Furthermore, these industries involved extremely long working hours: an average of 62 per
week in agriculture, and 55 or 56 in domestic and personal service.
One of the main reasons for these unfavorable working conditions is
the unskilled nature of most of the jobs. In addition, these workers
have little if any labor organization or State legislation to improve
their working conditions.
Earning, and Saclal-Economlc Level
Just as youth from families higher in the social-economic scale
spend less time in the labor market before getting their first full-time
jobs, so they earn, on the average, higher wages on their first jobs
than youth from poorer homes. This relationship appears clearly
whether the family's economic level is measured by the usual occupation of the father or by the section of city in which the youth lived at
the time of graduation from the eighth grade (table 23).
TafJle 23.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on First Full-Time Jobs, by Usual Occupational
Class of Father, Section of City, and Sex
A '<'ernge weekly earnings ol
youth on first lull-time
Usunl oceupati<,nRl rlns.• or rather and section ol city (rental area)
Job
Male
Female
Whitr,-collar 1 _______________ • _ . _________ • ___________________________________ _
$16. 10
Skilled
------------------------------------------------------------------Semiskilled
_________________________________________________________________ _
Unskilled __________________ ._ •.. -· ___ • _________ -·· ___ -·····-·-·-·- .. _·····- •.
15. 10
15. 10
12. :l()
11.30
16.00
15. 40
15.10
13.!'0
12. iO
11.90
High rental area_ . . __ .. __ .. __ ... _···-- _···- -···- ___ .. ···-··- _________ --··. _
Medium
rental
___________ ·-·--··--·--·-·-·····---·-·-·---··------··-··-_
Low rental
are.a area
___ . _________________________________________________________
rn. 30
s1a. ;o
12.
;o
' Includes professional persons; proprietors, mana~ers, aud olllcials; and clerical workers.
The diff Prences in favor of youth from families of higher socialeconomic level are the result of sevqrn.l factors, including the race of
the parents, their income level, and the education they could help
their children to obtain. In addition, parents in the higher types of
jobs are probably in a better position than other parents to help their
children find jobs. In general, youth who come from homes that can
give them advantages before they seek work are in a more favorable
position than are other youth when they do seek work.
Earning, and Education
As already mentioned, one of the ways in which youth from families
of relatively high social-economic status are helped to obtain better
paid jobs is through the superior education their parents can give
D1911 zed by
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YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS •
43
them. In ta.hie 24 it is shown that the more education a youth has,
the better his chances of starting out a.ta higher wage when he goes
to work.
Tal>le .24.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on First Full-Time Jobs, by Education and Sex
Years of education completed
A vemge W<'<'kly earnings
on first lull•time Job
Male
8......••••••••••............ . .........•....•.....•.......................•.•
9 ..••.•••••••••••••••..••••••••.•.•.....•.•.•••. • . ......•••••..••.•••••••••••.
IO .••••••••••••••••••..•..•.•••.•. ---·-··--·-·· . - ·-· - .. --·· .•••••.•••.•••••...
11 ••••••••••••••••••••••..•••••.•.•.•••••.•.•.••••••.••••••••••••••••••••.•..
12 .....••...•...........•.....•...........•...•...........•.•...........•....
13 .••••••••••••••••••.•••..•••.••••••••••••••.•.••••.•••. • .•.••..•.•..•.•••.•
14 ..••••••••••••••••••••..••......•••••••••••••.•••.•••••••.•.•.•••.•••••.•.•.
JS -··-·········-···············-·-·-·-······································
16 or more ...•...............................................................
$13. JO
14. 40
15.00
16.00
15. 60
16.~
18. 50
17. :10
22. 30
Female
$10. 80
11.10
12.00
12.10
13. 50
14.~
14.60
14.80
17. 60
These differentials in earnings may perhaps not appear large enough
to justify the expense and effort spent on increased education. On the
other hand, it must be remembered that even in terms of earning
power, these figures do not tell the whole story, since better educated
youth are in a position to advance faster after they start to work.
It should also be noted that the rise in earnings was steady (except
in the case of young men with 12 and 15 years of schooling), so that
on the whole there appears to be a fairly certain and definite increase
in ea.ming power with more education. For example, a boy may
expect to earn about 19 percent more per week on his first job if he
graduates from high school than if he has only an elementary school
education, and a girl may expect to earn about 25 percent more.
Likewise the college graduate had about a 43-percent advantage over
the high-school graduate in the case of young men, and a 30-percent
advantage in the case of young women. Although this comparison
is affected somewhat by age, it is nevertheless generally clear that the
longer youth go to school the more they earn when they go to work.
Eamln91 and Ase Obtained flnt Job
Just as a youth's earnings on his first full-time job are higher the
more education he has, so his earnings tend to be higher the older he
is when he first starts to work. Of course, older labor-market entrants
are likely to be better educated than younger labor-market entrants.
They are, therefore, doubly acceptable to employers-because of their
better academic preparation and their greater maturity.
The general picture is one of higher earnings for youth who were
older at the time of getting their first jobs. In the case of the young
women, how<>vcr, wages were slightly lower for those aged 22 than
for those aged 21, and lower still for those aged 23 or over. This
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44 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol»le !5.-Weekly Eamings of Youth on Fim full.Time Jobs, by Age Obtained Job and
by Sex
Age
A ,·era~• ..-....1<1y l'lll'tdnp
on llrst (UJl•time Job
ohtalned first (ull·tlme Job
---------------------- __M_a1~_, __Fema1
__e_
13 ymn and under.........................................................
14 yean ...... _ . . .. .. ........ .. .... .. ... . ............ ............ .. .. .. ..
16 yenr.1. • . . . . . . . . • • • • • • • • • •• . . • . . . . . . . • . • . • . • . . . • . • • . . • • . . • • • . • • • • • • • . . . • . .
UI yoon. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sll.llO
11. 00
12. l!O
14. !O
19 years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
:llyMn ............................................... <................. . . .
15. 10
15. 00
16. 30
17.60
21 YMl'll. . . . . . . . . . •• •.• . • . •. •• •• . . •• . . •••••.•. •••. •. • •• . • . •••• •. • ••• • . • . . .
22 yean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
23 ymn and over . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . .. . . .. .. .. .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .
18. iO
19. IIO
17 yean.... ..... .. . ..... ............ ........ .. ............ .. ........ .. ... . . .
18 yean...... .. .. . . . . ... .. . . .. .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . ....... .. .. . . . . .. . . . . ... . . . . . . .
18.M
to. flO
10. 70
II. 40
12. flO
13. :lO
13. :lO
13.00
14. 40
14. 00
IL IIO
18. iO
drop in earnings was probably concentrated chiefly among housewives a.nd other late entrants to the labor market who were less well
trained for employment than young women who entered the labor
market (at age 21) immediately after leaving college. Young men
who entered the labor market at 23 or over, however, had the highest
earnings of all .. Most of these youth had had graduate work m
professional schools.
DURATION OF FIRST FULL-TIME JOBS
. Four-fifths (80 percent) of these boys and girls had left their first
full-time jobs by the ti~e of interview, either because they went on
to other jobs, or because they became unemployed or left the labor
market. This fact suggests a low degree of job stability among youth
during their early period in the labor market. The real test of youth's
job stability, however, is the duration of their first full-time jobs. In
table 26 the duration of such jobs is shown separately for jobs that had
ended and for jobs at which youth were still working at the time of
interview.
Tol»le .td.-Duration of Youth's First Full.Time Jobs, by Sex
Ended Jobs
Continuing Jobs
Duration or first Cull·tlme Job
~ , Female
j Female
Male
Prrct'lll dutrlbullOfl
----·----,-------
Total....................................................
100
100 I
I
100
100
---1---1---
LeS!! than 3 months............................................
3-5 months ............... _.................. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
&-1 II mfntthls ... t•h-· - 2 ..•. ·····•· · ····················•·········
year >U ess an ·-·-----· -·-----------------------------i~e;~r~u~·l·e·":'~h~~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Average (months)........................................
~
23
~!.,
'
I
37
21
1174
7
3
!2
.a
7
0
10
25
1~
~
=I===
6J
5
25
21
If!
D ll tized oy
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3:
YOUTH'S FIRST JOBS • 45
Full-time jobs at which youth were still working at the time of
interview had lasted approximately two years, on the average. These
jobs were thus not continuing jobs merely because the youth holding
them bad only recently started to work. Rather, a minority of yonng
workers (one-fifth) held their first jobs long enough to demonstrate
genuine job stability at an early stage of their careers.
However, four-fifths of the youth had either lost or left their first
full-time jobs after an average interval of about 5 or 6 months. For
the bulk of the new workers, therefore, job stability must be regarded
as low. Either few beginning jobs were "stendy" jobs, or else few
were attractive enough to hold youth in them for any length of
time. In eithn case, c.ompnratively few youth found their niches
when they first went to work.
FIRST PART-TIME JOBS
Not a few youth worked on a part-time basis when they obtained
their first jobs. Part-time employment is of course difficult to define,
since what is considered part-time work in one industry may be considered full-time work in another. Nevertheless, in order to obtain
some idea of the extent of part-time employment among youth, the
line between part-time and full-time employment may, with a considerable degree of reasonahleness, be drawn at 30 hours per week.
Of all boys and girls whose first employment was in private industry,
one-sixth (17 percent) started in part-time jobs (of less than 30 hours
per week) and five-sixths in full-time jobs.
In order to complete the picture of youth's first jobs, a brief description of beginning part-time jobs is given at this point. The description
is limited, however, to part-time jobs of 15 hours or more per week,
because information on occupation and wages was not obtained for
jobs of less than 15 hours.
Occupational ClatMS
Some indication as to the nature of part-time work is afforded by
a comparison of the occupational classes in which youth worked on
beginning part-time and full-time jobs. On the whole, the differences
in occupational classe~ were not great.
The occupational classes in which part-time workers were more
highly represented than full-time workers were the professional, sales,
and unskilled. For some classes of professional workers, e. g., college
instructors, hours may normally be less than 30 per we<'k. For other
classes, e. g., musicians and private nurses, working hours may be
low because the youth ofkn obtain only a few days' work a week. A
similar situation a.rises in the case of salrspersons and unskilled work<'rs.
Extra h<'lp often is hin•d in stor<'s for sen•rul hours a dn:v or sevPml
days a week. Likewise, many jobs in unskilled laboring and domestic
service are on a daily or hourly basis .
•
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46 •
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol»le !7.-0ccupational Classes of Youth's Fim Part-Time and Fim Full-Time Jobs,
by Sex
First pnrt•time
Jobs 1
Oooupatlonal cla111
First rull-tlm~
johs
I Female
Male
I
Male
J
Female
PtTrenl di-.tributian
Total- - - ---------···--·····-·· .. ----· ------- ---·------. --
100
100
100
7
2
fi
2
~
52
3i
1
5
13
10
18
Profes.sionaL ___ --------···---- _. _________ . _. __ .. ________ .. __ . __
Propri,•tsry, managerial, and otllcial _ __ ______ . ___ . . __ . __ ... __ .
Clerical. ____________ . ______________ __. __ . ___ . ____ ... ______ .. _
Accounting and semiprofessionaJ._. ______________ . -·-·---. _
Stenography and alliod ••..• _. ____ .. ___ ·--·-. _... __ ....... _.
Other clerical ...... ___ .. --·--·-···------· . . _. __ --··--·-· __ ..
Sales._ .. _ ·-···-····--··-··----·-·····-···-····--·•··-·Skilled ___ ·-•-----·---·················-- · · - ----··-•·--•-·&-miskilled ..... _ ....•...•.............. --··--·-··--·--·
Unskilled __ -•---·--·•-- . -··--·-······-···· • ----·-·-···-·--·
Serrnnt and domestic.·-··----····· ........ ····•·••···-·-··
Laborer •••••••• _______ ·-.·--·----· ... -·-- .. ·-·-··-· •. ···---
.
.
6
28
2
31
23
3
53
5
2
1
16
16
HI
.
16
3
15
.
~
6
.
3
:u
77
17
100
36
19
2:?
2:?
5
21
.
H
•Less than 0.5 percent.
Ind!lfles nil flrst Joh• of 1/1-21> hours per week that were not prl'<'Nfed by rnll•tlme Johs.
• Inc-lmles the tlrst of all Johs ol 30 hours or more per week In wWch youth worked Biter leaving school,
regardless of whether such Jobs were preceded by part•tlrue Jobs.
1
Eamln91
Wcc>kly c>amings on pnrt-time jobs, as would be expected, were
low relative to those on full-time jobs. This is ·a further indication
that part-time jobs wc>re poor substitutc>s for regular full-time jobs.
Tal»le !8.-Weekly and Hourly Earnings of Youth on Fir,t Part-Time Jobs, by Weekly
Hours and Sex
A,·er·ago (mean) WN'kly
earuinirs
Weekly bours on flrst pnrt•tlmc Job
Average hourly earnings 1
1
Female
Male
Male
Female
-------------------1----1----1---------1rrrn
ID-24 . _ -···· ··-- ·- ··-. ·········--- .. -· ..•... ···-·--···
20--:lll
J:l. 3-~
$7. 10
Ill. (JO
$5.00
7. ,r,o
$0. 42
11. (10
• 4a
.34
8. 70
• 43
.32
l ltlclndps all flr"t johs of J.'"r2U hours p1•r wt•c•k thnt wrre not pn~ted hy full•tlme Johs.
Ohtairn·tl hy dividing tlw mean W<'•kly ,•nrnings by the midpoint ol the weekly hours class Interval!.
1
Average weekly earnings rose as youth worked more hours per
week. A comparison of earnings on part-time and full-time jobs
shows that weekly wagc>s shadPd into Ni.ch other at the dividing point
of 30 hours per week. 16 Youth working part time thus had every
financial reason to obtain rc>gular jobs if tlwy could.
In summary, part-time jobs WPre undoubtPclly better than no jobs
at all, but tlwy can hardly be considPrcd as meeting the needs of young
workers. The majority of the youth who held such jobs may best be
described as falling in a group having charneteristics part way between
those of the regularly ernployt>d and those of the U11e111ployed.
16
See table 20, p. 38, and table 28.
01('1°
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Chapter Ill
YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET
THE ECONOMIC problems of youth are not confined to getting
started in regular full-time jobs. In some cases the first jobs last only
a short time, e.nd therefore amount to little more the.n false starts.
If the first job is in a field other the.none for which the young worker
prepared, he is likely to continue searching for more suitable work.
Or, if he gets into a low-paid, blind-alley job, he faces the problem
of finding work that promises more in the way of advancement.
Even the youth who gets a good start may shift about a good deal
before he considers himself established.
In order to underste.nd the extent and nature of youth's early adjustments in the labor market, it is necessary to examine in considerable detail their activities between the time of getting their first
jobs and the time of interview. In this chapter, therefore, attention
is centered upon a description of youth's activities throughout the
time they were in the labor market. Further information is thus
provided on the question of how successful young persons were in the
labor market and on the process of transition to adult workers.
NUMBER OF FULL-TIME JOBS
From information presented earlier on the duration of youth's first
full-time jobs it was inferred that their job stability was rather low
during their early period in the labor market. It would be expected
that youth would continue to change jobs rather frequently, either
because of unemployment, or else because of their desire to obtain
higher paid or more congenial employment. The degree of their job
stability throughout the survey period may best be judged by relating
the number of jobs they held to the length of time they spent in the
labor market.
47
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48 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tot.le 29.-Number ol Full-Time Jobs Youth Held, by Time in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Number or run-time Jobs
1
2
than
lees 1 but
lea
Le&'!3 1 months
H
1 months
&-ll 1 but
year
Yl'tll'S
months
than
2
than
6
Total
r
I
PtrUttt dWrlbutiotl
Total...••................ ,__100_
100_ ~ _ 100
__
1
None...........................
V
1...............................
30
c.. ___ ........... ___ .......... __
10
2...............................
3..... . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
llormon,.......................
22
14
15
61
'2
6
1
•
l__100_"_ _
1oo_Hoo
28
61
14
4
47
22
8
26
13
1
2
6
2
18
a
10
4
41
26
23
17
2 •
19
21
17
11
12
19
211
13
•Less than 0.6 P4'rcent.
As would be expected, the long<-'r youth had been in the labor
market, the more jobs th<-'y were likdy to have held. This is shown
most strikingly when comparison is made of those with the shortest
labor-market experience and those with the longest. About half of
those who were in the labor market less than 3 months had had no
full-time jobs within that time, and 42 percent had had only one job;
among youth in the labor market 5 to 9 years, however, only 2 percent
had had no full-time job, 19 percent one job, and 28 percent five jobs
or more.
The record is one of rather frequent job changes throughout the
period during which youth's activities were studied. In one sense
the implications of this record are unfavorable, as they indicate that
few young workers found job security. On the other hand, youth's
frequent changes of jobs show that opportunities for experimentation
were open, and therefore that chances of advancement existed. In a
labor market that was relatively fluid for young workers who had
once "broken in," many youth, as will be shown later, did advance in
occupational level and earning power.
AMOUNT OF FULL-TIME EMPLOYMENT
Perhaps the most important aspect of employment from the worker's point of view is its regularity. For even with a high rate of
wages, he cannot make a satisfactory living if his work is intermittent. And reasonable security of tenure is essential if the worker
is to be able to make plans for the future with any degree of confidence. Again and again the int<.'rviewers talked with youth who,
bewildered and uncertain as to what they should do, were nevertheless sure of one thing: "What I want most is a steady job."
The ext<.'nt to which youth approached full employment may be
sPen by comparing their amount of full-time employment with their
time in the labor market, as in table 30.
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YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET • 49
Tol>le 30.-Amount of Youth's Full-Time Employment, by Time in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Amount or rnll-tlme
e-mploymc.\nt
Total
I months
~3 I months
H
Imonths
&-ll
11
years
thnn
butyear
!Pss 12
but
less I
than 2
than 6
6-11
years
I
P,refflt dlatributklfl
rota! .••••••••.•••..•.....
None .......................•...
Less than 3 months .....•...••..
3-5 months ..•................ . .
&-11 months .....•..............
1 year but less then
years but less than 6..........
H years.·•···················-
2
2...........
- -100
-I- -100
-I- -100
-
91
7
6'
nj
Ill
ri I
51
49
--
--
28
22
50
---
~,
100
18
14
16
~
I
10
I
7 I
JI
52
I
=1I
100
100
3
2
2
3
6
18
69
-
1
1
2
5
38
61
The longer youth had been in the labor market, the less likely they
were to have had no full-time employment. Though early employment handicaps did not disappear entirely, they were usually outweighed in time by greater maturity. Meanwhile, another crop of
youth-the more disadvantaged members of their age group-went
through a discouraging period of work seeking in their turn.
To return to the question of how steady youth's jobs were, it
should be noted that about one-half of the youth held full-time jobs
for an interval of time equal to that of their labor-market participation.
However, because of the broadness of the time intervals used in the
preceding table, it is probable that some of these youth did not hold
full-time jobs throughout their entire time in the labor market. 1
Perhaps the best way of summing up the situation, therefore, is to say
that the average (mean) amount of full-time employment was 28.2 2
months, and the average (mean) amount of time in the labor market
39 months. The average proportion of time spent in full-time
employment was thus about 72 percent.
Generalizing from the experiences of a rather varied group of
young workers, the average expectation was for youth to spend somewhat less than three-fourths of their labor-market time in full-time
jobs. The average proportion of full-time employment of course
conceals many extreme cases "in which youth either were employed
throughout their time in the labor market, or else had never had fulltime jobs. Nevertheless, it is clear from the average cited that there
was a substantial deviation from full employment. In more concrete
terms, there was a marked waste of youthful man power, with a
1 For example, among youth who were both in the labor market and employed
1-2 years, some were in the labor market nearly 2 years but were employed only a
little more than 1 year.
2 This average includes "no full-time employment;" i. e .. 0 months employed
was conRidered t~e first cla~R interval in computing the mean. The mean was
used rather than the median because the mean may be manipulated algebraically.
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50 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
resulting smaller output of goods and services for the community in
general, and particular hardships for the youth who were directly
affected by unemployment.
Differences Among Youth In Amount of Full-nme Employment
Even minor differences in qualifications for employment assume
importance when jobs are scarce. These differences affect youth's
chances not only of getting their first jobs, but also of keeping those
jobs or going on to others. 3 Youth's chances of being steadily
employed thus depend a good deal upon whether they belong to the
groups most in demand when workers are hired.
Dijferences According to Sex
Though boys and girls were almost equally positive in declaring
their desire for steady jobs, the boys came nearer to attaining this
objective than the girls. The proportions of time spent in full-time
employment did not differ greatly, however, being 74 percent for the
boys and 70 percent for the girls.
TalJle 31.-Time Youth Spent in labor Market, Time Employed Full-Time, and Percent of
Time Employed Full Time, by Sex
Sex
Avern~e (mean) A~~~frU~~-nJ
months m
le.bor market
Total.............................................
Male -•·····················:..........................
Female.................................................
plowd full
time
Prreent of
time employed
full t1rne
39. 0
I====
43.9
72
74
70
32. 8
The young men covered by the present study had about one and
one-third times as much labor-market experience as the young women
at the time when they were interviewed. This difference alone is an
in1portant reason for the smaller proportion of full-time employment among the young women, since beginners in the labor market
usua.Jly have greater difficulty in securing steady work than more
experienced workers.
It will he recalled, however, that among youth who entered the
labor market before graduating from high school, the employment
record of girls was somewhat poorer than that of boys} The relatively
smaller amount of employment among young women was therefore
due in part to sex handicaps, which operated most strongly among the
youngest and least trained workers.
1 For purposes of measuring economic well-being, the amount of employment
in relation to time in the labor market has much the same superiority over the
level of employment at any given time that annual income has over the daily
wage.
'Seep. 6.
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YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET• 51
Differencu According to Education
It would seem reasonable to expect that youth with better educations would have more employment in relation to their time in the
labor market than youth not so well equipped. Some evidence to this
effect is contained in table 32.
Table 3!.-Time Youth Spent in Labor Market, Time Employed Full Time, and Percent of
Time Employed Full Time, by Years of Schooling Completed
1
Years of schooling ~ompleted
A
IA
vernge (mean) .-erage (mean) Per!X'nt or time
months In labor months ememployed full
market
ployed lull time
time
----------------!----8 -- - ------- - - -- -- - -- -- - - ---- - --- --- - - - - - - -- - --- --- - - - - g
10
11
12
-------- ------ --------------------- --- - -- - - - - --- - ---- --------------------------------------------------------------- ---------------- ------- _________ -- _------- - ------- . ___ . -----· -- ---- ---- ------ _..... -- -- ----------
13 - ---------------------------------------------------14 ----- ------------------------------------------------
16
. .. .... _-- _. _---- ------ _-- -- ---------- - ---- _-- - _-- _
16 or more ____ ------------------------------------------
69. 5
55.fi
45. 6
36. 9
30.5
25.1
20. 3
15. 4
11.0
51.3
39.0
32.0
26.2
22. 2
19.8
15.8
11.0
8.4
74
70
70
71
73
79
78
71
76
The best records of employment were made by youth who had one
or two years of college, or who had graduated from college. The
poorest records were made by those who had attended but not completed high school, or who had three years of college.
The relationship between education and amount of employment is
obscured somewhat by the fact that youth with the most education
had, on the average, the least labor-market experience, whereas those
with the least education had the most labor-market experience. Since
"knowing the ropes" and training in school are both important in
getting and keeping a job, labor-market experience and education
are to a considerable degree interchangeable. Youth who had the
best chances of steady employment were therefore those who had
both some college training and also a considerable amount of labormarket experience. College graduates made a good showing because
the advantage of completing college outweighed the disadvantage of
short labor-market experience; with more of such experience as time
passed their record of employment would probably become better than
that of any other group.
Employment on July 1, 1938
When a group of workers, some of whom are employed and some
of whom are unemployed, are compared at a given time for past
employment records, it will generally be found that those currently
employed had much steadier employment in the past than those currently unemployed. Among the youth covered by this study, those
employed on July 1, 1938, had spent 78 percent of their time in the
labor market in full-time employment; those unemployed on July l,
1938, had spent only 44 percent of their time in the labor market in
full-time employment.
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52 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tof>le 33.-Time Youth Spent in Labor Market, Time Employed Full Time, and Percent al
Time Employed Full Time, by Employment Status on July 1, 1938
I
Average (mean) Average (mean) Pel'Ct'nt of time
months in labor months em•
employed full
market
ployed full time
time
Employment statua on July 1, 11138
Employed •......••..•••..••••.•.••••••••.••.•••••.•....
Unemployed ............•••.•...•..•.•.•.•••••••.••••...
43.0
33.6
~v
78
t4
15. 8
One reason for the poorer record of past employment among youth
currently unemployed is their smaller a.mount of labor-market experience, which of itself is a handicap in securing work. In addition,
the same handicaps of race, age, education, or sex that lessened youth's
employment prospects at the time of interview also operated in the
period that went before. Since most employment handicaps do not
disappear automatically with the passage of time, it is to be expected
that those who are particularly subject to unemployment at one
period of time will also be handicapped at a later period.
AMOUNT OF PART-TIME EMPLOYMENT
Because of family responsibilities some youth are unable to give
more than a few hours a week to a job; other youth may temporarily
be more interested in obtaining particular types of work experience
than in getting adequate earnings. In such eases it is accurate to
speak of youth preferring part-time to full-time employment. The
majority of youth who take part-time jobs, however, do so only
because they cannot get regular full-time jobs. Most part-time jobs
are poorly paid, and many are in blind-alley occupations. However,
because they carry with them at least some earnings and work experience, they are nearly always preferred to unemployment.
Taf>le 34.-Amount of Part•Time Employment, by Time Youth Spent in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Amount of part•time employ•
ment
3-6
Total
,~tbanl months
3 months'
I year
6--11
I months
I
less I but less
than 2
than 6
II but
I
2}"'8nl
H
YMlS
Percent di,trlb11tio11
I
------- •--- '
100
None ..
... ...
·I
Less tharl 3· r;1;;i1l;1s -·
. ••··
3---5 months .
------------6--11 months
1 year but less
2 yean but less than 6....•.....
IHI years .... ~ ......••......•...
70
TotaL ...
iiiaii:f.::::::::::
g
6
0
6
.
4
JOO
100
JOO
100.
100
100
Si
g
68
6
5
8
7
7
2
- - - - - 7 - 6 --74-1--7-1 I
76
ll4
-
-
JI
10
g
13
7
11
7
7
-
--
--
6
--
6
7
6
5
-
• Less than 0.5 percent.
The longer youth were in the labor market, the more likely they
were to have had some part-time employment. The youth with long
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YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET •
53
labor-market e:,qJerience started to seek work at an early age, with
relatively little education, and during the worst part of the depression.
Many of those who found it difficult to get full-time jobs took parttime jobs in preference to being unemployed.
Sex Differences
Young women had more part-time employment than young men in
relation to their time ih the labor market. This is apparent when a
comparison is made of the proportions of both sexes that had some
part-time employment during the time they were in the labor market.
Tol>le 35.-Percent of Youth With Some Part-Time Employment, by Time in the Labor
Market and by Sex
I Perc,,nt
ol youth with
some part•time em•
ployment
Time in labor market
M'""
Total----------·······················································--··-
1
29
==
Less than 3 montM-·-··········-·-·--······-·········· ·························3--5 months __ -·················-·········· ..... _... _____ .. _.. ___ -· ____ ···-.......
6-11 months_-···-- •.••••••••.•..••..••••....... ·········--·---·--·········•·····
I yesr but less than 2............................................................
2 years but less tban 5 .....••.•.•••..••••.•••••.•••.•.•.••.•...•.•.••...••.... --6-9 years_ ... __ . __ -····--····--·-····............................................
•••U
31
19
21
24
2li
31
32
For any given length of time in the labor market a higher proportion of girls than of boys had some part-time employment. Girls
were more likely than boys to be in the minority group of workers
that preferred part-time to full-time work. They were also subject
to greater handicaps than young men in obtaining full-time employment, particularly during their early years in the labor market.
AMOUNT OF UNEMPLOYMENT
Nearly one-half (49 percent) of the 25,684 labor-market entrants
obtained full-time jobs almost immediately upon entering the labor
market. Nevertheless, nearly two-thirds (64 percent) of all labormarket youth went through some periods of unemployment as time
went on. Not a few of those with the longest labor-market experience
spent several years in unemployment. The longer youth had been
in the labor market, the more likely they were to have suffered some
unemployment.
The fact that the proportion of youth with some unemployment
increased so definitely with longer time in the labor market is to be
expected because youth with long labor-market experience had more
time in which to be unemployed. This is not to say that workers with
greater amounts of labor-market experience are more likely to be unemployed at any given time. Except among workers past middle age,
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54 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Ta&I• 36.-Amount of Unemployment, by Time Youth Spent in the Labor Marlc.t
Time In labor market
Amount or unemplo~·ment
'
! Total
th,n
I3 months
~ss I a-5
months
I
------
~
hs
1 year
but less
than 2
2 )'('BI'S
but less
than 5
-· ................ ------""-11------""-------""-l------""-1
46
NoM...........................
36
Less than 3 months .. _...... _..
3-llmonthL...................
&-11 months....................
1 year but lt'SS than 2. __ .•.•....
2 years hut less than 5.. --------
1i
Hyears.......................
13
14
11
8
I
M
45
-
113
22
26
-
-
-
I
:lil
1ft
18
18
10
-
-
-!
391
21 I
14
-
100
1()0
34
28
16
12
15
12
14
-
-
H
yean
-II
11
13
15
18
3
longer participation in the labor market normally carries with iL
greater assurance of employment. 6 However, job tenure is so rarely
continuous, and changes in jobs so frequently involve intervening
periods of un~mployi:nent, that even the most steadily employed
workers are increasingly likely to have had some unemployment as
their labor-market experience lengthens. It is scarcely necessary to
add that for some workers, young or old, recurring or long-continued
unemployment is almost a normal part of their way of life.
5.c:tion-of-Clty Dilferenca
The amount of youth's unemployment bore a consistent relationship to their environmental advantages or disadvantages, as measured
roughly by the rental areas in which youth lived at the time of
graduation from the eighth grade (table 37).
To&I• 37.-Time Youth Spent in Labor Market, Time Unemployed, and Percent of Time
Unemployed, by ~ection of City
A YerBl(e
Section of city
I
A verB1Ze
Percent or
time
unemployed
(mt>nn)
(menn)
months in
months
lahor market I unemployed
I_ _ _ _ _ - - - - -
38. 3
7.0 •
18
•.6. 81
g
15
18
=====
8.11 I
21
Youth who came from "the other side of the tracks" had been unemployed for a. larger proportion of their time in the labor market
than youth from higher rental areas. Those from low rental areas
also had the longest labor-market experience, which in itself ordinarily
is an advantage in obtaining jobs. However, in this case long labormarket experience indicates that the youth left school at an early age,
6
See table 67, p. 100.
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YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET • 55
and were therefore less able to compete with those older and better
trained for jobs when they sought work. Once again, youth's "background" advantages or disadvantages are seen to be reflected in their
subsequent employment history.
Race Differences
The insecurity of Negro workers may be summed up in the phrase
"last hired, first fired." Not only did it take Negro youth much
longer than white youth to get their first jobs, but Negro youth also
were unemployed a greater part of their total time in the labor market
than white youth.
Table 38.-Time Youth Spent in Labor Market, Time Unemployed, and Percent of Time
Unemployed, by Race, Birmingham and St. Louis
City and race
Bim1in~ham:
White ____________ , ____ ________________ , ___________ _
Negro _______ . --- _. --- --- - --- ---- ---- -- - - - - - - - - - - - ---
St. Louis:
White _____________ . - ... - . -- -- . ------. - --- -- . --- ---Negro ________ --- ---- -- .. -- - . --- . - - - -- - -- - - - - -- -- - ---
Averat,te
(mean)
months
unemployed
Average
(mean)
months in
lahor market
3241
Percmt of
time
unemployed
8.91
10. 3
:.:
I
36.9
9.0
128
I
21
211
21
35
I
Regardkss of whether Negro youth entered the labor market
earlier than white youth, as in Birmingham, or later, as in St. Louis,
they underwent more unemployment than white youth. A major
reason for this difference is that Negro youth were limited almost
exclusively to unskilled and ·semiskilled occupations, where unemployment strikes heaviest. '\-Yhen the economy is operating well
below capacity, as was the case during the period covered by this
study, Negro youth bear a disproportionate share of the burden of
unemployment.
AMOUNT OF EMERGENCY WORK-PROGRAM EMPLOYMENP
As unpmploymcnt reached a high level during the early part of
the depression, the conviction gained ground that it was a public
responsibility to provide opportunities at useful work to persons
unable through no fault of their own to obtain employment in private
industry. The needs of young workers were provided for through
the NYA and the CCC; and youth also obtained jobs on the workrelief programs operated under the FERA, CWA, and \VPA.
Since unemployment was high through nearly all of the years
covered by this study, youth's absorption into the labor market was
conditioned to no small degree by the operation of the emergency
1
Includes Federal, State, and local emergency work-relief employment.
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56 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
work programs. For example, many boys and girls who had not
been able to get a start in private industry obtained valuable work
experience in NYA t_raining centers, at CCC camps, or· on WPA
projects, and as a result were better equipped to obtain jobs when
they again sought work.
One fact that should be borne in mind in considering the amount
of emergency work-program employment among boys and girls is
that these programs have never been able to absorb all of the unemployed young workers desiring admission to them. An inevitable
result has been that the longest unemployed, who are in greatest
need, are usually given priority in emergency work-program employment. In this study about one-quarter of the youth unemployed
1 to 2 years, but nearly half of those unemployed 5 years or more,
had some work-program employment. Table 39 shows the amount
of emergency work-program employment in relation to youth's time
unemployed.
Tobie 39.-Amount of Emergency Work-Program Employment of Youth, by Amount of
Unemployment
Amount of unemployment
Amount of emPr~ency work•
progn1m rm1iloyment
Total
11.,.s.s
thanl
3 months
.
3-5 I 6-11
months ! months
11hutyPar
12 years
less but less
than 2
I
than 5
H
years
1
Prrccnt di&tribution
I
Total....................
JOO
100 I
100 I
None ...............••••..•••••• - - 8 7 - ---w- ---9-5
Less than 3 months............
2 •
I
I
3-5 months.....................
3 I
4
6--11 months....................
3 I
I year hut less th1m 2. ... . ... .. .
3 j
2 years hut less than 5...... •• . .
2
-i
5-P years.......................
• I
JOO I
j--ss---<·--i6
100
I
5
e
100
JOO
59
52
3
I
4
7
10
5
14'
14
'
4
12
Zi
I
•Less than 0.5 ~reent.
The youth represented in table 39 are the 16,445 who had had
some unemployment during the period for which work records were
obtained. They constituted nearly two-thirds (64 percent) of the
25,684 youth who had had some labor-market experience up to the
time of the survey. Yet only 13 percent of them had spent some time
in eml•rgency work-program employment.
Of course, not all unemployed youth needed or wanted such employment. This was particularly true in the case of boys and girls
who had had comparatively little unemployment, for these youth
did not represent a serious problem of exhausted resources and need
for training or rehabilitation.
Another fuctor mnki11g for a low proportion of emergency workprogra.m employment was the financial limitations of the work-relief
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YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET • 5 7
agencies. As a result there has usually been a. long waiting list of
applicants to local certifying agencies.
Finally, it should be noted that many of the youth were unemployed
during the early part of the depression, before the Federal work-relief
programs were developed. In general, those who were unemployed
later in the depression were in a better position to obtain emergency
work-program employment than youth who were unemployed early
in the depression. This point is brought out when a comparison is
made by eighth-grade class of the proportions of unemployed youth
that had any emergency work-program employment (table 40).
Tot.le 40.-Percent of Youth With Some Emergency Work-Program Employment, by
Eighth-Grade Graduating Class
Amount of unemployment •
Percent ol youth wfth some work-program
employment
1929 class
1931 class
1933 clBSS
All youth wfth unemployment..........................
15
14
12
'==1=====1=====1=====
Less than 3 months _______________________________ ,___________
I
I
2
3-5 months ... _____________ .---------------------------------·
4
5
5
&-11 months ... -------------------------------·-··--·------··11
II
13
I year but less than 2. -··-------------------·----------------21
24
25
2 years but less than 5_. _·-·------------------------·--· ______
38
Cl
48
5-9 years ..... - . ----- ... - .. - . -- -- --· ---- -------- -- - .... ____ . _..
50
t
47
fAverage not computed for fewer than 50 cases.
HOW YOUTH LEARNED OF ALL JOBS HELD
Brief mention was made earlier of the principal ways in which
youth learned of their first full-time jobs. Most youth do not stay
in the first jobs they get, but pass on to others relatively early in
their labor-market careers. Their shifting about is sometimes voluntary, as when they seek better paid or more congenial jobs, and sometimes involuntary, as when they seek reemployment after losing jobs
at which they wished to continue. In either case, they are faced with
the task of finding new job openings.
Toft/• 41.-How Youth Learned of First and Later Full-Time Jobs
How learned ol Job
First lulltime Jobs
I LBter
lulltime jobs
Ptrc...t dlltrlbutkm
I
JOO
'!~ I
~
100
Total. ___ --- -- --·-- -- ----- -- -·- -- ----- ---- - - -- -- -- -- - --- --- • -- ---·- - · - ·
1---Frfend __ . _.. _______ . _____ -------·---·----------. _...••. ____________________ .
Pc.-sonal applfcatlon. _______________________________________________________ _
Parent. .... __ ._. ____ .. __ --------- --- _________________ . _________________ . ___ .
11
Other relatiYe ______________ --------------- _________ . _________ . _____________ _
At school._._ .... _______________________________________ . _______ . ___________ _
Form<'r employer ____________________________ • ___________________ • ____ .• ____ _
Employment agency. __________ : ____ . __ . ______ . ____ ._. _________ . ___________ _
Want ad ______ . ____ . _______________________ . _________ . ___ ._··-- .. __ --------Other. ------·--. -.... - . -- . - -- . --- -- -- . -- -- - . --- --- - --- . -- -- ---·. --- --- - -----
~1
---~4
I
:
450597°--43---6
OgiizedbyGoogle
58 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
In one important respect youth were in a much better position
to seek work after they had once been employed than when they first
entered the labor market; that is, they could tum to their former
employers for reemployment when business improved or for recommendations to other jobs. Also the more jobs young workers had had,
and the more experience they had acquired, the more opportunities
they had of obtaining jobs through former employers. This explains
why 23 percent of all subsequent full-time jobs, as compared with
only 4 percent of youth's first full-time jobs, were obtained through
former employers.
As youth relied more heavily upon former employers to help them
find later jobs, they turned less often to their parents and other
relatives. Family help in finding jobs appears to be most important
when boys and girls first enter the labor market.
Information obtained through friends and youth's personal applications to employers continued to be important ways of finding jobs
after youth passed the first stages of job hunting. As in the case of
youth's first full-time jobs, comparatively few later jobs were obtained
through employment agenciC's, schools,7 want ads, or other means.
Although working conditions differed considerably on full-time and
part-time jobs, the methods by which youth learned of the two types
of jobs were much the same.8 In the discussion that follows, all
jobs held during the survey period-full-time and part-time, and
first and later jobs-are considered togethC'r, with attention directed
to social-economic differmccs in how youth learned of the jobs.
Occupational Dilferenca
Comparativdy little hos been known about how workers learn of
jobs in particular occupations. Information of this kind, though
availuble in the present study only for broad occupational groups, has
a very practical value, as it gives an indication of how youth are most
likely to obtain jobs in particuln.r cln.sses of occupations.
Considering all occupations together, youth learned of two-thirds
of their jobs in just three ways: through friends, by personal application to employers, and through former employers. These three
methods of finding jobs were important in nearly all types of work
and must therefore not be overlooked when differences according to
occupntionnl class are discussed. N cvertheless it is the differences
that show the special conditions affecting young workers' absorption
into employment in particular occupational classes.
The most important ways in which professional persons differed
from other workers in their ways of learning of jobs were that they
7
Y 011th could learn of later jobs at i,;chool if they had returned to school after
holding a full-time job during a semester or more spent out of school.
8 See appendix table 13.
OgtizedbyGoogle
YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET • 59
Tobie 42.-How Youth Learned of Jobs, by Occupational Class
How learned of Job
Occupational cla."8 of Job
~Ji
I
~!rt ·1agency
E~r:r1 school
At
Total Friend I ~I
IF~~er/Parentl
't - n ployer '
ti ve
CO 1
I
() '
'
'
I
Want ·1 Other
ad
I
Ptrrtnt di.,tributio11
Total•- _____________
Professional ___________ .
p~Ji~~~~-~~~~~~1: ___
Clerical. _. ____
Accounting and
fessionaL _____________
Stenography and allied
Otherclericol. _________
Sales ________________ -Skllled ____________________
SemiskilJod _____________ . _
Unskilled _____ ....
Servant and domestic _
Laborer _______________
semipro-
1
I
I_
8
3
7
7
2
15
5
1
38
7
I
7
1
7
3
4
18
3
3
8
2
4
3
4
4
24
17
18
30
18
100
100
15
25
II
16
15
12
26
6
100
100
100
Tl
27
i
JOO
HJO
JOO
JOO
JOO
JOO
24
21
2f\
3,,
39
29
15
9
15
17
22
22
13
10
g
7
8
i
7
g
i
14
8
2
2
2
10
10
lJ
5
14
2.'\
35
22
25
19
16
24
2.,
16
==
2
5
5
6
II
7
7
5
10
I
4
Tl
100
19
7
4
100
6
2
g
2
2
2
I
2
I
3
2
2
4
6
I
6
lJ
5
6
6
6
I
Includes all full- and part-time Jobs held during the survey period.
relied less heavily upon friends and relatives, and more upon personal
applications and "other" miscellaneous means. Because of the
specialized and responsible nature of many professional jobs, exactly
suitable training or experience is relatively more important in getting
the job than being the first to hear of the opening. In addition,
some youth trained for professional work became self-employed, and
their efforts to "set up shop" for themselves were represented under
"other" means of learning of jobs.
Youth who became proprietors, managers, or officials also obtained
their jobs most frequently by starting their own business establishments. However, it is worth noting that they also learned of jobs
through their parents more often than other youth. This may
indicate either that they were helped by their parents in establishing
businesses, or else were taken into their parents' own businesses.
Youth (chiefly girls) who sought work as stenographers or typists
used two methods of job hunting-schools and employment agenciesthat were of very little benefit to other workers.
In many
cases these schools were business colleges, which usually make
special efforts to place their students. The considerable use of
employment agencies in the hiring of secretarial workers, when such
agencies play so small a role in the case of other workers, appears to
be due merely to custom. There is no reason why the services of
public employment exchanges should not be more and more widely
used as employers and workers become familiar with their activities.
Youth who worked as salespersons were more likely than other
youth to obtain thPir jobs through personal applications to employers.
Many large stores keep a record of the names and addresses of
DglizedbyGoogle
60 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
applicants for employment so that they may secure help quickly
during rush seasons. Likewise, many smaller shops obtain salespersons
by displaying "Help Wanted" signs in their windows. It is practices
of the trade, such as these, that often determine the particular features
of how young workers are recruited for a given field of employment.
Owing to the intermittency of operations in many lines of factory,
shop, and construction work, skilled and semiskilled workers were
more likely to learn of jobs through former employers than were
any other youth. Sonie skilled workers also had open to them. a
means of job getting that operated with considerable effectiveness,
namely their unions. 9
Finally, in the case of servants and domestic workers, it is important
to note that they were more likely than any other youth to learn of
jobs through friends or by answering or inserting want ads in
newspapers. In seeking work as a cleaner, elevator operator, waitress, etc., the first to apply for a job is often the one to get it;
consequently many youth obtained these kinds of jobs as a result
of information friends had given them concerning the openings.
Likewise, want ads are a much-used method of securing maids and
domestic helpers; indeed, advertisements for such workers continued
to appear in newspapers during the depression even when advertisements for most other types of workers all but disappeared.
Differences According to Eamln91
Most of the methods by which youth learned of jobs were more
important at some levels of earnings than others. This does not
mean that youth who concentrate upon those methods of job hunting
that are associated with the highest earnings will necessarily improve
their own chances of getting well-paid jobs. Rather, young persons
who are equipped by education or experience for better paid jobs
are more likely to find those jobs in the particular ways indicated.
The higher paid jobs were more likely to be obtained through
former employers, parents, and "other" means than were the lower
paid jobs. The lower paid jobs were more likely to be obtained
through friends, other relatives, schools, and want ads than were the
higher paid jobs.
The greater extent to which youth learned of low-paid jobs through
friends is largely a reflection of the fact that these jobs were more
likely to be beginning jobs or jobs in unskilled occupations. Friends
are of most help to young workers in the early stages of job seeking
after leaving school, when other job contacts are not yet well developed.
Friends are also of relatively greater help to youth seeking lower paid
and less skilled jobs, where being the first to gain information of job.
openings is an important advantage in getting the job.
• Classified under "other" in table 42.
D g tized tly
Goos le
I
YOUTH'S ACTIVITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET • 61
Ta&le 43.-How Youth Leorned of Jobs, by Weekly Earnings
Weekly earnings on job
Ilow learned of Job
Les.• than I $9. 50-$9. 50
$111. 49
I
$111. 50--
$29. 49
I
J
$29.
50--1
$39. 49
$39. 50
or more
----------------!
Percent Distribution
TotBI •- -------------------------- ~-----------Friond ______ ·--------------------------------------Personal application_________________________________
Parent______________________________________________
Other relative_______________________________________
At school___________________________________________
Form,•remployer . . __________________________________
Employment agency .. ·------·---------------------Want ad_--------·--·------------------------------Other .. ___________ -·------------------------------·
100
I
341
20
5
JO
100
Tl
25
6
g
6
4
131
16
4
5
4
6
3
4
I
100
I
24
24
100
100
19
24
18
21
g
10
7
7
6
20
4
21
2
22
2
3
1
8
2
1
U
10
•
1
21
I
• Les.s than 0.5 J)('r(J('nt.
• Includes all full- and part-time Joh, held during the survey period.
Because of the association between higher earnings and greater
amount of work experience better paid jobs were obtained more
frequently through former employers and less frequently at school.
The longer youth had been in the labor market, the more likely they
were to learn of jobs through former employers, and the higher pa.id
those jobs were likely to be. On the other hand, jobs obtained
through school placement offices were nearly all beginning jobs.
The proportion of youth obtaining jobs by miscellaneous ("other11 )
means was much higher in the upper than in the lower wage brackets.
Some of the important ways in which youth thus obtained jobs were
by setting up their own shops or professional practices, by seeking
~killed work through their unions, and by applying for civil service
jobs. Jobs in these fields, it will be recalled, yielded the highest earnings when youth first went to work.
Other DIIFerenca
In general there was little relationship betwe~n the occupational
levels of fathers and the ways in which their children learned of jobs.
The only noteworthy exception was the greater tendency among
-children of proprietors, managers, and officials to learn of jobs through
their parents. Children of proprietors learned of 13 percent of their
jobs through their fathers or mothers, as compared with 7 percent for
all youth. 10 Proprietors may be able to take their children into their
own businesses; they also are likely to have a wide circle of business
associates who may help their children find jobs.
Finally, there were differences in the ways white and Negro youth
learned of jobs. Negro youth learned of a larger proportion of jobs
to See appendix table 14.
D ll tized oy
Google
62 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
from friends (38 percent) than did white youth (26 percent). 11 Negroes
also depended slightly more than whites upon parents and other
relatives for information about jobs. The greater reliance of Negro
youth upon personal contacts for information about jobs was probably
due to their predominantly unskilled occupational attachments. Because of the abundant supply of labor available in these types of work,
recruiting for jobs is frequently by word of mouth, and those who are
hired are likely to be the ones who first hear of the openings from
someone "on the inside."
n See appendix table 15.
01g1t zed by
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Chapter IV
SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY
THE CHANGING demands of industry for workers, and the efforts
of workers themselves to get better jobs, result in a considerable
shifting about from job to job and from place to place. Young
workers are especially prone to make these changes, because their
efforts to get a start in gainful work and achieve a satisfactory adjustment frequently require experimentation with various jobs. Young
workers are also freer than older workers to take the risks involved
in changing jobs.
The work records obtained in this study make it possible to examine
such questions as how youth transferred from one job to another,
what jobs they obtained after a period of unemployment and how long
it took them to find such jobs, and how their earnings were affected
when they moved from one job to another. When prior and succeeding activities are related in this way, additional aspects of youth's
efforts to make their way in the labor market may be observed.
The shifts discussed in this chapter consist of youth's moves
from one job or type of labor-market activity to another, or between
a labor-market activity and a non-labor-market activity. No shift
was recorded in the case of a change from one non-labor-market activity to another, or in the case of activities lasting less than a month.
Shifts from one full-time job to another were further identified by
broad occupational class, and shifts involving part-time employment,
unemployment, emergency work-program employment, and nonlabor-market activities by the type of each activity. 1
TYPES OF SHIRS
The average length of time tlrnt youth were in the labor market
between the date of leaving full-time duy school and · the date of
1 The degree of subcla•~ification used in the tabulations of youth's shifts in
labor-market activity is 8hown in tables 45 and 46.
63
01('1°
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64 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
interviewwasabout3 years (34.5 months). During this time they made
a total of 111,450 "shifts," or an average of 4¼ shifts per person.
Three-fifths of all these shifts were of one of five types (table 44).
Table -U.-Types of Shifts Made by Youth
Pertl'nt
Type ol shift
distrihu•
tion
1 •1•
Percent
distribution
Type ol shift
I,
_ _ _ _ ,1 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _1 - - -
TotaJ_____________________________
Unrm ploy,non t to !nil-! Imo em ploymont
100
i Fnll-time
1---161
F~\1~;!:~in~mploymcnt_ t~-[~11::i_m_c_ ~-~·: _
employment to unemploy-
so't:(.::1\0 full:tlme- ;i,i plo}:nient _: : : : : : : :
13
10
l4 , I t;\'~~t'.~/~_•_".'_Pl_o~~'.~~~::::::::: :::::::
39
~
Most activity shifts occurred when youth obtained or lost full-time
jobs, changed from one job to another, or entered the labor market
from school. The order of importance of the various types of shifts
shows that absorption into regular jobs went on more or less steadily
as youth continued in the labor market; for example, shifts from
unemployment to employment exceeded shifts from employment to
unemployment.
The net effect of youth's shifts from one type of activity to another
may be seen when those shifts are classified according to the activiti<'s
pr<'c<'ding and following them. In table 45 all shifts made during the
survey period are distribut<'d according to this twofold classification.
Table 45.-Activities of Youth Before and After Shifts
I
Activity
Before shllt I After shift
Ptrcent dl,trlbutiott _
,__________
Total.._-------------------------------------------- _________________ _
100
1----
Employe<l
______ ---------------------------------------·----------------_
Full time _______________________________________________________________
•~
I
3~ •
tr}--29 hou~ Jlf'r W('Pk ______ ----·--------------------------------- _______ _
L<•ss than 15 hours 1)('r week ____________________________________________ _
lnrnbinat:lons 1__ ••••. _____ . _. _. ____________________ • ____________________ •
Unen1plorr<1 _
.. -------------------------------------------------- _____ _
3
Worttcogr_~_s___ ::::: ::::::: :::::: :: :::::::::::: :: :: :: :::::: :: :: :: :: : : : :
NY'----------------------------------------·----------------------·WPA
____________________________________________________________ , __
Other_-------------------------------------------------------------Seekin~
work ___________________________________________ ------ _______ -- ..
On ~trik<' __ . ___________________ ·------------------ _________________ . ___ _
If market.
_. ______ -----------------------------------------------_______ __
Not Layo
In lahor
_______________________________________________________
100
e2
51
4
4
5
I
23
71
.
2
I
.
2
a
1
1
1
..
.
:II
2,'I
1
1
11
2
4
31
In
Sf•hoo] _______
···---------------------------------------------------TiousP\\·i(e
___ . _.. _...
_. ___________ . _. _. _______ . ______ . _________ • ______ . _.
20
l.'npnid family worker ... _______________________________________________ _
Illness . _____________ _____________________________ . ___ . _______ . ________ _
2
I
Other ____________ -----------------------------------------------------·
i
I
1
4
•Lt'SS thnn 0.5 f>f'rC'f'nt.
' Any 2 of the rollowin~ activities earrird on concurrently: employo<l full time: employc<l 1~29 hours per
week; employed under 15 hours J><"r week; CCC. :-SY.-\,\\' P.\, and other work-program employment.
Si11cP comparatiYely frw youth rrturnrd to school aft<'r once leaving,
thr proportion of shifts from school to othrr activities was much
0 g tiled by
Goog Ie
SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY • 65
greater than the proportion from otlH'r activitiC's to school. As a
result, both employment and unemployment occurred more frequently
after shifts than before. However, the excess of employment over
unemployment was greater after shifts than before. This fact
reflects the increasing success of youth in finding jobs as they gained
experience in the labor market.
Because of their great importance in throwing light on the occupational mobility of youth, the 15,583 shifts from one full-time job to
another will be examined in some detail.
CHANGES IN OCCUPATIONAL CLASS
When workers leave one job to take another they usually do so to
improve their earnings, to get into work more closely related to their
training or with "more of a future," or simply to find a more congenial
place. Most changes of this sort are undertaken voluntarily. Some
changes, however, represent an attempt to make the best of a bad
situation. For example, faced with an actual or impending layoff, a
worker may take another job that is inferior to the one he holds.
From a comparison of boys' and girls' activities before and after
shifting from one full-time job to another, it appears that there was
relatively little realignment among the broad occupational groups.
Such differences as existed, however, were in the direction of more
responsible and skilled work (table 46).
To&le 46.-0ccupational Classes Before and After Full-Time Job Shifts
Occupational cl8"8
Berore shirt / Arter shift
Ptrct11I dl,tributirm
Total ....•••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•••••••.•••••.••
100
100
f-----1--
Proresslonal. .........................••.•.•••.•.••......•....•..•..••.....••
Proprietary, managerial, and official.. .•••.•••••.••.••.•.•...•••.•.•••••.•.•.
Clerical.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ .............•.....•.....•.•.•.•...•.........
Account!n~ and semiprofessional ..•.•.•.•.•.•...•.•..••••••••••.••..•.•.
Stenography and allied ....•.....•..••••••.••.••..••.•••••••••••.•.•.•...
Or her clerical ....•...•.•.•.•.•.••••••••••..•...•.•.•...•••••••.•.•.•.•...
8ale• ..........••..••••••••••.•.•.•••••.•.•••••.•...•.•...•.•...•...•...
2
2
37
2
6
13
16
3
32
Skill,•<! ..............•.•••.•••••.•.•.•••.•.•.•••••.•••...•.•.....•.•.•.......
8emiskillcd ....................•...•.........•.......... . ......•.............
Unskill<'d. _.. _....................••............•.....•...........•.........
Servant and domestic .............•...•...............•.•...............
Lahort•r. _.....................•.•...•...................................
24
14
10
2
3
37
3
8
16
13
4
34
:al
II
9
The slightness of the changes in occupational distribution is due to
the large proportion of shifts that canceled each other, or that were
within the same broad occupational field. Canceling occurred mostly
between related classes of occupations, e. g., shifts from semiskilled
to skilled occupations and then back to semiskilled occupations, or
shifts of some workers from semiskilled to skilled occupations at the
same time that other workers shifted from skilled to semiskilled
D1gi
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66 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
occupations. 2 The other factor tending to keep occupational displacement low, namely the large proportion of shifts from one job to
another in the same broad occupational field, occurred throughout the
range of youth's jobs but was more pronounced in some occupations
than in others. The extent of youth's shifting within the same
occupational field and into others is shown in table 47.
Table 47.-Full-Time Job Shifts to Same and to Different Occupational Classes, by
Occupational Class Before Shi~
.
OCC'upationnl d11ss h..Col't' shill
Toto.I shills to
lull-time Jobs
Pel'('('nl or
shills to same
occupational
I
Pe=nt or
shifts to other
0ttupational
class
rl•••
Perctnl. dlmlbullon
Professional ... -. ____ -·_-·._ ... _........ _·-. ____ ·······-.
Proprietary, ma1111gerial, and official. ......... . ________ _
Clerical . . . . ___________ ... ----·-·--··-----·-----···
Ae<.'Ountin~ and semiprofessional.._._. __ .. _._ .. ____ _
Stmography and allled. ________________ --------····
Other clerlcal ________________ . ____ ···-. ·-. --- ... _...
Sales ... -····-··-----·-·----··----·----·········-·Bklllnl. .. ------· ··--···--·----··-----·---·····-·····--·Semiskilled._.·······-·-·---·----·-·-···----·--·-·-·--Unskill<'d . . ___ _ _ -----------------·-·--··---·-·-Serrnnt and domestic ... ---···---·---·--··---------.
Lalx,l't'r _. __________ ..•... ----. ----- ------· ___ ------
100
100
515
15
JOO
100
JOO
JOO
65
33
66
38
100
32
100
100
36
5~
JOO
100
100
50
30 I
46
44
85
35
6i
34
62
68
64
45
54
50
70
Several factors work tog<'th<'r in causing so many youth to remain
in the same occupational classes when they change jobs. To begin
with, the range of occupations for which youth may qualify is narrowed
to a greater or lesser extent by the nature and amount of their education and training on the job. It is unlikely, for example, that many
domrstic srrvants would be in a position to qualify for clerical jobs.
In addition, youth's motivations have much to do with the extent
to which they shift out of their presrnt occupations into others. Profrssional persons, for example, have suflkicntly high earnings and
prestige that they have little ine<'ntivc to shift ovrr into other lines
of work, but rather devote their efforts to advancing in their own field.
Thus 56 pPrc<'nt of their job shifts were in the field of professional work.
PropriPtors, managers, and officials furnish the best illustration of a
group that was less likely to shift about within the same field of work
than to enter other fields. Proprietors who made a success of their
ent<'rprises bad no reason to shift to other occupations. On the other
hund, if tlwy W<'re not succ<'ssful, they were usually prevented by
lack of capital from starting another enterprise, and therdore had to
turn to a differC'nt type of work. Thus, although only 15 pC'rcent of
the shifts made by proprietors, managers, and officials WC'l'<' within
the same fi<>ld, 34 p<'rcent wPre to the clericnl field-mainly to the
2 S<>e appendix table 16 for detailed information on occupational classes before
and after shifts.
lJ fl tized by
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SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY • 67
related field of selling (22 percent). 3 It is interesting to note also in
this connection that some reverse movement occurred: 6 percent of
the salespersons, as compared with 3 percent of all youth, became
proprietors, managers, and officials.
Unskilled laborers furnish another example of a group that was
more likely to shift into related work than to remain in the same field
when they changed jobs: 40 percent of their shifts were to semiskilled
jobs, and 30 percent were to other jobs at unskilled laboring. It is
particularly encouraging that so many youth in this low-paid group
were a.hie to rise in the occupational scale.
In summary, certain powerful forces, such as educational background and work experience, tend to hold youth in the same occupational classes when they change jobs. When youth do leave the field
in which they ha.ve worked, however, they are most likely to obtain
jobs in related fields of work for which their education and experience
fit them. Shifts to unrelated fields of work a.re less likely to be made,
~xcept in cases where the prerequisites for getting the new jobs are few.
CHANGES IN INDUSTRIAL GROUP
Because most industries employ workers in a. variety of occupations,
it would be expected that youth would change industries more frequently than occupations. For example, a typist might hold successive jobs in a manufacturing concern, a doctor's office, and a
department store without ever changing her usual occupation. N cvcrtheless, youth's job changes resulted in a. comparatively small net
displacement among the various groups of industries, since most of the
movement into a. given industrial group was counterbalanced by
movement out of it.
Table 48.-lndustrial Groups Before and After Full-Time Job Shifts
Industrial ~roup
Relol"f' shilt
I Alter shift
Ptrcrnt dialribution
Total ...•.•.••••••••••••••••.••...•.•......••................••...•....
100
R~1r;~;~;H~t·,:~~:~;~;,;,:~i~:l::.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::=:=:::::=:::1
'1 ran~portat10n and comrnumcnt10n . _. _. . _ . _ ___ __ ___ _ . . . _______ . __ _
Trnd,• .........................................................••............
Puhlie SP.rvice. _______ . ___ . ________ . __________ ------------------------------Profcssionnl service
_ _ _ _..
Domestic and personal ~rvir-e __ _
1
2
1
100
- - - -2
1
29
33
8
8
35
33
I
2
6
6
18
16
Includes forestry, fishing, and extmctlon of minemls.
As a result of youth's moving from one job to anotlwr, the proportion employed in trade and domestic and p(•rsonal sen·ice
decrPasPd somewhat, and the proportion in manufacturing and
i
See appendix table 16.
D1g1 zed by
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68 •
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
mf'chn.nical pursuits increased. Many youth who had little specialized
, training or skill, and even some who were well trained for a specific
type of work but who could not get placed, took fill-in jobs whC'n
they first entered the labor market, and then shifted to better paying
jobs as soon a.s thPy saw their opportunity. For example, most boys
who started working a.s door-to-door solicitors, and most girls who
entered doml'stic servicl', earned low wages for long or irre,gular hours
of work; thl'y doubtll'ss sought better jobs a.s soon as they could.
Many jobs in factories may be learned in a comparatively short
time and are therefore open to youth with little training or experience.
Furthermore, on youth's first full-time jobs, wages were above and
hours below avl'rage in manufacturing and mechanical industries.
The question that arises, then, is why so many youth who obtained
jobs in the manufacturing industries entered them from other industries and not directly. The probable explanation is that employment
in many of the manufacturing and mechanical industries fluctuates
more than in other industries such as trade and service. Boys and
girls seeking work when manufacturing activity was slack were therefore likely to find job opportunities relatively better in other industries.
Then when manufacturing activity increased, they were attracted
into those industries from other industries.
By no means all of the net increase in employment in manufacturing
and mechanical industries occurred as a result of direct shifts of youth
into these industries from trade and doml'stic and personal service.
Some of the shifting was indirect, as for example, from trade to
transportation to manufacturing. Thl'se relationships, and others of
interest for the light they throw on youth's job mobility, may be seen
To&le 49.-lndustrial Groups Entered, by Industrial Group Before Full-Time Job Shi~
l11d11 -. tr i11l cronp Ji.don• ~li ift
--1
\1nnn
·1 : . .
n 11u r I i11,--.111r• 1 p o rr I·
\ ••r i·
r·11l:11r,·
•' \!r.w-
t 1q~ 1 1
__ ,_ _
rng
1111
I
fll P·
111111 11 11
t"'ilfl\ •
ch·1ri
1111un-
l t,.4 ]
(':11 ! i1 Tl
T
1
mil'
Pn hll r
Ir
I
I
ro rI'"'· Domestic
I I and
I ~~v1c-e
p e rsonal
~ P l<'•' I "-W n u
~
~,•rq c-c
-- --'---
-
J ', ,,, 11 f i/1~t rfl, t1f il'>n
]IUt
A nl1t1 l!t 1n·
Othn ,,; f n 1(·!1\•, ,1
!\l ,1rn1 h l'l11rim: ·111 ,l l!l•·d1 a r1H • ·l
Tr·1 n ~p,,rf •iti1111 :-Ind L.. ,,1111n11111 • 1-
tin 11
Tri , !,•
l'nh l ·i-t·nir,
f'r ,1(,.._,1',1rnl ..,, l \ h•c,
I,, ,mr~t it· "1 11,l 1,,.: r::n nn! .:t•rri0•
)\ l
I
11 11;
·'
~•1;
:1_.
.'1
II
~,1
1'.'
!f.
) IU I
I
Ii'..'
..
I
1t,i1
l'HI
--
I
I
I
\II
:..."li
:_,.;;,
s
~"
- -
111n
:io
19
18
,;
3
17
JOO
I
-
H
50
2\1
1
l.'")
.I
"
~
I
I
I
7{0)
I
3'I
4
•Less than 0.5 percent.
'Includes forestry, fishing, and extraction of minerals.
D1g1·2ed by
100
I
Google
.
'
56
SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY • 69
in a comparison of industrial groups in which youth worked before
and after changing from one full-time job to another.
As in the case of occupational shifts, a large proportion of youth's
industrial shifts were from job to job within the same broad industrial
group. Youth already in a given field of work have an advantage
over other youth, because of their experience, in obtaining jobs in that
field. In some cases it would be more correct to say that young
workers are limited to the same field of work because they have
no experience in other fields.
·
If youth entered a different industry when they changed jobs, they
were most likely to enter one of the industries that offered the greatest
employment opportunities to youth generally. Young workers leaving jobs in ·agriculture were more likely to enter one of the manufacturing and mechanical industries than one of the transportation and communication industries. Indeed it is obvious that the
direction of youth's absorption into the labor market (i.e., the industries they enter) is determined largely by the kinds of industries that
are important in their community. In addition, some industries offer
better opportunities to youth than others, and the proportion of
workers hired may vary according to the state of business activity.'
SHIFTS INVOLVING UNEMPLOYMENT
Up to this point the discussion has dealt mainly with shifts from
one full-time job to another. The shifts discussed next are those that
involved unemployment. It may thus be inferred in what occupations and industries youth were most likely to be laid off, and in what
occupations and industries they were most likely to find jobs after a
period of unemployment.
The youth most likely to become unemployed after holding full-time
jobs were those who worked in semiskilled occupations or as unskilled
laborers. Since experience or special knowledge is at a minimum in
these jobs, employers have little incentive to keep such workers on
the pay roll through slack periods; instead new workers may easily
be hired whenever business improves.
Professional persons, on the other hand, had by far the smallest
proportion of shifts followed by unemployment. Indeed, self-employed
professional persons can scarcely be regarded as exposed to the risk of
unemployment, though they may be underemployed if they have few
clients. Such unPmployment as did occur among professional persons
was concentrated chiefly in the salaried group. Even among salaried
professional workers, however, the risk of unemployment is lower than
4 For example, in a town where railroads are a highly important source of
employment, youth may be handicapped in getting railroad jobs during a
deprcission because seniority provii;ions for layoffs and rehiring:; work to the
advantage of older workers.
·
70 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
among other classes of employees, because technicians are often kept
at work when operatives are laid off. Similar reasons explain why
unemployment was relatively slight in the case of proprietors, managers, and officials, and semiprofessional workers.
When shifts from unemployment to full-time jobs are analyzl'd,
a situation similar to that just described is found. Semiskilled op!'ratives and unskilled laborers were recruited most often from the ranks
of the unemployed, and professional workers, proprietors, managers,
and officials least often. This fact indicates that youth were more
likely to return to their old fields of work than to get jobs in new
and unrelated fields after a period of unemployment. Indeed, this
would be expected because the education and experience youth have
acquired more or less determine the types of jobs they are likely to
get in the future.
Ta&le 50.-Shifts Between Full-Time Jobs and Unemployment, by Occupational Class
Shirts to un• sh·rt
1 :s rr?m unen1ployml•nt
as a !)('rcmtage emplo~ ~ient
of all shifts
as a per~ nta2e
from fnll·time of nll .,htfts to
Jobs
full•time Jobs
Occupational class or rull•time Job
TotaL ............... - --·-···-··························•········ProfesslonaL. ..........
_ .......................•.............
Proprietary, managerial, and official._ .- _. ____________________________ _
Clcriml. __ ....... ____ -···-•-- _. . .••...• . ............ ... ..•...•...•...
.Acrounting and semiprofessional ..•. _............•.•.....•........ _
Stenography and allied .•...........................................
Other clerice.L .. _................................•.......... _..•.....
Sales_ ..................•........•.........................•.........
Skllled ... -········-·················································-Scrniskilled .................•............•................•....•..... - -..
Unskilled
.. __ .. ___ . _-· _...........•............................ _.... .
Servant and domestic ...... --,· .. _._ ......... _............... . ... _. .
Laborer ............ -......... -........ • -•. •. • • •· · -· · · · • · •··· · · · -· -·
34
17
33
15
24
16
30
29
2.~
24
2ll
3S
26
36
30
4(1
38
33
27
42
34
31
38
32
2fi
2')
Whl'n shifts involving unemployml'nt are compared according to
industrial group, it appears that youth working in manufacturing and
mechanical lines of work were most likely to become unemployed, and
that youth hired in the manufacturing and mechanical industries were
also most likely to be drawn from the ranks of the unemployed. It is
probable that a considerable proportion of these shifts were made by
the same youth, that is, that a pool of labor more or less closely
attached to the manufacturing and mechanical industries remained
available for recall whenever industrial activity picked up. Of course
there was also some flow of factory and construction workers to other
types of jobs after periods of unemployment, and a similar flow in
the opposite direction. The significant point, however, is that youth
working in the manufacturing and mechanical industries were subject
to a grratcr risk of unemployment than most other workers. This
does not necessarily mean that factory workers had the greatest
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SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY• 71
amount of unemployment in a year, but that they had the most
numerous periods of unemployment. Both seasonal and cyclical
variations in demand, and hence in productive activity, cause employment in manufacturing and construction to fluctuate rather widely.
Ta&le 57.-Shifts Between Full-Time Jobs and Unemployment, by Industrial Group
I
Industrial group of full•tlme Job
' Shirts to un- Shilts from unemployment
es a pen•Pntage employment
0
or all shifts
8gf
from full•time !ull•time jobs
jobs
aaft".:i~;~;%
TotaL. __ . -... - . -................ ···· · ········ ·· ··· ····· ·· · ·· · ·· · · -
31
A1trlculture . ... _....... _. __ .. _..........•...•.•.•••.•..••.•••.•.•.•....•
Other cxtrartive '-·--··· .. _. . . ··- _. -· ...•...•.......•...•...•.•...•.....
Manulacturin~ and mechanlrnl
.... _.•...........•.•.......•.•.......
Transportation and communication ____________________________________ _
Trade ___ .... _....••..•.•. -..... - . -- ............... -.......•.•..•..... •
Puhlic service_ .....•..........................•.. _..........•...........
Proressional sen·ice ____________ .. ___ . _________________________________ _
Domestic and personal service ... __ ... _..... _..................•.........
32
1 Incl11,des
I; = = = = =
33
'J:7
31
40
34
28
32
24
39
«
37
30
37
25
2i
25
forestry, fishing, and extraction or minerals.
CHANGES IN EARNINGS
The most important question concerning youth's job changes is
whether earnings rose as a result. From a comparison of youth's
weekly earnings before and after shifts from one full-time job to
another, it appears that a substantial improvement did in fact take
place. Changing jobs was thus an important means by which young
workers raised their living standards. This appears most clearly m
a distribution of youth's earnings before and after changing jobs.
Ta&le 52.-Weekly Earnings of Youth Before and After Full-Time Job Shifts
Wc-ekly earnings on !ull•time Jobs
I Alter shift
Before shirt
Ptrctnt di,tribution
____
Total.................................................................. ,
L<>ss than $4.50...............................................................
$4. 50-$9. 49 ... ·-. -········· .••••..•.....•..•••••••••••.••••••.•. _.•••.••••••••
$9.50-$14.49_ .•.. ··•·••·••••·••••••••••··•••·•·•••••••••••••••·•••·•••••••·••
$14. 50-$19. 49 •..• -·····... •• . • ••• •• ••••• ••. .• • ••• . •••••• •• •••••••••. ••. . ••• •• •
$1\1. 50-$24. 49 .. ····-·· •.•••••.••.••••••.•••. •··. ••••••• .•••.•••••••••.• ···•···
$24. 50-$29. 49 .•••• -••····································•··••·••·•···········
$29.50-$34.49 •.... _...........................................................
$34. 50-$.19. 49 __ .•. ... . • • • • . • • . . . . . • • • • . .• • • . • . • . • . • • • • • • • • •• • .• • . • •• • • •• • •• . • •
$39 ..SO or more................................................................
Average earaln~s _.......•••..•.•..••.•...••....•.....••............ ···
100 ,I
I
14
30
31
13
8
23
32
18
6
9
I
2
2
3
I
5
·====:
I
100
I
$14. 90
I
$17-00
Lumping all shifts from one full-time job to another, average earnings after shifts were about one-ninth higher than before. This
general rise in earnings indicates that most youth changed jobs
voluntarily in order to better their condition. Those who took
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72 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
stopgap jobs to avoid unemployment would ordinarily not be expected
to gain higher earnings as a result of such job changes.
Chansa According to Year of Shi~
The improvement in earnings went on steadily and at a.bout the
same rate during all of the yea.rs covered by this study. This is
clearly shown when average earnings before and after full-time job
shifts are compared by yea.rs (table 53).
Ta&le 53.-Weekly Earnings of Youth Before and After Full-Time Job Shifts, by Year of
Shift
A,·el"'l(e weekly earnings
Year of shift
Befnl'P shift
After shift
$10. 30
12.00
12. 00
13.10
13. 20
14. 00
14. 60
Sl2. 20
1Q'lR .••••••••••..•••••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•••••.
14.00
19:17 .• ···········•·•·······•·················································
1938 ..• ··········•·•·•·····•········•······································•·
16.30
17. SO
18.10
17.80
1929 ..• •• •·-·······-········--·······-··-··-·······-··············-··--·····
19·m_ .. ··-·-· ...... __ ........... ·····-. ····-·· ........ ··-· ...... ··-·· ...... .
1931 ... ·-··-············ ··················--···-···-····--·-······----·-··-··
19:12. ·--···•·················-·-··----·-·---·····-·-···-·-·-·-----·-·········
1933. ························································-·--··--·-······
19:J4.·-·-·····-·····························································
IQ1< ..••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••.•••••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••..
15. 50
14. 50
14. 70
15. 00
15.~
15. 40
16. 40
Earnings at both old and new jobs rose steadily year by year as
better trained youth entered the labor market, and as those already
in the labor market gained in experience. These two factors so far
outweighed the influence of general economic conditions that in all
years from 1929 to 1938 average earnings after changing jobs exceeded
average earnings before changing jobs by about 11 or 12 percent. Of
course, it must be remembered that only youth who held full-time jobs
are considered here. Depressed business conditions are manifested
less clearly among a group which demonstrated its favored position in
the labor market by changing from one job directly to another.
Changes According to Occupational Clan
Youth's average occupation al level rose slightly, and their wage
level considerably, as a result of their shifts from job to job. In some
cases youth gained higher earnings even though they changed to jobs
generally regarded as lower in the occupational scale. It is of considerable importance, therefore, to see what types of broad occupational shifts resulted in the greatest improvement in earnings.
As a basis of comparison for the analysis that follows, it may be
noted that 60 percent of youth's shifts from one full-time job to another
resulted in higher earnings, 12 percent in the same earnings, and 28
percent in lower earnings. Thus a majority of youth were able to
secure better pnying jobs as they gained in work experience, maturity,
and knowledge of what jobs were availuble and how to i;ecure them.
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SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY • 73
In table 54 the different kinds of broad occupational shifts ma.de are
ranked in order of the proportion of youth who gained wage increases.
Ta&le 54.-Changes in Wage Levels, by Occupational Class Before and After Shifts
Change In wage level
Shift in occupational class
1
Percent
Percent
lower
same
Semlskllled
to skilled.-·
.. ·····-·· •....................
·······-•····_
Clnical to proJ1rietor
_____________
. __ . _____________________________
Cll'riral to skill,•d·······-··••······•··············-·-···••··········
Clerical to semiskilled_-·••·-·-·-·•·····-•·····.·····--···•···--····
Clerical to unskilled .. ·-··································-···•·····
Clerical to clerical. .... ··--· ..•.•.............. ·- .......•.....•...•.
Unskilled to semiskilled.--·······-······ ... . .. ·····-···········•···
Skilled to skilled ............•.••..•...•......•........ - ...••....•...
Semiskilled
·-···············-················
Proft>ssional to
to semiskilled
profos~ionaL.•..
____________________
. __________________...
._
Clnical to profrs..c;ional ____________________ .... ____________ . _______ _
Unskilled to skilled .......... ·-·-·-·········-·····-·················
4
6
22
70
10
8
19
22
7
16
7
16
'¥1
14
10
25
30
12
29
32
4
38
33
71
66
64
62
61
61
60
69
69
g
58
57
Semiskilled to proprietor .. ·-·--····••·•·····•·-············-········
S,•miskilled to clerical. .......... ·-· ................................ .
Semiskilled to prorrs~ionaL ________________________________________ _
&I
g
Semiskilled to unskilled .. ·····--···································
53
8
Sklll!'d to semiskilled.··············-···•·••····-········-····-·····
Unskilled to clerical. ........................... ············-·-·· .. .
Unskilled to proprietor._ .........•.......... ·····-······ .......... .
Proprietor to semiskilled .. ••··········-···················-·········
53
52
7
II
7
Unski11ed to unskilled .•.• ······-·-·-···· .............•. ·•··•··-··•·
Proprietor to clerical._. __ ....................................•......
BkillPd to clrricnl. ······-···········································
Skilled to unskilled .......•.........................................
15()
1
111
77
73
10
51
61
6
42
42
I
:13
37
39
40
39
42
44
11
30
44
47
8
15()
20
12
44
21
31
Includes only shifts Involving 50 case• or more.
The best record of improved earnings we.s ma.de by youth who left
semiskilled jobs to take skilled jobs; more than three-fourths of their
job shifts brought higher wages. Some of these youth stepped into
higher pa.id jobs upon the completion of their apprenticeship. Others
picked up enough knowledge in an informal way to qualify for more
skilled work. There is encouragement in these figures for the boy who
wishes to enter a skilled trade but who cannot acquire sufficient training in school to do so, for he stands a fairly good chance of advancing
to the higher earnings accompanying a skilled job through a semiskilled job.
The five next greatest increases in earnings were ma.de by youth
who left jobs in the clerical field. The rise in earnings when these
youth became proprietors, skilled, semiskilled, or unskilled workers
might suggest that the best way for young clerical workers to better
their earnings was to leave the field of clerical work. However, a
large proportion (64 percent) of the shifts from one clerical job to
another also resulted in improved earnings; this fact indicates that
wages in clerical work vary so greatly that youth have considerable
scope for raising their earning power even within that field.
450597°--43-7
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74 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
In only three typPs of shifts for which sufficient data were available
were the proportions of youth enjoying a gain in earning power less
than 50 percent. These shifts were from proprietor to clerical worker,
from skilled to clerical worker, and from skilled to unskilled worker.
The most unfavorable showing was made by workers who shifted from
skilled to unskilled jobs. Yet, even in this case, only 50 percent bad
lower earnings, and 42 percent had higher earnings.
The rise in earnings among these youth thus was general and not
limited to a few particular occupational classes. To be sure, the
highest proportion of wage increases went to youth whose job changes
carried them higher in the occupational scale (as from semiskilled to
skilled work), and the lowest proportion to those who slipped back to
a lower occupational classification (as from skilled to unskilled work).
Nevertheless, in several cases the proportion of wage increases exceeded the proportion of wage decreases even though youth changed
from a "higher" to a "lowC'r" job, e. g., from semiskilled to unskilled,
or from skilled to semiskilled. And in all but 3 of the 24 types of
occupational shifts considered, the proportion of wage increases ex·
ceeded the proportion of wage decreases.
The general rise in earnings is to be expC'cted because most shifts
from one full-time job to another are made voluntarily to get higher
wages. The interesting point is that wage increases were gained as a
result of such widely different types of job changes. This fact suggests
that youth's immediate economic interests may be served even if they
accept jobs in fields not closely related to, or not "above," their present field of work. It is less certain, however, that their ultimate economic interests are best served if they give primary consideration to
current earnings, for economic well-being depends on steady employment and prospects for advancement as well as on a high weekly
wage in the immediate present.
DURATION OF EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT
In the period when youth are still comparative newcomers in the
labor market, many of them have diffieulty in holding jobs and in ge~
ting other jobs. For one thing, recently hired workers have less experience and seniority than older workPrs. For another, beginners are
less well acquainted with employment opportunities and are in a
poorer position than experienced workers to secure other jobs if they
lose or leave their jobs. Information on the duration of youth's employment preceding other jobs and periods of unemployment shows
how the newcomers were handicapped in passing on to other jobs.
Youth who left one job to take another had a longer record of
employment preceding their shifts than youth who became unemployed. Earlier it was stated thnt one of youth's most difficult problems is getting their first full-time jobs when they have little or no
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SHIFTS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITY • 75
Tal,le 55.-Duration of Youth's Employment Preceding Shifts to Full-Time Employment
and Unemployment
Shifts to fnll-1 Shifts to unemployment
time Jobs
Cumulath·e duration I or employment preceding shirts
-----------------------Ptmmt di.rtribution
Total _________________________________________________________________ _
Less thon 3 months .... _-----------------------------------------------------
3-5 months ______ .. ________________________ ---------------------------------6---11 months ..... ___________________________ .. _.-------·-····-··--···-·-----1 year hut less then 2. _. _.. _... _...... _. _. _. ___ ... __ .... ________ ..... ___ .... _
2 years hut less then 5 ...... __ . _____ ... __________ . _. ________________________ _
5---9 years _____________ . _____________________________________________________ _
100
21
2i
22
15
II
1
]fi
20
21
22
19
2
Average months' duration._. ___ . _____________________________________ _I = = = =I = = = =
10
6
1
Total amount or continuous employment (lull-time and pert-time) preceding shill•.
e:x"J)erience to offer. It may be concluded now t,hat they are still
subject to a considerable risk of unemployment during their early
period in the labor market even though they have passed the initial
stages of job hunting. With a greater amount of work experience
they are more likely to shift to other jobs and less likely to become
unemployed.
A matter of considerable importance in evaluating youth's success
in the labor market is the average amount of unemployment before
they obtain full-time private jobs. '\\nen a census is taken it is possible to ask unemployed workers how long they have been without
jobs, but such information does not indicate what the total duration
of their unemployment will be before they get jobs. An analysis of
the amount of unemployment preceding shifts to jobs does, however,
·
give the information 'desired.
Tal,le 56.-Duration of Youth's Unemployment Preceding Shifts to Full-Time Jobs
Duration of unemployment preceding
shifts to lull-time jobs
Total.-------------·-------------Less then 3 months ____________________ _
3-5 months .... _... ____________________ _
&-II months----------------------···-··
Percent
distribution
100
41
28
18
Duration of unemployment preoodlng
shifts to full-time Jobs
Percent
distribution
.
1 year hut h••· thRn 2.. .......... ----- .. _
g4
A verage months' duration ______ • _
3
2 years hut less then 5....• _. __________ . _
5---11 years .. ___ ---------------------------
•Less than 0.5 percent.
Averaging the experience of all youth who obtained full-time jobs
after periods of unemployment, it may be said that most youth_fell
outside the ranks of the long unemployed. The average duration of
unemployment was 3 months. About seven-eighths of the unemployment periods lasted less than a year. However, the fact that oneeighth of the unemployment periods lasted a year or more reflects a
serious situation among some of our youth. Certain major han<licaps
leading to the long unemployment of these young workers have
already been mentioned in this report.
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01
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Chapter V
TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES
IN
THE preceding discussions of youth's efforts to get started in gainful
work and of their varied activities while in the labor market, the degree
of their progress at various stages was considered only incidentally.
In the present chapter attention is directed principally to this question. The main devices used for investigating trends in youth's
labor-market experiences are time-series analyses of their activities
on each birthday, and comparisons of their first jobs with the jobs
they held at or near the time of interview.
ACTIVITIES ON EACH BIRTHDAY
The time-series charts used earlier in this report dealt with the
activities of youth each month after graduation from the eighth grade.
However, since some youth made faster progress than others, it was
not easy to infer the relative importance of various activities at
different ages. A consideration at this point of the activities of boys
and girls on each birthday gives a more complete picture of their
economic progress as they approached adulthood.
By way of introduction, it should be noted that when a youth engaged in two or more activities on a given birthday, the one at which
he spent the largest number of hours per week was considered his
primary activity for that period. The timc-s«'ries charts show
youth's activities from their fifteenth to their twenty-third birthdays
only, because youth could not have attain«'d their twenty-fourth. or
later birthdays by the time of interview without being educationally
retarded. 1 The data for these later birthdays are heavily weighted
by the experiences of retarded youth, and would ov«'rstate the «'xtent
1 At best, such youth could have graduated from the eighth grade in 1929 at
the age of 15 or over.
77
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78 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Fig. 7 - ACTIVITIES ON EACH BIRTHDAY OF MALE LABOR MARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929, 1931
AND 1933 CLASSES
Percenf
10 0
~.,.;;c...__ _ 80
0
::i
~*il
60
•J----1 50
50
40
30
20
10
10
15
IG
1,
18
I'
BIRTHDAY
20
21
22
23
WPAH77
Source: Appendi• fable 17.
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 79
Fig. 8-ACTIVITIES ON EACH BIRTHDAY OF FEMALE LABORMARKET ENTRANTS OF THE 1929, 1931
AND 1933 CLASSES
90
Housewives
80
70
60
50
40
30
10
10
____ o
o .___ _.
15
16
17
18
19
20
BIRTHDAY
21
22
23
Source, Append1a table 17.
WPASl71
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80 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
of unemployment and less skilled employment. In addition, the time
series of activities on each birthday includes only youth who had at
some time entered the labor market, although those from the three
eighth-grade graduating classes are considered together. Figures 7
and 8 show the proportion of youth that were engaged in the major
types of labor- and non-labor-market activities on successive birthdays.
Youth In School
On their fifteenth birthdays 96 percent of the boys were still in
school, but by their twenty-third birthdays only 5 percent were still
in school. An even more rapid decline in school attendance occurred
in the case of the girls, for at each age fewer girls than boys were
attending school. Though the fact of youth's transition from student
to worker or homemaker within the age limits discussed here is well
known, its quickness and completeness are not always fully recognized. The birthday activity charts vividly illustrate the magnitude
of that adjustment process.
Hou1ewlva
The proportion of girls engaged as homemakers rose steadily from
almost zero at age 15 to 29 percent at age 23. Some of these girls
became housewives before entering the labor market, but most did so
after having entered. The proportion of girls who were in the labor
market was at a maximum (66 percent) at ages 20 and 21; above 21
the proportion declined, owing to the hl'avy withdrawal of girls who
became homemakers. Girls who remained in the labor market after
they were 21 thus faced less and less competition for jobs from other
girls of their own agP group.
Employment Status of Youth In-the Labor Marlcet
The incidence of unemploymmt at different ages may best be seen
when youth in the labor market are studied as a separate group. In
figures 9 and 10 and appendix table 18, thereforr, the proportions of
youth employed or unrmployed at each age are shown, in relation to
those who were in the labor market at that time.
The most important point to note in the case of both boys and girls
is that the youngest workers were the ones most subject to unemployment. The rate of unemployment did not fall below 20 percent
until youth reached their twcntidh birthdays. The earliest labormarket entrants were handicapped by youthfulness, inexperience, inadequate education, and in some cases by disadvantaged socialeconomic backgrounds. In time many of these early labor-market
entrants outgrew their handicaps of inexperience and youthfulness,
and other youth, older and better educated, entered the labor force.
As a result the rate of unemployment fell. Even at age 23, however,
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'I
Homemaker.
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 81
Fig. 9- EMPLOYMENT STATUS ON EACH BIRTHDAY OF MALES
IN THE LABOR MARKET, 1929, 1931, AND 1933 CLASSES
Percenl
10 0
Percenl
10 0
90
90
80
80
70
70
60
50
50
40
40
30
30
20
10
15
16
==============
====.,_
_ __, o
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
BI RTH DAY
Source Appendia table 18 .
WPA 3179
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82 • URBAN y OUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Fio. 10- EMPLOY
- - - - -- - -- - - MENT ST
OF FEMALES
ATUS ON EAC
1929, 1931 A IN THE LABOR
H BIRTHDAY
""""'
,oo
• NO 1933 CLASS
MARKET
ES
70
30
0
Source A ppend,. table 18
•~A HIO
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 83
one-eighth to one-ninth of the workers were unemployed. Thus,
although employment handicaps lessened considerably as youth grew
older, the improvement was not sufficient to justify the belief that
youth's unemployment was becoming a negligible problem.
The decline in unemployment as youth grew older followed different
patterns in the case of boys and girls. Among boys unemployment
was fairly constant (21 or 22 percent) at ages 15 through 19, and thereafter declined until it reached 13 percent at ages 22 and 23. Among
girls, on the other hand, unemployment dropped steadily from 36
percent at age 15 to 11 percent at age 23. Up to the age of 19, therefore, girls were much more handicapped than boys in getting jobs,
but from their nineteenth birthday on, girls and boys were about
equally subject to unemployment. The most probable reason for the
steady improvement in the employment prospects of girls is that
incressing numbers of them withdrew from the labor market to become housewives and thereby lessened the competition for jobs
among girls of the same age group still in the labor market.
In view of the especially severe unemployment among the youngest
boys and girls, it might be expected that a considerable proportion
would have had work-program employment. That such was not the
case among the youth in this study is mainly due to the fact that
many went through their early unemployment before the work
programs were initiated. In addition, youth were not eligible for
WPA employment or NYA out-of-school employment until they
reached the age of 18.
Occupational Cla- of Youth Employed Full Time
Youth's chan,ging occupational attachments at different ages are
nowhere better shown than in a comparison of the relative importance
of the different classes of occupations in which they worked on successive birthdays. The changes in occupational distribution are due
partly to youth's shifting about from job to job, partly to the later
entrance into the labor market of better trained youth, and partly to
the withdrawal of girls to become housewives.
Two broad occupational classes among the boys stood out as showing the most consistent gains as boys grew older-professional persons, proprietors, managers, and officials; and skilled workers. At no
time, however, did these fields employ more than a small proportion
of the boys. The proportion of professional, proprietary, and managerial workers increased only from 4 percent at age 15 to 10 percent
at age 23; the proportion of skilled workers increased from 4 to 9
percent. 2 Though the increase in these groups is mcouraging, it can
be seen that only a minority of boys were able to work into these jobs
or enter them from school.
1
See appendix table 19.
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84 •
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Fig. II-OCCUPATION OF MALES EMPLOYED FULL TIME
ON EACH BIRTHDAY, 1929, 1931
AND 1933 CLASSES
80
70
60
60
50
10
0
15
16
17
18
19
BIRTHDAY
20
21
Source - Append ox table 19.
22
23
WP& 3111
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MA RKET ACTIVITIES • 85
0
.~
,,
· ■a~P,-.
:w .'•:;.., .••.
'•1
,~~-~■,
0
•
30
20 ,----
70
60
40
30
••
20
,.,
10
0
.
17
BIRTHD
.
of skilled workers.
smoll proportoon
.: Includes o
. table 19.
Source: Appendix
WPA 3882
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86 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
At all age levels by far the greatest proportion of boys were employed in either clerical or semiskilled occupations. It is interesting
to note, however, that from ages 15 to 17, the proportion of boys in
miscellaneous clerical occupations declined somewhat, whereas the
proportion in semiskilled occupations rose. The earliest labormarket entrants were more likely to get jobs such as office boys, messengers, and errand boys. Later on, boys had a wider variety of
occupations open to them, and relatively more obtained semiskilled
jobs as factory operatives, truck drivers, etc.
The proportion of boys working as unskilled laborers was about
the same at all ages, fluctuating from 12 to 16 percent. The unskilled
group did not include the same youth at all ages, however, but rather
absorbed many new workers and also lost workers to other occupations. As shown later, more boys worked as unskilled laborers on
their first jobs than on their latest jobs.8
In the case of girls the occupational pattern at different ages was
affected not only by the entrance of better educated girls into the
labor market, and the shifting about among occupational groups,
but also by the withdrawal of older girls to become housewives.
The proportion of girls engaged in professional work increased
steadily with greater age. The main reasons for this increase were
the late entrance of college-trained girls into professional work and
the relatively low rate of withdrawal of these girls to become housewives.
At each age level the great majority of girls worked in one of three
groups of occupations, the clerical, semiskilled, or unskilled (servants
and domestic workers). In general, clerical occupations assumed
greater importance as girls grew older, and semiskilled and unskilled
occupations less. When girls entered the labor market at an early
age, they were limited for the most part to jobs for which little education was required. When high-school and college girls entered the
labor market, however, they were able to qualify for a wider range of
clerical jobs. The unskilled and semiskilled occupations also declined in importance because many girls left these fields for better
jobs or to become homemakers.
ARST AND LATEST JOBS
Youth's changing status in the labor market is pointed up vividly
when their situation at the time they got their first jobs is compared
with their situation at the time they were visited by the interviewers
for this study. Some had by then dropped out of the labor market
and some were unemployed, but most were at work,
a See table 61, p. 92.
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 87
Changa in Labor-Marled Status
Before considering the subject of principal interest-the changes
in occupation, industry, and earnings from first to latest job-the
differences in youth's employment status at the time of interview
may first be noted. Their activities at that time showed interesting
differences according to their length of time out of the eighth grade.
To&le 57.-Activities on July 1, 1938, of Youth Who Earlier Had Full-Time Jobs,
by Eighth-Grade Graduating Class
Eighth•irrade graduating class
Activity on July I, 1938
j
Total
I
1929
I
11131
11133
Percent di,tributwn
Total •.................................................. .
100
Employed rull time ...•...........•.•.......••..•••••••••••••••.
Same Job as f:rst full•time Job ..•..•••••...•.•.•.••••••••••..
Different Job ...........................•.•.•.•••••.••••....
!:mployed port time ....•..•........•....••.•.•.••..•••••••••••.
Unemployed .............•.....•.....•.•.••..•....••...•.......
Out or lahor market .•.•••••.••••.••••..•••...•....•.•••••.•....
In school. ....•••...•••..••.•••••••••.•.•....•....•.•.......
Housewife .....••.•.•••••••...•.•.•.•...•.•••.••.••••.......
Other ...•..............•...................•...•.....•.....
65
20
t
100
100
JOO
66
16
66
19
82
28
34
6
18
>----,--->----
45
liO
47
5
. 13
17
6
9
21
6
12
17
10
4
H
10
4
a
a
a
4
H
a
I
I
Includes all youth who had llt least one rull•time Job at some time between leaving school and July 1.11138.
Nearly two-thirds of the youth who had had full-time jobs earlier
also were employed full time at the time the study was made. Although the proportion employed on July 1, 1938, was about the same
for each of the three classes, more graduates of the earlier classes had
changed jobs than had graduates of the later classes. A higher proportion of the earlier graduates also had withdrawn from the labor
market to become housewives, and a lower proportion were unemployed, than was the case among the later graduates. In other
words, the older youth were, and the longer out of grade school, the
more likely they were to have changed jobs or (in the case of the
girls) to have become housewives, and the less likely they were to
have become unemployed.
Changa In Occupational Cla.
A comparison of occupational classes gives a good idea of the degree
to which youth advanced from the time of their first full-time jobs to
the jobs they held on July 1, 1938. However, it must not be forgotten
that some youth suffered setbacks and some left the labor market.
The following two tables, therefore, show not only the occupational
classes of youth employed full time on July 1, 1938, but also the
activities they followed if they were not employed at that date.
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88 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
To&le 58.-Adivities or Occupational Classes on July 1, 1938, of Boys, by Occupational
Class of First Full-Time Job
t mkill•d
Act i\'ilJ 11r 11(W IJ J1'J l in1w l
.liil y I , l l~l,
F: m p l, 1)1• d r11l\ thnt,
l' r,1f,, .. ,n,r1 tt!
l'r1,i 1r k 1
1r~ ,
mu1111l'. t..• ri
l"l
11 "1
l1W1
-; I
,, ,
'"
• •
-..~•
r.i
1:,
1
7,
~.
I
;.t
:.,
I
! ,.l
il .
rHI ,fllkinl
c· l,·r l,· t!
nn•I
i11r 1.d
.\ c1 '1)1 11 11 r 11~·
I 1r cr f•
.s,•1111 - 1
:--h
11 1•~·rn 1'h~~ owl :dl h- .J
cit
11
r f"lt•r ir·~ll
:,O: n l,,
:-lk1ll, •I
.-,: ,'! Jlf.. l,l ll1 d
1111.1..111,,,1
I
i
I
·1
•
r,1
1
1,,, I 100 I 1()(1
~
: I
1
• •
I
i
!,,..'
:,,,.
!''I()
U
I !IX ~
711
~ I 1 ,1,• I
•
•l
2
:t
13
t :j
1:1
63
l
"I
12
I
:1
I4,
11 1
] (I
.·'\4
1,
11
',
.,
II
I
0
,.., ,,, \ 111! 1u 1d •!u111,u, 1 w
r .•il,11 r, r
F lll1'i1)\ 1 ,\ I' 11 1 !lllH' I
1 ·1 11 1111 1 l4n , 1 1
:\: 111 111 I d 11 1r r11 ·1rlL• t
l
I
11 1
II
I
!?
,,
21)
I"
;
21
'
8
5
1 11 "-1' 1 1 11 ◄ 1 1
I
1>1!wr
• I
3
1
•1...rs~ than 0.5 peret•nt.
1
Less than 30 hour,, pt'r week.
Despite the many changes that occurred between youth's entrance
to thP labor markPt and the timP of intc-rviPw, the largest proportion
of youth remained employed in the same occupational class at which
they had startC'd to work. This tendmcy is particularly evident
among boys and girls who start<'d at relatively high levels in the
broad fields of white-collar and manual work. For example, 50 percent or more of the youth who started in the following occupational
classes were still working in them at the time of interview: among
young men, profrssional, proprietary, semiprofessional, stenographic,
and skilled work; and among young womm, professional and stenographic work. The tendency to remain in these occupational classes
apparently was strong because many of these youth were well enough
trained to obtain their first employment in relatively well-paid jobs.
In addition, they were less likely to become unemployed or to leave
the labor market by the time the youth survey was made.
When youth did shift from their original occupations, there was a
tendency to shift to related employment. For example, boys who
started out as proprietors were more likely than most boys to work
Dgrt1zedbyGoogle
TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 89"
To&le 59.-Activities or Occupational Classes on July 1, 1938, of Girls, by Occupational Class of First Full-Time Job
Occupational rla.ss of first lull•tlme Job
~
o:-
Clerlcnl
Unskilled
.::.S
Activity or occupational cle.ss,
July I, 1938
"ii!
"'"0
EE
-e-
~""
'""
t1ti
""'
"§
6
l
I>,
.C'O
""-g_~
i
s""~
ce= cl
"'"
!;."il
]
"'"
s e l.1
""'
t·s ~ ~ ~ :;.""~ ·s.jj
. sf. <al
E-<
Po. Po.
0
<I
.5
0
.5.2
-c
o5
<,
~'";;,
30 .,t:
a,
0 ..
0
"'
"'
.
~"
;; a e
0
a,
..8
~
E-<
Percent distribution
Total ... -··-----------···· 100
Em~oyed full time.-· ......••..
rofess1oneL ............. ___
managerial,
Pro11rk•tary,
end olliciel ................
Clerical ....
Accounting. and. ·s,;-ml~-
profrssiona) __________ .
Stenography end ellled.
Other clerical_ •••••.•...
Sales ......•.....•......
Skilkd
Semiskilled .•.•• ·-····•·····
Unskilled ...................
Servant and domestic ...
Laborer. ___ ----·-··----Employed pnrt time 1_ ..........
Unemployed .. ···-······-···•···
Not in labor market ...•.•••.•...
Housewife ...... ·····--·-·-·
In school..···········--·-···
Other ..•... ·····-··-·--···--
I 100
66
61
t
2
51
t
t
34
7
l
4
2
l
2
2
.-
12
12
6
.
.
14
6
6
-2
l
1
5
-5
IO
5
29
21
2
6
~l
7
7
15
~,~
I
t
lt
I
JOO
- - - - ~,~1~
f
100
100
64
53
I
50
I
t
.
. . . . . 1t . . . 1l
«
l
. - . . . I . • . tf
- - . .
. .
62
I
67
156
72
I
43
I
43
61
69
68
,1
8
9
9
7
21
19
9
3
8
3
7
7
3
3
68
7
l
4
l
l
45
8
4
l
2
3
3
l
2
3
3
4
4
l
I
2
2
11
22
22
11
22
22
8
11
35
27
2
6
8
14
35
27
2
6
4
9
2.~
17
2
6
-
3
7
23
17
I
6
2
l
-
I
2
9
17
12
I
4
2
26
2
4
I
I
6
42
2
2
3
3
4
7
9
34
10
22
15
2
5
5
II
31
24
25
2
7
t
I
6
t
!
t
t
•L<:'ss than 0.5 J)('rrC"nt.
t Prrc,.,nt not computed for fewer then 50 - 1 Less then 30 hours P<'r week.
later as salesmen; when a small business or shop turned out to be unsuccessful, the closely related field of selling offered a logical second
choice of vocation. Another revealing type of change was from
stenographic work to semiprofessional or other clerical work. Again,
there is a close connection among these three fields and relatively
good opportunities for boys to work into higher paid jobs related to
those they held.
In the manual occupations there were many changes from unskilled
to semiskilled work and from semiskilled to unskilled. The dividing
line between jobs in these two occupational classes can seldom be
clearly drawn, and it is relatively easy for youth to advance to semiskilled work or to slip back to unskilled. Fortunately, more youth
changed from unskilled to semiskilled jobs than from semiskilled to
unskilled jobs.
Among both boys and girls professional persons and manual
workers of all degrees of skill entered clerical work in relatively
slight proportions. Professional workers have little incentive to
make such a change; their efforts are bent rather to advancing in
450597°-43--8
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90 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
their own fields. Manual workers for the most part either have
comparatively little education fitting them for clerical work or else
have specialized skills that tend to channel their activities in the hand
or machine trades.
The story would be only half told if consid<'ration were not given
to the activities of youth who were not at work in full-time jobs on
July 1, 1938.
About 1 boy and girl in 20 had shifted to a part-time job (less than
30 hours per week) by the time of interview. The proportion of parttime workers differed considerably according to occupational class,
however. It was highest in the case of young men who had started
in professional work-many of whom were still in such work at the
time of interview. Irregular work, much of it on a part-time basis,
is fairly common among such professional workers as musicians.
The proportion of youth who were unemployed at the time of interview varied considerably according to sex and the occupational
classes in which youth had obtained their first full-time jobs. Since
more girls than boys had withdrawn from the labor market by July
1938, a smaller proportion of girls was unemployed at that time.
This is due to the fact that the group considered here included all
youth who had previously held one full-time job or more; when the
comparison is limifrd to youth who were currently in the labor market,
the rate of unemployment was almost the same for boys and girls.'
When the percent.ages of unemployed workers are listed by occupational class, it appears that youth who started in white-collar occupations had an advantage over youth who started in manual occupations. Within the manual field, unemployment was less severe among
the more skilled workers.
Ta&I• 60.-Percent of Youth Unemployed, July 1, 1938, by Occupational Class of
first Full-Time Job
Percent unemployed
July 1, 1938
Occupational class or first rull•time Job
Female
Male
Prorr~stonal ______ . _________ . _______________ . _______________________________ _
Proprietary, managerial, end official ......................... ············-···
Cl,•riral ···-·······················•···•··••·-·······························
8kil!t,d .... ---··-·························•······························-···
Serniskillrd ...... ·-··· .... ··-· .............................................. .
Unskilled .. ··-·- ..... __ ._.·----·. - -- .••....••..••............................
II
g
12
14
Ii
20
6
t
g
t
II
14
t Percent nut computed for fewer than 50 cases.
Withdrawal from th<' labormark<'t was aboutfourtimes more common
among girls than among boys. The chief reason for leaving the labor
market was, of course, to take up homemaking (21 percent of the
girls who had had full-time jobs had done so). The proportion of
4
See table 65, p. 98
DgrtizedoyGoogle
TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 91
girls who became housewives was highest among domestic servants,
semiskilled workers, and sales girls; it was lowest in the case of
professional workers and stenographers. Presumably a lower marriage rote, a higher average age at marriage, and a greater tendency to
continue working after marriage all have some bearing on the lesser
tendency of professional and clerical workers to take up homemaking
as a full-time activity.
In most occupational classes, as was noted, the majority of youth
remained in the field they originally entered, but in some the majority
shifted to different types of work. The question then arises as to
whether these realignments resulted in a larger proportion of youth
obtaining jobs in the more responsible and better paid occupations.
The question may best be answered by comparing the occupational
classes in which they worked in their first and latest full-time jobs.
In such a comparison, however, it is necessary to guard against an
underrepresentation of the occupational classes in which unemployment hits hardest at any given time. In table 61, therefore, "latest"
jobs include both current jobs and the last jobs of youth unemployed
at the time the study was made. 6
The general picture is one of improved social-economic status.
The greatest change was a decrease in the proportion of domestic
servants and laborers--from 19 to 14 percent among boys, and from
22 to 13 percent among girls. Many youth had no alternative but to
take unskilled jobs when they first sought work; as they gained experience, however, some found opportunities to shift to better jobs.
A somewhat higher proportion of youth were employed in semiskilled and skilled occupations on their latest than on their first fulltime jobs. These occupations we-re largely recruited from those
who had started in other types of work which were less attractive or
less well paid. Skilled workers were obtained to some extent from
among apprentices who had been trained on semiskilled jobs.
Within the clerical field there were decreases in the proportion of
youth working as s_alespersons. · It is probable that the greatest
5 Owing to the different concepts and bases of comparison used, the findings
of this table differ in certain respects from those of the birthday activity charts
(figs. 11 and 12). The results do not appear inconsistent, however, when it is
recalled that the birthday activity charts show the proportion of youth employed
in the different occupational classes at each age level, whereas table 61 shows the
proportion of youth employed in the different occupational classes at two stages
of their careers-when they obtained their first full-time jobs, and when they
last worked in full-time jobs at or near the time of interview. In table 61, both
first and last jobs could be held at any age within the youth period, and first jobs
could be ·held at any time between the date of eighth-grade graduation and the
date of interview, July 1, 1938. The birthday activity charts are useful primarily
in showing changing occupational attachments as youth grow older; the table on
first and latest jobs in showing how youth's occupations following a period of
labor-market participation differed from their occupations when they first
obtained full-time jobs.
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92
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tab/• 67.-0ccupational Classes of Youth's first and Latest Full~Time Jobs, by Sex
Male
Female
Occupational class or lull•tlme Job
First Job , Lat<-stJobl
I
Total ........................................... _I
Profr•~~ionflL. _. ____ .... __ ... ____ .. _____________ . ______ _
1:ro1~ri,•tary, managl•rial, and officlaL. _______________ . _. j
lkrl<'nL_________ _ __
.. ___ -------------------- ·
..\eeount irn? and iwmiprofcssiune.l. ____ ----··· __ .....
1
t\\1~:tcl~.1;~~.~~l n~-~ _u_I~i-~~:: ~ :~·: ~ :~ ~ - : ~: ::: : : : : : : : : : : : j
11
~~:1\
;~ iif1;,rt_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_·_-_._._-_- -_-::: :: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : ~ -- l
t;nskil1~•,J
___ .... _ _... __ ..•.... ___ ..• _•. _____ . .. ,
~alt.•s __________ ------------------·---·-·-------- __ _
~,·rn1nt and doml•stic __________ . _____ . ______ .. __ .. 1
Labon•r_ .. ,_ ...................................... · I
First Job
I Lat,,st Job 1
Perunt di~lribution
100
I
21
3
37
I
2
1
18
16 ,
100 1
21
4 I
37
~I
20 '
13
3
6
3ii :
37
19 I
.~
I
14 I
:i I
100
3 I
~I
100
•
1
.
6S
5
16
16
16 '
20
20
11
22 '
24
~i
.
13
13
•
•Less than 0.5 J)('n'l'nt.
1
Includes current Jobs or employed youth and last Jobs or youth unemployed on July 1, 1938.
decreases occurred in the lowest pnid jobs in selling-as, for example,
among house-to-house canvassers, soda clerks, and 5-and-10-centstore sales:rirls. In the cnse of boys, clerical jobs other than selliJ1g
incrensed as much as selliJ1g jobs decrensed, so that there was no
net ch1111ge for the clerical group as a whole. In the case of girls,
the nons<•lling jobs incn,ased more th1111 the selling jobs decreased,
so thnt thf' clPrical group as a whole incn•ased in relative importance.
To sum up: As would be expeet<-d from the fact that many youth
remni1wd in the same occupntionn.l field up to the time of interview,
the <fo,tribution of jobs among the various occupational classes
cluwgcd only moderately from the time youth obtained their first
full-time jobs. The net result of such shifting as did occur, however,
wns in the direction of more skilled and difficult work. (As shown
lutt>r, there was also a substantial increase in average earnings.)
This optimistic conclusion is qualified, however, by the fact that many
of the youth who n•nrni1wd in the lu.bor market were unemployed
at the time the latf\st information on their activities was obtained.
Even in the foce of a gencrul advnnce in occupational level, unemploymellt remained tl1e major problem of an important pa.rt of the
youth group.
Changes in Industrial Group
As in thC' case of occupntions, cknr indieutions of changing industrial
attachnwnts of youth may be obtni1wd by comparing their first and
lntest full-time jobs. It may thus be inferred what groups of industries offered the best employnwnt opportunitiPs for youth who had
progressC'd bPyond the initit1l stages of job seeking.
l\lost of tlw full-time jobs youth held, both at the hPginning and
at the end of the pl'rio<l surveyed, were in the fields of manufacturing,,
TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 93
TofJle 6!.-lndustrial Groups of Youth's First and Latest Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Male
Industrial group or full-time Job
Female
I Latest Job•
First Job
First Job
I Latest Job
1
Pncnit dutributiOfl
Total ......•..•.••...............................
100
Agriculture ..•.•••••••••.........•••••••..••...........
Other extractive t_ . .•.••..............•.••..............
Manufacturing and mechanical_ ..........•.............
Transportation
and communication ......••............
Trndt' __ _. _.. __ . ____________________________________ _
3
I
36
10
Puhlic s,,rvicc ..•.••••••................................
Professional service ....•.................•..............
Domestic and personal service ........ - ............... .
5
6
100
100
Zl
3
36
38
I
I
10
r,
100
71
6
36
2
11
111
•Less than 0.6 percent.
• Includes current Johs of employed youth anrl last jobs or youth unemployed on July I, 1938.
• Includes forestry, fishing, and extraction or minerals.
trade, and (in the case of the girls) domestic and personal service.
The order of importance of these industrial groups changed in several
respects, however.
As boys gained experience and were able to qualify for better jobs,
the proportion that were engaged in the manufacturing and me<ihanical industries rose from 36 percent to 42 percent. At the same
time the proportion working in trade fell from 38 percent to 35 percent.
As a result, trade yielded to manufacturing as the largest source of
employment for boys. Probably the most important reason why
boys were attracted to the manufacturing and mechanical industries
was that relatively higher wages could be earned in these industries
than in most of the others open to untrained workers. 6
The same proportion of young women were employed in trade on
both first and latest jobs-36 percent. The greatest changes in the
industrial attachments of girls occurred in the case of manufacturing
and dom~tic and personal service. Manufacturing moved up from
third to second plaC'e, and domestic and personal service fell from
second to a poor third place. The sharp deC'line (from 27 to 19
percent) in the proportion of girls employed in domestic and personal service was principally due to the smaller proportion working
as servants in private homes. 7 The low wages, long hours, and lack
of freedom in t,his type of work explain why many girls abandoned
it at an early date.
Changes In Earning,
It has been noted that as youth grew older and gained experience,
many were able to advance to more skilled and responsible positions.
As a consequence, a definite improvemC'nt in earning power from
youth's first to latest jobs would be expected.
1
See table 22, p. 41.
1
See appendix table 12.
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94 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Differences According to Sex
In comparing earnings on first and latest jobs, youth who were
not employed at the time of interview must be taken into account, for
their omission would exaggerate the degree of improvement. In
table 63, therefore, "latest" jobs include not only the current fulltime jobs of employed youth, but also the last full-time jobs of youth
not employed full time on July 1, 1938.
Ta&le 63.-Weekly Earnings on Youth's First and Latest Full-Time Jobs, by Sex
Male
Weekly earnings on lull•time Johll
-;lrst Job
Total .••••••..•••••••....•..............•..•... ··
Less than $4.50 ........................ ................ .
100
Average .......•.•••.........•••.•.........•..... •Lem,
Latest Job I
I
First Job
100 ',
1
12
'Zl
4
15
33
30
15
7
3
24
14
100
I
Latest Job 1
I
34
..
2
'
I
s111.oo
37
10
2
I
• !
I====:====,====
s15_ 40
100
2
13
3
20
41
28
5
7
3
3
I
I
I
s12. ,o
I
SH.50
than 0.5 percent.
JndudPS rurrent Johll of employ,•<! youth, and last Johll
not in the labor market on July 1, rn:is.
1
I
1----:----
$-l.50-$9.49 .••.••••••••••••.••••••.•••••.•.••••••••••••.•
$9.50-$14.19 .•••••••••••••.•.. -· •••••.••...••..•.•.......
$14.50-$19.49 .•••••••••••••..•..••••••••.....•••.••....•.
$19.50-$24.49 ••.•••••••••.••..•••.•.•..••..............•
$24.50-$2'.l.19 ..••••••••.••••..••.••..••...•....••.......•
$29.50-$.1-1.49 ..•••••••••.••...•.•.••..•.......•...•.....
$34.50-$3U.49 ...•••••••.•••.•••..•••.. ·•·· ·• · •• · · •• · · •• · ·
S39.ro or more ...•.•.•...•.....................•........
Female
o(
youth unemployed, employed part time, or
Although some youth earned less on their latest job than on their
first, the majority definitely advanced in earning power. Whereas
about one-eighth of the boys earned $25 or more per week on their
first full-time jobs, more than one-quarter earned this much on their
latest full-time jobs. Drawing the line at $20 or more per week for
girls, 7 percent earned at least this much on their first jobs, and
over 13 percent on their latest jobs.
The young men made more rapid progress in earning power than
the young women. Their earnings on lakst jobs averaged 27 percent
higher than their earnings on first jobs, whereas the corresponding increase for the young wonwn was 14 percent. This difference was
chiefly due to the greater opportunities young men had for advancing
to resptmsible positions.
As a result of the more rapid advancrment of the boys, the sex differential in earnings grew widC'r. Awrage earnings of boys exceeded
those of girls by 21 pC'rcent on first jobs and by 35 percent on latest
jobs. Poorer chances for advanc<•nwnt arc another aspect of the less
favorable position of women in the labor market.
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TRENDS IN LABOR-MARKET ACTIVITIES • 95
Dijjerences According to Eighth-Gr~ Graduating Class
The longer youth were in the labor market, the greater was their
progress towards higher earnings. With more work experience and
a better knowledge of how to locate job openings, many young
workers were able to change to jobs paying higher wages. 8 Though
youth of the earliest eighth-grade class (1929) had the greatest improvement in earnings, even youth of the latest class (1933) enjoyed
higher average earnings on their latest than on their first full-time jobs.
Tobie 64.-Weekly Earnings on Youth's First and Latest Full-Time Jobs, by
Eighth-Grade Graduating Class
1931 class
1929 class
Weekly earnings on rull•tlme Jobe
First Joh
I
Latest
Job 1
First Job
I
1933 cl8118
Latest
Job 1
First Job
I Job
Latest
I
Pt:rcnu dutribulum
Total. -·-. -. ··-·---·---·· .. ·-- ..... .
Lea than $4.60.... ....................... .
$4.50-$9.4\L .••.•••••••••••••••••••••.••••••
$9.50-$14.49 ...••.••• ·-· •.•.• ·- ... -·-. -·- .•.
$14.50-$19.49..••• ··- ••••••••• _•• ·- •••••••••
$111.50-$24.49..•................• ••••••·•·•·
$24.50-$29.49 ....••.. ---· .• ·- .•••••••.•.•.•.
$29.50-$3'1.49... ······-····••·. ·- .•.•.•.....
$34.50-$39.49... ······- .•••••.• ·-·-· ...••.•.
$311.60 or more. •••.•••...•.. __ .... _..•.•.•.
JOO
JOO
JOO
100
100
JOO
2
14
l
2
16
l
8
22
3
18
2
12
33
-----33
30
12
6
2
I
I
===::::;:::=:
Average ••..•••.••••••..•.•••••••••.
$14. 70
6
18
30
21
12
6
3
3
33
31
10
4
2
1
I
~
18
8
4
2
2
36
211
8
4
1
.
I
= $18.60 = $14. 30 =
=
sis. ;o =
$13.40
aa
11
6
2
1
1
$14.80
•Lesa than 0.5 percent.
1 Includes current Jobs or employed youth, and last Jobe of youth unemployed, employed part time, or
not In the labor market on Iuly I, 1938.
The degree by which earnings improved may be seen most easily
by comparing average weekly wages on first and latest full-time jobs .
.Average earnings rose 26 percent for graduates of the 1929 class, 17
percent for the 1931 class, and 10 percent for the 1933 class.
Though more youth of the 1929 class had had time in which to attend college, their advantage in earnings was probably not due to
their better educations alone. Youth with more education had, on
the average, less labor-market experience and, therefore, less opportunity to change jobs. Furthermore, the most usual amount of education possessed by young workers was high-school graduation, and all
youth in the study could have gone that for in school. It seems, then,
that a combination of education and experience was the main factor
enabling youth to better their economic position.
8 Undoubtedly many youth also received higher wages as a result of promotions
on the job. However, no information is available about these cases, as only one
wage (the one received longest) was reported for each job.
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Chapter VI
ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938
Bv
MEANS of the dynamic method of annlysis used in this study it
has been possible to observe the major stages of youth's transition from
student to productive worker or homemaker. Youth were followed,
step by step, from school into the labor market, to their first jobs,
through subsequent jobs and periods of unemployment, and (in the
case of the girls) into homemaking. Comparisons were made of
youth's reasons for leaving school and how they learned of jobs.
Finally, by comparing their occupations and earnings at different stages
of their careers it was possible to trace the progress made by young
persons of different social-economic backgrounds.
The point has now been reached of taking stock of youth's position
at the time they were visited by the interviewers for this study. This
chapter represents the last step in the process of analyzing youth's
activities at different points in time. From information concerning
their current employment status or non-labor-market activities, their
jobs, and their earnings, the economic situation in which the young
people found themselves at the time of interview may be visualized.
LABOR-MARKET AND EMPLOYMENT STATUS
.At the time when the youth study was conducted (July 1938),
business conditions had slumped ngain after the 1937 upturn. Thus
in spite of the fact that many of the youth in the study had had a
chance to get established in jobs, unemployment stood at a high level.
This unemployment, moreover, was not evenly distributed, but was
much worse in some ports of the youth population than in others. It is
important, therefore, to examine not only tho general rate of unemployment but also the differences according to youth's social and economic
backgrounds.
97
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98 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Su DIIFercnca
Though most of the labor-market entrants were still in the labor
market at the time of interview, some had dropped out. Likewise,
among youth still in the labor market on July 1, 1938, there were
considerable differences in employment status. Table 65 shows the
differences in labor-market participation and employment status for
boys and girls.
To&le 65.-Activities and Employment Status of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Sex
Artivity on July 1, ID'l8
Male
Total
[ Female
PtTentl di1tributi01&
Total •••..••••••••••••...............••.•...... ··••••••••••••·
100
100
100
In lahor market . .................................................. .
Not in' lahor mark,•t. .......•.......... , ................ ." ....••...••
In school .............•.......... , ... . ........................•.
Ilousewlle ....•........................ , . , ............•.•.....•.
Other'·······•···················•·····························
82
18
3
113
70
7
4
II
4
31,
2
21
3
7
100
100
74
70
10
ai
7
19
4
15
3
1;
lnrludes unpaid lamily work, illness, and other activitiea not repn-senting labor•market participation.
30 hour~ or more per W£'t•k.
than 3tl hour~ ~r wt-.•k,
• lncl111lrs lTC, :-,') A, WPA, and State and loral work relief.
1 Includes actively seeking work, layoll, and on strike,
1
J
• l,t•!'\"'
The greatPst diff Prence between the sexes in respect to their activities on July 1, 1938, Wll.S in the proportion still in the labor market.
More than nine-tenths of the boys but only seven-tenths of the girls
who had entered the labor market earlier were still in the labor
market. The difference was due almost wholly to the fact that many
girls had dropped out of the labor market to become housewives.
lvlo.ny more girls would of course take up homemaking in preference to
paid employment as they grew older.
"\\11en youth who were still in the labor market on July 1, 1938,
are considered as a separate group, the differences between the sexes
in employment status, though small, are in favor of the boys. Girls
were slightly more likely to be unemployed, and somewhat more likely
to be employed part time. As a result, 74 percent of the boys but
only 70 percent of the girls were employed full time.
If the sex differences in unemployment are of slight importance,
the general level of unemployment is of the utmost importance.
N enrly one-fifth (I 9 percent) of the youth currently in the labor force
were without private jobs. Some of these unemployed youth had
never had jobs, some had had no jobs for a considerable period of time,
and some had only rcct•11tly lost their jobs; however, the very fact
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 •
99
that they constituted so high a proportion of the labor-market youth at
the time of interview is enough to co.use serious concern. The improvement that most youth made in their position in the labor market was
to a considerable extent offset by the unemployment of a significant '
minority of them. Both factors should be taken into account m
trying to arrive at a true evaluation of the economic position of
young people during the depression.
•
DilFerencet Accordln9 to El9hth-Grade Graduatln9 Clan
The relative importance of youth's different activities at the time
of interview varies according to their age, time out of school, and
amount of labor-market experience. Some idea of the variation due
to all of these factors may be gained by comparing the activities on
July' 1, 1938, of yol!th who graduated from the eighth grad~ in 1929,
1931, and 1933.
Tal,/e 66.-Adivities and Employment Status of Youth on July 1, 1938, by EighthGrade Graduating Class
Eighth-grade graduating class
Activity on July 1, 1938
19211
1933
1931
Pacrnt dlmlbutloft
TotaJ •••.•••••••••••••••••••••••• .,............................
In labor market_-··························· ...... --················
Notinlabormarket. ••..••••.......... -····-··-- •·----·-···········
ln school---·-······"··················-------------··•·········
HonS<•wife __ -···················· -·-·--···· _··--·- -···•·········
Other_-·- __ ...........•.•.•.•.••.•••.•..•.........••..•••.•.....
100
100
100
1----1----1-,--78
81
86
22
19
16
3
15
3
II
4
5
3
8
8
In labor market...............................................
100
100
100
1----1----1--Employed full time_................................................
80
77
62
Employed part time................................................
7
7
12
Unemploy,.,1_ ___ ..... _...•....•.................................... _
13
16
26
Work prol!'fSIDS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• _
3
3
4
Seeking work...................................................
10
13
22
The differences among the three classes in the proportions of youth
leaving the labor market are smaller than the differences in the
proportions of workers unemployed. The greater proportion of dropouts from the labor market in the earlier classes reflects the fa.ct that
more girls of these classes had become housewives.
Among youth in the lu bor market in July 1938 members of the
latest graduating class (1933) showed up to the poorest advantoge.
The percentage unemployed in this class was 26, as compared with 16
for the 1931 class and 13 for the 1929 class. Lilwwise, a higlwr
proportion of the 1933 class than of the 1929 and 1931 classes was
employed part time. The large number of unemployed and pe.rttime-employed youth in the 1933 class was due chil'fly to their
comparatively recent entrance into the labor market, their greater
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100 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
youthfulness, and their generally lower level of education (since few
of them could have had college training by the time of this study).
Differences According to Time in Labor Marlcet, Age, and Education
So important are the factors of labor-market experience, age, and
education in determining prospects for employment that they deserve
to be considered in more detail. Table 67 shows the percentage of
young workers unemployed on July 1, 1938, according to their length
of time in the labor market.
Ta&le 67.-Percent of Youth Unemployed, July 1, 1938, by Time in the Labor Market
Time in the labor market
Percent un•
employed,
July I, 1938
1
Time in the labor market
Pt>r(X>ntun<'fllJ1loyt~d,
July I, 11138
1------------1---LP,ss than 3 months .•.••..•.•••.•.....
3-.'l rnonlhs ----------·········--------
6-11 months .... ·····••-·······--·-····
I year but less than 2 .•••••• ·---·-·-···
41
31
27
21
2 years but less than 3.......• _......•.
3 years but !Pss than 4 ... ··-········ ...
4 Y<'ars hut less than 5-·-·--------·-···
5--9 years.·---··--··--------------·-··.
18
16
16
15
Clearly, the risk of unemployment is greatest among boys and girls
with the least experience in the labor market. It may fairly be said
with regard to the risk of unemployment that the first year is the
hardest. After as much as 3 years' experience in the labor market
youth's chances of e&caping unemploywcnt improve only slightly,
if at all.
Unemployment at any given time is also worst among the youngc>st
nwmbers of the labor force. Not only are most such youth handicapped by less education and less work experience, but their age alone
counts against them. Many employc>rs prpfer to hire more mature
workers; indeed thPy arc often compclh·d to do so by law.
Ta&/e 68.-Percent of Youth Unemployed, July 1, 1938, by Age
Age on July 1, 1938
Percent un•
employed,
July 1, 1938
Age on July I, 1938
Per<'<'nt unt'l1IJ1loyt>d,
July I, WJ8
17 years and under ..•.................
18 ymrs .....................•.........
16
H
20 years ....•....••••.....••..••••.••••
21 years .•..••. ••···················-·-
18
19 yrnrs .............................. _
17
In general, the older youth were at the time of interview, the less
likely they were to be unemployPCl. As an extreme comparison,
·youth aged 23 were less than half as likely to be unemployed as those
aged 17 or under.
However, the relationship is obscured somewhat by the fact that
youth aged 18 or under a.t the time of interview were advanced
D191
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 101
students, and those aged 24 or over were retarded students.1 Among
those aged 17 or under educational advancement fell so far short of
offsetting inexperience and immaturity that these persons were subject
to an extremely high risk of unemployment. On the other hand,
among youth aged 24 and over, educational retardation so far offset
greater maturity that they, too, were subject to considerable risk of
unemployment.
The incidence of unemployment is also related closely to amount
of education. However, because the proportion of youth who are
unemployed at any time is so greatly affected by the amount of their
labor-market experience, a comparison of education and unemployment is best made only for those who have had equal "exposure" to
the labor market. By selecting youth with different amounts of
education from each of the three classes it is possible to compare groups
To&le 69.-Percent of Youth Unemployed, July 1, 1938, by Years in the Labor Market,
Education, and Sex
Percent unemployed,
July 1, H!:JS
Years In labor market I and highest grade completed
Male
Female
6 yean In labor market:
Compl"ted high school (1929 class) .......................•...................
2 years of high school (1931 class). __ ...... __ ................................ .
Completed grade school (IQ33 class) ......................................... .
4 years in lahor market:
I year of college (1929 class) ................................................. .
3 years of high school (1931 class) ........................................... .
1 y"ar of high school (1933 clnss) ............................................ .
8 years in labor market:
2 years of college (1929 class) ................................................ .
Completed high school (1931 class) .......................................... .
2 years of high school (1933 class) ........................................... .
2 years in labor market:
3 years of college (1929 class) ............ __ .................................. .
I year of coilt•ge (1931 class) ................................................. .
3 years of high school (1933 class) ........................................... .
1 year in labor market:
Completed college (1929 class) .............................................. .
2 yeu.rs o{ college ( 1931 clu.ss) _____ ........................................... .
Completed high school (11J33 class) ...................................... __ .. .
II
9
15
18
27
23
12
19
II
17
27
26
g
15
12
13
26
28
21
14
22
16
34
z
16
10
21
18
22
1
31
1 "Year.! In the lahor market" In this tahle are only approximate flgures infcrr"d rrom the y"ar In which
the youth graduated from the eighth grade and the amount of schooling they suhscc1ucntly had.
having equal labor-market exposure. For example, youth of the
1929 class who completed 12 grades of school, youth of the 1931 class
who completed 10 grades, and youth of the 1933 class who completed
only 8 grades all had been in the labor market about 5 years (from
1933 to 1938) when the study was made. Following a similar procedure throughout, the effect of education upon unemployment may
1 These statements are based upon the fact that the average or normal age
at grarluation from the eighth grade is 14. No youth in this study could be 18
or under at the time of interview un\c8s he had graduated from the eighth grade
at 13 or under; none could be 24 or over unless he had graduated from the eighth
grade at 15 or over.
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102 •
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
be compared for groups of youth who had been in the labor market.
a.bout the same length of time.
The general conclusion is that youth with better educations were
less subject to unemployment. In most of the groups the differentials are not only consistent but strikingly sharp. However,
among boys in the labor market approximately 1 year, and among
both boys and girls in the labor market approximately 2 years, the
differentials are not complet~ly consistent. Though youth in these
groups who had the lea.st education also had the highest rate of unemployment, as would be expected, those with intermediate amounts
of education (13 or 14 grades) had less unemployment than those
with the most education (15 or 16 grades). With the exception of
those who had attended college and had only recently entered the
labor market, youth with better educations had a. decided advantage
over youth with poorer educations in securing employment.
Differences According to Race and Section of City
Before leaving the subject of youth's employment status at the
time the study was made, differentials in unemployment will be
examined according to race and the background factor of section of
city in which the youth resided when he graduated from the eighth
grade. In table 70 these factors are considered in combination.
Ta&le 70.-Percent of Youth Unemployed, July 1, 1938, by Race and Section of City
Race and section or city (rental areas)
Prrr<>nt
distribu-
Percent unemployed July 1, 1938
tion-
both sexes
rares'--------------·······-·-·-----···---- __ .
100
Low rental an•••- ______ -··-·····-·-·_._ ..• __ __________ .
Medium rmtal are""---·······-·------- - · ·---·-·-·-·--High l't'ntal areas ___ . ·-···-···-·····-· · · ---··----·-----
211
SI
23
All
----
White_. __ -··-·-·--······· ...... - - - - - . -.... - - - - -- -
100
Low rental area.s. ___ ... -··-- _•• . . ·-··· _·-···-·-·-·-- __ _
JI-tedium rrnt!ll areas ....... ····--.···-··-··-_-··-·---_.
High rental areas ___ ······-·······-········-·-·-···-·._
23
Both sexes
I
I
,52
2S
i====
100
Negro·-·-· ...•••. ·······-·········-·····-·-· ... - -
Low rcntRl Brea._11 ______ . _--······------------------ ____ _
1'-ft•<lium rental art•as ____ . ___________________________ . __
High rental areas __ -·-··· .. __ ..... ···········-·---·- ___ .
1
S2
42
r,
Male
Female
19
Jg
20
22
19
23
18
'IT
16
I◄
19
18
18
Ii
18
20
18
21
17
]fl
H
19
18
18
38
42
39
40
43
43
40
I
I
I
;1
37
34
Include.s some youth or oriental and olher l'tlC('S not Jist,-<l ,;i,parnkly because or small numbers involved.
This table gives further evidence of the affects of social-economic
background on youth's success in the labor market. Because of
low family income and social pressure, Negro children grow up in
the poorer sections of the city; this is shown by the fact that only 6
percent of Negro youth, as compared with 25 percent of white youth,
lived in high rental areas at the time they graduated from the eighth
D1911 zed by
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 103
grade. The economic and social handicaps under which Negro youth
grew up are in turn reflected in their disadvantaged position in the
labor market 5 to 9 years later. At the time this study was made,
more than twice as high a proportion of Negro youth as of white were
unemployed (40 and 18 percent, respectively). In terms of human
suffering and wasted manpower a. rate of unemployment of 18 percent
is serious enough, but one of 40 percent is calamitous. Negro youth
constitute one of the truly disadvantaged groups in our society.
The rate of unemployment among Negro youth was about the same
regardless of the section of the city from which they came. Among
white youth, however, unemployment was lower for those who came
from the higher rental areas. Given the initial advantage of having
been born white, young people who in addition had stimulating environments and better educations were in a more favorable position to
get and keep jobs in later years.
OCCUPATIONAL CLASSES
Holding almost any kind of job is better than being unemployed,
but it is important also from the worker's point of view that he have
a job which is satisfying and which yields a decent living. It is
desirable, therefore, to note the proportion of employed youth falling
into the different occupational groups, and the social-economic differentials determining which youth get jobs in the various groups.
'
Occupational C l - Accordlns to Sex and Employment Status
In table 71 the general picture of youth's occupations at or near the
time of the survey is given. Three types of jobs are shown separately:
Ta&le 71.-0ccupational Classes of Jobs on July 1, 1938, and of Last Jobs, by Sex
Full-time Johll OD July I, Part-tlmeJobsonJoly I,
11138
11138
Occupational clalll
Total
Male
Female
Total
I Male IFemale
Last full-time Jobs or
routh unemployed OD
oly l, 11138
Total
I Male IFemale
Pert>!nl dulributlon
Total.----------------
100
Professional_ ........... _....
Proprietary,
managerial,
and official.-. ___ ... ____ ..
Clerical ___ ..................
Accounting and semiprofessional. .. __ . ___ ..
Stenography and allied ..
Other clrrlcal_ .. _.......
Sales ____________________
Skilled ____ ....... ____ .......
Semiskilled .. ______ ._ ... __ ..
U111kllled ... _________ ... -- -Servant and domestic. __
Laborer ..•.......•.. ----
3
3
48
5
10
21
12
4
30
12
7
5
~1~
100
100
100
100
100
2
4
IO
11
g
2
l
5
l
I
39
22
l
46
l
32
2
00
l
33
3
l
21
14
8
21
4
l
8
g
8
2
6
36
12
4
8
.
.
:zo
5
G
11
18
:H
11
11
29
4
23
16
8
.
4
17
8
37
21
-22
II
15
-
:zo
23
23
:H
-.
100
2
46
14
10
4
l
l
13
g
7
4
13
15
13
35
41
26
14
12
2S
5
20
2S
71
71
6
.
.
• 1- than 0.5 percent.
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104 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
full-time and part-time jobs of youth employed on July 1, 1938, and
last full-time jobs of youth unemployed on that date.
The largest group represented in this table was made up of boys
and girls who were working in full-time jobs at the time of enumeration; this group numbered 15,219, as compared with 834 youth
employed part time (15-29 hours), and 3,022 youth currently unemployed who had earlier had full-time jobs.
Among youth employed full time on July 1, 1938, the largest
number were engaged in clerical or semiskilled work. Nearly half
(48 percent) of these youth had clerical jobs, and nearly one-third
(31 percent) had semiskilled jobs. Clerical jobs were a. more important source of employm<'nt for girls than for boys, however, and
semiskilled jobs were more important for boys than for girls. The
majority of youth thus were engaged in work that was of medium
difficulty and responsibility.
The remaining full-time occupational class<'s may for convenience
be classifi<'d into two groups: a top group, consiE1ting of professional
persons, proprietors, managers, and officials, and skilled workers;
and a bottom group, consisting of unskilled workers. Although
a.bout the same proportion of boys as of girls worked in the unskilled
occupations, more than twice as high a proportion of boys as of girls
worked in the more responsible and skilled jobs. Thus relatively
few youth of either sex held jobs eith<'r at the top or at the bottom
of the occupational scale, but such differences as existed were in favor
of the boys. :Moreover, the relative advantage of boys might be
expected to increase as more of tlwm left college, professional school,
vocational school, or apprenticeships.
The occupational distribution of youth employed part time differed
in SC'veral important respects from that of youth employed full time.
Youth holding part-time jobs were more largely represented in sales,
unskilled, and profossional work than were youth holding full-time
jobs. The very nature of selling, laboring, and servant jobs is such
that many workers are hired on a. temporary or part-time basis.
The large proportion of part-time workers in professional jobs is
partly accounted for by the fact that some youth who had only
recently started their own practices did not have enough clients to
require ns much as 30 hours per week of their time. In addition,
many professional persons, such as musicians and nurses on call,
work less than 30 hours per week.
From information concerning the last full-time jobs of youth who
were unemployed on July 1, 1938, it is possible to infer in what occupational classes unemployment was most prevalent. About onequarter (26 pcrcmt) of the youth currently unemployed had last
worked in unskilled occupations, as compared with one-ninth (11
percent) of the youth currently employed full time. It may there-
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 •
105
fore be inferred that unemployment struck particularly hard among
unskilled workers. Such unemployment must have worked a double
hardship, for wages were almost universally lower in laboring and
servant work than in other types of work.
In view of what was said earlier about the higher weekly wages
boys could earn in skilled than in clerical work, it is of interest to
see at this point what the risk of unemployment was in these two
occupations. _ Clerical workers were less well represented among unemployed than among employed boys; skilled workers, however, were
represented in about the same proportion in each group. It appears,
therefore, that clerical workers had somewhat better assurance of
steady employment than skilled workers. Higher weekly earnings
in skilled work thus were offset to some extent by more unemployment.
Whether there was a net financial gain in preparing for skilled work
depends upon how high earnings were over the course of a year.
Occupational Cla11es According to Race
Earlier it was noted that Negro youth had a much higher rate of
unemployment than white youth. A comparison of the occupational
classes of white and Negro youth who were employed full time on
July 1, 1938, shows that the Negroes were, in this respect also, m
a very unfavorable position as compared with white youth.
Ta&le 72.-0ccupational Classes of Full-Time Jobs, July 1, 1938, by Sex and Race
Malo
Female
Occupational class or rull•time Job on July 1, 1038 1 - - - ~- - - - 1 - - - ~- - Wblte
Negro
White
Negro
1
1
Percent di•t>ib~lion
Total ........................................... .
Prolessional. .•.........•....... _.. __ . _.....•..•••..•...
PropriC'tary, managerial, an<l official ___________________ _
Clerical. ___ ._ .... -·· __ .. _.. __________ -·_ .............. .
Accounting anrl S<•miprolessionaL ............... ..
Steno~rar>hY and allied ............................ .
Other clerical ..............................~ ...... .
Sales_ ............................................. .
Skilled_._ ............................................. .
Semiskill,,d ........................................... .
UnskiJINI_ -···-····-·······················-···········
St·rrnnt and domestic ............................. .
Laborer ..... _•.. _....••......•...•.........•.......
100
100
100
100
2
I
4
2
1
10
I
62
6
5
40
3
1
2'l
14
7
36
10
3
7
.
8
2'l
21
11
5
5
2
24
30
.
9
8
56
31
25
1
1
1
3
17
75
75
• Less than 0.5 percent.
The key to the occupational status of Negro youth is found in the
proportion engaged in unskilled work. Among white youth only 10
percent of the boys and 8 percent of the girls held unskilled jobs,
but among Negro youth the percentages were 56 and 75, respectively.
Virtually the only other jobs in which Negroes were well represented
were in semiskilled occupations; 30 percent of the boys and 17 percent
450597°--43-9
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106 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
of the girls held such jobs. When unskilled and semiskilled jobs are
ta.ken together, 86 percent of the Negro boys and 92 percent of the
Negro girls are accounted for.
Negro youth are a small minority in this study, numbering only
1,460 among the labor-market entrants (as compared with 23,868
white youth) and only 497 among youth employed full time when the
survey was made (as compared with 14,506 white youth). Nevertheless the fact that they were so largely confined to menial and less
skilled types of jobs, when they were able to get work at a.11, means
that they represent a social problem out of a.11 magnitude to their
number. Improved educational opportunity, a. more liberal hiring
policy on the part of employers, and a. rise in general business activity
would a.11 conduce toward raising the economic level of Negro youth.
Occupational Cl-• According to Education
Not a.11 youth are able to find jobs at as high a level as they might
qualify for on the basis of educational attainments. Nevertheless,
most young people who obtain jobs involving skill and responsibility
must satisfy a. relatively high prerequisite of education, and those
who have poorer educations tend to gravitate into the less skilled
types of work. Experience on the job may help a youth to get ahead,
but the range of jobs· for which he may qualify is dependent in considerable part upon the amount of education he has acquired.
To&le 73.-0ccupational Classes of Full-Time Jobs, July 1, 1938, by Education and Sex
Ye.ars or schooling completed
Occupational class ol lulltime Joba on Joly 1, 1938
I
Male
8
I D-11 I
12
11~16 ll~~d
Female
8
I D-11 I
12
11)-1611:;:1
Percent dutributlon
Total. __ --------------Profe8Stonal ___________ . _____ .
Propril'tary, managerial, and
ollicial __ .. ______ .. ________
Olerical.. ________ .. ___ ... ____
Accounting ____ .... ______
Stenography and allled __
Other clerical.. ___ . ______
Sales _____________________
Skilled .. _________ . ____ ... ____
Semlsktlled. _________________
Unskilled ___ ._._. ___ . __ ._. __ .
Servant and domestic ___ .
Laborer _______ ._._. __ .. __
.
100
100
100
100
100
I
2
4
23
4
48
4
2
9
58
8
50
..
100
100
100
100
- -- - --- - -- - - - - - --- - 4
4
25
28
I
I
14
14
13
. .
10
IO
49
12
4
8
8
44
15
6
10
28
14
5
30
II
4
7
1
30
19
4
17
8
2
6
IO
12
10
40
5
75
7
7
7
15
13
29
26
77
II
35
22
64
15
15
41
17
17
13
8
8
21
3
4
I
16
21
3
8
6
3
3
.
4
-
I
I
9
. . ..
.•
11
I
-
9
6
'6
6
-
100
-36
2
M
10
19
30
6
-3
6
6
-
• i - than o.s percent.
The more education youth had, the more likely they were to
get jobs in the "white-collar" fields: i. e., as professional persons;
proprietors, managers, and officials; or clerical workers. The less ·
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 107
education they had, the more likely they were to get jobs in the
manual fields: i. e., as skilled, semiskilled, or unskilled workers. This
generalization holds good for both young men and young women.
The clearest illustration of the need for more education in whitecollar work than in other fields is afforded by profcssional persons.
Only 1 percent of the youth who left school before completing high
school were professional persons, but 23 percent of the young men and
36 percent of the young women who had graduated from college were
working in this field at the time of interview.
The proportion of youth working in the clerical field rose sharply
among those with more education and reached a maximum among
those who had attended but not completed college. Because of the
large proportion of college graduates in professional work, the proportion in clerical work was somewhat less than among youth who
had left college before receiving their degrees. In the case of the girls,
high-school graduates were represented in clerical work in almost the
same proportion as girls who had entered but not completed college.
The large field of semiskilled work illustrates exceptionally well
how youth with less education are drawn into manual jobs. The
proportion of boys in semiskilled work dropped steadily from 49
percent among grade-school graduates to 8 percent among collPge
graduates; in the case of girls the proportion dropped even more
sharply-from 64 to 3 percent.
It is somewhat surprising that the proportion of boys holding
skilled jobs also dropped steadily from 10 percent among grade-school
graduates to 5 percent among high-school graduates. In view of the
fact that skilled mechanics averaged higher earnings than male
clerical workers, one would expect to find that a higher proportion of
boys with high-school educations had prepared themselves for skilled
manual jobs. Expanding opportunities in the national defense
industries will almost certainly draw many better educated young
men into skilled occupations.
Occupational Cla-• Accordin9 to Ase at El9hth-Gracle Graduation
One of the most important factors affecting youth's subs<'qucnt
position in the labor market is their advancement or retardation in
school. Using age at eighth-grade graduation 2 as a rough measure of
educational advancement or retardation, striking differences appear in
the occupational distribution of youth employed full time in July 1938.
Each occupational division had either a steadily increasing or a
steadily decreasing proportion of youth from the successive groupings
of age at eighth-grade graduation. Professional and clerical workers
1 The most usual age at eighth-grade graduation of youth currently employed
was 14; 35 percent graduated at the age of 13 or under, and 25 percent graduated
at the age of 15 or over.
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108 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
To&le 74.-0ccupational Classes on July 1, 1938, by Age of Youth at Eighth-Grade
Graduotion
---1 I I
Age at eighth-grade graduation
Occupational rlll,$5 of full-time Job on Jnly 1, 1938 \
12 years
13 years
and
under
14 years
15 ~
16 years
and
over
---~--~
PerMll diltrwution
TotaL ________________ ---- -------- -- ---------- -
100
100
100
100
100
Pror<'S•lona!_ ___________ ... . . ·······----------·
Proprietary, managerial, and ollichu .. ______________ _
6
4
2
Clt-ri<:al -··------------ ____________________________ _
2
66
3
61
3
3
1
4
24
Skillr<l _.. ____ ...... ···----- ... _... ________________ ..
Scmbkilled. ___ . ______________ . ___________________ ...
Unskilled ___________________________________________ .
2
18
7
2
22
8
47
4
32
11
4
32
6
7
41
44
21.l
16
were drawn more heavily from the more advanced students, whereas
manual workers of all levels of skill, and proprietors, managers, and
officials were drawn more heavily from the more retarded students.
The proportion of proprietors, managers, and officials rose only
slightly with greater age at eighth-grade graduation, but in all the
other groups the differences were remarkably clear-cut.
What is behind this definite association between youth's early
educational advancement or retardation and their subsequent occupational level'? Of first importance is the fact that the youngest and
intellectually ablest youth are most likely to finish high school or go
on to college (provided economic opportunity for doing so is equal),
and are also most likely to be selected by employers for hiring and
promotion on the job.
It must not be assumed, however, that native intelligence is the only
factor involved. In the first place, achievement in school depends not
only upon the intellectual capacity a youth is born with, but also
upon the dC'gree of stimulation he receives from his home environment. In the second place, it is probable that some youth from the
lower social-economic levels were retarded at eighth-grade graduation
because of illnesses or physical defects which their parents could not
afford to have corrected, or because the youth worked after school and
consequently gave less time to their studies. 3 Such young people
were less likely to go on to further study and better jobs.
It must also be recognized that youth differ in their interes1s.
For example, boys with mechanical interests and aptitudes probably
are less likely than other youth to push themselves in school and are
more likely to leave school early to seek mechanical work.
1 See appendix tables 20 and 21 for evidence a.« to the relationship of father'!!
occupation and section of city on youth's advancement or retardation.
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 109
INDUSTRIAL GROUP
As in the <'Ilse of occupations, the principal topics of interest in
connection with the industries in which youth worked are where
opportunities for full-time employment were best, where part-time
work was most prevalent, and where unemployment struck hardest.
Information on these points is contained in table 75.
Ta&le 75.-lndustrial Groups of Jobs on July 1, 1938, and of Last Jobs, by Sex
Industrial llfOUP
Full-tlmr Jobs on Inly
1, 1938
- - - - - - - - - ! _Total
I Male
Part-time Jobs on July
1, lll38
I
Female Total
I
I LB;,~on1 July
y'.,~~]/
~.~J
I, IU31l
1• :,~~~)0
Male l_~e'.'.:'~I_Total
I Male
jFemale
Pt:rcent dlltribtdion
.
2
A~rlculture ... ·-·-----·---Otht>rextn1ct-ive1 _________ _
Manufarturing and me-
chanicaL ________________ _
Transportation and communication ______________ _
Trade .................... .
Puhlir~en~ice ____________ _
Profl'~sional service ________ _
Domestic
and personal S<'rv- _
lce ... ____________________
86
to
28
7
9
5
2
87
2
7
4
36
2
11
11
6
17
87
100
100
100
2
l
3
2
•
•
87
19
to
IIO
26
29
9
26
1
l
38
20
19
6
10
25
I
3
113
20
.
7
28
l
16
6
28
16
6
28
.
5
2
I
8
81
•Less than O.~ perc•ent.
1
Includes forPstry, ftshlnll, and extraction ol minerals.
The two industrial groups in which most youth obtained full-time
jobs were trade and manufacturing. Though a.bout the same proportions of boys and girls were engaged in trade, a higher proportion of
boys than of girls were engaged in manufacturing. On the other hand,
a higher proportion of girls than of boys worked in professional
service or in domestic and personal service.
The industrial groups that were major sources of employment for
full-time workers were also major sources of employment for parttime workers. Thus the risk of underemployment (or opportunities
for part-time employment in the case of youth who wanted or could
11.ecept only such types of jobs) did not differ greatly according to
broad industrial group. Perhaps the most important dift'erence was
that relatively more part-time than full-time workers were engaged in
professional service and in domestic and personal service.
By noting the industrial groups in which unemployed youth had
last worked, and comparing them with the industrial groups in which
employed youth were working, it appears that unemployment struck
hardest among boys in the manufacturing and mechanical industries,
and among girls in domestic and personal service. Seasonal and
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110 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
cyclical variations in business activity affect construction and many
branches of manufacturing severely, and labor turnover is typically
high in domestic and personal service. Most factory workers have
the protection of unemployment compensation to tide them over
periods of unemployment, but domestic servants do not. Girls in
domestic service are thus one of the most disadvantaged groups in the
labor mnrk<'t, for their wages a.re low, their risk of unemployment is
high, e.nd they are excluded from the protection of unemployment
insurance.
EARNINGS AT TIME OF. INTERVIEW
It is natural that success in one's job is usually measured in terms
of dollars and cents. Other criteria of success are also important--for
example, interest in one's work and satisfaction in a job well done.
Nevertheless, money earnings are probably the most fundamental
measure of success a.ssociated with workers' jobs-the economic
status they a.re thereby able to attain.
Three different measures of earnings are available in this study:
hourly, weekly, and annual. The first indicates what the approximate "price of labor" is. The second takes account of the varying
number of hours worked per week an<l is the most usue.l measure of
what workers earn when they are employed. The third takes account
of both employment and unemployment during the course of a
year and therefore is the best measure of the income workers have on
which to live. All three measures of youth's earnings a.re considered
in the following discussion.
Eamln91 Accordln9 to Sex
By the time of this study, some youth had been in the labor market
as much as 9 years, and some had only recently entered the labor
market. Likewise, tlwir educational qualifications ranged from
eighth-grade graduation to postgraduate colkge training. Nevertheless, with all these differences in experimce and formal education,
the earnings of youth were fairly well concentrated at certain levels.
There was not such extreme variation in earnings as is found in the
case of older workers.
,
Hourly Earnings
The hourly earnings of boys and girls are considered first. It
should be noted, however, that tlw figures in table i6 are not actual
wage rates, hut were obtained by dividing weekly wages by the
number of hours worked.
The avernge hourly earnings of all youth employed full time were
41 cpnts. However, boys averaged about one-fourth more in hourly
earnings than girls (45 and 36 cents, respectively). The higher earning
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 111
To&le 76.-Hourly Earnings of Youth on Full-Time Jobs, July 1, 1928, by Sex
Hourly earnlnp on lull-time Jobe on Jnl;v 1, 1938
I
Total
I Female
Male
Perum dlmlbutlon
Total _________ ··-···········-··············-·-------·---··--·-
-100
100
100
1
6
14
311
28
14
8
4
2
1
1
•
4
12
20
22
18
12
6
3
1
2
1
8
18
34
211
10
2
1
•
•
•
i-----1·---1----
I,ess than$() 10------------------------------------------------------
S0.10-$0.19 .•••••••••• •······••••·•···•·•··· .... ················-····
'°.20--$0.29 .• ················-············. .... .. ... ..••••••••••••.••
$0.30-$0.39 .•••..••.•••.•.•••••••••••••••••••••••.. -• • • •.•••• •• • •••••
$0.40--$0.49. ··-····································· ············-····
$0.50-$().59 .• ··················-···-·······-························.
$0.60-S0.69 •••••••••...••.•.•••..•..•. -·······················-······
$0.i0-$0.79 •• ·············-· -··-···········-·························
f0.80-S0.81l .••••••••• ······--···· ............•......... ···•···•·•••••
'°.90-$0.\19_ ..••••••.. _............. ·-··· .....• _.... ....• ..•... .•...•
Sl.00 or more--··································-··················
l====l====,l===Average .•..••••••••••••..••.••••••••••...........••••••.•••. _
SO. 41
$0. 45
S0.36
•Lee., than 0.6 percent.
power of boys is shown also by the fact that 64 percent of the boys,
but only 38 percent of the girls, earned 40 cents or more per hour.
The earnings of boys were also more variable than those of girls,
particularly in the upper wage brackets. Whereas at least some boys
had advanced to considerably higher hourly earnings than the majority of their fellows, girls seems to have faced a more definite upper
limit in earnings.
Weekly Earning•
A better idea of the earning power of youth may be gained by
examining their weekly earnings. AB shown in table 77, average
weekly full-time earnings of boys were $20.00, and of girls $15.30.
Ta&le 77.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on Full-Time Jobs, July 1, 1938, by Sex
Weekly earnings on fuJJ.t!me Jobs on July 1, 1938
Total
I Female
Male
Percenl dutribulion
Total .. _..•.....................•. ··········-······-·-----····
100
100
100 I
1---------1----
Lells than $4.50 ... ··-··-·- ··-········· .... ·······················-··
$4.50-$9.49 __ ... ·- ... ··-- •.• __ -·· - - - _-· ·- - -· --·· ·······--· ··-········
$9.50-$14.49 __ .... __ -- . ·--·. -· - __ ·- .. - •. _... _.••. _············--· -·-·
$14.50-$19.49 __ ·- -- -·. _____ ·- _·-- _··-·- _. _····-····-···-· ·-·-··- ...••
$19.50-$''4.40 ....• _. _______ • _. _... __ ..•••••••• __ .•. _. -· •.••••••••• ·-·
I
6
20
35
20
$24..50-$29.49_ ••• ___ -- _--- _-·-- -·· _•• ---· _••••••• _--···-· --··········
$29.511-$3-1.49 __ -·- -· _______ -·-·-·· •••• ·--·-·········-··-·-···········
10
$34.:.0-$30.49 .. -·- ____ -··- _. __ --- ·- ·-···-·- ·-·····-- ····-············
$39.50 or more ..• - _____ .•.. : .. -·--·····-···············-·······-·····
A vemge __ ··--- _____ ·-- ···-··--··· _. _··-··-·--·········· __ ···-
6
2
2
13
29
25
16
1
8
31
43
13
3
8
l
3
3
3
.•
'====1•===1===
$17. 70
$20.00
$15. 30
•Less th11n 0.5 J>erccnt.
The average weekly earnings of boys were 31 percent higher than
those of girls. The sex differential is greater in weekly than in
hourly earnings because boys work more hours per week on the
average than girls.
D191• zed by
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11 2 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Only a small proportion of youth had adrnnced to the point of
earning $30 or more per week. Among boys 8 percent earned $30-$34,
3 percent earned $35-$39, and 3 percent earned $40 or more. The
situation among the girls was less favore.bll', for only 1 percent earned
$30-$34, and less than I percent earned $35 or more. At the other
end of the income scale were 16 percent of the boys and 40 percent
of the girls who earned less than $15 per week.
Annual Earning11
The economic status of youth cannot be fully understood unless
their we<.'kly earnings are translated into annual earnings, in order to
take account of the effect of unemployment and part-time employment
in reducing income. Hourly, daily, or weekly earnings may be high,
and yet the income youth have available to live Qn throughout the
year may be lowered considerably if their work is intermittent.
From knowledge of youth's avers.ge weekly earnings, it can be
estimated what their annual earnings would be if they remained employed throughout the year at the same weekly rate. In this study,
however, the actual earnings in private employment of youth who were
in the labor market throughout the year July 1, 1937-July 1, 1938,
were computed directly, taking into account not only changes in wage
level but also periods of unemployment.
The most favorable record of earnings was of course made by youth
who had jobs throughout the year. Average earnings of youth employed for 15 hours or more per week in private industry throughout
the year were $1,054 for boys and $789 for girls. When youth with
some unemployment are considered along with those who were
steadily employed, average earnings are much lower. Average annual
earnings in private employment for all youth (those with steady
employment and those with some un<'mployment)' were $907 for
boys and $701 for girls.
The average annual earnings of boys were 29 percent higher than
those of girls. The sex diffl'rential in annual earnings was thus nearly
the same as in weekly earnings.
The figures on average earnings do not tell the whole story of
youth's incomes. For instance, it should be noted that one-quarter of
the boys and two-fifths of the girls earned less than $600 during the
year. Likewise, only 13 percent of the boys and 1 percent of the
girls earned $1,400 or more.
In appraising the significance of youth's annual earnings it must be
rPmPmhrred that some youth were partly supported by their families.
' Youth with some unemployment constituted about one-third (35 percent) of
all youth in this tabulation. Since earnings on jobs of lc-ss than 15 hours per
wec-k were not ascertained, youth with any such jobs were excluded from the
analysis.
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 •
11 3
Table 78.-Annual Private Earnings of Youth, July 1, 1937-July 1, 1938, by Sex
Annual private earninvs of youth in the labor market
from July 1, 1937, to July 1, mas
Total
I
Male
Female
Total'··········••··•················~························l--~,rl=:~:im
Less than $200. .....................................................
$200-$.1g9 ·············•···•···••··••···········•····················
$4(Kl--$.,(19 ......••.•.•••••.•••.••....•.•.•.•.............•...•.••.. •.
$600-$799 ....•••••••••••••••••.•••.•.• ••••• ...•......••..•.• ···•.....
$!<00·$!1W. ················•··••···········•··················••·····
$1,0()(1•$1,199 ..........•.........•.•...•............................. ,
$1,21~!--$1,399. ···••··············•·· • ······························•·
$1,40Cl--$1,!,99.... •••••••••........ .. .. . . .•. .. . . . .. . . . . . ... . . . . • . .. .. .
$1,f.00--$1,m........................ .....•..........••.......•.....
l:l
7
11
20
20
14
7
4
~
1
1
I
$2,000ormore. ····················•·······························,====
Average ............•.•••....•......................••.....•.. ---$7UI I
100
10 \- - - 1 - 7
6 '
9
9
13
16
27
19
2"2
17
9
10
2
7
I
4
•
2
$907
,====
i
$701
•Loss than 0.5 p,•re<>nt.
I Includ,•s youth employed throu~hout the year and youth with some unemployment during the year,
but does not inciude youth with any cmploym,•nt of less than 15 hours per week during the year,
On the other hand, it must be remembered that in many families it
was necessary for the youth to contribute to the general support.
Earnings According to Eighth-Gade Graduating Clan
All three measures of earnings-hourly, weekly, and annual-show
that youth of the earlier classes had advanced to a higher economic
level than youth of the later classes.
Table 79.-Average Hourly, Weekly, and Annual Earnings of Youth, by Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _P_r_1v_a_te_earn
___1n_gs
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ,__1m
__
c1_ass_l_193_1_c_1ass
__ ,_1_933_c_lnss_
Averagehourlyearningsonfuil•timeJobsonJuly I, lll38............
Avcra~ew""klyearningsonfuil•tim,,JobsonJulyl, 1938...........
Average annual earnings, July I, Hl37, to July I, 1038 '··············
$0.46
19.\IO 1
048.00 [
$0.41
17.80
831.llO
S0.35
1.~.30
is&.00
t Includes youth employed throughout th,• year and yc,uth with some unemployment during the year,
but does not include youth with any employment of less than 15 hours per week during the year.
The average hourly and weekly earnings of the 1929 class were
about one-eighth higher than those of the 1931 class, and average
annual earnings were about one-seventh higher. Likewise average
hourly and weekly earnings of the 1931 class were about one-sixth
higher than those of the 1933 class. Average annual earnings of the
1931 class, however, were 46 percent higher than those of the 1933
class-a significant indication that unemployment during the year
was exceptionally high among members of the latest eighth-grade
graduating class.
Differences in earnings of youth from the three classes are a reflection of differences in age, education, labor-market experience, and
the proportion of girls remaining in the labor market. It may be
inferred that the average youth is almost certain to gain increased
D191
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114 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
earning power with the passage of time. The level of earnings an
individual will reach or the adequacy of his earnings to cover increased financial responsibilities, cannot, of course, be determined.
Eamln91 According to Qty
Because of differences in location, types of industries, composition
of the labor force, and other factors, the seven cities in this study
showed wide difforences in the earnings of their youth. According
to all three measures of earnings-hourly, weekly, and annual-youth
in San Francisco were pa.id the highest wages and youth in Birmingham the lowest. Youth in Seattle were next to the top in earning
power, and youth in Duluth next to the bottom. Table 80 shows
the average level of earnings of youth in each of the seven cities.
Tol,le 80.-Average Hourly, Weekly, and Annual Earnings of Youth by City
Average hourly Average weekly
City
earnings on
earnings on
full-time jobs
full-time Jobs
to.49
Pl~
~g
19. 60
11.40
16. 80
16. 10
15. 60
15.30
782
on July 1, lll38 on July 1, 11138
Ban Francisco _____ .. __ ... ___________ -- •..... _. ___ -------
Beattle. _________ .. __ .. __ .. ___ . ______ .. ---------. __ .. ___ .
Binghamton ___________________________________________ _
Denver ________________ . ___ . _____ . --- . --- ---- ----- .. __ . St. Louis. ________ ._· ___________________________________ _
Duluth ________________________________________________ _
Birmingham ___________________________________________ _
Averag~ annual earnings
July 1, 1937July 1, 1938 I
.45
.41
.36
.37
.35
.32
847
785
749
716
657
' Includes youth employed t.hrou~hout the year ancl ynnth with some unemployment during the year,
but does not include youth with any employment of less than 15 hours per week during the year.
The margin by which wages in San Francisco exceeded those in
Birmingham was 53 percent in hourly earnings, 32 percent in weekly
earnings, and 44 percent in annual earnings. The difference was
least in the case of weekly earnings because high hourly wages were
accompanied by a relatively short work week in San Francisco, whereas
low hourly wages were accompanied by a relatively long work week
in Birmingham. Likewise, the difference was greater in annual than
in weekly earnings because unemployment during the course of the
year was less severe in San Francisco than in Birmingham.
Money earnings are less important than what those earnings will
buy. Unfortunately, little information is available as to the cost of
living at a particular time in different cities, so that real wages in the
seven survey cities cannot be compared as effectively as might be
desired. _Neverthl.'less, an approximate comparison is afforded by
use of cost-of-living figures collected by the FERA in March 1935 in 59
citics. 6 Although the comparison can be made for only 6 of the 7
5 Stecker, Margaret Loomis, Intercity Differences in Costs of LiviTlfJ in March.
1985, 59 Cities, Division of Social Research, Works Progress Administration,
Washington, D. C., 1937, pp. 158--159.
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 11 5
cities (Duluth being omitted), and although the standard "maintenance" budget in the FERA-WPA cost-of-living study was based on
March 1935 prices and applies to a. four-person manual worker's
fa.mily, it is nevertheless felt that such a comparison may indicate at
least approximately the relative level of youth's real annual earnings
in the different cities.
Table 81 shows roughly how youth in the six cities for which de.ta.
were available compared in average real annual earnings. Real ,
earnings in San Francisco, in which actual earnings were highest,
are taken as the base and equated to 100.0
Tal,le 81.---fodexn of Real Annual Earnings of Youth, by City
Index or
average
annual
earnings
Index of
average
annual
earnings
City
San Francisco_-----------------------_
Seattle
_______________________________ _
Binghamton ___________ ---------------
100
101
G3
I St.
Denver
_______________________________
-----------------------------_
Louis
Birmingham _________________________ _
g:i
82
82
Though these indexes must be viewed with caution, for the reasons
mentioned above, they do indicate certain general tendencies very
clearly. The six cities for which data were available have tpe same
rank in real as in actual earnings. Moreover, they fall into three
groups of relative real annual earnings: at the top, Seattle and San
Francisco; intermediate, Binghamton and Denver; and at the bottom,
St. Louis and Birmingham. Higher wage scales had not raised the
cost of living in the Pacific coast cities to the point where gai:iis in
money wages were wiped out. And a low cost of living in Birmingham
did not make up for the lower incomes of its young workers.
Social-Economic Dlfferenca In Earnings
Youth's personal characteristics and their status in the labor market
also had a great deal to do with their earning power. In discussing
these factors, it is convenient to take as the measure of earning power
the average weekly earnings of youth currently employed on full-time
jobs. Since the social-economic differences in economic status were
discussed rather fully in earlier sections of this report, they will be
dealt with only briefly here.
Age and Earnings
The older youth were at the time of interview, the higher were
their weekly earnings. This is shown clearly in table 82.
• See appendix table 22 for the data used in calculating these indexes.
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116 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 82.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Age
Avern~:m
Avf'rage
w,,.,J;(y
earnings
We<'kly
earuim!:s
on full-limo
jobs on
July 1, IU38
18 years and under .• _________________ _
19 yen rs .•••••••• _._ •.•• ______________ _
20 yea19_ -----------------------------.
21 years_----------------------------·-
$14. iO
15. 20
16. i()
17.60
Age
on full-time
job.son
July 1, 1938
~JS.SO
:.?O. 00
20. 20
:.?0.20
22 years._----------------------· -- - - -23 Yl'flrs ___ ------·-- __________________ _
?.4 Yf'!ltS .. -- _. ____ • __________________ . _
25 yt>11rs and ovl~r _____________________ _
The steady rise in earnmgs with greater age is in part due to greater
amounts of education or experience, and in part to the fact that, other
things being equal, older youth are put in more responsible and better
paid jobs than younger ones.
Even though youth aged 25 and over were somewhat retarded
educationally, their weekly earnings averaged as high as those of youth
aged 24, and somewhat higher than youth aged 23. Apparently, their
greater age or labor-market experience at the time of interview was
sufficient to offset their educational retardation. Had they not been
retarded, their earnings would have been even higher.
Labor-Market Experience and Earnings
In general, average weekly earnings were higher among youth who
had been in the labor market longest.
Table 83.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Time in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Average
weekly earnings on
full-time Joh~
Average
Wl~klyenm~
· Time in the labor market
Less then 3 months. _______________ _
3-5 months _________________________ _
6-11 months ________________________ _
$15. 30
14.80
15.20
in~s on
rull-time job~
on July 1, IY38
on July I, 1938
1 year hut less thnn 2_______________ _
2 years but less tban 5______________ _
fr9 y,•ars. __________________________ _
$15. iO
18-00
19.60
Earnings rose with increasing labor-market experience, the only
exception being in the case of youth who had entered the labor market
less than 3 months before the date of interview. Many of these recent
entrants had obtained jobs almost irnmedi11Jt>ly upon leaving school, so
it is not surprising that the circumst11nces which focilitated their ready
employment also contrilrntt>d towards. relatively high earnings.
Nevertheless, for the bulk of the youth studied, higher earnings came
only with longer experience in the labor market.
Education and Earnings
For eaeh addit.ional year of education youth obtain, they may
reasonably expect a definite increase in their earning power later in
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 117
life. There is encourugcnwnt in the findings shown in table 84 for
young people who are doubtful about the money value of an education.
Table 84.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Education
A veral(e W<'<'kly eam-
Years of erlncation com-
in~s on lull-I imo jobs
on July 1, rn38
Years of education complctcd
plctcd
Male
8------------------------9 ________________________ _
10 _______________________ _
12
11._______________________
-- -- - - - - - - -- ---- - -- ----_
$19. 90
19.90
20.20
20. 20
19. 70
Female
A vern~(1 W('f'kly earn•
in~s on full-time jobs
on Jnly 1, 1938
Male
$13.90
13 ________ ---- ---- -- -- ---13. 90 i 14. -- - . - - ----------------15.
____ over
-- _. ______________
---------------_
14.
70
16 and
14. 90
15.80
I
$20. 50
22. r,o
24. ,'jC)
26.30
Female
$16.60
15. 70
t
18. 70
tAverage not computed for fewer than 50 cases.
College graduates averaged about one-third more in weekly earnings
than grade-school graduates. Furthermore, earnings rose steadily
with increased amounts of education, except in the case of boys who
completed only the twelfth grade and of girls who completed only the
fourteenth gra<le. 7
The principal explanation for the lower earnings of boys who had
graduated from high school than of boys with 10 or 11 years of educ11tion is that there appears'° be a distinct difference in the types of jobs
these two groups obtain. Boys who graduated from high school
were more likely to obtain clerical jobs than boys who completed
only the tenth or eleventh grade. And earnings of boys in clerical
work were lower than in skilled or even semiskilled work.
The preceding table actually understates the extent to which increased education contributed toward higher earnings. Youth with
the greatest amounts of eduoation were younger, 8 on the average, and
had less labor-market experience than youth with less education.
These factors tend to draw wages down. With greater age and work
eAl}erience, better educated youth are almost certain to increase their
lead in earnings.
Race and Earnings
Since earnings differ so much from city to city, it is desirable to
compare the earnings of white and Negro youth in the same city.
Table 85 shows these differences for Birmingham and St. Louisthe two survey cities in which Negroes were numerous enough to study.
The disadvantaged position of Negro youth in each of these cities
is evident. However, their relative disadvantage was greater in
7 The relatively low average earnings of girls with 14 years of education is
probably not significant because of the small number of cases on which the median
is based.
8 Students who graduated from the eighth grade at an earlier age than the
average were more likely than retarded students to go to college.
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118 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
TafJle 85.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Race, Birmingham and
St. Louis
we!:f~:n•
ln~s on rull•
City and race
Average
W<'<'kly earn•
c lty 80d race
11
logs on full•
time jobs
time jobs
------------1---Birmingham:
White .......••••.•••••...••....
Nei:ro ......•.•••.....••••.•..
St. Louis:
White ...........•...•.....•••..
$17. 20
8. 50
$16. 20
II. iO
Nei:ro ........•....•••....•••..••
11
Birmingham, where they earned only half as much as white youth,
than in St. Louis, where they earned about seven-tenths as much as
white youth. A high rate of unemployment, jobs in menial occupations when they could get work, and finally lower earnings in those
jobs-these were the typical lot of Negro youth in the survey.
Occupational Class and Earnings
Within certain limit-s imposed by such factors as opportunity to
pursue an education, their own aptitudes, and personal characteristics
like sex ancl race, youth have freedom of choice in selecting an occupation. They may be assisted to an intelligent choice by a we>ll-planned
program of vocational guidance. In any such program, information
on relative earnin~ in the different occupations is one factor that
should carry a good deal of weight. Table 86 presents such information in general terms.
Table 86.-Weekly Earnings of Youth on July 1, 1938, by Occupational Class and Sex
Average weekly earnings
Occupational c!IUIS or full·time job on July I, 1938
Total
Total .........••.••••••••.•.••..•.•••.••..•.•...•••...••...... I
$17. 70
1====1
Prof•sslonfll ....................••.••••••••••••••...•...•.••..••....
Proprietary, managerial, and official.. ••••••••...........••.•........
Clerical.. ........ _......... __ .. __ . __ ............... _...•.•..•......
Accounting nnd semiprofessional. ••..•••..........•.••••••......
Sknography and alli,•d ........••.••••••.••..•...•...••••••.••...
Other clericfll .........•..••...•••••..••.......... ·········--····
Sales .................•.....•...•••.•••...........•....•.•••....
Skilled._ ...........••....••...........•....................•••••....
Semiskilled ................................................•.••••••
Unskilk•d ............. _........•.•..•...••.•.•...•.•......•••••••..
Servant and domestic._ ......••.•...•.•••.•••.••••••....•••••••.
Laborer ................•...•.•.•.•••.•••••.•••••.•••.•••••••••.
18. iO
26.50
17. 10
16. iO
17.00
17. 30
Ii. 10
23.00
18. 30
16. 00
n;o
20. 20
Male
Female
$20. 00
fl5.30
25.60
Zl. 30
'19. 20
20.20
19. 60
18.50
19. 70
23.90
20.30
19. 70
17. f,0
20.20
14.60
t
16.00
15.30
16.90
16.30
14. 20
t
14.80
11.90
11.lj()
t
tAverage not computed for fewer tban 50 cases.
Young men working as propril'tors of their own businesses or 11.S
managers or officials in other business firms had the highest average
weekly earnings-$27 .30. Young profcssional men were not far
behind with average earnings for a full-time week of $25.60. Thus,
at a comparatively early stage of their working lives, these two groups
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 119
occupied a position, in respect to earnings, that they could in all
probability expect to retain throughout their careers.
Perhaps the most important finding to be noted is that boys in
skilled manual work averaged about one-quarter more in weekly
earnings than boys in clerical work ($23.90 and $19.20 per week,
respectively). Even semiskilled workers and unskilled laborers had
earnings that were as high or higher than those of boys in clerical
work. The highest paid clerical workers-accountants and semiprofessional person.s-averaged only about as much as semiskilled
workers and unskilled laborers. Even boys who worked as domestic
servants were little worse off in earning power ($17.60 per week)
than the lowest paid group of clerical workers-those in miscellaneous
clerical jobs ($18.50 per week). ·
Even though clerical work may have the advantage of greater
regularity, earnings in this field are so much lower than those in
skilled work that more boys who are doubtful about the choice of an
occupation might well feel encouraged to choose skilled work. With
the expansion of opportunities under the national defense program,
skilled mechanics will be even more in demand than they were when
this survey was made. The clerical field, on the other hand, is
definitely a low-paid one for boys.
The rank of the different occupational groups according to earnings
was far different in the case of girls. In their case jobs in the clerical
field were the best paid, average weekly earnings being $16. The
highest paid clerical workers were stenographers and "other" clerical
workers. Sales girls, however, averaged only $14.20 per week-the
only lower paid group being domestic servants, who averaged $11.90
per week.
There is a widespread misconception that the clerical field is as
badly overcrowded for girls as for boys. As the findings of this study
show, clerical jobs (except those in selling) were the highest paid jobs
available to young women. Even professional jobs paid lower wages
on the average. Office work then must be regarded at the present
time as one of the most promising fields of employment for girls.
DURATION OF EMPLOYMENT ST A TUS
Though a youth may be employed at a given time, it cannot be
known for certain that he normally has steady employment, for he
may have obtained a job only recently. Similarly, unemployment at
a given time may be only a temporary interruption to an otherwise
steady record of employment. In order to check and amplify the
earlier statements made concerning youth's employment status.
therefore, the duration of their current employment or unemployment
will be examined.
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120 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Duration of Employment
The average lrngth of time in the labor market of yonth currently
employed full time was 41 months; the average duration of their
current full-time employment 9 was 22 months. Since thrse figures,
ta.ken alone, do not give much information about the steadiness of
youth's recent employment, it is necessary to supplement them with
more detailed data.
Tobie 87.-Duration of Youth's Full-Time Employment, by Time in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Cumulative duration of
full•tlme employment 1
Les'<
3- 5
6-I I
11 ye1u j 2 years
3 years 4 years
Total thnn 3 months months but Jess hut lcssj hut less but less
• than 2 I than 3 than 4 than 5
Imonths
- - - - - - - -I
I Yl'lln
5-9
P trcr nt di,trlbulion
TotaL .......•..•.... _
Les• than 3 months ........ .
3-5 months ................ .
6-11 months ............... .
1 year but Jess than 2 ...... .
2 years but less th An 3..... .
8 years but less than 4 ..... .
4 years but less than 5.. . . .
5-9 yea.rs .. ............ -.. .
1
100 I
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100 I
-------------------
9
9
12
22
lfi
13
100
30
ill
19
18
6.1
II
7
g
6
7
21
JO
li8
27
47
8
16
10
23
40
6
5
8
IS
15
17
34
8
II
Ii
Ii
Ii
11
11
11
12
40
Total amount of oontlnuous full-time employment up to and Including July I, 1938.
The longer youth were in the labor market, the greater was the
duration of their current employment. In all cases the most usual
duration of employment was the same, in terms of class intervals, 10
as youth's time in the labor market. For example, 40 percent of the
youth who were in the labor market 5 years or more were also employed steadily for at least 5 years preceding the date of interview.
Their total employment during their time in the labor market would,
in most cases, be greater than their current employment. It may
therefore be concluded that most young workers who were employed
at the time of interview enjoyed relatively stable employment for a
period preceding that time.
Duration of Unemployment
In general, the duration of unemployment of youth unemployed
at the time of interview was less than the duration of employment of
youth currently employed. This result follows from the fact that the
great majority of workers have more employment than unemployment
• The duration of youth's current employment status was cumulative, i e.,
the duration of employment included all jobs held prior to the date of enumera.tion, provided they were not separated by periods of unemployment or nonparticipation in the labor market.
10 The number of months employed might of course be lees than the number of
months in the labor market by the amount of each class interval.
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ACTIVITIES IN JULY 1938 • 121
during a given interval spent in the labor market. A distribution of
the duration of youth's unemployment, according to the length of
time they were in the labor market, shows this more clearly.
TaMe 88.-Duration of Unemployment of Youth, by Time in the Labor Market
Time In the labor market
Cumulative duration of
uno>mployment on July
1, 1938
Total
I year 2 yrtu·s 3 years 4 YPRrs
J,<>,_qg
3-6
but
but
but
but
&-11
thun 3 months
l<•ss
l,·ss
months
less
ll'SS
months
than 2 than 3 than 4 than 6
H
years
Percent dutribution
Total _________________
Less than 3 momhs _________
3-5 months _________________
&-11 months ________________
1 year hm l,•ss than 2 _______
2 yPars hut less than 3 ______
3 y<'ars but less than 4- _____
4 y,,nrs but less than 5 ______
~9 years ____________________
100
100
JOO
100
----
----
---
JOO
JOO
JOO
100
100
31
26
30
29
13
12
JO
31
JO
6
3
4
28
10
- - - -- - - - - -, - - -- - - 31
100
28
31
23
29
24
26
24
19
IU
72
18
17
20
21
21
28
13
4
3
1
1
61
-
--
--
6
11
--
-
8
8
3
6
Youth who had only recently entered the labor market could not,
of course, have been unemployed for very long, so that long unemployment occurred only among those who had entered the labor market
several years prior to 1938.
Among youth who had been in the labor market for a year or longer,
a definite pattern of duration of unemployment emerges. As a rough
approximation, about one-quarter of these youth had been unemployed
for less than 3 months, one-half for 3-11 months, and one-quarter for
12 months or more.
If unemployment of a few months' duration is a discouraging episode
in a young worker's career, unemployment of a year or more is a major
disaster. Yet, among youth in the labor market 5 years or more, 10
percent had been unemployed 1 to 2 yea.rs, 12 percent 2 to 5 years,
and 5 percent 5 years or longer. These seriously disadvantaged young
workers exemplify the youth unemployment problem at its worst. 11
11 For a fuller discussion of disadvantaged youth in this study, see Payne,
Stanley L., Disadvantaged Youth on the Labor },farket, Series I, Ko. 25, Division
of Research, Work Projects Administration, Federal Works Agency, Washington.
D. C., 1940.
469597°-43---10
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Chapter VI I
YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO THEIR EXPERIENCES
YouTH'S OWN feelings about their experiences in the labor market
throw additional light on how they fared in the transition from student
to worker. .Although it is difficult in a large-scale survey to get an
adequate idea of how youth reacted to their experiences, some information may be gained by analyzing their replies to pertinent questions
asked at the time of enumeration. The two questions of this type
which were put to youth in the present study were as follows: (1)
"What special difficulties have you encountered in securing jobs?"
and (2) "What are your plans for the future?"
It is recognized that any analysis based on youth's answers to
"attitude" questions such as these must necessarily be somewhat
inexact. Nevertheless, in spite of the fa.ct that the data are rough, it
is believed that they indicate the situation generally, and that valuable '-"
inferences may be drawn as to how youth felt about their past difficulties and accomplishments in the labor market, and their ambitions
for the immediate future.
SPECIAL DIFFICULTIES IN SECURING EMPLOYMENT
Many youth upon leaving school stepped into positions waiting for
them in their fathers' businesses or offered them by employers in
search of promising recruits. Other youth, almost as fortunate, had
little difficulty in getting work by their own efforts shortly after they
started job hunting. But with unemployment at an unprecedented
level during the depression, large numbers of young people went
through months, and in some cases years, of fruitless and discouraging
search before they found jobs.
In a sense, all youth in this study who had difficulty in finding work
faced a common problem. Most of them entered the labor market
123
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124 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
after the depression started, and they soon found that the general
demand for labor was at a low ebb. It was necessary to seek work of
employers who, with a smaller number of jobs to fill, could pick and
choose their workers more carefully. As a consequence,young workers
who did not have the proper qualifications became keenly aware of
their shortcomings.
In order to obtain definite information on the obstacles youth faced
in getting work, they were asked in this study what special difficulties
they had, over and above those common to a.11 youth in a crowded
labor market. Some of the replies given have considerable practical
importance, as they show what measures need to be adopted to
improve youth's prospects for employment. Even though the adoption of these measures may not raise the general level of employment
among young workers, individuals can benefit if they avail themselves
of the experience of others who have been "through the mill."
Special Difflcultia According to S.x
About one-third (31 percent) of all youth who entered the labor
market reported special difficulties in obtaining employment. The
remainder said that they had encountered only such difficulties as
were common to all young job seekers during the depression, or else
had encountered no particular difficulties in obtaining jobs.
More young women than young men reported special difficulties in
securing employment-35 percent as against 28 percent. This result
was foreshadowed by the earlier finding that among the youngest
workers girls were more subject to unemployment than boys. Apparently boys and girls faced problems of somewhat different nature or
severity in getting jobs. A clearer idea of what these problems were
may be gained by comparing the special difficulties reported by boys
and girls, respectively.
Table 89.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Sex
Special dilliculty In securing employment
I
Total
I
Male
Female
Percent dlatri butlOtl
Total.........................................................
Lack or experience..................................................
Lack of general training.............................................
Lark of srwcialized training.........................................
I nsullici<'n t education...............................................
Too young..........................................................
Ln.<'k of union membership__________________________________________
Physical defl'cts..... ....... .... .............. ........ .. . ... .........
Laek of "pull"......................................................
Racial or religious discrimination...................................
Other .............................................................. .
No six,>clal dilliculty ............................................... .
100
100
100·
16
3
3
2
2
12
3
3
2
1
21
3
S
1
2
1
1
•
1
1
•
3
72
M-
,----,----+----
1
2
69
2
• Less than 0.5 percent.
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YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES • 125
The most interesting point to note is that so few of the girls reported
discrimination in obtaining jobs that they had to be grouped with
girls citing only miscellaneous difficulties. Apparently this difficulty
is met chiefly by older women or women in particular types of work,
such as professional service.
What then, is the principal reason for the greater difficulty of
young women in getting jobs? It appears to be chiefly lack of experience. One-fifth of the girls cited this as their chief difficulty, as
compared with one-eighth of the boys. One of the more important
reasons for this difference would appear to be the greater tendency
-0{ b0ys than of girls to take part-time jobs while still in school, and
thereby to get experience that stands them in good stead later on.
It must be realized, however, that during a period of widespread
unemployment lack of experience may be only a relative and not an
absolute shortcoming. With many workers applying for the few
jobs available, hiring standards may be set arbitrarily high to simplify
the process of selection. Raising the general level of experience can
therefore have little if any effect upon increasing employment. The
fact that the most important special difficulty of both boys and girls
was inexperience, may simply reflect the tendency of many employers
to stress this particular qualification when they selected the few
workers they needed from a great number of applicants.
· After lack of experience, youth were most concerned about
shortcomings in their education as handicaps to obtaining jobs.
Lack of general or specialized training, or simply insufficient education, were cited by 8 percent of the boys and 7 percent of the girls.
Since the same proportion of youth reported insufficient general training as insufficient specialized training, it would appear that the schools
need to make available both types of training. Expert vocational
guidance in the schools is also necessary to direct youth into courses
of study most closely related to the type of work they desire and are
fitted to follow. In addition, youth must be enabled to remain in
school despite economic pressure in their homes to force them out
into the working world.
Only 1 percent of the boys and 2 percent of the girls reported that
their chief special difficulty in securing employment was that they
were too young. Some of these youth may have been kept from
employment by child labor laws, and some may simply have appeared
less suitable workers to employers who could secure all the help they
needed among older youth. In any case, the future of these youth
would be better safeguarded if they could be kept in school instead
of forced into the labor market. Social legislation protecting the
economic secmity of the youth and his family appears to be the most
feasible way of preventing premature entrance into the labor market.
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126 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
About 2 percent of the boys and fewer t,hnn 1 percent of the girls
said that lack of union membership stood in the way of their getting
jobs. The proportion was higher in San Francisco and Seattle,
where labor unions are stronger than in the other survey citie.s.
Many unions have restrictions on membership to prevent the number
of job seekers from getting too far out of line with job opportunities.
It may be remarked in passing that progressive union leaders are
, aware of the problems of youth seeking entry to the various trades
and industries and are giving considerable thought to the ways in
which opportunities may be opened up to newcomers withoutsacri.ficing
the hard-won gains of older members.
Physical disabilities are, of course, very real obstacles to obtaining
employment. Perhaps all that can be done to minimize the hardships
of youth thus afflicted is to give them expert vocational guidance so
that they can prepare for work in which their disabilities will
handicap them least.
Undoubtedly "pull" sometimes determines which of several candidates for a job will be selected. However, a youth may feel that he
lacks "pull" when he actually lacks the qualifications that employers
seek. Only 1 percent of these boys and girls felt that they lost out
in getting jobs because they did not know the right people.
Finally, fewer than 1 percent of these youth reported that racial or
religious discrimination constituted a special difficulty when they
sought work. This question will be discussed more fully later, when
special difficulties are considered in relation to race.
Special Dllflcultla Accordln9 to El9hth-Gacle Graduatln9 Claa
Knowing that the earlier classes contained a larger proportion of
youth with either long labor-market experience or more advanced
Tahle 90.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securin9 Employment, by Ei9hth-Grade
Graduating Class
Eighth-grade grad11Btlng class
Special difficulty In securing employment
1929
11133
11131
Ptrcml dutributlon
Total ________________________________________________________ _
Lack of experience _____________________________________ . ___ . _______ _
Lack of general tralninl(___ _. _____________________________________ _
L11ck of s1wciulized training _________________________ _______________ _
Insutlldent education ____________ _________________ . .... ____________ _
Too younl?. -----------------. ______________________________ . _______ _
Lack olnnion membership . ----------------- -- -- ______________ _
Physical del,•ets ___________________ . ___ . _. __ . . __ . _..... _... __ .. _____ _
Luck of "pull".---------------- --------------- · - -- ---·-----------Racial or religious discrimination_ .... __ .... ___ ._ ..... ____ . ___ .. ___ _
Other ...... ___ ... - ----- ----- -- .... - -- ---- -- - - - -· - · -- - · -- - · -- - ----No special dlfllculty .. _..... _______ .. __ . ___ .. . . ---- · _______ . _______ .
100
13
3
3
2
1
1
1
1
.
3
72
JOO
100
3
3
2
1
1
1
1
3
3
2
2
2
1
I
---·1---Ii
18
.
2
69
•Less than 0.5 percent.
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YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO .EXPERIENCES • 127
educations, we should expect that their members would report (or
remember) fewer special difficulties in obtaining employment. That
this was actually the case is shown by the fact that 28 percent of the
1929 class, 31 percent of the 1931 class, and 35 percent of the 1933
class reported special difficulties.
Regardless of how recently youth had graduated from the eighth
grade, their main difficulty in securing employment was'lack of experience. This difficulty was more acute for members of the 1931 and
1933 classes than for members of the 1929 class. Members of the
1929 class were more likely to have been in the labor market a considerable length of time or to have entered the labor market with college
training; in the first case they were likely to have acquired some experience by the time of the study, in the second case experience was less
likely to be required of them as a condition of employment.
It is pertinent again to note that lack of experience is in many
cases not so much an indictment of the qualifications of young workers
as a statement of the fact that jobs were scarce during the depression.
It is by now trite to quote youth's common complaint, "I can't get a
job without experience, but how can I get experience without a job?"
Nevertheless the point deserves to be made that lack of experience
would be a much less serious handicap if ample job opportunities were
available. The mere passage of time, as shown by the preceding
table, helps ameliorate at one and the same time the problems of inexperience and joblessness, but the cost in wasted manpower is great.
The most direct attack upon the youth problem obviously involves
first and foremost the provision of more jobs.
Special DUflcultla According to Race
Of the 25,684 youth who entered the labor market, 93 percent were
white, 6 percent were Negro, and 1 percent were oriental. Most of
the Negroes lived in Birmingham or St. Louis, and most of the orientals in San Francisco or Seattle. Since the minority racial groups
represent special social-economic problems out of all proportion to
their size, their special difficulties in obtaining employment are next
compared with those of the predominant white group.
In view of the well-recognized disadvantages that Negroes have in
the competition for jobs, it is most surprising to find that only 10
percent of them reported special difficulties, as compared with 33 percent of the whites and 35 percent of the orientals. Only 1 percent
of the Negroes (as compared with 15 percl'nt of the orientals) reported
that their major spl'cial difficulty was racial discrimination.
These results, far from being an indication of a favorable position
of Negro youth in the labor market, are in fact an indication of the
opposite. For, in the first place, it must be recognized that Nl'gro
youth suffered considerably more unemployment than white youth.
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128 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 5>7.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Race
Raoe
Special difficulty in 9ecuring employment
I
White
I Oriental
Xcgro
Ptrctnt di,tribulion
I
100
Total .. --· ..•••••••••.•.••.••••.•.. ····••·•···••··•·••·••••···
100
100
Lack
of experience ..................•••.............••..•.••..•.....
La<!k of g('rwrnl training ____________________________________________ _
17
5
8
3
3
1
1
1
4
2
Lack of srx•cinliwd training ........................................•
Insutficit1nt education _____ . ______________ . _________________________ _
2
2
1
1
1
Tooyoun~ •---··········-··-··-·-·········---······················
Lru·k of union membership ..........•...............................
J>hysiral dt>fr•cts ______ • _______________________________ ---------------
L:,ck of "pull" _______________ .. _.----------------------------------Racial or rdigious discrimination_._ ....... __ ........•..••...•••••.•
Othn ___ ._._ .........•.................................••..••.••...
No specie.I difficulty ..........................••............•••••...
•
3
67
•
•
.
1
I
15
90
I
1
I
3
65
• Less than 0.5 percent.
Furthennore, when they got jobs, they were limited chiefly to unskilled laboring and domestic and personal service. Since experience
and education are not likely to be major factors in getting unskilled
jobs, few Negroes reported these difficulties in securing employment.
The small proportion of Negroes reporting special difficulties must
be due largely to the fact that they compared their position with that
of members of their own race rather than with that of youth as a whole.
Only because they took for granted the great likelihood of unemployment or of employment restricted pretty largely to a few low-paid
occupations, did they feel that they were subject to no particular
racial discrimination in securing jobs.
The situation among Chinese and Japanese youth was quite
different from that among Negro youth. Oriental youth had a wider
variety of occupations open to them and were more likely to compare
their situation with that of white youth. As a result, they were
keenly aware of racial discrimination in getting jobs.
Special Difficulties According to Education
Within certain broad limits education and experience are interchangeable qualifications for employment. That is to say, a youth
who has received good preparation in school for his line of work needs
less in the way of experience when he applies for a job than a youth
not so well educated. Likewise, a youth with less education may
qualify for a job on the basis of thorough experience. From the
findings of table 92, however, it appPars that a good education
(particularly through the college lPvel) decidedly reduces the difficulties
of young people in spcuring employment.
Only one-fifth of the collPgc graduates, as compared with one-third
of the high-school and grodt>-school graduates, reported sppcial
difficulties in obtaining jobs. The principal advantage of the college
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YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES • 129
Table 9.2.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Education
Years of education compl!'tcd
Special difficulty la securing employment
I
8
I
IHl
i
12
13--15
1
80d
I II\more
Ptrum di,tribution
Total .. --------------------------------------------------~~
L&ck of
.... _..__······-------------------------------Lack
of experieaoo
gem•rsl training
... _________________________________ _
Lack of specialiwd tr..ining ___________________________________ _
Too young. ________ . .. ___ . ____________________________________ _
Iasullicieat education ......... _______________________________ ..
~~~;i~~;-s,~~;~:::::: -::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Lack oforunion
nwml~•rship
-·- _·····--·--·-·------------------Uacial
religious
discriu1ination
_____________________________ _
Other._._. __ . __________ .... _..... ____________________________ .
Jl.o special difficulty ....... _. __ . ___ ...... ___ ... __ . __________ .. .
14
~1~1~
10
14
3
3
2
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
3
3
71
67
3
74
5
13
3
3
2
3
.
. .
.
4
1
3
1
1
2
2
67
10
1
2
I
•
•
•
1
1
4
80
•Less than 0.5 pcroont.
graduates was that they needed to depend less heavily upon experience
to be selected for jobs.
There was one exception to the generalization that further rducation
reduces youth's difficulties in getting jobs. Youth who graduated
from high school were more likely to report special difficultics in
securing jobs than youth who had attended but not completed high
school. The principal special difficulty of the high-school graduates
was lack of experience. Nearly on·e-fifth (19 percent) of the highschool graduates reported inexperience as a special difficulty-a
higher proportion than for any other educational group, and nearly
double the proportion for coll<,ge graduates (10 percent).
The other group reporting a high proportion of special difficulties
was the grade-school graduates. Their problem was not only inexperience but also inadequate education. A higher-than-average
proportion of grade-school graduates reported a lack of general training, insufficient education, or that they were too young.
Special Difficulties According to Reaeon Left School
In earlier sections of this report some of the ways in which youth's
educational backgrounds affect their subsequent activities in the
labor market were pointed out. Another interesting aspect of this
relationship is given by a comparison of youth's special difficulties
in securing employment with their reasons for first leaving school.
Youth who left school for financial reasons or because of illness or
physical disabilities were the ones who faced the most compelling kinds
of handicaps in continuing their educations. These handicaps carriPd
over into their labor-market experiences, for 35 percent. of thrsc youth
(a higher proportion than in any other group leaving school) reported
special difficulties in securing employment.
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130 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Taflle 93.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Reason Left School
Rea.,on llrst left l!Chool
Special difficulty in oecurlng employment
Finan•
c!al
r~
towork
Node•ire ror
further
educa•
I.ion
J)is•
liked
school
Illness or
physical
dl•a-
Mar•
riage
Other
billty
Perr:nu dutrllmtlot1
Total .••.•••.•••.•••••••••.•.••••..
Lack or experience ...•.•••.•.•...••••••..
Lark oriteneral trninlnit ..............•...
Lack of speciali1c<I tralnlnit ...•....•.•...
Insufficient educaLion ..•.....•••.•.•••...
Too young ................••••.•••.•••...
Lack or union membership .••....••••....
Physical defects ....•••..•••.....•.••.•.•.
T,ack or "pill!" ........................ .
Racial or rellgioua dillcrlmlnallon ........ .
Other ................................... .
No spechll difficulty ..................... .
100
100
100
4
4
2
l
2
3
2
l
l
l
1
l
100
100
100
2
3
2
2
l
1
II
l
2
100
--- - ----H
---18
12
16
13
16
10
2
I
l
2
2
. .•
l
I
2
65
l
3
711
3
2
2
2
. .
2
73
l
l
•
70
•
4
116
3
l
l
l
•
3
78
2
I
2
l
l
l
l
l
3
n
•Less than 0.5 Jl<•rc,,ot.
Those leaving school because they could not afford to continue
were not only especially handicapped by lack of experience when they
sought work but also were handicapped somewhat more than other
youth by lack of general or specialized training. Adequate student
aid and work programs can be of matC'rial aid in assisting youth to
continue their education and gain work experience.
As for those youth who left school because of illness or physical
disabilities, 6 percent reported that physical defects also constituted
major barriers to securing employment. It is encouraging to note
that such a small proportion were thus handicapped in securing
employnwnt. Nevertheless young people who were physically handicapped both in school and in the labor market clearly need special
guidance and trnining to enable them to make a living.
The proportion of youth reporting special difficulties was lowest
among those who first left school because of marriage or because they
prefC'rred to work. Of the youth who left school to get married, most
were girls. Some of these girls were under considerable economic
pressure to enter or reenter the labor market, but others wanted jobs
because they wished to raise their standard of living or disliked being
homemakers on a full-time basis. Since many girls in the latter
groups had considerable "waiting power" in seeking work, they were
less likely to report special diflicultics in obtaining employment.
In regard to youth who left school because they preferred to work,
it may be assumed that this preference was in many cases the result
of definite job opportunities of which they knew. This factor would
reduce the proportion of youth reporting special difficulties in securing
employment.
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YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES• 131
Special Difficulties According to Father's Occupation
The probability that a youth will encounter special difficulties in
securing employment is to some extent affected by his early environmental advantages or disadvantages. This tendency is brought out
in table 94, in which the usual occupation of the youth's father is used
as a rough measure of his social-economic background.
Tobie 94.-Special Difflculties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Usual Occupational
Class of Father
Usual oocupatlonal class of father
Special dlfflculty In !leCUflllJ employment
Perc,,m dutrlbullon
Total_____________________________________
Lack
ot experience._----------------------------
Lack of general training_________________________
Lack ofspeclall,ed training_____________________
Insufficient education .. _________________________
Too young______________________________________
Lack of union membership______________________
Physical defects_________________________________
Lackof"pull"._________________________________
Racial or re Uglow discrimination . .. _____ . _. _.. _
Other___________________________________________
Nospecialdllflculty___________________________
100
100
100
100
100
100
----1---1----1----<----<---
13
14
4
17
3
2
1
1
1
3
3
I
2
l
1
•
2
73
3
•
1
1
l
1
l
l
3
2
. .
74
70
17
18
a
3
2
2
I
1
3
3
2
1
l
I
1
16
4
a2
I
2
•
3
1
•
3
l
I
1
3
68
66
f;T
•Less than 0.5 peroont.
The proportion of youth reporting special· difficulties in securing
employment was lowest for the children of professional persons,
proprietors, managers, and officials; it was highest for the children
of manual workers. The advantages that parents can give their
ehildren in the way of furthering their education, delaying their entrance to the labor market, and assisting them in finding jobs all
eontribute toward easing youth's difficulties in finding employment.
Lack of experience was the principal difficulty faced by youth of all
social-economic levels, and most of the differences in the proportions
of those reporting difficulties were accounted for by this factor.
· Since youth from families higher in the social-economic scale enjoy
generally superior educations, lack of experience is a less serious handieap to them than to those less well educated.
Special Dllflculties According to Employment Status on July 1, 1938
As shown earlier, youth who are unemployed at a given date are
much more likely to have had a considerable amount of past unemployment than those employed at that date. It would be expected
then that currently unemployed youth would report relatively more
special difficulties in obtaining work than those currently employed.
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132 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
About one-half (53 percent) of the youth currently unemployed, as
compared with about one-quarter (27 percent) of those currently
employed, reported special difficulti'es in obtaining jobs. Part of this
difference may be due to the fact that youth who were employed when
interviewed were apt to have forgotten their earlier difficulties, whereas
those who were unemployed were still keenly aware of theirs. A
more important explanation, however, is that the unemployed included
a considerable proportion of youth who had handicaps, such as lack of
education, that put them at a continuing disadvantage in the competition for jobs.
Table 95.-Special Difficulties of Youth in Securing Employment, by Employment Status
on July 1, 1938
Employment status on Iuly
I. 19:!S
Special difficulty in S<'curin~ employment
Employed
IUnemployed
Prrr<nt di~tribu,ion
Total ....•.•..........•...............................................
100
Lnck of exrl!'rience. _........................................................ .
Lack or ~en<'ral training ____________________________ ._. ______ . ______________ _
13
Lack of sJ_)('C'ialized training ___________ . ______ . _____ . ________________________ _
3
2
2
5
I
I
I
4
2
2
Insufficif'nt education._ .. _._ .. ________________________ . __ . ______ . __________ _
Too young_____ _. ________________________________________________________ _
Lnek of union memb,,rsbip ...................•.............................
Physiciil dPft'cts _________ . _____ . ___________________ . _____________________ ... .
Ln,·kof"pu!I" _____________ ...................... . ..................... .
Raeinl or reliJ.!ious discrimination. ________ .. _____________ . . . . _______ . _______ _
Other ...................................................................... .
!\"o special difficulty ........................................................ .
---'C
I
.
2
73
6
2
2
.
I
4
47
I
•Less than 0.5 percent.
Lack of experience was the principal difficulty faced by both groups,
but it was more frequently reported by unemployed youth (27 percent)
than by employed youth (13 percent). Inasmuch as many of the
unemployed were recent entrants to the labor force, it is evident that
inexperience would be their greatest difficulty. The unemployed also
found themselves handicapped by lack of general or specialized
training to a greater extent than did the employed.
It should finally be noted that lack of union membership was mentioned as a special difficulty by 4 percent of the unemployed youth
but only 1 percent of the employed. Relatively more of the youth
who were currently unemployed were candidates for jobs requiring
union membership than was true among youth who were currently
employed. This follows from the fact that manual workers, amonl!
whom union mPmbership is most common, were subject to the greatest
risk of unemployment.
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YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES • 133
PLANS FOR THE FUTURE
Less than a third of the youth felt that they had fac<'d unusual
difficulties in securing employment; a considerable proportion were
readily absorbed into gainful employment, and most of the remainder
were handicapped only by the general scarcity of jobs. If comparatively few youth had special complaints to make about the past, a
large proportion (about four-fifths) had definite aspirations to voice
for the future. What those plans were, and how they differed according to the characteristics of the youth questioned, are the subjects
of this section.
Plan, According to Sex
The "youth probl<'m" is fundamentally economic in nature, and
many of the non-economic problems of youth would be solved or
ameliorated if economic opportunities were adequate. It is not surprising, therefore, that in voicing their plans for the future, most
young people stressed economic objectives.
Table 96.-Youth'• Plan, for the Future, by Sex
Plnns for the future
Total
I
Male
Female
Percent di.tributi011
JOO
Tota!_ _____ ------------------------- . ---------------------- -- .
--Retain or advanc,, In present Job _________________________________ _
22
Continue education .... _____ ·-··--··---·------·· .. --··· ... _______ ...
15
&cure better job .......... _.. _.. ______ ......... ___ . __ ... ___ ··---··.
14
Srcure employment_ ________ ._ .. ________________ .. _______ ··------··.
9
Co!ltinue
bollS(lbold
responsibilities
_________
.
____
··-·---------·
··-·
6
Get n1arried. ______________________________________________________ _
Enter civil service ___________________ ·-··· ..... ·-··. _______________ _
Enter business . ____________________________________________________ _
Other 1md unknown ____________________ . ____ .. ____________________ _
None. __ . ___ .. _.. _____________ . ______ .. ______ . __ . ___ .. _________ . __ ..
I
I
JOO
2.5
19
18
8
4
3
3
5
19
I
5
5
3
16
i
100
19
II
10
JO
12
8
I
I
7
21
That mnny youth felt themselves well established in gainful employment by the time of this study is shown by the fact that the largest
single group (22 percent · of the total) were planning to retain or
advance in their present jobs.
The next largest group of youth with definite plans, consisting of
15 percent of all labor-market entrants, were mainly concerned with
getting a better education. Included in this group were youth who
left school for a semester or more to earn enough to continue their
educations, youth who were taking additional courses while holding
jobs, and youth who after leaving school for good saw the necessity
of acquiring additional specialized training.
Nearly as large as the group planning to continue their educations
was the group planning to secure better jobs (14 percent). These
D1911 zed by
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134 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
were youth who had made some sort of start in gainful employment
but were dissatisfied with their present situations or were ambitious
to secure higher wages, better working conditions, better opportunities for advancement, or work more closely related to their training.
Traditionally the ambition of many youth has been to acquire
enough capita.I to go into business for themselves. Yet only 3 percent of these youth said their major plan for the future was to enter
business. This may indicate either that few youth saw any immediate
prospects of being able to satisfy such an ambition, or that few cherished the ambition. In this connection it is significant that 3 percent
of all labor-market youth also said their main plan for the future was
to get civil service jobs. It is probable that as a result of the depre.ssion more young people have come to prefer jobs in the public
service and fewer have sought self-employment.
The most important difference between the sexes in plans for the
future is that boys were more concerned than girls about getting ahead
in the labor market, while many girls either had already turned to
homemaking as a career or were planning shortly to do so. It is
important to note, however, that more girls were making plans about
jobs than about homemaking. Though an increasing number of girls
would turn to homemaking on a full-time basis as they grew older, at
this early stage of their lives their main problems were like those of the
boys-to get jobs if they were unemployed, or to advance in their work
if they were employed.
Plans Acconlln9 to Education
The amount of education a youth has is one of the important
elements determining the place he can make for himself in the world.
Consequently, the outlook of young people on the future is more or
less colored by the level of schooling they have attained.
Table 97.-Youth's Plans for the Future, by Education
Years of education
Plans for the future
I
8
I
l>-11
12
16and
over
113-16
Ptrctflt diatribulfon
Total. ____ . _____ ------------------------------Retaln or advance In prc8ent Job_____________________
Continue eduration ________ . __________________ _______
&•cure better job____________________________________
Secure rmplovmcnt
. _........ __ . _. _____________ .
Continue household n,·sponsibilities_________________
Oct married. __ .. __ . ___ . ___ . __ ..... __ .. _. _________ .__
Enter civil service___________________________________
Enter business. ___________________________ .__________
Other and unknown _________________________ . ___ .___
None________________________________________________
100
100
100
100
100
23
19
9
23
:ll
81
16
39
10
H
10
8
14
9
1
8
4
10
9
2
3
2
3
6
2
3
3
18
10
7
---1----+---1----1--7
11
7
4
3
7
27
•
4
6
23
01q1 . ,ed by
6
6
Goog Ie
17
17
16
4
1
5
YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES • 135
One of the most interesting points to note is tha:t youth with the
least education were most likely to report no plans for the future,
whereas those with the most education were most likely to report
definite plans. On the face of it, this result indicates merely a lack of
interest in the question among youth with less education. On the
other hand, it is probable the.t these youth were apathetic a.bout the
future because they saw little chance to better their present positions.
Among all youth except those who had attended but not completed college, the most frequently expressed ambition was to retain or
advance in their present jobs. Generally speaking, this ambition signifies that youth were more or less satisfied with their place in the labor
market. It is noteworthy that college graduates were most satisfied
"ith their present jobs, e.nd youth who had attended but not completed high school or college were least satisfied. Many young people
in the latter two groups had failed to secure jobs of high-school or
college level upon which they had counted.
Youth who had left college before getting their degrees most frequently reported plans to continue their educations; nearly two-fifths
(39 percent) expressed this desire. Included in this group were me.ny
youth who had left college with the intention of returning as soon as
they had earned enough to continue. Least anxious to continue their
education were those with only grade-school or incompleted highschool educations; only 7 and 9 percent of these youth, respectively,
mentioned plans for further schooling. However, about one-sixth
(16 percent) of the high-school graduates spoke of continuing their
educations. It is suggestive of the value youth attach to education
that even among college graduates 17 percent felt inadequatelyequipped with e. bachelor's degree.
College graduates were somewhat more likely than other youth to
speak of plans for securing jobs or securing better jobs. Since they
were among the latest entrants to the labor market, some of their
number had not made satisfactory starts in gainful employment by
the time this study was made. College graduates also were the most
articulate about their plans, so that they registered high in the expression of opinions representing both satisfaction and dissatisfaction with
their present situations.
One-tenth of the grade-school graduates said they planned to continue their household responsibilities, but the proportion declined
steadily until it reached zero among the college graduates. This decline was due chiefly to the recency with which the better educated
girls had left school, and the small proportion that were already married. However, the proportion of youth (chiefly girls) who reported
plans for marriage was about the same at all levels of education.
Plans to enter business or the civil service were not associated
closely with amount of education completed. The only difference
0 g t1zed tly
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1 36 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
was a. slight preference for civil-service jobs among high-school
graduates, which probably reflects the fact that most job opportunities in government service are at the clerical level, for which graduation from high-school is the usual educational requirement.
Plans According to Activity on July 1, 1938
Youth's plans for the future were affected more by the situation in
which they found themselves at the time of interview than by anything else. Those who were unemployed were primarily interested in
getting jobs, and those who had jobs were intent upon advancing in
them or were looking about for better jobs.
Table 98.-Youth's Plans for the Future, by Activity on July 1, 1938
Activity on July I, 1938
Employed
Unemployed
Plans ror the future
T 0 tal
I time
Full I time
Part
I
1
Total
SeekI Work
pro- I Ing
In
Howieschool• wile•
= 1 work
Other
nonlabormarket
activity I
P=nt dilCribtdion
Total ...............
Retain or advance hi Pl'lltl•
entJob .................
Continue education .......
Secure better Job ..........
Secure employment . _....
Continue household responsibllltles ..... _......
Get married ..............
Enter civil service ........
Enter business ............
Other and unknown ..•...
None ...............•.....
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
- -- - - -- -- - - -- -- ---12
32
35
1
4
1
4
-6
13
13
18
16
18
15
79
Ill
19
17
32
7
39
3
42
61
13
8
25
1
M
5
-6
-•
6
4
2
2
3
1
.
4
4
6
18
4
4
5
17
3
3
7
20
.
. .
4
2
3
6
21
4
3
3
27
6
2
20
.
1
1
1
4
.
1
4
:Ill
2'
2
10
23
•Les., than 0.5 percent.
1 Jobs
or 30 hours or more per week.
• Jobs or less than 30 hours per week.
• Includes both labor•market entrants and youth who had never entered the labor market.
Within the largest group, that of youth currently employed, plans
for the future differed considerably according to whether youth were
engaged in full-time or part-time work. Those employed full time
were more intent upon retaining or advancing in their present jobs
(35 percent) than upon securing better jobs (17 percent). Among
youth working pa.rt time, however, the largest group said they pl&nned
to secure better jobs (32 percent), and comparatively few (12 percent)
were sufficiently well satisfied with their present jobs to wish to retain
or advance in them. This fact tends to support the statement made
earlier that young workers take part-time jobs primarily because they
cannot obtain better jobs, and not because they prefer part-time jobs.
The unemployed were, of course, desirous for the most part of
obtaining jobs in private industry. Two-fifths of the work-program
ogtiZ"dbyGoogle
YOUTH'S REACTIONS TO EXPERIENCES •
1 37
employees and one-ha.If of the remaining unemployed reported
specifically that their major plan for the future was to get a. regular job.
The proportion hoping to obtain jobs is raised even higher when youth
planning to enter business or the civil service are included with those
reporting only genera.I plans to seek regular jobs. Very nearly the
same proportion of unemployed youth as employed (16 and 13 percent,
respectively) reported plans to continue their educations. These
young workers evidently regarded further education as an aid both
to securing better jobs and to securing any kind of jobs at all.
Youth still in school at the time of interview were more definite
than any other youth about their plans for the future. Four-fifths
said that they were most concerned a.bout continuing their educations.
These were mainly youth who had never left school for regular jobs.
Their course was clear: to finish what they had started. It was mainly
after young people had left school that they became confused or
a.pathetic about their plans.
Most of the housewives planned to continue devoting their time to
household responsibilities. Only 1 in 12 said she intended to enter
or reenter the labor market. Most young women who become
homemakers remain out of the labor market subsequently.
Youth engaged in other non-labor-market activities included those
who were ill, those who were occupied as unpaid family workers,
and all others who were neither employed nor unemployed. That
many of these youth were temporarily inactive workers is shown by
the fact that one-fourth planned to secure employment as soon as
they could. Another one-fifth planned to resume their educations.
Because of the mixed nature of this group, their plans were more varied
than those of any other group of youth.
Plans According to Occupation
It was noted that youth employed full time when the study was
made were concerned principally with advancing in their jobs. Since
the desire to retain or advance in a job is a fairly good indication of
satisfaction in one's progress to date, it is of interest to see how young
workers employed in different occupations compared in this respect.
This comparison as well as youth's other plans for the future according to occupational class is shown in table 99.
At least half of the youth working in the fields usually held to be
at the top of the occupational pyramid-professional persons, proprietors, managers, and officials-thought their best opportunities for
advancement were in their present jobs. Skilled workers and all
clerical workers other than salespersons were the groups next most
likely to report satisfaction with their present jobs. At the other
extreme only 20 percent of the laborers and 16 percent of the domestic
servants wished to retain or advance in their jobs. Youth's own
4~0597°--43--11
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138 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 519.-Youth's Plans for the Future, by Occupational Class of Full-Time Job on
July 1, 1938
Occupational class of lull-time Job on July I, 1938
cl,-:::
Clerical
~-s
c.:
i~-~,!
c
Plans for the future
.....,,.,
,!
..:~ "s"0
-!]
e"i
l:
~
~
.C-e
C. ..
cc:.::
I;., ~ ""
!i ':
"
j
.9
...
30
C
r,.i·~
t)
~
"
.. Q,
<
E-<
E:
t'ce
o-o
~cd
<ll
Unskilled
."".
]
-!
.
co
5
0
"'
"'
.!I
1
~
.!J
:;.
<ll
<ll
~
.
~i
~
.. a
s
e
~~
0
i' "'
E-,
<ll
J
j
Ptrcn&t dlltrlbution
Total_ - _-···--·- ___ Retain or advance In present Joh·--·······-------Continue education _______
Secure better job __________
Get marrlPd ______________
Enter civil service ________
Enter busim'ss .. __________
Other and unknown ______
None _____________________
~1~1~ ~1~1~ ~l~i~i
100
100
JOO
16
:Ill
19
18
26
1
11
11
5
I
50 '
14
22
3
I
2
~
6
M
8
12
1
2
37
12
15
7
4
5
3
4
14
5
17
40
13
13
9
2
1
7
15
-M
6
12
JO
4
I
5
18
39
13
15
6
5
2
4
16
28
15
17
5
41
3
4
8
2
16
8
6
18
11
16
~
33
12
18
5
4
4
6
18
I
17
19
24
3
4
4
i
22
22
5
3
3
8
24
18
reactions to their jobs thus reflect pretty faithfully the advantages and
disadvantages of the different occupations that were apparent in the
earlier discussions of employment stability and wage levels.
Generally speaking, the occupational classes with the largest proportions of youth satisfied with their present jobs were likely to have
the smallest proportions express plans for securing better jobs. One
exception was in the case of youth holding professional jobs. The
relatively high proportion of these youth who said they planned to
secure better jobs (22 percent) may be due in part to the fact that they
were among the most recent entrants to the labor market (having
only recently graduated from college) and therefore had not yet
found the best possible openings for employment.
The proportion of youth stating plans to get married was highest
in the occupations in which girls are most numerous, i. e., in the
clerical, semiskilled, and servant occupations. The withdrawal
of girls to become homemakers means that opportunities for new'
workers are better in these occupations than in occupations having
less turnover.
Salespersons and skilled workers were more likely than other youth
to report plans for entering business. A shift to self-employment is a
fairly natural step for youth in these occupations to take. For
example, a salesman or pa.inter may ply his trade almost equally well
working for himself as for someone else, provided he has the capital
and business ability to make a success of running his own enterprise.
' Og
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Chapter VIII
CONCLUSIONS
THE PURPOSE of this report ~as been to examine the way in which
youth in seven large cities passed through a critical transition period in
their lives-when they left school and started to earn their own
living. The characteristics of that transition process have been considered, as well as the success with which it was accomplished.
The results of the study have implications that are important for
the welfare of both youth and the Nation. Although the economic
problems of young people are bound closely to the general problem of
securing fuller employment, knowledge of where particular blockages
occur in youth's progress toward getting jobs can be of great assistance
in showing how to attack the "youth problem." With more young
workers able to obtain jobs, most of youth's problems, as of postponed marriage or excess leisure time, would be greatly mitigated.
Better chances of employment would also bring greater economic
security to the numerous disadvantaged young members of the labor
force, and so would contribute powerfully to national morale. Also,
the country cannot afford to lose the productive power of young
workers when maximum utilization of the labor force is needed for
national defense. Information concerning youth's transition to
workers permits planning for their more successful absorption into
jobs at a time when the Nation is more than ever concerned about
strengthening both its inner defenses against want and its outer
defenses against aggression.
YOUTH'S POSITION IN THE LABOR MARKET
The preceding examination of youth's activities indicates great
variation in the way youth were absorbed into the labor force and the
success they attained. In general, a relatively small proportion
were either outstandingly successful or outstandingly unsuccessful;
most young workers bad fair, but only fair, success in making their way.
139
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140 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR ~ARKET
More specifically, few youth entered the labor market equipped
with college educations or with only grade-school educations; the
largest group consisted of high-school graduates. Because of the
close relationship between amount of education and age at entering
the labor market, few youth went to work before they were 16 or after
they were 20; most entered the labor market at or near the age of 18.
In respect to unemployment, relatively few yout,h escaped unscathed
during the time they spent in the labor market, and relat.ively few
underwent periods of unemployment lasting a year or longer; a considerable proportion of them went through some unemployment by
the time of this study, but.at any given time unemployment affected
only a minority of youth. Again, when youth obtained jobs, comparatively few worked in the more difficult and responsible occupations, somewhat more worked in the least skilled occupations, and
most worked in the middle-grade occupations. Finally, few youth
had very high or very low earnings, compared with the great number
who had earnings in the middle brackets.
The upshot of all this is that youth's economic position and problems must not be regarded as simple or uniform, but rather as having
many different aspects, some of them extremely difficult. A minority
of youth know definitely wlwre their interests and abilities lie, are
able to pursue their educations to the point needed for their chosc-n
line of work, arc able to secure jobs readily when they enter the labor
market, and then advance quickly. This group certainly is smaller
in a pPriod of dc-prPssion than in one of prosperity, but even in depr<'Ssion such youth make their way fairly readily. Improved economic
conditions would permit them to get better jobs, earn higher wages,
and fee-I more secure, but they have such definite advantages in the
competition of the labor market that thPy are less seriously affected
than most young workers by depressed businPss conditions.
11uch larg<'r in numbers, and harder hit by depression, is the great
middle group of youth. The average young person in this group
docs not go beyond high school, starts to seek work at 17 or 18, qualifies mainly for clerical or semiskilled jobs, earns only moderate wages,
and runs a considerable risk of unemploynwnt.
The most serious aspect of the "youth problem" has to do with a
third group of youth who may definitely be classed as disadvantaged.
The problems of this group are so acute as to overshadow the fact that
a small minority of young people are involved. Overrepresented in
this disadvantaged group are youth from poorer homes and less favored
social-economic classes. They usually are forced to leave school
early and seek work under the twin handicaps of less education and
less maturity. Finding themselves passed by when workers are hired,
they come to think of tlwir problem mainly as one of gl'tting experience in order to compete for jobs under more fav~rable conditions.
D191
ledu,Googlc
CONCLUSIONS• 141
Not only are th<'y hard hit by unemployment, but when they get jobs
it is usually at unskilled levels.
How, then, shull the genC'ral procPss of youth's transition to jobs
be evaluated? It should be observed first that it is easy to fall into
the fallacy of looking upon social and economic phenomPna as white
or black, and not (as should be the case) as lighter or darker shades
of gray. Bdore 1929 it was generally assumt'd that youth's absorption into the labor markc-t was almost automatic and 1wcessitntPd
litth, more social action than the provision of free public schooling.
Yet for many youth there was certainly a darker side of the pictureschooling intl'rntpted by poverty, uninformed choice of vocations,
irrl'gular or blin<l-allPy employnll'nt, and low earnings.
Similarly, after 1929 economic distress was so widespread that the
outlook for youth came to be looked upon as black indeed. Nevertheless, a majority of youth continued to make places for themselves, even though jobs were much harder to get than before the
depression, advancement was slower, and earnings were genl'rally less.
The fairest way to sum up the situation is to say that such hardships as youth faced before the depression were greatly intensified
during the depression. Nearly all youth had greater difficulty in
getting started than was the case earlil'r, and the proportion of those
seriously disadvantaged undoubtedly increased considerably.
The present survey, by dealing comprehensively with the experimces of a cross section of largc-eity youth, gives the whole picture of
their position in the labor market. The survey shows that a majority
of young workers were employed at most points of their time in the
labor market. This result may appear surprising in view of the
recognized seriousness of the unemployment problem during the
depression, but had it been otherwise the depression would have
been a time not of crisis but of complete collapse. The survey also
reveals that some youth were gravely handicapped in gt>tting jobs.
Certain recommmdations for public policy that would assist nearly
all youth apply even more urgPntly in the case of the most disadvantagl'd group.
Before considering recommendations for improving youth's position
in the economy, the pervasive role of the social-economic background
factors in affecting economic opportunity should be considcrt>d at
greater length. To point out the significance of these relationships
is to indicate some of the remedies needed.
THE BACKGROUND FACTORS
Although the change from student to worker is a sharp one for most
youth, it is by no means a complete break with the past. The same
social-economic forces that affect youth's progress at one stage of their
lives usually affect it at others. These underlying forces, though tlH•y
Dgrt1zedbyGoogle
142 ·• URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
operate with varying degrees of strength, react upon one another in
complex fashion, and have a considerable bearing upon how fa.st and
how far young people advance in the labor market.
At the risk of oversimplification, it is instructive to regard the
background factors as interacting in somewhat the following fashion:
The father's occupation and the level of the family's income affect
youth's progress by the bearing they have upon the section of the
city in which the youth is brought up, the amount of schooling he is
able to get, his age at time of entrance to the labor market, and even
the degree of his advancement or retardation in school. The effects
of these background factors are in tum reflected in the ease with
which the youth gets jobs, the amount of unemployment he undergoes, and the occupational and earnings levels he reaches in the
labor market. These limitations upon youth's progress are sharply
intensified by race.
Of course, some youth fail to make the most of the advantages
they have, and some overcome their early disadvantages. The
economic and social environment in which a youth is brought up,
however, usually sets limits to his ability and initiative. A chain of
circumstances reaching back into their early lives to a considerable
extent determines the social-economic level most young people are
able to reach.
The implications of this generalization are far-reaching. We are
too accustomed t-0 thinking that youth make of themselves exactly
what they will. For example, the provision of free public schooling
is generally believed to guarantee equal educational opportunity, and
the rest is thought to be up to youth themselves. However, a youth
whose earnings are needed at home cannot afford to go so far in
school as those from more prosperous homes. Particularly during
the depression, youth from "the other side of the tracks" have found
it harder to compete on a basis of equal educational opportunity with
those from wealthit>r homes. If class lines are not to harden, restric. tions upon the opportunities of these youth must be removed.
NEEDS OF YOUTH
Certain conclusions with respect to what youth's problems are and
what needs to be done about them stand out sharply from the analysis
of their absorption into the labor market. Society's interest in
youth's successful economic adjustment is so great that efforts t-0
promote that adjustment should not be permitted to falter. Continued efforts to meet the needs of youth constructively will pay
dividends not only in the improved economic position of young people,
but also in their devotion to democracy and their ability to participate
effectively in the national defense effort.
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CONCLUSIONS • 143
Econ0111lc Security
By far the most urgent problem facing youth is getting a job
and earning a decent living. The disruption of economic relationships since 1929 has home more heavily upon youth, in terms of incidence of unemployment, than upon any other age group. In all
too many cases the result has been depressed living standards or outright poverty, and frequently personal or social maladjustment as well.
The most direct attack upon youth's economic problems inv::>lves
raising the general level of economic activity. Under conditions of
more nearly full employment young people would be able to afford
further schooling, would encounter fewer obstacles in getting jobs,
and would earn more adequate wages.
It must be remembered, however, that even economic revival,
essential though it is, would leave many problems affecting youth
unsolved. For instance, some youth would still be unable to continue their schooling because of economic pressure at home; some
would be unable to choose vocations intelligently because of lack of
knowl~ge of trends in occupational opportunities, and inability to appraise their own aptitudes. In addition, the most disadvantaged
group, containing many Negro, unskilled, physically handicapped, or
poorly educated youth, would find their economic opportunities only
slightly improved, and would still be more exposed to unemployment
than other youth. It is desirable, therefore, to consider what measures
would contribute toward a solution of the problems that bear most
directly upon the efforts of young people to "get started." What
follows applies to the period of national emergency ahead, but it will
apply with even greater force when the Nation undergoes the difficult
transition to a peacetime economy after the war.
Worlc Prosram• for Youth
During the past decade public emergency employment has proved
to be an effective means of attacking at one and the same time a
number of youth's economic problems. The NYA, CCC, and WPA
have furnished much-needed income to many thousands of youth
unable to get private jobs. The experience gained on these public
work projects has enabled many youth to become better qualified
for private employment. The student work program of the NY A has
made it possible for great numbers of young people to continue
their educations, thus improving their economic chances later in life.
More recently, the emergency work programs have contributed to the
national defense effort by training workers for jobs in defense industries, and by concentrating more and more upon projects related to
the defense effort.
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144 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
In the period of heightened defense activity that lies ahead, public
work programs for youth have a place of continuing importance.
By helping to supply financial assistance and training to needy
· youth, especially those in the younger age groups, such agencies can
help prepare them for their future responsibilities in regular jobs or
military service It seems particularly desirable that the student
work program of the NYA be available to young people of high-school
age. As shown in this study, youth who enter the labor market at
an early age and with less education have the poorest chances of
competing effectively for jobs.
The spread of free public schooling in this country, especially since
about the turn of the century, has opened the gates of educational
opportunity to millions of young people. Nevertheless, even free
schooling involves costs to youth and their families-either of personal
or school expenses that otherwise would not have been incurred, or of
earnings foregone. Thus most boys and girls from poorer homes are
not so well able to continue their educations beyond the grade-school
level as boys and girls from wealthier homes. As shown in this study,
the boys and girls most likely to leave school early are those from
poorer homes. Public work programs can do much to equalize
educational opportunity by assisting financially such youth.
Vocational Guidance
Although youth were not specifically askcd in this study about the
extent or nature of the vocational guidance they received, there arc
indications that many needed such guidance who did not receive it. 1
The most interesting evidence to this effect is that so many boys went
to work in the clerical field, where earnings, particularly in sales work
and the less specialized branches of office work, were relatively low.
Of course, the occupations youth enter are determined more by the
nature of production at any given time than by the kind of training
youth acquire. Nevertheless, it seems that many boys who prepared
for white-collar jobs would have made out better in skilled manual
work in the long run, even allowing for the greater stability of clerical
work. There seems little doubt that many youth prepare themselves for white-collar jobs because of the widespread impression that
such jobs are somehow more respectable or have greater prestige.
It appears that many boys would have preferred to prepare for
skilled manual work rather than clerical work if tlwy had known
such facts as this study shows about the relative earnings of youth
in these two broad occupational fields.
1 Independent evidence indicates that few youth receive vocational guidance.
In the :\laryland youth survey, conducted in 1936, only 23 percent of the youth
studied reported that they had received any vocational guidance from other than
their relatives. (Bell, Howard M., l'outh Tell Their Story, American Council on
Education, Washington, D. C., 1938, p. 74.)
DytizedbyGoogle
CONCLUSIONS • 145
In this line of reasoning there is no intention of suggesting that boys
ought to be encouraged indiscriminately to prepare for jobs as skilled
mechanics, or for jobs in any other field that appears generally prom1smg. It is suggested rather that if a boy's aptitudes and interests
are studied, the opportunities and trends in the important occupations in his community carefully evaluated for his guidance, and the
pros and cons of choosing different occupations pointed out to him,
he will be more likely to make an intelligent choice of a vocation.
Because of the ever-increasing participation of women in paid employment, the same recommendations for vocational counseling apply
in the case of girls.
Other evidence suggesting that many youth made uninformed
choices of vocations is contained in the figures on moves from one
occupation to another, particularly to unrelated occupations. This
does not imply that occupational mobility as such is undesirable, for
it often is the means by which workers improve their status. Even
with adequate vocational guidance, youth would sometimes shift to
different occupations as conditions changed. And many young people
in this study were unable, at first, to find jobs in the fields for which
they had prepared. Nevertheless, the extent of false starts, and the
necessity for subsequent changes in occupation, would undoubtedly
have been less if youth had been better informed about where their
best chances lay.
Vocational guidance is not a cure-all. It cannot create jobs where
they do not exist. Nevertheless, jobs sometimes go unfilled because
properly trained workers are not available to fill them. The program
for youth should certainly include a strengthening of guidance programs in schools where they now exist, and their extension to schools
where they do not now exist. In this way the number of occupational
misfits will be reduced, and much waste motion eliminated. Community surveys on occupational opportunities, surveys on changing
occupational trends in the Nation and the new skills needed by workers
to qualify for jobs, together with research on better means of testing
youth's aptitudes for different kinds of employment are all need<•d to
improve the present underdeveloped system of vocational guidance.
Vocational Tralnln9
The optimum organization of the educational system and the
content of its curricula are still unsettled questions. It must be
recognized, however, that for the great majority of youth the schools
must furnish preparation for making a living as well as for living.
An important means by which such practical instruction may be
given is through vocational training. A detailed analysis of the
experiences of youth trained under the federally aided Smith-Hughes
program of vocational education has been made for youth in four
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146 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
of the cities included in the survey of youth in the labor market. 1
The recommendations of that report are very briefly reviewed at
this point to indicate how vocational training may assist youth in
finding a place in the labor market.
In the first place, it must be recognized that vocational training
cannot create jobs. It can, however, help some youth through the
difficult period of getting started in the labor market by giving them
efficient instruction in fields where jobs do exist. In order that
vocational training programs may operate most effectively, it is desiFable that their enrollees be carefully selected, the standards of instruction be on a high level, and the courses of instruction be integrated
with the needs of the labor market.
The vocational training courses should not be regarded as desirable
mainly for students who are unable to advance in the academic courses.
Instead, vocational training should be recognized to be as important
as nonvocational instruction in the school curriculum, and as a
privilege for those youth to elect who are interested in and likely
to profit by receiving training in specialized skills. Vocational guidance and vocational testing can be valuable adjuncts in selecting those
who will gain most from vocational training.
To achieve maximum effectiveness, vocational training courses
must be of high quality. Skilled teachers and up-to-date equipment
must be provided. The courses of study should be made as complete
as possible, for the most thorough and specific sorts of training appear
to be the most effective.8
A further requirement for successful vocational training is that it
be related to labor-market needs. This means careful planning of
both the kinds of courses to be offered and the number of youth to
be trained in each. To this end, closer and more cooperative relationships are needed between employers, unions, schools, and youthserving public agencies.
The role of the NYA and WPA in promoting vocational education
should also be mentioned. The efforts of these agencies are especially
important at the present time, when the Nation is in need of efficient
workers to produce materials needed for national defense. The
NYA, through its student work program, assists youth to remain
in school and gain further training for jobs. The same agency,
through its out-of-school work program, helps youth gain the practical work experience that improves their chances of obtaining jobs in
private industry. This program now places major emphasis upon
training youth for jobs in defense occupations. The WPA is also
1 Menefee,· Selden C., Vocational Training and Employment of Youth, Monograph No. XXV, Division of Research. Work Projects Administration, Federal
Works Agency, Washington, D. C., 1942.
1 Menefee, op. cit., p. 105.
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CONCLUSIONS• 147
playing an important role in promoting vocational education related
to defense needs through its preemployment and refresher courses and
its in-plant training courses in defense industries.
Public Employment Offices
The advantages of public employment offices in securing a more
effective and rational organization of the labor market have often
been pointed out. Employment agencies of course cannot create jobs
where they do not exist, but they can cut down much of the lost motion
of job seeking and recruitment of labor. Though conditions· have
undoubtedly changed somewhat since youth in this study sought jobs,
it is important to remember that only 4 percent of all jobs these
youth held up to July 1938 were obtained through public and private
employment agencies combined. It is therefore not amiss to point
out that the necessity of acquainting employers and workers with the
services of the public employment offices is a. continuing one.
A noteworthy development in the operation of public employment
offices has been the introduction of" junior divisions," ' which have to
do with the placement of youth who have little or no employment
experience. Considerable improvement could undoubtedly be made
in helping youth adjust to jobs if the placement functions of the employment offices and the vocational guide.nee functions of the schools
were better coordinated. Placement should be viewed as the logical
next step e.f ter vocational guidance and instruction. The schools,
guided by information on occupational trends and skill requirements
furnished by the public employment offices, should consider it one of
their important responsibilities to give youth adequate vocational
guidance. Then when boys and girls leave school they should be
ref erred to the employment office for assistance in getting jobs. It, is
important e.t this stage that the schools furnish to the junior divisions
of the employment eervice full information on the youth's educational
background, the results of vocational aptitude tests, etc., in order that
classification of young job seekers may ·be expedited. The employment service, having the best information available both on job
opportunities in the community and on the characteristics of the
young people seeking jobs, can then concentrate effectively on placement.6
THE OUTLOOK FOR YOUTH
Though the "youth problem" came dramatically to the fore during
the thirties, it was not a new phenomenon then, and it is not likely
'The Wagner-Peyser Act, under which the present system of Federal-State
Employment Services was established, makes explicit mention of "juniors" as a
group whose needs are to be met.
1 For an excellent critical analysis of the U. S. Emplo~·ment Service as it affects
young workers, see Bell, Howard '.\L, !.latching Youth a11d Jobs, American Council
on Education, Washington, D. C., 1040.
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148 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
now to disappear overnight. Of course, immediate prospects for
youth are affected more by the defense program than by any other
recent development. The withdrawal of several million young men
into the armed forces will greatly relieve the pressure for jobs, and
youth who remain in the civilian labor market will be in greater
demand as workers in defense industries. There are, however, several
important factors which qualify the generally expansive tendencies
in the labor market at the present time.
In the first place, long-term population trends are ·such that the
number of youth will continue to increase until about 1944; this
means increased competition among young workers for jobs. The
greatest expansion of jobs is likely to be in the occupations requiring
specific skills, and if youth are to be absorbed in great numbers into
such jobs there will be great need of specialized training. There will
be difficult problems of transfer from nondefense to defense industries,
and probably a good deal of temporary unemployment resulting from
curtailment of nondefense industries. Many communities will get
little or no net increase in employment as a result of defense activity.
If higher wages in defense industries draw many farm youth to the
cities, urban unemployment may remain high even though employment also rises. Youth from poorer homes will probably still have
difficulty in getting the training they need for jobs, and disadvantaged
minority groups muy still face hiring prejudices.
The upshot of all this is that defense expansion holds the promise
of great amelioration of youth's economic problems, but at the same
time many youth will still face difficulties in completing their training and making a satisfactory adjustment in the labor market. It
should also be remembered that the stimulus of the defense program is
temporary, and afterwards there will be difficult problems of transition
to a peacetime economy. A rounded and adequate program, therefore, to facilitate the transfer of youth from school to satisfactory
jobs is and will continue to be essl'ntial, both to secure youth's full
services in the dl'fense emergency and to prepare for the problems
that are likely to arise afterwards. By helping young people to make
a place for themselves in the Nation's economy, we can at the same
time guarantee thl'ir devotion to democracy and provide them with
tlw opportunities to defend thnt dl'mocracy. This is both the
responsibility and the opportunity of the I\ution.
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APPENDIXES
149
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Appendix A
METHODOLOGY
YouTH INCLUDED in the survey of
youth in the labor market were
chosen at random from eighth-grade graduation lists of both public
and parochial 1 schools in 1929, 1931, and 1933. Graduates at the
January midterm of each of these years 2 and summer-school graduates
were included along with those graduated at the end of the regular
school term.
Eighth-grade graduates were chosen because school records form
a direct and economical means of obtaining a comprehensive sample
of youth, 3 and more than 9 out of 10 urban children complete the
eighth grade. Although it might seem that the exclusion of the 1
youth in 10 who lacks an eighth-grade diploma might seriously
affect the presentation of the youth problem, independent investigation does not bear out this contention.• However, if the study had
1 Graduation lists were not obtained from every parochial school, in some case8
because the records were not available, in others because the number or"graduates
was so small. In Birmingham, for example, the 6 Catholic grade schools
annually graduate a total of less than 100 persons. It is estimated that the
total number of parochial school graduates excluded from the universe was
considerably less than 1,000.
2 The school year in San Francisco ends in May and the midterm ends in
December of the preceding year. San Francisco midterm graduates of December 1928, December 1930, and December 1932 were included as 1929, 1931, and
1933 graduates, respectively.
1 In some cities the interposition of junior high schools between grade schools
and high schools made it necessary to use the less convenient grade-to-grade
promotion records from the eighth grade to the ninth grade, both grades being
within the junior high schools.
• From unpublished data from a survey conducted in 1938 in Denver by the
Bureau of Business and Social Research of the University of Denver. The inclusion or exclusion of youth who had not completed the eighth grade had no significant effect upon the proportion of youth unemployed. The published information from this survey appears in Carmichael, F. L. and Wiedeman, H. C., The
Youth Problem in Denver, University of Denver Reports, Vol. 14, No. 2, Denver,
Colo., July 1938.
151
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152 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
been restricted to high-school gradua.tes, as has been the case in many
surveys of youth, 4 out of 10 youth would have been eliminated
from consideration.
Graduation lists for 1929, 1931, and 1933 were taken because these
graduates were "depression's children,"-youth who entered the
labor market during the depression years-and because in 1938 when
the study was made 6 they were concentrated in the ages 17 through
25 yea.rs, the age bracket usually referred to in discussions of youth.
In connection with this statement, it is not claimed that single ages
taken separately in this survey are fully representative of all youth
of these ages. If the normal age at time of graduating from the eighth
grade is 14 years, the normal age of members of the three classes in
1938 would be 23, 21, and 19 years, respectively. Consequently,
you th in the study who were 17 years of age in 1938 must represent
an advanced group, while youth 25 years of age must represent a.
retarded group. This limitation is not serious in discussing youth
as a whole.
By interviewing grade-school graduates of these years another complication is minimized. Experiences reported for these youth largely
took place within the city in which they had graduated from the
eighth grade five to nine years earlier. Migrants, both into and
away from the city, were excluded except those who had graduated
within the city and left for a time but returned by 1938. Ind<'pendent
investigation again reveals that exclusion of migrants does not seriously affect conclusions about the youth problem.G
When graduation lists were compiled for the seven cities, a total of
almost 91,000 youth were included. Limitations of time and money
would permit study of approximately 40,000 youth. The determination of the number to be studied in each city was based upon a desire
to be able to make equally reliable statements about youth in each of
the seven cities. Statistically, this meant that it was not necessary to
study as high a proportion of youth in the large cities as in the small
cities. Thus, a random sample of only 31 percent of St. Louis youth.
wns studied as against 76 percent of Duluth youth. 7 All Binghamton
6
The date of enumeration was July 1, 1938.
From further unpublished data obtained by the University of Denver survey
(see footnote 4, p. 151.). The inclusion or exclusion of youth who had come to
the city after graduating from the eighth grade elsewhere did not affect the
proportion of youth unemployed.
Questionnaires sent to youth who had left the seven cities in the present survey
reveal practically the same proportion of unemployment as among those who
remained in the cities. See p. 157.
7 See Stock, J. Stevens and Frankel, Lester R., "The Allocation of Samplings
Among Several Strata," The Annal.! of Mathematical Statistics, Vol. X, No. 3,
September 1939, p. 288. This article reports the method followed hy the authors
to determine the sampling ratios for the survey of youth in the labor market.
6
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METHODOLOGY • 15 ~
youth were studied because the indicated proportion was relatively close.
to 100 percent.• In this way 41,000 youth were selected for interview.
Locating youth for interview was a major task confronting the
survey staff. School records, ordinarily, were of great help in locating
either the youth or his parents, who could give his address. In the
5 io 9 years elapsed between the eighth-grade graduation and
the time of interview, however, some youth had made several
changes of address and some girls had changed their last names. And
in one school the only available testimony as to the graduates of the
1929 class was a group picture taken at the graduation exercises. Fortunately, most of these youth could be identified by former teachers.
In addition, city directories, telephone directories, records of the
YMCA, YWCA, YMHA, Catholic youth organizations, community
centers, real-estate offices, public utilities, former classmates, teachers,
and neighbors were resorted to in tracing the youth. Girls not located
under their maiden names were looked up in the marriage license
records. Toward the end of the survey some local newspapers printed
names of youth who had not yet been found, asking them to call the
survey offices.
Despite all these efforts, only 30,075 youth were interviewed.9 About
7,250 had moved from the city permanently or were away at school
for the duration of the study. 10 Another 2,600 youth could not be
located, although it was not established that all of these had left the
city. About 500 W()re deceased and another 100 either were in institutions or were too ill to be interviewed. In spite of several attempts to
interview them, 300 youth were never found at home. Only 100 gave
direct refusals to the interviewers. In all, the youth not interviewed
totaled 10,934.
The question immediately arises as to how the youth not interviewed may have differed from the youth who were interviewed.
Had all youth been interviewed would the conclusions be invalidated,
strengthened, or left unchanged? Would the various conditions confronting youth have appeared accentuated or moderated?
Although this question cannot be answered categorically, certain
characteristics of the not-interviewed group may be compared with
the same characteristics of the interviewed group. The sex, age, race,
and section of city of most not-interviewed youth could be determined from school records. In addition, a simple questionnaire was
mailed to those who had left the seven cities and for whom a forwarding address was obtained. About 1,700 responses were received to.
these questionnaires.
1
See table A at the end of this appendix.
See table B at the end of this appendix.
10 See table C at the end of this appendix.
1
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A comparison of the two groups indicates that youth not interviewed did differ noticeably in some respects from interviewed youth.
At the same time, the comparison gives some reassurance that conclusions drawn about the youth problem from the interviewed group
vary only in slight degree from conclusions which would be drawn
from facts known about the two groups together.
An average of 73 of each 100 youth chosen for study were interviewed. One of the most important variations in the proportions
interviewed is seen in a comparison of the three class years:
Ptrc,..t of
romh
Clau of eighth-grade graduation:
int,n·iticttl
1929 ______________________________________________________ _
69
1931 ______________________________________________________ _
74
1933 ______________________________________________________ _
78
As would be expected, the longer the time C'lo,psed since eighthgrade graduation the smaller was the proportion interviewed. :More
1929 than 1931 graduates and more 1931 than 1933 graduates had
left the city, were deceased, or could not be traced. The net result
is that the not-interviewed group were on the average about a half
year older (22 years) than the interviewed group (21½ years) on
July 1, 1938.
In citiC's where the race factor is important a higher proportion
of whites than of Negroes or orientals was interviewed. For example,
in Birmingham 73 out of each 100 white youth were interviewed as
against only 66 of each 100 Negro youth, and in San Francisco 76
of each 100 white youth were interviewed as against 70 of each 100
oriental youth. It was much more difficult to trace the Negro
youth, while a very high proportion of the oriental youth had moved
from the city.
City variations in the proportion interviewed were marked:
Percnit of
City:
1n1~:'.'~tt1
Binghamton, N'. y___________________________________________
77
Birmingham, Ala____________________________________________
71
Denver, Colo_______________________________________________
69
Duluth, l\Iinn___ __ __ ____ __ ___ ___ ___ __ __ ___ ___ __ __ ___ ________
74
St. Louis, l\fo_ _ __ ___ _____ ____ __ __ ____ ___ ___ ___ ___ ______ ____ _
78
San Francisco, Calif__ _ _____ _____ ___ ___ ___ ____________ ___ __ __
75
Seattle, Wash_______________________________________________
70
In the largC'st and smallest cities, St. Louis and Binghamton, respectively, the highest percentages of interviews were secured. The smallest
percentages of interviews were made in Denver and Seattle. More
youth had left Denver than any of the other cities, while in Seattle
the proportions who had left t.he city and who could not be traced
were both high.
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METHODOLOGY • 155
For the three classes combined, a slightly higher proportion of
females were interviewed than of males.
Ptrct'TII of
rout/I
Sex and eighth-grade clmses:
lnttrvi<Wtd
Male graduates of 1929______________________________________ _
70
Female graduates of 1929 ____________________________________ _
68
l\fale graduates of 1931_ ___________________ - -- - - -- - - - - - -- -- -- 72
Female graduates of 1931_ _________________________ -- -- -- - ___ _
75
f,.fale graduates of 1933 ____________ ------ __ - - -- -- -- ---- - -- --- 76
Female graduates of 1933 ________________________________ - _ - __
79
Among the graduates of each of the three years the proportion of
females who could not be traced was larger, however, than the proportion of males. A most important fact.or in the comparative
difficulty in tracing young women was that many of them had married
and changed their names. Although the marriage license records in
the seven cities were exhaustively searched, the records in near-by
towns were not examined. Consequently, the proportion of married
women is probably understated in the report. In each graduating
class there were more boys than girls who could not be interviewed
because they were attending school outside the city.
Youth from sections of the city having high rental values were
interviewed in lower proportion than those from sections having
medium or low rental values:
Perre11t of
vo1,th
Section of city (rental areas):
inltrt:fru·td
Low ______________________________________________________ _
75
Medium ___________________________________________________ _
75
High ______________________________________________________ _
70
The proportions of youth who had left tl}e city and who were away at
school were greatest in the high rrntal areas.
From these comparisons it is difficult to judge the effect of underenumeration upon the survey results. Taking the known proportions
of unemployment among the various groups of interviewed youth as
representing the seriousness of the youth problem in those groups, it
may be seen that the higher loss of 1929 graduates, older youth1 males,
orientals, and youth from high rental areas would tend to increase the
figures for unemployment, while the high loss of Negroes would reduce
them.
As a further test of the possibility of bias in the results, a simple
post-card questionnaire was mailed to almost 5,000 youth who had
moved from the 7 cities. This number did not include all youth
who had left the cities but only those for whom forwarding addresses
were available. The questions asked were: the date of leaving the
city, the reason for leaving, the activity during the preceding week,
and the last grade completed in school.
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156 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Replies were received from 1,694 youth residing in 44 differentStates and in many foreign countries. Almost half of the replies (48
percent), however, were from youth who were in the same States where
they attended grade school.
PtrU'/11 of 1[11,.rionnaire
r,plit8 po,tmarktd
City in which youth had graduated from the eighth grade:
in tht ,am, Stat,
Binghamton, N. Y ____ __ __ ______ ________________ __ ____ ____ 73
Birmingham, Ala_________________________________________ 36
Denver, Colo_ _ _ _ __ __________ __________________ __________ 38
Duluth, Minn____________________________________________ 50
St. Louis, Mo____________________________________________ 32
San Francisco, Calif_______________________________________ 76
Seattle, Wash____________________________________________ 50
The reasons given for leaving the cities ranged from the prosaic
"moved with family" to the distinctive "indiscretion concerning slot
machines." One young man reported leaving the city to "follow
fiancee," and a young woman left the city because she was "separated
from husband." Only six youth gave reasons that could clearly be
catalogued as wanderlust, the clearest of these being "to see what
was on the other side of the mountain." About 80 boys replied that
they left the city to join the CCC, Anny, Navy, or Marines, but
whether the underlying reason was wanderlust or economic pressure
is not known. Almost a fourth of the reasons for leaving the city
among young women was given in the one all-inclusive word "marriage," but only one young man gave this reason.
By for the most important basic reason for having left the city was
to better economic conditions. Over half of the males and almost
two-fifths of the females reported that they left the city for such
reasons as "To seek work," "Secured better job," "Father transferred,"
"Husband secured job elsewhere," and "Financial reasons." In
addition, the underlying reason for leaving the city must frequently
have been economic in such common responses as "Family moved,"
and "To live with r<:'latives." 11
The majority of 1929 graduates who responded to the questionnaires
had left the seven cities since t\ie autumn of 1935, the majority of 1931
graduates since the spring of 1936, and the majority of 1933 graduates
since the early part of 1937. The relative recency of these movements
probably is not true of all graduates who left the cities. It is much
more likely that the more recent departees were in the majority in
receiving and answering the questionnaire.
As among youth who were interviewed, the majority who replied
to the questionnaires had completed high school, but almost a third
had gone on to college. Over 10 percent of the reasons given for
11
See table D at the end of this appendix.
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METHODOLOGY • 157
leaving the city were "To enter school." It has been noted that the
proportion of youth not interviewed because they were away at school
was greatest among those from high rental areas.
The most important of the questions answered by youth who had
left the city concerned their activities during the preceding weck. 12
For comparison with the interviewed youth these activities are classified in three categories:
Yoo/A r,plying lo
Employment status:
quutionnaire,
Total ___________________________________________ 100
Y011tA
int,rriw•,d
100
Employed _____________________________________________
52
57
'Unemployed___________________________________________
~ot seeking work_______________________________________
13
35
13
30
The proportion of the total who were unemployed is the so.me for
both groups. If the comparison is confined to youth active in the labor
market (employed or unemployed) the proportions unemployed arc
20 percent for those returning questionnaires and 19 percent for
those interviewed.
From the results of the questionnaire study it seems reasonable to
-conclude that, while youth who could not be interviewed were not
precisely comparable to those who were interviewed, their exclusion
lrom the interviewed group did not seriously affect the results of the
survey.
(A facsimile of the schedule used in the youth survey is presented
at the end of this appendix.)
To&le A.-Numberof Youth Graduated From the Eighth Grade in 1929, 1931, and 1933
and Number Selected for Study, by City
OraduaU>s selected for study
Total grad•
City
Percent or
uates
grad•
I totaluatcs
Number
____
7-cily total ___ . _.•...•...•.. _.•............ ____ . _. __ ... _,
' ::~:i~~~~~·. ~ia~·.-.~~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Denv<•r, ('olo _______________________ --- -------- _-- -----------Duluth, Minn ..•.............•. ·-··········•··-·············.St. Louis, l\fo. ____ -·-···········-·········-··················
San Francisco, Calif----------------------------------------Seattle, Wash_····--_-·····-········--·-·-···················_
88,734
----
,
3,4[,5
9, lb9
10, :!75
4,279
26,975
19, 7GB
41,009
3, 4.55
5,419
5,827
3,248
8,293
7,804
6,003
14, G93
I
46. 2
100.0
59. 0
56. 2
75_ 9
30. 7
39.5
47.4
11 The questionnaires were not mailed to the youth until the last three months
of the field work. Consequently, the activity during the week preceding receipt
of the post cards is not strictly comparable with the July 1, 1938, activity of inter'\-:ie~·ed youth.
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158 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 8.-Number of Youth Selected for Study and Number Interviewed, by City
Youth Interviewed
Youth
selected
for study
City
7-clty totnl .....•.•......................•...•..........
Binghamton, N. Y ......................................... .
Blrmlngham,Ala .....•...........•.......................•...
Denver, Colo ........•..•...........•...•.•.•.........•.•.•...
Duluth, Minn ..•.......•.•.•.....•.•...........•.......•.•...
St. Louis, Mo._ .........•........................•.....•...•.
San Franrisco, CAiif .....•.•..........................•.•.•.•.
Seattle, Wash ...........•.••.......................•..•.•.•••.
P.-rcent or
total selected
Number
41,009
30. 075
73.3
3, 4-~5
5,419
5,827
3,248
2,61"'6
3,827
4,019
2,412
6, 4?9
7i. 2
70.6
69.0
74. 3
ii.5
75. 4
69.5
,----
8,293
7,804
5, SIil
003
4,841
6,
Table C.-Number of Youth Not Interviewed, by Reason
Percent or
total
selected
Number of
youth
Reason not Interviewed
Perr<'nt of
total not
Interviewed
Total youth selected for study ........................•...
41,009
100.0
Total not Interviewed ....•.•.•.•.•................•...•...
10,014
26. 7
100.0
Absent from city_ ........•.......•••.........•...............
Away at school. .......•.•.•..........................•...
In CCC ................•...•....•.•...........•.....•...
In enlisted ser\"lces ...•.....•.............................
Mo,•ed from city._ ...•.....•.•.•.....................•...
Not located .•.•.•••••..••••.•.......•.......... . ..........•.•.
Deceased ....••...•.•••..••.•.................................
In institutlolll! .•.•.•••.•.•..............................•..•..
7, 2.11
915
118
389
5, 8211
2,614
480
70
40
286
17. 7
2.3
0.3
0.9
14. 2
6.4
1. 2
0.2
0.1
7
0.2
0.2
66.3
111 ... ··········· ...••........ . ... ·········•······•········•·•·
Three or more cn111'-no lntrr\"lrw .....................•.•.•.•.
Refused informntion.....................
. .........•.•.
Other reasons ...........................................•.•.••
8.3
I.I
3. 6
53.3
:Z:UI
4.4
o. 7
0.4
2. 6
0.11
0.8
o.
99
85
Table D.-Youth's Reasons for Leaving the 7 Cities as Reported on Post-card Questionnaires, by Sex
Reason for lea,·lng city
Total
Total youth reporting:
Kum her..................................................
Percent...................................................
I, 694
Economic rc!\SOns........... ...•.....•...•.•....... .......•.........
To seek work...................................................
To better working conditions.................................. .
Parents' businrss rra..'-omL. _______________________________ •.... .
4~. 2
8. 9
al. 9
Husband's hnsinr~s
JOO. 0
rPBSOD.S. _____________ • ___ • __ •• ____ • _ •.• _ - . --
Other economic reasons.........................................
Indefinite family reasons............................................
Marriage...........................................................
To enkr school.....................................................
Health.. ............................................................
To Join CCC or enlisted services....................................
Wanderlust . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... .. .................. .. . . .•. ...... .. . . ..
Unclassified reasons.................................................
Question unanswered .........................................•..... ,
Dy tized
10. 3
3. 2
Male
100.0
51. 7
38. 8
12. R
28.0
8. 6
2.3
12. 0
10. 6
15. 6
0.1
12.0
2.1
3. 0
4. 7
0. 3
6. I
2.1
850
844
100.0
I. 9
rn. 0
Female
9. 5
0.6
6. f
1.9
llyGoogle
5.1
13.9
12.0
6. 3
1.5
16. 4
23.8
11.2
au
0.1
5.6
2. 2
..
I :
!
!i
•
Wc
j;
t~
i:'
l;
~-
~
.I:
~
i
£
l
!~;.
I
9
-
.
1r:i . I
=~-'
J -' .
I
J
-
"
I
l~
I II
~• . I
.I
J]
,1 ••
!
Ji"
l
!
•
j
i
!
;
"
• -
•
~i
"
- --. . . .
~
~
=:
~
2
I
I
!
!
I
~
~
I
I
I
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r
i
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II
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Google
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METHODOLOGY • 159
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Dg t,z<>d by
D g tized tly
Goos le
Appendix B
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES
161
Ogt1zedbyGoogle
162 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tobie 1.-Activities of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1929 Eighth-Grade Graduating
Class, by Month, January 1, 1929-July 1, 1938, and by Sex
Male
T otal
I
Youtb Others Youth In
In
not S('('k ·
la bor
school Ing work market
1929
tr:t·.::::::::::::::
Ju ne __ ________ ___ __ _
July . . .• • ••• • ••.•• . .
Augu st. . . .•. .. •. . ..
Sep tom ber .• .•. ••• . •
October .....• . ••• .. .
N o\lc.m her __________
Decem t>l'r. . .......
1930
Jam H1ry _________ ___
trlO. O
IIJU. 0
l(IO. 0
IUO. 0
100.0
99. 3
97.1
%.9
116. 8
!IKl. 0
96. 1
88.6
88. 5
AA. 4
Bx. 3
100. 0
11!(1. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
F e hru '1Ty . .. . ... . •..
J\1 11Teh . · · ••••• · • •••
April. . .. . ..... . ....
J\l ny ---- --- --- -- --- ·
Ju no .. . •..•...• ... ..
J u ly .... ... .. .. .. ..
A UJ:! USt . • • ..•.•• • •• .
Scp tumher ... ___ ___
Octob,:r .... ·· · · ·· ··Novum her _____ _____
D ecem ber .. .... . ..
!00. 0
100. 0
100. 0
11!0. 0
l tlO. 0
lllO. O
ltl0. 0
III0. 0
l tXI. 0
1110. 0
100.0
I
I
Year and mon t b
January .....•..• .. .
F ebruary . . . . ..•....
l\'larcb . ... •. . •• . ••. .
Female
~16. 7
88. 0
87. 6
.
0. 3
0.3
0. 3
0. 4
1. 3
Ll
1.0
0. 7
o. 7
0. 8
0.9
8!1. 2
1. 2
1. 3
1. 3
1.6
I. 5
1. 5
M.X
84. 4
!<O. 3
sO. 2
bO. 3
1. 3
1. 3
80. 4
SO. I
I. 4
1. 5
80.0
L6
79. 2
7i. 6
ii. 3
76.1!
i lt ·1
76. 0
71. 3
71. 2
71. 3
i l. s
71. 6
71. 2
1. 6
1. 8
I
I
You th ! House• Ot hers I You t h In
la bor
in
n ot seek •
,
SC'hool w 1, es in g work I mark e t
I
I
Percnit dialribulima
o. 4
86. 8
85. 9
85. fl
Tota l
.
0. 7
2. 5
2. 8
2. 9
3.0
3. 5
10. I
10. 4
10. 6
11. 0
11. 3
11. 0
100. 0
100. 0
Hkl. O
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
99. 6
97. 6
9 7. 0
96. 9
\!I\. 7
96. 3
89. 4
89. 4
89. 4
~9. 3
SS. 9
SIU
0. 1
0. 1
0. 2
0. 2
0. 3
0. 5
0. 5
0. 5
0. 6
0. 6
o. 7
0. I
0. 7
0. 8
0.8
0. 8
0. 9
3. 1
2. 9
2. 5
2. 3
2. 3
2. 2
0.3
1. 6
2. 1
2. 1
2. 3
2. 5
7. 0
7. 2
7. 6
7. 8
8. 2
8. 4
12. 3
12. 8
13. 1
1:1. 6
13. 9
14. 3
IS. I
18. 3
18. 2
I .2
18. 4
18. 4
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
!l)ll. 0
l(M
). 0
l t)().0
100. 0
100.0
l()(J.0
100. 0
88.1
86. 9
66. 8
1-iti. 2
86. 0
8-". 7
8 1. 6
8 1. 6
8 1. 5
~I. l1
81. 3
8 1. 0
0.8
0. 8
0. 7
0. 8
0. 9
0.9
1. 2
I. 2
1.3
1. 4
1. 4
1. 6
2. 4
2. 8
2.9
3.0
2. 9
3. 0
4.0
3. 9
3. 8
3. 4
3. 4
3. 4
8. 7
ll. 5
ll.6
h(), ,1
3. i
4. 2
1~. -~
,,.1
1. 7
1. 9
2. 0
2. 1
2. 3
77. 4
2. 4
72. 2
72.:?
72. 1
72. 4
7'2. 1
il. 7
2. V
2. 9
3. I
3. 3
3. 5
3. 6
71. I
70_3
fi\1. 8
3.8
3. 8
4. 0
4. 3
4. 5
4. 6
5.0
5.1
5. 4
5. 4
5. 6
_., 5
4. 9
7. l
7. 1
7. 0
10. 0
10. 2
10. 4
13. 2
13. 3
13. 4
13. 6
13. 9
14.0
1931
Janu ory _. -······--.
Fe bruary .•. . .•.. . ..
~l amb . ------- ----Af" il --------- ---- l\ oy -- ---------- --J u1u..• ------------ -Jul y ... ---- --- ----A u~ust. .... --- - -- . .
.Se JJtf'mhn .. .• ... • . .
Oct ob<'r ____ ... -- - - ..
~
o\·t• m h er __ __ ______
Deceml,er _______ ___
lllO. 0
11)(1. 0
!IX!. 0
l tkl. lJ
1,~1. 0
ltlO. U
11•1. 0
lllti. 0
lnl 1. 0
tou. o
lllll. 0
J()(),0
100. 0
rn. 2
lt Xl. 0
20. ti
20. 8
HJO. 0
2 1.3 1 lt!O. 0
lt (l, 0
21. ~
ll~l. U
22. 4
Jl~).1)
26. 5
100. 0
26. 6
11)(1. 0
21\. ti
1. 9
1. 8
1. 7
I. 6
2. 2
2. 2
2. 1
2.1
2.2
2. 3
2ti. 1
20. 2
26. 5
JIM). t)
!<MJ. O
IOU. IJ
ill. 3
i ~. !I
4..2
4. 0
4. I
4. 2
5. 7
5. 6
5. 6
5. 1
4. 9
4. 9
14.. 2
14. 6
14. 9
15. 4
15. 4
lG. 0
19. 2
19. 3
19. I
19. 2
19. 5
19. 8
1932
J nnt1•lfy _ _. ... . . .. . •
F t•hr uary . ________ __
) l1lrt'h . .. --- - ·· ... ..
A p ril_ ____ ____ ______
lll ay ........ . ... . .. .
J u n(' __ _____ .. ••. ... .
J ul y . . ...... . .. . .. ..
.\u~u.~t. . .. ... .. . . ..
Ft·J,!t•m hcr . ... . .•. . _
[ tMl. tl
l t~l.0
7(1. 4
,;~- 5
2. ti
11(1.ll
li9. l
27. I
2-S.0
2$. 5
!(MJ. 0
10 0. 11
lt )(l. 0
f.~. I)
fl!,. 2
2. "
2. 5
2. 3
~- 0
2. 4
~'\I.
1on. o
J'\o\ 1·mh~r _________ .
IOU. 0
JIJO. 0
!PO. 0
\!10,0
D N:t: lllhl'r .• .. . .. . .
1(10, 0
O!.:tnl 1t•r
---- --- - -· ·
t\7. 6
l\2. 5
i'1~. 5
f,:!. ,i
,1:i. 1
02. 8
fi:?. G
2. 5
Fe hnwry __ __ ___ __
::\1 L,reh ___ __ _____ ____
Ap ril. .......... . .
J\lay . . .• .• •.•.. . • • •.
J un e ___________ _____
J u ly_ . . . ..•• . _.. . .. .
A u gu ·t_. __ . _____ __
100. 0
Wtl. O
ll !fl. O
too. 11
Jt h·J. 0
11111. 0
11 '1. ,.
(J
l llU. 0
·1 11111.
n
:-:epteml><,r
.. ..... .. OctohC'r __ ___ .. . _____
N on ·rntwr . ... - . . .
ll l'ecmher _. .
..
]00, 0
]fUl , {I
liJil.U
ull.0
M.9
/i-1. 4
h-1 . 0
5:l. 4
.',2. 3
2:-:. r,
:..~ . 5
2.{ ti
~>-\1_ 5
:.>\,,.f
:., i. 2
:1.1 :u
3. 1
2. V
2. H
2. 0
3. G
3.8
3. 7
[ I K l, 0
4. ;1
I
5
lt,U, ll
1110.0
11111. ll
lil(l.0
lt~I. t)
]IXl. (l
(,~i.
34. 0
34. 3
34. 5
H)(l_ l)
1()0_0
lll0.0
C2.S
fi2. 4
62. I
:rn.
'
-11. 3
100.(1
59. 1
r,.i .,
6. 3
fi. 6
jj;t 3
G. 7
53. 0
6. U
1,
34. ·I
a-1. 4
:u. :1
I
I
I
ltJ0.11
It.IQ.fl
41. 9
3. 7
:t tl
3. ·I
f>. 2
5. 5
5.0
4. 1
3. U
HlLl. 0
2R ;')
rn:l3
J at1u:1ry . ----· · -··
100. 0
tiH.0
t1,'-t. 5
f1:!. Ii
ti2. 5
n2. 4
42. ;;
\IJ(J.f_l
43. U
44.3
Jt~J .11
}l\il,0
[II.
{).).~
l ilti. 0
lll ll. 0
I(~l.tl
ltltl. 0
lt~l.fl
100. 0
2 [1 . ti
Jll;.o
t) t}. 5
t;,;_ 2
tiit~. r-i
tlo.9
I
I
S2. 5
2
5. I
.'>.3
5. 5
5. 6
5. 8
7. l
i.3
8. 1
25. 5
25. 2
s. 4
25. 8
2,~. 4
8. 9
9. 2
9. 5
~5. 2
8. 7
(,. 5
6. 5
(,. -1
7. 3
8.8
8. 9
8. 6
s. 5
8. 9
16. 8
ltl. 2
15. 8
H.0
13. 2
12.6
•Less than 0.06 percent.
D g tized tly
Goos le
20. 1
20. 8
20. S
20. S
20. 9
21. 4
25. 4
25. 3
2~.3
25. 2
25.5
25. 7
27. 3
30. 4
31.J
3 1. 5
31.11
32.0
49. .'>
49. 9
50. 3
51. 3
5:?. 2
52. 7
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES• 163
Toltle J.-Activities of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1929 Ei9hth-Grade Graduating
Closs, by Month, January 1, 1929-July 1, 1938, and by Sex--<ontinued
Male
Year ad IDOllth
Total
J'emale
I
Othlln Youthln
Youth not
seek·
In
labor
IICbool Ing work market
Toeal
I I
Otblln Youtbln
Youth HOWie
wives· not!Mk•I labor
In
Ing work I market
IICbool
I
hnnl ~
1.9M
:::::::::::
~':'~
March ..............
tr.::·::::::::::::::
June .....•..........
July ... .... .........
Aa,mst ••• •••••••...
September ..........
October ... ..........
November ..........
~-
December •••••••••.
1lllll6
Janoar:, . ...........
t:~:::::::::::
::::::::::::::
June ................
July ..••••••••••••••
August .••••••••••••
September•••••••••.
October •••••••••••••
November..........
December .. .... ....
18111
Juioary . ········•··
t:~:::::::::::
tr.::·.::::::::::::::
June ................
July ................
Allglll& ••••••••••••.
September....... ; ..
October... ...... ... .
November..........
December ..........
lil37
Janoary . ...........
February ...........
March .. ............
tr.~·.::::::::::::::
Jnne ....•...........
July ....••••••••••••
August .••........•.
September•••••••••.
October .••••••••••••
November ••••••••••
December ..........
111138
January ............
February ...........
March ..............
tr.:·.············.
Jnne ................
July ••••••••••••••..
117.11
71.2
72.0
72. II
73.1
74. l
18.l
(.4
(. 5
4.3
4.2
4.1
4.1
(.4
(. 3
(.0
a. 4
a. 3
1.4
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
17. 11
17.3
17. 0
16. !I
16. 2
15. 4
12.1
12.1
12.0
13.1
13. 6
13. 6
a.1
3. 0
2.11
2.11
2. 6
2. 7
2. 7
2.11
2.8
2. 8
2.11
a.a
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
12.. 7
12.8
12. 8
12. 3
12. I
11. 7
II. 7
11. 6
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
'11. 7
80. 2
80.4
Ill. 7
78.8
78. 4
78. 6
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
21.11
22. 2
21.!I
21.2
20. !I
111.8
78. 8
79. !I
80. 0
80.5
81. 2
82.1
85. 2
85.2
85.1
84.1
83. 7
83. !I
10.11
11.3
11.1
2. 7
2. 4
2. 3
2. 4
2. 4
2. 4
2.4
2. 4
2.0
2.0
LS
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
10. 7
10.8
JO. 7
10.3
IO. I
11. 4
6.0
6.9
6. 8
6. 4
6. 8
6. 7
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
6. 2
:u. 3
23. 7
23. 2
22.8
21.8
16. 4
15. 3
15. 3
17.1
18.
II. 6
6. 5
6. 4
6.1
6. I
6. 7
4.0
13. 2
15.1
10.1
10.!I
10.6
11.0
1L4
11. 7
11. II
12. 2
12. 4
12. 7
12.11
11.2
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
l(. 2
14. 0
13. II
13. 3
13.0
12. 3
10. 3
10.0
11.8
10. 2
IO. I
II.II
11.8
14. 2
1(. 2
14. 11
14.11
15. 2
15.6
15.11
16.11
17. 2
17.6
17. 7
9.1
11. 0
8. II
8.8
8. 4
8. 5
8.8
8. 5
8. 3
7. 5
7. 3
8(.2
84.5
84.8
8S. 4
65.6
85.9
87.11
88.0
88. 1
87. I
86. 7
87. 1
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
18. 2
18. 7
18. II
19.4
19.6
20.1
20.11
21.4
22. 0
22. 2
22. 2
22. I
7.2
11.8
11.8
11.3
Cl. 1
11.3
Cl.II
7.0
6.11
6.11
6. 4
6.0
115.2
114. 8
tit. 7
64.!I
64.11
64.!I
64. 8
64.3
64. 1
100.0
100. 0
11. 4
II. 7
11. !I
II. 7
11. 4
11. 0
7.4
7.3
7.0
7. 4
7.3
7.2
2.1
2.0
2.0
I. 7
I. 7
I. 7
2. 4
2. 4
2. 6
2.1
1.11
2. 2
87.2
87.2
87. 3
88.0
88. 2
88. 9
91.6
Ill. 7
91.6
Ill. 5
111. 3
Ill. 1
100.(J
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
7.1
7.0
7. 0
6.11
6. 7
6. 2
3. 7
3. 5
:Lil
3. 0
2. 8
:l.8
23.0
23.5
23. 7
24.1
24.5
2(.8
2S. 4
25.6
26. I
211. 1
26. 4
26. 7
6. 4
6. 2
6. 4
5. 5
6. 3
6. 6
6.6
6.8
6.11
5. 4
6.1
(. II
114.11
114.3
63.11
63. 5
63.5
113. 4
64. 3
114. l
114.1
65.5
65. 7
66.6
2. 6
2. I
2. 2
2. 2
2. 2
2.1
2. 4
111. 3
Ill. 4
111.4
Ill. 7
Ill. 7
92. 2
113.6
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
2.4
2. 3
2. 3
:l.3
2.1
27.!I
28. 3
28. 8
28.11
29.0
29. I
29.6
(.II
5.0
6. I
(. 7
6.0
6. s
6. 9
M.1
114. 4
63. 8
61.1
63.11
63.5
62.11
aI
l()(t. O
1(. !I
1(. 4
14. 0
15.3
16. 4
I. II
L!I
D1g1tzed by
13.1
12.11
12. 5
12.1
12.1
12. II
12. !I
12.0
10.2
11.4
Q.O
Cl.II
62.8
64.l
Mil
M.3
55.11
56. 4
60.!I
CIO. 8
Ill.II
!11. 8
62.3
112. 7
112.11
62.8
113. 0
113.3
113. 7
114.0
65.3
65.!I
65.3
65.1
65. l
65.6
&1.6
65. 1
65. 7
Google
164 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 2.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1929 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1929-January 1, 1938, and by Sex
Y1 •nr and m outh
I'o rrnt di., tril,11tion
1\12()
Jam111 ry
F,•L ru nn ·
'.\I or cl 1 ·
F lfl. 0
A pril
- -- • · - ·
'\l ay ......••.• ..
Ju n•·
Jul\·
1110 0
10( 1 0
1rn1 !t
1nn o
AuCu:-1
l1Hi . 1
Z:: 1._• p ti•mh, ·r
D,·ecm h ·r
I
1( )1). 11
! lff l. O
!l)i.fl
n
10(1. 0
l •~l. !I
1,,0. !I
100_ 1,
Apr il
!\ltw
Ju n~·
Jul\·
..
~ 1-p1,·111 her
--- --
..• .. •••
O ct (, l ·r
~ O \ "P l !li>1 ' T
l >t '(,.'\.•tl\ lM' f
ll r,
I :l . ·1
1:1. 1
l'.l l
! l~l. (I
19. 7
Jon ii
10n o
11 ->
Ji ~1. I I
20. 6
IS. ti
lfi.3
I .I. 7
Wn. o
I I. fl
lt .l( J. [)
11. ~
Jon n
12 n
12. 2
!On II
rnn
29.0
31. "
H .7
36. 3
2KS
21. I
20. 7
19. 7
1011. n
JljO , ll
1110_
F,· lin 1rin·
~ larrlt ·
A ll ~ l! :-, 1
tno. n
100.- n
100. n
1~1:m
J HntJ 11n·
46. Z
M!. ?
48. 4
3S.9
11111. 0
lllfl . O
I II' /)
lf )II O I
O ct •lhc·r
N<1 \·1•11 1l ,.-r
too n
! ()i i.fl
10.1, II
1 u1. n
11 ~1. ll
lnil. O
11
tnn ll
1.1. 4
u,n_n
21. T
15- 7
1~- 1
IS. I
16. 9
16-9
1()11 It
I I fl
101 1.0
J()• J ii
1•) •')
ton ti
11 11 ll
1•) •)
}Of t_ O
1,1n. 11
JOO. I]
111a 1
Jarn 1:~r.,
F ,, h r1 w r y ___ __ _.
'\l orl'i1
.\ pr fl
·-- · .. ••.
'\ lay
Jurn·
July
__ _
Jn{ I !J
11~1.ll
100. 0
l'l\l ll
!O( t n
1011 H
]OIi . 0
lUt1. ll
~
-,I
WO.II I
Joi! . II
Jin. n 1
ATH.'. IJ "";t
B•· p1 ,•ni her
O ct n l-.·r
N o vi•rll h ·r
D N-.•mh,,r
111t,
ii
)!10 (l
l! l!!. O
I)-;
(J. :i
}(In (I
J(ll ) (l
1!132
n
wn.o
111(1.
]!10 ii
wn o
0. I
0. I
) \ 1(1 (I
0. 2
0. 2
0. 2
1110 n
11)1.1 . 0
]r l(J If
I
0. 2
17. [1
1~. 617. 5
17. 3
Ii . 7
1no. n
O. :l
10'1 11
(I
WO U
l!IO. lJ
ll , l
fl I
}!,M l_ 11
l t)I IJ
11111, fl
J1 1111·
\ t h !()
11.
1
1011. 0
fol )'
(I
Oclol.w r
Xo v1·t11hcr
1111 ). 0
ii I
0 . ;\
}(ICI 0
] )(•t"o ' Jli!M •f . • . :
[1 )( 1,(1
0. ;.
l<J(t.
Ja nu nn
F t>b r11 tlr ~ _
]111 1 ()
:\11 ~ !1!:il
:0:P jll P l!ilM• f
'\l 11 rd1
Apr.I
'.\t oy
J U J.H'
Ju lv
.\ u V1L I
~•-pt,·m l 11t· r
t lc-toh, •r
:\ u n·l!llw •r
l >\·t,• 111h11•r
0
o. 2
0. 2
0. 2
l), 2
0 ,,
o. :1
o. ~
0. :1
o. 2
100 !I
] q ll , (I
11 111 (I
1rnI o
\O{l. ( J
!DO . 0
:1
:i
100. 0
l l}( l, (t
0. Z
o. 2
(I
1n. ,r,
11.:1
11. 2
11. :l
(m. 4
}()() II
w. ;
n,;. \1
]()0 . 11
]!111 , !l
]00 . l!
10. 7
JOO II
\ ()11 !I
1(1\,.1. 0
1110. n
JOO ll
H)O , ti
\ flO n
11.1
~I t,
0. 3
6,.1"}. !'1
Hl. 2
0. :1
(it). :\
I ll. I
) ll . 1'1
O.b
fr; , 4
111. :1
11 1. ;
5,,. ·I
o. 4
1I l. ~I
0. 3
tiH. ti
11. l
;_,,"'
111 . ti
Ii i. I
HI U
\( J
ii
ltl. l
}!J. j
16.tl
16. 0
(1. 3
I)
1;. ;;
o. 2
100. n
l[IH 0
F<· brirnry. _.
Ill ;
17. 4
17. 5
If,. 6
Ill. 3
19. 3
l1 Kl. O
).Jare ll
.\ pr il
~I n)
J a n u a r '.\
J'j, 2.
!,. 0
Ill \I
1,l 4
f.;j_ I)
1\4. II
I
0, .~
0. 4
I
I I. I
II I
11 ;
11.0 I
(I
:i
ti, :I
11.:{
0.:1
0. R
See footnotes at end of tullle.
D1g1tzed by
Google
1;. 9
Z'.!. 4
21. 3
19. i
IS. 7
1~- 6
19. 0
20. 7
24 . 0·
22. 8
Z2. 3
:.?2. 2
2 1. ,I
3.1. 4
:10.0
27. 6
24. 9
Z·'- 4
22. i'
SUPPLEMENT ARY TABLES •
165
Tobi. !.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1929 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1929-January 1, 1938, and by Sex-Con.
__e-,----,-----,,---'----;-----,--F-emal
,_ _ _ _ _ _ _M_a_l_c~
Year and month
F.mTotal In pl~ycd pi~;d
.;,
full
labor
part
market time 1 time
1
I Work
proJ!TIUilS I
1
1
I
Work
p~~,:.i
Sreklng1Totnlln
., ..., ......_
pro 1s=klna
·
.;,
In bor pi~;d
p3rt I i,r~ a! work
run
work market
time
:
I
I
time ' ~
P<Tctnt di,tr/1,u!ian
11134
January . ... . ......
February ..... .....
March .. . .. .. ..... .
100.0
tr.~'.·::::::::::::::
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
IIXI. 0
100.0
Januar/~ • . •..... j 100. 0
February . . ........ 100.0
M=h .... . ........ , lJU. 0
l00. 0
A1iril.. .•.•••.•.....
May .....••••••.... 100.U
IIKl. 0
June ......•••......
July ... . ..•••••..... )()(J,0
100, 0
AUJ?USt
&,ptf'mber _. ______ .
HK). 0
HK).0
Ortolwr
No¥rmht:r . . . __ __ _. 100.0
100.0
December .. ....... .
73. 2
73. 3
74. 4
75.8
77. 4
7~. 5
iS. S
78. 9
79. 2
70. i
79. 6
79.0
8.0
8.0
8. I
7. 8
7. 2
6.8
6. 7
6.8
6.~
6. 4
6. 4
6.6
77.8
79. I
80.4
6. 7
6. 2
5. 7
5. 7
5. 4
5. 2
5. 3
5. I
June .............. .
July ....... .•... •.. .
August ....•• ••• •.. .
~ptember .••.. .. ..
October ...........
Nov~mber ...•....
December ..• •... . . II
10'.l.0
HKJ.O
100.0
11)().0
5. 7
5.5
5.2
9.9
66.6
66.1
67. 4
69.0
iO. 7
i2. I
71. 8
i2. 3
72. 9
74. I
74. 2
73.8
100. 0
10. I
10. 0
9. ft
9. 3
9.1
9. 1
8. 6
8. 2
7.6
7.6
8. 0
4. 4
4. I
3. 9
3. -~
4. 0
4. 2
4. 2
4. 4
4. 5
4. 3
4. 5
4. 3
Ul
4.6
4. 4
4. 1
4. 0
4. 0
3. 9
3. 5
4. 0
17.8
18. 3
1;. 4
Ii. 0
15.9
14. 9
15.6
15.1
14. 7
14. 1
13. 8
13. i
100.0
100.0
1()). 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
64. 4
6-1.4
66. 2
6,. 6
68.8
69.8
68. 2
69.5
69. 7
71.3
72. I
72. 2
II. 7
11. 7
11. 4
11. 2
11.0
10. 6
10. 9
11.0
10. 7
10. 3
IO. 2
14. 5
14. 2
13. 2
12. 4
10.8
10. 3
10. 4
10.3
10. 0
JO. 0
JO.,)
10.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
IIXl.0
100. 0
100.0
lllO. 0
IIKl. 0
100.0
71.4
i0.9
72. 4
73. 3
i3.8
IO. I
10. 4
10. 3
74. 4
10.
HO
75. U
i5. 2
76.9
76. 8
77. 7
10. l
JO. 4
10. 2
9. 7
9.9
9. 4
II. 5
10. 6
9. 9
8. i
7. 8
6.9
6.3
5. 8
6.1
II.I
6.6
6.8
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
HXl.0
100.0
1mo
ll~l. 0
ltMI.O
IOO.O
100.0
77.0
76. 7
77. 5
78. 2
79. I
79. 6
i9. 8
81. 2
81. 3
81.8
82.;
83. 2
7. 5
7. 2
6. 2
82.(i
6. i
8.8
100.0
JllO.O
JOO. 0
l!Ml.U
JIM). 0
ltl(J.U
ltKI.O
11)(.1. 0
ltMJ.U
IIXl.0
llkl.O
100. 0
IJ.J
11. 4
10. 9
1()(),0
IOU. 0
82. 4
80. 6
100.0
!11.0
lfKl.0
ltX1.0
IIXJ. 0
100. 0
80.8
79. fi
;u, 2
78. I
I~
January ... . . - . . ....
February . .. . . .....
March ... • ••. • .....
April. .......... - .. ?>lay ...... • ••. .....
June ...... . ... .....
July ........•...... .
Au~u.st
&pt<•mt._;,;:::::::::
Octoh<·r . .. .• . . .. . ..
Novtmb<'r . _. ______
Dc~mbcr ..••... . ..
1937
January
February .. ..•.....
March ......... ....
April.
l\lay .....••••.••••.
June .....•.•.•.•.. .
July .... · •· ········
August . . ... • . •.....
September . .. ......
Octobu .
NovemlX'r . . . _____
Decemb,,r ..•.......
1938
January ....•.• . ...
February ...... ....
March ....• •• •.....
1
.·::::::::::::::
Juno ..••. • .•••.....
July ....•••.........
tl:~
100.0
l(MJ. 0
llKl. 0
IIXl.0
1(1(),0
ltXl. 0
11)(1,
0
l(M).0
l!Ml.0
1,x,.o
IIKI. 0
100. 0
100.0
8 1. 6
~ -4
84. f,
85. 1
ss. 9
85. !I
!16. :1
86.0
85.8
85. 2
4.8
4. 8
4.;
4.8
4. 7
4. 5
JOO. 0
85. ()
1mo
JIKl.0
100.0
1110. 0
100. 0
100. 0
1()0,0
I.Kl. 0
~
11:0. ll
JOO. U
~r,.
87. 9
&i. 5
89. 1
88. 8
88. 6
88. 2
~7. fl
86. X
84. 4
1m.o
JIXI.O
81. !I
80.9
80. 9
100.0
81.4
100. 0
IUO.O
100.0
80.8
80.8
100. IJ
4. 0
4.6
... 7
4. 8
80.Q
4.0
4. I
4. 0
I
4.U
3. 4
3. 3
3. 3
3. 2
3. I
3. 0
2. 7
2. 6
2. 5
2. 4
2. 3
2. 1
4. 0
4. 0
5. 2
2.0
I. 8
1. 5
1.5
I. 4
I. 4
1.6
1.6
5. 4
5.6
5.8
5. 6
5. 8
5. 7
5. fl
2. I
2. 4
2. 8
2. 9
3. 1
3. I
4. 5
4. 5
4. 5
5. 2
4. 8
4. 6
6. 2
6. 4
5. g
6. 4
1.6
I
I
'
10.
2
lfJ 4
JO. 4
JO. 5
I
bl. Ii
~:.?. g
S3 •
SJ. 4
83. 0
82.8
.,
83. 2
s:i. 4
83. 0
83. 5
83. 6
10. 2
0.9
0. 8
0.8
0.8
o. 7
0.6
o. 7
0. i
o. 7
o.~
1.0
1. 0
23.0
23. l
21.6
20. 4
l'-1. 5
10.0
20. 2
18. 8
18.9
li.6
16. 7
16. 0
1. I
1. 0
0.9
1. 1
I.I
1. 1
I.I
I.I
I.I
0.9
I.I
I. 7
17. 4
9. 7
0. 8
9.6
9.4
8.9
8. 5
8. 3
8.0
7.9
1.8
2. 2
2. 4
ll.5
ll. 3
8. 2
;, 8
7.-4.
2."
2.6
2. 7
7.0
7. 1
7. 4
2. 6
2.6
2. 5
2. 3
IU. 4
10. 5
4
7. 3
7. :i
7. t\
7. 5
2. j
'J.'
2. ~
2. 8
2. i
2. ,)
2. 3
2. 4
2. 0
17.;
16. 4
15. 2
14.6
14.1
14. 8
13. 5
13. ,;
12. 5
12. 2
11. 2
JO. 5
9. 7
9.3
9.1
9.1
8.1
~.3
7. 4
6. 9
6. 7
7. 8
7. 7
7. 2
6. 7
7. 0
7.0
7. 7
7.8
i. 1
1.9
7. 2
1.9
7. 5
7. 7
i. 9
7. 5
1.8
1.9
1.9
6. 6
6. 7
7. 6
8. 2
8. 5
8. 6
9. -~
9. 5
9 ..1
2. I
2. 2
2. 2
2. 3
2. 3
2. 4
2. 5
1.n
7. 9
9.0
8.3
8.3
8.6
8.9
9.9
• 30 hours or m ore per week.
• Less than 30 hours per w,•c•k.
• Includes Federal, State, ~nd local emergency work •rellel employment.
1)191
zed by
Goog IC
166 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 3.-Activities of Labor-Market Entranh of the 1931 Eighth-Grade Graduatin!f
Class, by Month, January 1, 1931-July 1, 1938, and by Sex
I~ _
l\lale
IY outh I O t-h c-rs~I-Y ou-th I
in
not s,·c k• in 111 1,or I Total
I school
ing work market
Year and month
Female
1
1
Total I
I
Y~utb -I !Io
use-- 10t h,-rs
. ~.I , -·out-b
m
•·
not S<'ek• in la bor
school " tves ing work market
I'cra:nt di.Jtr ib11tion
1931
J anu nry
.. .. . . . .
F1•br1111ry . __ ______ _
. .. . .... .
M arcil
JIXl.0
lliO. ()
tl:;.1__~:::::: ::: ::::
Ju ne .. .....•...... ..
Jn
ly .. t_
. ....
...__. ....
Au~us
_____
____ ._
S~pte mhc.r_ . _____ . __
Octo lll' r •. . . ... . . ..
No,·<·n1hf•r .. ____.
D e,.,mt"' r ... .. .•
] O(J.tl
](XI. 11
JOO. 0
J I)()
0
lllfl. O
J()(l.0
100. 0
lr(). 0
11 ~1. 0
100. 0
9\l. g
g)\ _ l
9)\, 0
97. 8
97. 6
97. 0
92.0
92. 0
92. 0
91. 9
91. 7
OJ. 4
l o:!2
Jan uar y • . ____ __
F<'hn rnry . _. ____ . ..
M arch . . ..•.. . .... .
April
M ay .. .. ...• . •. . . . . •
Ju nt> ____ ___ __ ____ __ _
J uly . . . ... . ... . .. .
Au ~ust • .•. . .. .. . . •
Octoh•··r ..• •.. • •
NovemlH 'f
• ••
Januar y 1033
___ ___ __
1'"chr 11ary ... . • • . _•.
l\! nrrh
.\pril
___ ______ _.
. .. .... ..•..
:r- tny ..
.... . ...• ..
I
J uly .. .. .. . . ... ... .
Au ~u ·t
S1•11tt·111 br r - - -- -- Ol'tob,·r . -- -- - - -· ·
No n.,,mN· r .. .. . ..
D cc·N1 1hr r . ___ _
)'\~I . ,')
Ml. I
Jf)(I. I]
S,,. 8
8S. 5
1()(). 0
11(1 0
Jllll.0
9i .?
97. I
0. 2
0. 2
00. 4
S9. 4
. 9. 3
0. 2
ltlO. 0
JOO. 0
m1. o
IflO. O
~9. 3
~9. 2
7.0
i . -t
lt XI. 0
100. 0
&S. 7
7. 7
8. i
9. 0
9. 4
mi.o
1.31
I. 4
1. 5
I. 5
J.,I
J. 5
II. 7
111.0
84. 7
2. ]
n .2
R4. 7
84 . 7
84. 9
2. I
2. 1
I. 9
J:i. 2
!:l. 2
1a.
H6
84.1
2. 0
13. 4
20
2. ~
2 6
2. ti
2r,
2..I
11(1. 11
~o. 5
IIWl. 0
Jt l(J. O
79. 9
79. I
11 (1.0
ll lO. 0
i3. 3
73. 2
'i:i. 2
7:i. (i
'i'.i. 2
1110.0
;2 8
2. ;,
2. 4
11~1. 0
1mo
fl. 5
6. 6
6. i
6. (/
R.1. 2
SI. 4
8(1. 9
11,1. fl
(). 2
24
10011
100. 0
m,.o
I
9 1.0
89. 9
11,).1)
11(1. ll
Jum~ . .. - -- ----- · - - -
1034
Janu an· . _. ... .
Fd ,rnarr _______ ___
1't nn:!i • ....• .. . •
Apr il • . .. .... .. . .
1\ ! ~j \' - - - • • • • • • - • - Jun~· .
_____ ...• . •
IOU.0
If(I. 0
ml.II
!(~I. II
lf~I. 0
1(11. 0
l(IO. O
8c.ptc mht•r •. .. __ . . _.
Dccemb<•r . • .
100.0
IOl'I. O
0."
o. i
~9.11
m,.o
o. 7
3. 7
0.8
4.0
4. I
4. 2
0. 9
0. 9
1.0
1.0
0
1m. 11
lllO. 0
101. 0
100. 0
100. 0
LO
I. 2
I. 2
Ji,).O
11 )(\ 0
I. 3
13. 9
!!Mi. II
1110. IJ
1. 6
14. 6
100. 0
)fl. 0
1011. 0
Jl~I. O
I (lll . O
2
I. 3
l.S
1m . o
l.i
I. 7
I. s
I. 9
I.\)
J()tl II
Jll(I. 0
:i. 2
23. 5
24
2:t 0
Jllo n
3. J
2:1
2.
f,
3. 2
2. ti
lfi. ,I
111. V
Ii. fi
IM. 4
I. 9
lfl i.tl
2."
ns
JO()_(I
2. g
24. 3
24. S
)Oil 11
3. I
10(1. ll
3. 3
I
2. 7
4. 2
4. 4
4. 4
5. 3
5. 3
5. 2
4. i
4. 7
4. i
4. 9
5. 2
5. 2
5. I
5. 2
5. 3
6. 6
6. 3
6.1
,"J. i
5. 9
6. 8
71. S
2. 6
ji"Nl.ll
'iO. I
2. f,
}! ,'.1 , 0
'1!1. 5
I m . II
J!Jil. 0
JOO 0
]110. l!
m 1. n
6. 2
fi";.
~
H'U. fl
6. 3
6. 4
8. 2
7. U
!IXl.11
llQ_ i
2. t,
:i.:i
11.L ll
St:pl cmtw r ___ __ __ _
II XI. II
W.11
3. 11
3. (I
~~
\~\-n~. ~r:. ::::::
D(•(:cni bt•r __ . .. ... .
JI,(). ()
61. 4
2.t-.
}111..) ()
l (WJ ti
1011, 0
!IJIJ II
fi,IJ . 8
60. 3
2. 4
tJ
11" 1. n
6 ,,
fi, 2
I OU. !I
no. r,
100.
5. 9
lW.O
f~i"'. fl
mi. ti
Atl J!U., t . ---- ---- - -
0. 6
Jt)().
}110 O
Jiil y ___ __ . •. __ __ _
0. i
3. 5
3. 6
0 2
97. 3
0 5
0. 6
I. 9
0. 6
Oil. 9
V7. ,I
0.1
). 5
I. 6
J. 8
1. 5
J. 4
J. 3
1. 2
1. :i
1. 2 I
I
0.1
1. 0
I.I
1. 0
I.I
1. 4
3. g
3. S
3. 7
1/11.))
1!!0. ll
)I XL 0
0. 4
ll. 4
ll. 4
JOO . II
i.6
7. 0
lUl.0
I IKI. 0
6. 8
6. 6
l.3
1. 4
1. 5
1. 6
2. 0
6. l
6. 3
6. 4
6. 6
f.. 7
6. 9
7. 0
7.8
8. 0
8. 2
8. 2
8. 6
10. 7
10. 7
10. 7
10. 9
11.0
I I.I
II . 3
12.3
12. 5
12.9
13. 3
13. 5
17. 0
17. Z
17. 3
17. !>
17. 5
17. 9
18. 4
19. 0
19. 2
19. 5
19. 6
:no
24. 2
24. 4
24. 6
24.9
2.\3
25. 8
l tll5
J a n unry _ ____ __
F t·linwry __ __ __ ____ _
W(.l.!l
J(\fi_ (l
57. l
1(111 . ll
[,I. 2
a!t fi
H. :J
45. 6
ll~l. II
W. 4
4fj 5
100.0
411. 6
47. 5
• •• . .
I I ~l. I)
Jl)) (l
ll ~I. Ii
48. O
2
2:l. I
2:1.3
411 . ~
il. 0
• .• •• . .
i\1 arl'li • . _______ ____ _
April .. . •. •..•••. •. .
!\I ny _______ __ __ __ __
J11rw ____ _ .
July.. . . . ..
Au ~u st . ..
. ••..• •
Scptrmhn _ ____ _
Or toh1: r
.. . . _.
~0 Yem h1· r . ______ _
I•·
JO(), (J
!Ofl. I!
J/1( 1. ll
Decem r. . . . .. .. 111().1)
• Less than 0.06 percent.
52. ~
z:~.
N.~
23. S
23. 2
il. s
i2. 0
71. 9
iZ. 4
73. I
J(l"l. ll
11.,. 0
) 1111 , (J
}(.CJ.II
11.-.1. 0
56.S
!).1. 7
6. 2
6. 5
f,;J. ()
~-, .1
6. 7
r... s
,II. S
i. I
7. 4
7. 4
9. 0
9.0
8. 9
9.0
Z7. 6
30. 8
31. 3
3l. g
321
m1.11
49. ~
1111\ II
21. 5
2-1 . 2
s. 3
16. 6
50. 6
J(.').(I
R. ,I
16. 0
JIJ().I)
24. 0
J.1.0
)(NI.II
10!1.tl
24. I
23. i
100. 0
23. 3
8. j
9.0
9. 3
9. 3
51. 3
D1g1tzed
by
9. I
12. 3
11.4
10. ;
Google
33. 7
52. 3
M. R
5-'i.6
56. 7
SUPPLEMENT ARY TABLES •
167
Table 3.-Adivities of Labor-Market Entranh of the 1931 Eighth-Grade Graduating
Class, by Month, January 1, 1931-July 1, 1938, and by Sex-Continued
Male
Female
I
Year and month
0th=
Yooth
Total I Yooth
In I not
seek- In
labor
school Ing work market
th
Youth
Total I Yt I Hoo» In~:=- In lahor
school wives Ing work
market
Paunt dlcrlbutlOII
1938
Jan1lU')'
February_ ----------___________
March ______________
ti:::::::::::::::::
JIIJIII ________________
Jul:, - --------------Aucust.- - ---------September
__________
October. __ . _________
Novemb« __________
December __________
1937
JanDU"Y - - ---------.
February.---------March
______________
ti::--------------June ______ ---------.
Jul:, - - --------------
August.-----------September
__________
October. ____________
November __________
December __________
111311
January.----···--··
February.---·--···March
______________
ti::·-------------June
__ . - ---- ------- July ________________
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
22.0
19. 2
18. 7
18. I
17. 7
18. 7
II. 7
II. 7
9. 7
II.ti
12. 0
12. 0
.. 2
8.11
3. 5
3. I
8.0
3. 0
3.5
3.tl
3.3
2.8
:1.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
11.2
10. 4
10. 3
11.5
11.0
8. 7
6. 3
6. 2
6. 4
8.4
8.8
ti. 7
2. 9
2. 8
2. 5
:1.4
2. 3
2. 3
2.4
2. 5
2. 3
2.3
2. 2
:1.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
ti. 2
ti. 7
ti. 3
ti. I
5.9
5. 7
4.5
a. 4
3.1
3.3
3.0
2. 8
2.4
2. 6
:I.ti
73.8
78. 9
77. 8
78. 8
79.3
80.3
88.8
sa. 7
87.0
85.6
85. ti
85. 4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
21.11
19.tl
19.3
18.5
17. 2
15. 5
10. 5
10. I
11.5
10.0
9. 7
11.3
12. 3
12. 5
12. 8
13.2
86.11
87. 2
88. I
88. 7
89.0
112.3
112.3
92. 3
91.3
91.0
90.6
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
8. 7
8.tl
8. 4
8.2
8.0
7.2
4.5
4.3
4.0
4.3
4.3
4.2
13.8
14. 5
14.8
15. I
15. 5
18.0
16. 3
16. 7
18.8
17.4
18.0
18. 3
7.3
ti. II
ti.ti
6.3
8.3
ti.I
7.2
7.3
7. 3
ti. 0
ti.I
6. II
70.2
70.0
70.2
70.4
70.2
70. 7
72.0
71. 7
71.9
72. 3
71.tl
71.6
90.4
90.2
90.4
90.9
111.3
91. 9
92. 9
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
-100.0
100.0
100.0
3.8
3.11
3.11
3. 7
3.4
3.1
2. I
111.0
19.5
19.9
20.2
20.2
20.9
21.tl
11.0
a. 0
6. 8
6. 7
5.8
5.7
ti. 2
n.2
70.tl
70.4
70.4
70.11
70. 3
70.1
sa. 8
10.1
JO. 4
IO.ti
10. 5
10.8
11. 1
11.5
11.11
D191
11.1
11. I
10.5
9.8
9.3
11.4
IO.ti
10. 3
9.8
7.9
7.4
8.8
ed by
M.9
68.9
69.tl
tll.2
tl2. 7
tl4.0
tl7. 4
tl7. 7
68.4
tl9.tl
70. l
70. 7
Google
168 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Table 4.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entranh of the 1931 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1931-July 1, 1938, and by Sex
Ma.le
YPar nnd month
.
J° b
a ,r
nmrk,•t
- - - - - --
Em- 1ploy,·d
Ein -
T t I
10
Female
plo\'ed
!Till
p:lrt
I t ime
, i tlm,::. ,
\\"ork
1)ro--
W ork
pro-
gnm~ 1
gr:ims1
N.'<'kin~
work
1
Prrrt nl di~tri,,utinn
19:11
Janu ~\ry ___ •.
}~Phruarv
t
1 t:J. O
_\ pril.
100, 0
-- ________
- ·· ·· · ·· ·_· ·
J!\I
u r.y_.
:w ____
lOt L tl
Jl"J . IJ
Jnl )'. ______ _
9. ,t
1n. 1
~·
11)1.IJ
.AU CU8 t . __ _ -
m1 . o
~Ppfi• tn) J(' T
] (~,), ()
Octot .. -r
l l~ l.11
tno. o
~o\·1·111hn
lJc-ce rnh,·r __
1(111,0
I{l'. l:?
January
Ft ~t,ri1 ;lry
1;2_; ,
101 ).{)
ion. n
mi. o
~/:,f'_____ _ _ _ _ _,
IH . ~
}(HJ . II
J(l(l , 0
Jn m•
fi3 ()
n:i. -;
ra:t 7
l Oli . 11
1110 . 11
. ~-
t
t
lilO.I)
Morch . -___ . __ · - . •
I
111,1. 11
']
~ ~I
llJ0.11
lOfl . o
100. 0
II I
}( l{l, 11
10. fl
IO 1;
0 .,
11.1
I I. 2
l•lO.O
9. '
111. g
lOO. O
11x1. n
l l)(J II
3;_.
3•. \l
II I
1(10. 0
37. 3
ll1"1. il
Jl•1 II
a,;
l OQ_u
3:, 9
3• l
3(' !J
Jll< i_l)
too. o
(\,fl ll
O <'fo t,- r
100.0
t\-1.'.l
I:! i ,
)l)o ll
Ii~). I)
I~\ . 1
f.: l. 0
12 1
HI!
I I.ti
11~1 0
111n o
i1a~Jun t
July
0
-- ----- ----1 U•O
\(Ml . I]
- - ----- I
12.
HNI.O
]t ill . I)
.\11 ~11.,;t
I IJtl.
•
o
\fll.-1. H I
Jl!l 1. 11
11111. 0
0.
]O,.J. tf
}llill . 11
0. 2
0. 1
1,. :1
2:?. o
::1 2
I
)II •
JOI. If
111. 2
tun.11
~I.
J ammry
zn.
"°'
In. 2
111. 1
; II
ll)l.11
l
~Yi:~ I
:.'!!.\I
___ ____ _
F ebni orv
t1Xl. u
0. I
II_ !
too n
ll. J
lnfl.O
0. I
m,.11
ton. fl
11'10. u
]H(l. (l
1•111. n
i liO II
} ll11, IJ
}1141 . 11
11 )1', Ii
J,1ni•
1'}ll.1 1
Jul y
l! k! q
ltM! . t)
ll !l(l,'1
1011. II
mo. o
,\ 11 i·11s1. _____ _
p;pJ lf,Plllb.-f
\1)(1. 11
Ot tohn __
11 ~ 1. II
X< ► \" 1·1111,. · r
..
mo. I ·
n
I
~t• p r,·rnb,·r
( )ttoL-·r
-
lo. 9
11.l
I
}1 )( 1 Cl
I
fil. 7
,\ . . _ , I
JntJ. H
ll ( t.0
1~\.\I
W rtl. (l
!~\ .,
l 'ih. 7
,~;. 7
•~7. ti
lou
] \11 1. 11
1}1 n
r,,rl, 1
l Oll.0
)l l( J.
o
Jil(J.U
o. 4
0. 3
()_ 4
0. :1
()_t
n. :1
o. ."1
11. t,
o. t
1~- 0
11. ;
11.'
11.,
n ti
0. H
l:!.l
II.I
11. 7
I
ti.1. ;,
\;:,::: I
HJO. o
0. ;",
n. 5
II.I
l 11. ~l
I I. 3
tu 7
Ill. "'
11. 1
Ill. 5
11. 4
t\'2 ,;
IIH ). 0
IIH). O
0. I
11 0
11.:l
Jtll.1 n
1111 1. n
inn. o
J uly
A ll stll:-1
D1•f'-' l lltlt f .
i(kl.O I
!()( 1
··· · · · ··- -·
X tlW•m t,.. ,r
llhl.ll
11•1. 11
I
l '(i.~
~ l :'m ·h
A prtl
I
10(). ll
D t't:f• 111tu·r.
'!\l ny
Junr· .
0. I
wn. 0
llltl. o
]\l:i\'
F , · l ►rnary
2
I
~l t1rd1 . .
April
Jonunry
31. t,
11 .
11 1
}l l ~
Oc·t nh"T ___ ---•
Ki)\t 'rnl .. ·r _
lJ1·c1·rnb, ,r __ _
1!1~ 1
I
(1
S1·p 1.-•mhf·r ••
!Oil 0
}1111) . 11
37. ~
t~:-: l
12. 5
11. 4
I~•- ,J
100. 0
.o
ll)O.il
lt)J:i
~l ard1 ·
A11r il
3t. 7
37. 7
31\ 4
1011, 0
,~ .e.
I~ :,
12 'J
J rm11a.r·v
F 1·hrmiry
s. 8
11 °
fi3. I
JO,)_I)
I
I
W.tl
Ill. 0
11 -~
Ii!', ( I
Xo\·' m l•·r ••• .• ••
I
~! 'i
wn.n
lt!O. fl
n ecem b('.r
\ I :!
1011. It
100. t l
1nn. o
•
5
1n. 1;
9. n
\I,
111
s. 4
0. 4
10. 3
::-·:::::_11
&>pt•·mh..-r •• . •••• • .
~~~L,;·
Ii, ,
t1..:1.1J
l( l(_l,{1
r~t t1
tir ', . 3
;~..,. 2
!l
!m l. (]
11 1. P
1no o
l(Jfl , ()
;1.:i
7~. :t
}!I.I. 0
;1,
lOl t.O
11111. n
~:t ~
I
I ;~; ~ I
I
Ii'..',,.;:
I
,;i. .11
00.5 /
11.,,
l lJ ,
II L
I.I>3
l l.!'1
IL 4
0. -I
ll. t
O.t_i
O. ii
I
0. p
0 9
1. 2
1.:l
LS
See footnotes at end of table.
•
D1gi1
edbyGoogle
?J. \1
?2
~
21 . II
20.;
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES • 169
TafJle 4.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1931 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1931-July 1, 1938, and by Sex-Continued
Male
YNr and month
Em-
Female
Em•
Em•
=·
llllse
Jumary-··········.
::~::::::::::
tr."::::::::::::::::
JUD8 ...............
July················
August .............
September ••••..•••
October ••••••••••••
November ••••••••.
December..........
Em•
Total
ployed Work
Seeking Total ployed ployed Work
pro- Seeking
in labor ployed
J)ro·
In labor
full
gmmat work market
gmmst work
ID8l'ket full
time'
time' t&:•
Pffefflldlllrlbution
80.9
8.4
8. 4
8.1
7. 7
7.0
6. 6
6.3
6. 0
6. 8
6. 6
6.0
4-11
8.8
8.11
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
79.6
80.8
82.6
83. 5
84.8
86.0
86. 3
86. 2
86.8
84-9
83.4
8L6
6.0
4-11
4-11
4-11
6.0
6. 0
4-11
.. 7
.. 7
.. 7
4-9
6.2
roo.o
77.7
711.8
711. 7
76.8
76. 6
711.5
76. 2
6.6
6. 8
6.6
6. II
6.0
6.0
11.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
7Ll
74-2
76.8
78. 7
78. 7
711. II
80.0
80. 7
80.11
70.3
1111. 8
2L3
8. 2
L9
2. 6
8.1
3. 6
3. 6
3. 3
3.1
3. 0
2. II
3.0
2.11
8.1
76.11
75. 7
76. 7
77.9
78. 6
711. 3
79.0
79. 7
80.1
80. 7
80.8
8LO
7.11
8.6
8.4
8. 6
8. 4
8. 2
7.8
7.11
7.8
7.6
7.4
7.2
8.1
3.0
3.0
2. 9
2. 8
2. 6
2. 3
2.0
2.0
2. 2
2.1
2.0
12.1
79.3
78.4
78.6
711.0
78. 3
78. 6
77.11
7.4
7.7
7. 7
7.9
8. 3
7.9
7.6
2.0
2.0
2.1
2.1
2.0
2. 0
2. 0
11.3
16. 2
16. 7
16. 6
13. 3
11. 5
10. 2
10.11
10.2
10.0
10.0
10. 3
10.11
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
1111.11
63. 7
65. 3
67.4
611.1
70. 7
70.11
71.4
74- 2
76. 3
76.6
77. 7
11. 2
10. 7
10.4
10.1
10. l
9. 7
11.1
8. 6
3. 5
8.2
2. 8
2. 5
2. 5
2. 2
2.0
2.0
1.11
2. 2
2. 2
11.11
10.8
11.3
7. 7
6. 5
7.6
7.1
7.6
8. 5
9.6
lLl
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
2.4
2. 6
2. 8
14-4
14-8
14-9
14.3
13.8
13.8
14-0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
6.1
6.1
6. 2
4-8
4- 7
4-6
4-1
4-2
4-2
3.8
9.5
8. 8
8. 6
8. 6
11187
January ............
February ••••.••••.
March .............
ti:::::::::::::::::
June ••..••••.•••...
July•••.•.••........
August ..•••.••.••..
September•••••..••
October •••••••• : •••
November .••.•••••
December•••.•.••••
11138
January ............
February •••••••••.
March .............
t/::······-····--·-
ay •••••••••••.•••
June ...............
Jul:,••••••••..••....
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
3.3
a. 6
3. 7
8.8
8. 8
23-0
21.2
19.0
17.3
16. 3
16.11
16. l
14-1
12. 2
lLII
lLO
12. 7
11.11
10.6
10. 2
II.II
10.1>
10.4
10. l
l>.6
I>. 7
tl..S
lLI>
lLI'>
11.0
1L4
1L6
12.6
t Percent not computed for fewer than 50 C881lS.
• 30 hours or more per week.
• i . - than 30 hours per week.
• Includes Federal, State, and local emergency work•rellef employmen&.
•
D191• zed by
Goog Ie
170 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Ta&fe 5.-Activities of Labor-Market Entranh of the 1933 Eighth-Grade Graduating
Class, by Month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by Sex
F emale
Year anti month
Youth
in
school
Total
Others
not
seeking
work
You th in
la ti,, r
Total
market
I
You t.h II Ilouse
in
wives
school
I
Other.i
I seek
not
ing
I
w ork
Youth In
lnhor
market
Prrant di8tribution
193.1
January .
. ..
J,'eliruary . . . ___ _. _
Mor ch ... . ... •. •. . . .
Apr il. ••.... . ... • ..
l\lay . . .. ........ .. .
June •• . .• . ..... ... . .
J uly .• . ....... ••.• •
Au ~ust. • ... ....••.
!lept om her . ....... .
October .. . . . .. . .. . .
Novem ber _. ____ . . .
December . . ... .. • . .
rn:w
lfl(). 0
IIIO. 0
HIO. O
1( 1()_ 0
I
0, 2
1. 5
1. 6
1. 8
1.9
Pll.8
\JS. 2
118. 2
118. O
07. 8
1,-_i.o
JI~) 0
07. 7
100. 0
0~. 4
l< Kl. 0
11~1. 0
03. 4
ua. 4
0. 3
0. 2
0. 2
0. 3
0. 3
0 .9
0. 8
IIKI. I)
II;!. 2
0, 7
02. 8
02. 6
0. 8
0.11
1110. 0
92. 0
IIO. 8
1.1
1.1
I. 2
l. 2
1. 2
I. 2
1.9
1.8
1.8
I. fl
ICXl. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
2. 0
5. 7
5.8
5. 9
6. 1
6. 4
6. 5
o. 7
I IKI. 0
IUO.O
llJ(I. 0
1()0. 0
l l)(). 0
1((1. 0
Di. 6
97. 4
Vi. 3
97. 1
00. 9
91. 2
YI. 2
01. 2
91.I
I
0. 1
0. I
0. 1
0. 2
0. 4
0. 4
0. 4
0, 5
100.0
\I()_ 7
00. 3
0. 6
0.6
100, 0
HMl. O
89, 7
SS 4
0. 7
1((),0
I.I
1. 2
I. 2
I. 3
1.3
3. 6
:l.6
3. 6
3.5
3.5
3.8
1. 3
1. 3
1.4
1. 5
1. 6
4. 8
4. 8
4. s
4. 9
5. 2
6. 3
I
January . . .. . .... .. !
frh ruary .... . .. • . . I
l'llarc· h .... ..... . . ..
April • . . . . .. . . ... .
l\la y .... .. .• •••. .. .
Juno . • .. •. .. .. .. ..
Jul y . • . .• ..... . .
m l. II
11)(1. 0
,
1
At11.!'ll.S l
I
l'10.0
JIKI. 0
\,~) 6
90, 2
89, 8
!llll 0
89. 2
100 . 0
!00. 0
•• • •••• • • .
Sente.mher •. ___. __.. 1 1,111.0
Ortob<' r . . . . . .. .. . . 11)0. 0
N ovember . ___ _____ _ ! (X) Q
December . .. . . . .. . ll-.i. o
1935
Janusqt _... __ . .. . .
February .. . ... . . .. .
March .. .. .. . . . . .. .
April. .. . . . ... .... . .
;\lay . ....... . . . . . .
June . .. .. .. . . . . ••• ..
July .. ... . .. .. .. • . . •
Au gust .• . . . . .. . . .
September .. . .. . . .
O ctobN
-- -• •·· ·
1\ ovemh('lr . _. ....
December
___ __ __
100.0
m1.o
11111 0
IIKI 0
10(1. 0
IIKI. 0
!l~J. 0
i()(J.0
IOO. 0
IIMI. 0
Hno
1110. 0
•Less than 0.1)6 percent•
•
H H
X4. 8
fi. 9
8. 1
s •)
~-6
9. 0
9. II
1:1. 3
I :!. 4
1.fi
13. 4
13. 5
13. 9
84 . 2
1.8
H.0
sa. 3
1.9
2. 0
2. 0
2. I
14. 8
84 . 8
Xl . 9
84 . -~
81. 2
so. 5
7\1. U
79 . 2
, ~. 0
71. 0
71. ti
il. 7
71. 4
iO. 7
mo
16. 8
17. 5
2. 0
91
I. 4
2.
2. 1
2. 0
2.0
~:8
18.0
I '. 8
Ht~
2ti. 0
~~i. :1
211. :1
I
I
I
:lf>. tl I
I
~:li I
100, 0
sx. (I
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
11111.0
100. 0
100. 0
~i. 7
87. 4
87 0
100.0
100. 0
HIO. O
81. 3
79. 8
1(1().0
78. 7
100. 0
HIO. O
100.0
IIXJ. O
j'S,_ 0
IC(l. 0
11)(), 0
JOO . 0
100. 0
82. 1:J
2. 0
~2. g
S.l. I
8!?. 7
82. 3
79. :l
-;;, 7
i:\ , 0
0. 9
0.9
1.0
1.1
1.2
I. 3
I. 3
1. 4
1. 7
1. 7
1.8
2.0
2. 2
2. 4
2. 5
2. 6
2. i
3. 0
; :1, 0
3. 0
i :\. 0
73. 0
72. !i
71. 0
3. 2
3. 2
3. 4
3, 6
4. 0
4. 4
4. 5
4. 4
4. 4
4. 4
5, g
5. 8
5. 8
5. 3
5. 4
6. 5
5.R
6. I
6. 1
6, 2
6, 4
6. 2
7. 4
7. 3
6.11
fl. 3
6. 1
6. 2
6. 6
6. 3
6. 6
6. 9
7.1
7. 4
9. 9
10. 0
g_g
9. 9
10. 2
10.'
10. 9
11.ll
12. 2
12. fl
13. 0
13. 4
16. 6
16. 7
16. 9
17. 5
18. 0
18. 3
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES •
171
Tal,le 5.-Activities of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1933 Eighth-Grade Graduating
Class, by Month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by Sex-Continued
I
Male
Yeer 1111d month
Total
Youth
In
echool
Othen
not
aeeklng
work
Youth In
labor
market
Female
Total
Youth HOWieIn
IObool wives
Others
not
seeking
work
Youth In
labor
market
.
Pertfffl dWrlbtdia11
1118G
January.----------February-------·-··
March .. -----------·
tr.':··----------·-·
June. _________ . ___ ..
July - - .. ··--------··
Angnat ••. --·------·
September.--.--.--.
October.. ·--·-----·.
November .•.. ---···
o-mber ....•.....
111137
JIIIIU&rT.. --··-···-February.--------··
March-····-----·-··
ti::- ---···-------June.·-···--··--·--·
July_.·-···-----··-Angnat. - ·---------September.------·-·
October·-··------·-·
November·---·-·--·
n-rober
_________ .
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
811.2
67.1
88.8
88.0
84.11
63.11
118.11
118.11
118. II
67.0
118.4
1111. 7
2. 2
2. 4
2. 3
2. 2
2. 0
1.11
2. 7
2. 4
2. 3
2. 0
l. 7
1.8
31.1
31.8
33. l
34.2
40.4
40. 7
40.8
41.0
41.11
42.11
28.8
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
118.11
118.11
87.11
87.0
80.8
IIO. 8
80.4
1111.11
1111. 11
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100,0
100,0
100.0
100.0
113.11
411.11
44. 7
44.2
43. 3
42.1
14.8
14.11
14.3
111.8
15.3
16.0
1.8
2. 7
2. 4
2.1
I.II
I.II
4.8
4.a
4.3
3. 1
2.11
2. 8
44. 3
111.4
112.11
113. 7
114.8
118.0
80.8
81.2
81.4
81.1
81.8
82.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
118.0
IIO. 1
411.4
48.8
48.2
47,4
17.2
18. 7
16.1
18.3
111.3
13.11
7.1
7.4
7,8
8.0
8. 7
11.1
11.4
II.II
10. l
II.II
7.0
8.8
fl. l
6.8
6.8
12. 8
11.11
10. 11
8. 4
8. 4
8.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
13.4
11.2
10.11
II.fl
11.4
8. 6
3.8
3. 6
3.1
2.11
3.1
2. 7
2. 8
3.3
83.0
811. 7
88.fl
87.a
87.11
88.8
112.11
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
11.11
10. l
8. 7
7.8
8.8
6.6
2.1
10.fl
10.11
11.2
11.4
11. fl
12. 2
12.3
11.0
8. 8
8. 4
8.4
8.1
7.11
8. 0
30.11
71.1
1111.8
1111. 0
4.0
3.11
4.1
4.1
4.1
4.3
4.6
6.3
6. 7
II.II
8.0
8.1
8.11
fl. 7
8.8
8.1
8.4
8. 2
II.II
11.9
II. 7
6.8
8.11
8.2
II.II
11.8
II.II
18. 8
31.1
Z.7
21.11
21.11
22.1
22. 7
27.0
27.11
27.8
28. 3
28.11
30.0
ae. 2
37.0
88.0
38. fl
311.4
82.0
82. 7
84.3
flll.11
Sfl.4
88.0
11138
January •• ---- .. ---·
February····--·---March.·----·-----··
~----·--····--···
June .• -•. -- .•.••. --July_·---·········--
DO tized by
118.6
70.4
71. 7
72.4
73. II
74.3
77.6
Google
172 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol,le 6.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1933 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by Sex
Me.le
Year and month
Ferne.le
EmEmTote.I
ployed ployed Work
in
propart
lahor
full
market time• time• grams'
Seekinl(
work
EmEmTote.I
ployed ployed Work
in
proJahor
full
part
market time I time I grams•
Seek-
ing
work
Pereffll diltrlbullon
1933
January
___ _________
-------- _
Fcbmary.
March _____________
tr:::::::::::::::::
lune.
______________
July ________________
Au~ust_ ____________
Beptt•mher _________
Octobcr. ___________
November _________
December __________
1anuary1934
____________
February __________
March _____________
tr:t--------------
June _______________
July ________________
Au~ust. ____________
September _________
October ____________
November _________
December__________
January1935
____________
Fchmary __________
March _____________
1
tfa~ :::::::::::::::
June
_______________
1uly ________________
Aul(USt _____________
September _________
October ____________
November _________
December__________
t
t
t
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
40. 6
43.1
46. 7
48.1
47.1
48.6
51.8
54.7
5,3.9
52. 4
50. 7
21.9
23.1
21.3
21.0
19.6
16. 7
16.5
17.0
18.4
17. 6
18.1
100.0
JOO. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
HXl.0
JOO. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
51. 0
49. 8
52. 3
54.5
55.8
55. 6
55. 5
55.6
55.0
68.6
67. 7
55.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
65.9
65.9
56. 7
68. I
6i. 3
68.8
60. I
60. 7
62.0
62. 4
62. 2
61.4
...1
.
t
t
t
t
..1
..
t
0.8
0.8
1.6
I. 2
I. 5
2. 9
37. 5
33. 8
32. 0
30.9
33. 3
33. 9
30. 9
26. 7
26. 5
28. 5
28.3
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
JOO. 0
JOO. 0
100. 0
100.0
20.8
32. 1
30. 5
29. 7
31.9
39. 4
42.9
46.8
50. 7
50.0
49.1
13. 2
12. 5
13. 6
14. 1
13. 0
8.4
8. 4
7.8
8. 7
7.8
8. 9
0. 5
0.5
66.0
55. 4
55.11
56. 2
55.1
52.2
48. 7
45.4
40.6
41. 7
41.5
18.2
17. 5
16.8
16. 4
15. 0
15. 4
14. 3
13. 9
13. 8
12. 7
12. 0
12. 4
3. 4
4. 4
4.9
3.6
4. 7
5.0
4.3
6.0
6. 7
5.1
6.8
7.3
27.4
28. 3
26.0
25. 5
24. 5
24. 0
25.9
24. 5
25. 5
23. 6
23.5
25.3
100.0
100. 0
JOO. 0
100.0
IUO.O
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100. 0
1 0. 0
46.6
46.5
47. 5
5.1.l
52. 7
54.9
51. 8
51.4
62. 8
55. I
56. 7
65.1
7.6
8. 2
7.9
7.6
7.9
8.3
7. 4
8. 0
7.6
9.3
9.1
10. 2
0. 4
0.4
0. 4
0. 4
0.3
0.3
0. 2
0. 2
o. 2
1.0
o. 9
0. II
45.4
44.9
44.2
38.9
39. l
36.5
.0.6
.0.4
39.4
34.6
33.3
33.8
11.9
12. 1
11. 5
11. 8
10. 6
10. 2
9.1
9. 7
9.8
8.6
8. 9
8.8
7.1
6. 7
6.3
9.4
9. 7
8. 5
8.6
8.6
8.8
9.4
to. l
25.1
24.8
25. 1
23. 8
22. 7
21. 3
22. 3
21.0
19. 6
20. 2
19. 5
19. 7
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
JOO. 0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
54.6
5.1. 5
5,1, 6
55. 2
66. 1
59. 3
55.4
67. 2
68.9
59.3
59. 7
69. 2
11.8
9. 3
9.9
10.1
10. 7
to.0
9.8
10. 0
11.8
11.3
9.9
10. 2
0. g
1. 2
I. 2
l. 3
I. l
l. 1
0. 7
0.8
0.8
1. 2
1. 3
34.7
36. 0
35.3
33.4
32. l
29.6
34.1
32.0
30.5
30. 2
:211.1
28.11
7.2
...
.
L7
See footnotes at end of table.
D1g1 zed by
Google
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES • 173
Tal,le 6.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Entrants of the 1933 Eighth-Grade
Graduating Class, by Month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by Sex--Continued
Mlle
Year and IDODth
111118
Janua:ry••••••••••••
February.····---··
March.·····---·-··
ti:::··::::::::::::
Jnne •• -············
~---····-·····
September•••••••••
October ••.•••••••••
November •••••••.•
December••••••••••
11187
January••.•.•••.••.
t:~~:::::::::
ti::·:::::::::::::
June .•..•••••••••••
Joly .. - ·······--··Aogust .............
September•••••....
October••••••••....
November •••.•....
December••........
11138
Janua:ry..••••••.•. -
February ••••••••••
March •••••.•••••..
e
.~============
Joi:,••••.•••••••••••
Female
~-
Em•
Em•
ployed ployed Work
In
prolabor
full
1P'81118'
market time'
Total
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
61.8
61.0
612
64.3
64.6
66.9
68.6
70. 6
71.0
73.0
71.4
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
es. 7
10. 1
9.3
11.4
70.0
72.9
73.8
76.0
73. 8
7L4
7.6
8.3
8.6
8. 3
7.9
7.11
11.0
9.1
8. 7
7.11
7.9
8.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
66.8
63.8
64.8
66.5
66.9
66. 4
66.ll
&7
11.6
II. 7
11.4
9.11
10.4
10. 4
66. 7
68. ti
72. 7
76. 6
77. 7
tl:Z,
Beek•
Ing
work
Prraim dlltrlbutioia
9.2
9.8
9.1
8.9
8.3
8.8
8.2
8.0
7.6
7.2
7.1
7.6
70.4
Em•
Em•
Beek• Total
ployed ployed Work
In
Ing
prolabor
full
grams I
work market tlmel
18.11
M.tl
20.1
19.3
17. 6
17. 9
16. 2
16. 5
13.6
13. 6
12. 6
14. 3
14.9
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
63.6
M.2
66.1
611. 3
M.4
67.2
68.9
611. 3
611. 7
1111.2
9.8
11.4
ti.ti
10.1
10. 7
10.0
9.8
10. 0
9.8
11.3
11.9
10. 2
0. 9
1. 2
L2
1.3
1.1
1.1
0. 7
0. 8
0. 8
1. 2
1.3
1. 7
M.7
36.0
36.3
a. 4
17.4
:I0.3
17.2
13. ti
12.1
10. 6
18. 4
16. 0
14. 8
H.5
16. 2
17.2
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
64.3
68.3
60. 6
63. ti
63. 6
64.3
61. 7
M.11
68.0
61.0
60. ll
62.1
11.8
11.9
10.1
10.6
10.8
11.2
12.0
12. 1
12. 2
12. 2
12. 9
12.8
3.3
3.1
3. 1
3.1
3.6
3.2
2. 2
2. 0
1. g
2. 3
2. 6
2. 7
22.6
28. 7
26.3
22.8
22. 1
21.3
34.1
30.0
27.9
24. 5
24.0
22. 4
3. 4
3. 4
3.8
.. 2
21.1
100.0
100.0
100. 0
100. 0
100.0
100. 0
100.0
611.1
M.7
66. 2
68. 7
68. 4
68. 4
67.4
11.8
12. 8
12. g
13.1
13. 3
13. 0
12. 7
3. 0
26.1
28.4
27. 6
24. 7
24. 7
24.8
26.1
11.3
9.3
9.1
7. 7
8.0
7.8
7.2
7.2
7.2
6. 7
6. 6
6.1
.. 6
4.1
2.6
3.0
2. 7
2. 6
3.1
3. 2
.. 4
.. 6
.. 6
23. 2
21. 7
20.11
111.8
18. 6
19.ll
63..
3. 1
3. 3
3. 6
3. 6
3.8
3. 8
33.4
32. 1
29.6
34.1
32. 0
30.6
30. 2
29. 1
28. 9
•Less than 0.05 percent.
t Percent not oomputed for fewer than 60-.
1 30 hours or more per week.
• Less than 30 hours per week.
a Includes Federal, State, and local emergency work-relief employment.
D1911 zed by
Goog IC
174 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol,le 7.-Adivities on July 1, 1938, of Youth Who Hod Not Entered the Labor Market,
by Sex
Male
Female
Activity
IP:?9
1931
1933
19'.?ll
1931
1933
class
class
class
class
class
class
-------------------1--- --- --- --- --- --Total youth Interviewed________________________
4,403
4, 1191
6,235
4,777
5. 197
llBd rntrred lBbor mn rkct _____ -----------------------
4. 311
4, 200
4. 210
4,300
4, 43I
Had not entered labor market________________________
1~2
4Dl
1,026
427
4,232
1,500
766
PrreniJ dlltrlbutlon
Youth who bad not entered labor market ______ _
100
100
100
100
In
school. _____
-------------------------------- ______ __
Bous,•w!le.
__________________________________________
81
93
91
Other•-----------------------------------------------
19
13
50
28
1 lncludea
7
9
100
54
Hoo
64
15
21
30
1e
lllneas, unpaid family work, "taking a vacation," "travellns,'' etc.
Tol,le 8.-Averoge Weekly Earnings on First Full-Time Jobs, by Reason Youth First Left
School, and by Sex
Avernirc WN'l<lr rnrnlngo
on first full-tim<• Job
Rca.,on first left school
Female
Male
---------------------------~------ - - - - Total _____ --------------------------------------------------------- ___ .
S15. 40
$12. 70
FloBnrlaL _. ________________________________________________________________ _l====I'====
15. 00
12. 30
No ,k,irn to
forwork
further
edue&tlon
_____________________ -------------------------_
16. 10
13. 30
Pr!'f,•rred
______
. ___ . ________________________________________________
17.10
14. :lJ
Disliked schoul. __ . __________________________________________ . __ ••.•••••. ___ _
15.40
11.00
Jllrwss or physical dlsah!llty ______________________________________ ----------15. 30
II. 70
111 arrl•ge. ______ - ________ . _.. - ___ -- - - -- -- --- -- - -- -- --- - - -- - - - • - - - •. - - - • ----- -
Other __________ . ________ -- -- _. _- ---- ---- -- --- -- --- ------ - ---- -- -- - ---- ------
t
Ul.10
t Average not computed for !ewer than 60 cases.
D g tized by
Google
11. 70
12.00
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES• 175
Tot.le 9.-Year and Month in Which Youth First Entered the Labor Morlcet, by EighthGrade Graduating Class
Year 1111d mon\11
Clas or elahth-cnide
gnduatJon
1928
11111
11131
1928
11183-Contlnued
October .. ....••••••••••••
November•.•..••••••••••
December...•.••••••••••
11128
December.··············
111'8
~~::::::::::::::::
March ..• •.••••• _ •••••••
-f:! ..::::::::::::::::::
laly .......•••.•.••.•..•.
Aagmt ••••••••••••••••••
:.:ber..•••••••••••••
No'l'elllber.••.••.•..•••••
December.............. .
Ital
~-:~·:::.·::.:::::::::
Mardi .................. .
=-··::::::::.:::::::::
lmie .. •.•.•••••••••••.•••
July••••••••••• ••••••••••
=~::::::~::::::::
November .••...•.••••.••
December ..•••.•••••.•••
11111
84
ti:···:::::::.::::::::::
June ••••••••••••••••••..•
laly •....•.•.••...•.••..•
tf:·::::::::::.:::::::::
June ••.•••••••••.•••.•...
July.····················
37
38
August••..•••••••••..•••
September.•••••••••••.••
October •..••.••••••••••••
November.••.•••••.••.••
December••.•....•.•••••
111
611
78
~'::,~·.:::::::::::::::
March ••..••••••••••••••.
~-·:::::::::::::.:::::
JUDe ••••••••••••••••••• ••
83
:114
14
13
34
01
ao
88
31
48
3:11
19
19
6
18
December.............. .
28
32
July •....••••..•••.•.•...
Alll!llSt .••• ••••••• •• •••••
~i:'rber...............
November.••.•••••.•••.•
December.............. .
11133
&°!?:.::·:~: :::::::::
211
29
38
211
21)«
es
88
21
36
82
408
60
66
414
38
3113
23
6ll
6ll
37
37
88
213
•
7ll
173
34
88
61
75
JS&
1,8911
31
34
17
II
65
83
63
'11
Ill
6t
61
22.5
8
10
34
lane ..•.......•.....•...•
Joly ...•.....••........•.
:e=iier.·:::::.:·.::::::
lM
24
21
111
61
49
381
18
110
Ill
87
147
112
tfl
79
79
f«I
44
46
=r~:·:·:·:·:::::::::::
8
21
37
1S
70
73
54
December .............. .
2'l
19
149
:io
12
70
31
IIOII
June .••...•••••••.....•.•
July .•....••••.....••...•
Alllt\lBt .. ·••••••·• ••••• ••
23
24
37
48
28
ts
'13
23
:Ill
113
69
6ll
'IO
00
113
412
t~~·:::::.:·:::.:::::
March ........•••••••.•..
tfe.1····················
18
112
118
10
:M8
89
100
84
39
1111
••
11187
29
26
61
ii
148
136
49
44
67
Ill
15
2'J
18
21
86
tf:~1.. ..................
88
29
29
113
166
June ..•..•••••..•....••••
July ..........•..........
211
38
50
95
1,811
79
~:·:::::::::::.::::::::
76
54
115
23
83
7
~cr::r~:::::::::::::::
November .....••••••.•.•
357
48
189
November .....•••.•..•.•
:io
118
26
36
68
aa
February..•.••••••••••••
March ••....•••••••••••••
11
19
83
34
38
28
42
3411
2llO
80
~=~:::::::::::::::
November •••••• ••••••.•
19M
January ••.••••.•••••••• •
15
23
11132
'11
35
December..•••...•••.•••
118
10
11
12
34
3M
32
114
~-:~:::·.::·.:::::::::
March •......•••••••.....
=···:::::::::.::::::::
l1111e ••••••••••.•...••••.•
88
82
70
July·····················
~
te:iier::::.:·.::::::::
October .....••••••••••••.
November.....•.•••••••.
111118
111116
2'J
32
211
!Wl
a~·.===:=·.=:======:
~~:·:::::::::::::::
'81
23
28
21
60
74
67
127
lllGll
11111W
11
II
83
"
Claa of elshth-gnde
sraduation
Year 1111d IIIIIDth
110
6
H
12
December ....••.•••.••. •
40
34
38
29
:io
170
211
28
41
34
18
111
II
'IT
22
18
7
38
10
111
tfl
26
10
12
8
22
39
124
811
83
118
2,006
144
178
UIS
113
109
l&t
1938
January •.. ·- - •••••••••••
288
February. -•.•.•.••••••••
March •...••••••••••••.••
7
II
26
June ••• ••••••••••••••••• •
16
12
II
31
16'
~-·::::::::::::.::::::
es
268
118
108
72
llO
837
DgtzadbyGoogle
176 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol,le 70.-Age Youth First Entered the Labor Market, by Usual Occupational Class of
Father
U•ual occupational class of father
Age youth ftrst entered the labor market
Profes•
sional
Proprietary, man•
agerial,
Clerical
and
official
Skilled
Semi•
skilled
t:'n•
•killed
--------------- -------- - - - - - - - - · - - - ~ - - - Percent dlltrlmdion
U•OO' : : : ; ; : ::: : : : ::-::: : :
16-17 years................................
18-19 years................................
20 years and over.........................
·~
25
·~
31
·~
33
50
47
50
22
16
12
Average age (years).................
18.9
I ·:
36
45
9
~~I~
·:
7.
17.11
17.9
38
{()
7
38
40
8
Tol,le H.-Education of All Interviewed Youth, by Eighth.Grade Graduating Class
Eighth~de graduating chlS1I
Years of education completed
Total
Total
30,076
1931
1929
9,220
1933
0,888
10, 1167
Ptrctnl di<lrlbullon
Total....................................................
8 ••.•.•••••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••• ••••••••.
9-11............................................................
12..............................................................
13-15...........................................................
16 and more....................................................
100
100
100
100
10
28
46
H
3
13
26
43
10
8
10
28
ff
17
I
-IS
1----1----1----+---
DytizedbyGoogle
8
29
15
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES • 1 77
Tal,le 7.2.-lndustrial Groups of First Full-Time Jobs and of Full-Time Jobs on July.1, 1938
by Sex
F!t'5t full-time Jobs
Full-time Jobs on
July I, 1938
Industrial group
Male
Female
Male
Female
------------------------------- - - Total ... _------------------------------------------------
12,057
11,438
8,800
8,419
,---~----------Pert!fflt dl#rlbutlon
100. o
100. o
100. o
100.0
Agrlculture __ . ----------------------------·-------------------Other extractive•_______________________________________________
Manufacturing and mechanical. .. ----------------------------·
Building and construction__________________________________
Iron and stPel._____________________________________________
Lumber and furniture._ .. _____ . ___________ .•.•.. __________ .
Paper, printing, and allied.________________________________
Food and allied.···-·-·-·---------------·····-·-·-·-·-·-···
Chemical and allied .. ___________ .-·-·-· _______ .... _________
Clothing.····-----------------···-·-···-·-·-···-·---------Shoe and leather_. ___ • _____ •. _._. _______ . ___ . ___ ._. __ .• __ ..
Other __ .......... ____________ .. ________________ ······-----'TransJ><?rtatlon and co~munlcation ... __ . _. _____ ..... _. _. _. _...
" ater transportation. _____ ....... _. _______ . ___ ..... _. ___ ..•
Telephone and telei,raph .. ______________________________ ...
Steam and street railread. _________________________________ .
3.1
0. 9
36. 3
5. I
7.9
2. 6
3. i
5. 6
1. 3
0. 9
2. 4
6. 8
9. 4
I. 8
2. 4
I. 5
0.2
0.1
22. 6
0. 4
1.2
O. 5
2. 2
5. 4
I. 6
3. 4
2. 4
5. 5
3. 0
0. I
2. 2
0. I
I. I
0. 7
40. 7
5. O
10.3
I. 8
3. 6
. 6. 4
l. 9
0. 9
3. o
7. 8
8. 8
I. 3
I. O
2. 4
0.1
0.1
28.0
0.4
2.1
0.5
2. 7
5. 4
2.0
3. I
4.9
Truck, transfer, and cab ... -----------···-···-·-·······-·-·
Other______________________________________________________
I. 4
2.3
37. 6
3. 89
22.
5. 7
2. 6
2. 6
I. 3
5. I
3. I
I. 4
0. 6
6. 2
0. 4
2. 7
0. 9
0. 3
1. 9
O. I
0. 2
0.4
36. I
0. 34
24.
4. I
4. I
3. 2
0. 9
10. O
I. 4
6. 9
I. i
27. O
15. 5
5. 5
0. 4
2. 8
2. 8
0. 1
I. 8
2.3
36. 6
3. 64
17.
7. 9
4. 6
3.1
1. II
Total ___ -------------------------------------------------
·Trade .. __ ... _...... ____ ··-·· .... ------------------------·-·-·__
Retail retail.
automobile
and allied ... -----------------------···-·.
Other
______________________________________________
Wholesale .... _______________ ..... __ •. ______________________
Banking, Insurance, and real estate_________________________
Other._-----------------·-·····-···•·····--··--·--------···
Public service (not elsewhere classlfled) .... ___________________ .
Professional service ..... ________________________________________
Recn•ation and amusement. ___________________ . __________ .
Professional._-----------------------------·-·····-··_______
Bemiprof,•ssinnal. __ .... -------------------·-·· .• _.....•. .. .
Domestic and personal service __________________ •... ________ ..••
Privat<> home._ ... ----------------------------------------Restaurant and allied______________________________________
Hotel and allied ....... ·-··· ____________ .. __________________
Barber and beauty sbop____________________________________
Other. __ . ____________ ....•.. -----------··__________________
Unknown. ____ .... _________ ....... ______________ ..... ______ .___
1----t----1----
4. 4
2. O
1. 5
0. 9
5. 7
0. 3
2. 3
0. 9
0. 2
2. 0
0. I
6.11
5.4
0.1
4.3
0.2
0.5
0.3
36.3
0.5
18.6
6.0
7.9
3.3
I. 7
11.0
1.4
7.5
2.1
17.3
4. 9
4. i
0.5
3.6
3.6
0.1
• Includes forestry, fishing, and extraction of minerals,
D1gi zed by
Goog Ie
178 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKE
Tal,le 13.-How Youth Learned of All Full- and Port-Time Jobs
Full-time
Jobs 1
How youth learned or Jobs
Part-time
Jobs 1
66,690
Total .. _-_-_- ___ -- ------ ------ -- ---- -- -------------- --- --- -- --- ----- ----- --
5,840
Peremt dlatrlbutlon
Total---------··-·······-·-·······-·---·-·-----·-----··-·-----········-----
100
100
Friend ... __ ·-· .... _________ ----------------------------------------- ___________ _
Personal application.·-. ____ ---·---·. _________ ·--- ____________ •• ______ .·----··-·Pnreotrelative.
........ ·-··
··-·-·---···---·---·--··
··-------·-·--·--·-·······---------Other
_____
.. __._.-·.
____
... _.-·. _______
•.• _..• _...•.•....... ___________ _
._ t sehooL. _. _______________________________________________ .•.. ·- ...... ______ . _.
Formf'r ('mployer _______________________________________________________________ _
Employment
___ ... ·-··----·---------. _____ ..•......
Want ad_ •• _._agency
.•• ______________________________________
•. __ ··-·_·•. _. __ .......
_. ___··-------. _____ . __
27
24
28
6
3
8
Other ___ ·-·------------------------------· ___ ·- ____________ .. __ ... _. ___________ _
5
II
1 30
22
ft
7
7
9
4
lG
4
111
2
hours or more J)<'r week.
• 16--29 hours per week.
Tal,le 1.f,-How Youth Learned of Jobs, by Usual Occupational Closs of Father
Usual occupational class or rather
How youth learned of Jobe
Total
Profe•slonal
Proprletury,
mnna~e•
riol. And
onlcial
Clerical
Skilled
Se.mlskilled
Unskilled
Ptr<mt dWrllmllon
Total
1----···-·--·----·-·
Friend .... ·- .. ----·-----·----·Personal application._·--·-· ___ _
Parent ....... ··-·-------------Other relative. ____ ·-----·-----A t school.. ...........•... _____ _
Formf'r rmployf'r . __ . _________ _
Employment agency·-···-·---Wnnt ad ____ ·-·····-·······---·
Othor ..•..••.• -•·-·-···----··-·
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
27
28
24
7
26
22
13
8
28
26
7
8
5
13
6
2
5
27
27
28
23
--- --- - - - - - - - - - 24
7
g
4
16
4
3
6
7
6
14
6
2
6
4
15
4
2
6
4
26
6
g
4
17
4
3
5
3
6
24
6
g
4
18
• Includes all Jobs of 15 boon; or more per week.
0 g tiled by
Goog Ie
6
9
3
20
4
2
ft
SUPPLEMENT ARY TABLES • 179
TolJle 75.-How Youth Leamed of Jobs, by Race
Race
Bow youth learned of Jobe
Total
Wblte
I
Negro
Other
Oriental
Percnat dWribution
Total 1•••• ----------------------··--
100 I
100 I
100
100
100
1----'-----:-----1-----1----
Frlend .. _-·-·····-··-------·--------·····Personal appllcatlon••••••• -----·---·--· •••
Parent ____ --···-·-·--···---·-------···--··
Other relative.·-···----··········--··---·l t school.. ___ .• ·-·_ .. _··-·-·-····--··.....
Former employer ..•• ·-···-···-·-···--·····
Employment agency .. -··-········-··--···
Want ad-·-··-·-------·-·-·-···-·--··-·-·-Otber ••• ·--·-··--·······-·-··--····----·--
27
24
26
7
24
7
4
4
9
38
18
39
16
8
6
26
23
7
8
10
6
II
16
4
17
14
2
16
4
~
6
3
3
6
1
8
2
6
1
2
2
3
4
4
10
• Includes all Jobs of 16 boura or more per week.
TolJle 16.--0ccupational Classes Before and Aher Shihs Between Full-Time Jobs
Occupational class before shift
t,.,_
Clerical
"'.,.,
"'"
~-~
":::2
:,_
~-~
Occupational cl888 a!ter shift
J3
i:,o
1.s
'""'
-"
.S'"
j
15.
1
E-<
l l
0
~
I
""'
~ ~pl
88
E-<
al
Unskilled
I
t
.c
0
"'"
"'s
C:
1
E-<
i
al
..,
8
.. 0
~
8
I...
~
al
-~"-!,...,
IX)
j
PercfflJ dimlbulion
Total. - ------·-----------·
Professlonal .•.•. _.-·····-·---···
Pr:&~\;i~:•.
~~.
Clerical .••••.•.•... _______ ····-Accounting and semiptofcssionaL __________ ----··-·
Stenography and allted ..•• -.
Other clerical. .•••• ____ .• _••
Sales .•.••••...••..•...•..•••
Skilled_ .••..... --·--····-·-·····
Semiskilled ...... _...•... - ...•...
Unskilled ...•••.•.......•••.•...
Servant and domestic ...•..•
'.'..1~~~-~'. ..
Laborer.···-·····-·--··-·--·
--2
100
100
156
1
1
3
.
3
3
17
16
B
2
34
66
82
•
1
2
33
8
6
3
13
8
6
2
g
22
6
16
24
19
100
37
3
6
15
13
4
34
20
II
11
2
1
1001 100
6
30
14
2
20
4
5
4
10
g
II
24
14
1
8
4
3
1
100
100
100
100
100
100
1
1
•
1
1
1
1
2
II
96
63
63
4
20
2
21
2
18
1
18
2
18
7
66
6
2
7
1
1
10
13
2
3
3
16
32
2
36
1
7
8
2
5
1
1
8
8
3
22
26
29
65
30
2
10
4
6
12
6
10
3
16
6
46
100
.
.
18
4
2
7
38
6
.
11
7
g
10
31
16
2
1
24
55
51
4
100
1
•
9
8
4
40
36
6
30
• Less than 0.6 percent.
D1g1 zed by
Goog Ie
180 •
URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tol,le 17.-Adivities of Labor-Market Entranh on Each Birthday, Fifteenth Through
Twenty-third, by Sex
Birthday anniversary
Actlvtty
I I I I I I 218t I 22d 123d
15th
16th
17th
18th
19th
20th
PerU'ld dimlbutlon
Total males ____ ------------------------In !!Choo!_ ___________________________________ _
Others not In labor market ___________________ _
Unemployed _________________________________ _
Employed part time•------------------------Employed full time•--------------------------
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Q6
1
89
I
77
64
2
4
3
I
7
16
4
11
4
211
16
3
15
6
10
I
211
4
H
I\
47
60
(19
7
2
12
5
74
6
2
12
5
76
In school. __ ----------------------------------
1lf
f8
22
11
9
14
9
11
7
f8
7
111
.
2
2
3
13
5
==
=
·=
=
=
=
=
- 100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Total females_----------------- ________ _ 100
HouS(•wivf'!I ____________ ----------------------
Others not in labor market. _________________ _
Unemployed ______ ---------------------------Employed part time•------------------------Employed full time•--------------------------
•
.
2
1
2
86
1
4
8
I
6
73
2
6
5
2
12
6
11
10
4
24
11
13
6
89
8
9
I\
61
4
26
7
8
6
61
2
211
I\
7
I\
60
•Less than 0.6 percent.
1
1
Less than 30 hours per week.
30 hours oc moce per week.
Tal,le 78.-Employment Status of Labor-Market Youth on Each Birthday, Fifteenth
Through Twenty-Third, by Sex
.
Birthday anniversary
Employment statwi
15th
! I ! I I20th I I 23d I 23d
16th
17th
18th
19th
21st
Pert:.em diatribullon
In labor market, malee. ________________
&eking work_-------------------------------,vork proc:rani~ .. ---------------·····-·-------E111ploy1•d part time•------------------------Employed Cull time•-------------------------In labor market, females ________________
100
100
I
3
II
67
10
69
10
10
69
68
.
100
100
100
100
3
6
8
70
7
76
100
100
100
4
6
3
6
81
5
82
- 22- - 20-- 18-- - 17-- H-- 11- - 10- - -10
IQ
4
79
3
-100- -100- -100- -100- -100- -100- -100- -100- - 100
- 36- - 32- - 27- 26 21 16 12 - 10-- -9
&>eking
work __ ________________________________
------------------------------Work programs
2
-7 8 10I 111 102 102 92 83
9
EmployNl part time•--------------------·---62
62
n
67
60
73
79
67
80
Employed Cull time•--·-----------------------
.
•Less than 0.6 percent.
Less than 30 hours per week.
• 30 hours or more per week_
1
0 g t1zed by
Goog Ie
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES • 181
Ta6le 79.-0ccupational ClaSSft of Employed Youth on Each Birthday, Fifteenth
Through Twenty-Third, by Sex
Birthday annlvermry
Occupational clalll
Ptrcnil diltribution
Employed full time,
llllW!IL ••••••••••••
Professional and semiprofessional and proprietary, manageriul and ollicial. ··- .•.•.•.•
Stenography and other clerieal. ....•.•.•.•....
Sales .............................•...•........
Skilled
········-····················
Sen1 isk .......•.
i lled __________
. ______________________
- - ---- ~1~I
100
100
4
31
17
100
100
4
6
I\
8
:.,:)
15
5
41
12
13
i
10
19
13
8
10
17
39
37
13
21
15
5
40
13
:.,:)
40
16
21
16
4
40
14
7
:.,:)
13
37
13
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
4
8
12
14
12
33
10
15
17
13
11
18
18
12
11
18
18
13
13
18
17
13
29
28
28
21
16
13
12
28
11
38
Unskilled .. --··-· .••••••.•••••••••••••••••••.
31
13
Employed full time, females ..•..•••••..
100
Professional and semiprofe~ional and proprietary, managerial, and official ... - ••..••
Btt'n=aphy and allied ....••..••••.••....•.•.
Other clerical •.•.•.•••••.•••.•.•...•••••••...•
Bales ..........••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
Semiskilled • ...••••••• · · - ••••••••••••••••••.
u n.skilled. -•.•• ·-· ••.••••.••••••••••••••••• -•
g
10
1
100
3
16
4
46
46
6
6
10
10
43
29
27
25
3
3
100
25
16
5
4
100
4
10
g
13
14
It
12
16
17
13
29
13
IDcludes a small proportion of skilled workera.
Tal,le .20.-Age of Youth at Eighth.Grade Graduation, by Usual Occupational Class of
Father
Usnal occupational class of father
Age at elghth~e graduation
Total
Total •••••••••••••••••.••
130,076
Professlonal
1,331
Proprletary,
mans-,
Jtl~cial
6,449
Berni•
skilled
Clerical
Skilled
4,090
7,0IIII
Ullskllled
a, 636
4,1114
Pmlfflt diltrlbutlola
Total ••••••••••••••••••.•
100
100
100
100
100
100
12 years and under •..••••••••••
13 years .•••••...•....••••••••••
14 yt'ars .••.••••••••..•.•.••••••
15 years ________________________
16 years and over .....•.••••••••
5
32
39
17
7
12
42
33
6
8
4
38
38
30
4
29
3
26
39
39
14.3
13.9
Average age (years) .•••••
10
3
--- ---
36
37
15
6
14. 2
12
4
14.1
40
18
8
111
g
100
21
12
--- --- --14. 4
14.4
14.6
1 Refers to all interviewed youth, Including those whose fathers were deceased or absent, or for whom no
usual occupational class was reported.
0 g tiled by
Goog Ie
182 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Tal,le .21.-Age of Youth ot Eighth-Grade Graduation, by Section of City
Section or city •
Ag~ at eighth-grade graduation
Total
Total.
....... . . . .•. . .••.•.•.......•.•........•..
I
Low
30,075
High
Medium
7,061
16,234
7, 711
Percem dlatribution
Total. . ... .. . . . ..... . .•.•. •. . .. . ..••.. •--· · ······ ·
12 yeanand under.• ·· ···· · ·- · · · ···· · · · ··· · ···· · ·•·· · · ·
13 years ......• ·-······· · ··· ·· ·· · ·· · · · · · ·- · ·· ·· · ··· · ··· ·
14 years . .... ···-······.......... . .. ..... ...............
15 years............. . .... . ... .. . . ... . .... . .......... ...
16 years and over . .. •··-· ·· · · · ·· ······ ··• ·· · •·····••····
100
JOO
JOO
6
32
39
17
7
4
25
39
21
II
5
32
JOO
~
39
39
36
12
5
17
i I
Avemge age (years). •••. · ·· ·· ····-···•·••· ....... 1=====1=====:==== '
14.3
14.3 1
1u[
14 . I
• Rental area In which the youth lived at the time of graduntinr from the eighth grade.
• Refers to all lntervlc..-ed youth, Including a small number for whom section of city (rental area) was not
MCertalnahle.
Tal,le 22.-Average Annual Earnings of Youth, Cost of Living, and Indexes of
Real Annual Earnings, by City
City
Binghamton ......•. .... .. • • . •••• • •.•...................
Birmin~ham . .........••• . .• . •• ...............••........
Denver ________ ------------ -· -··---------- _____________ _
Duluth .......••..••••••••. • •• ••••.••••.....••••••......
St. Louis ...•....... •.. . •. ..• •• ....•. ••.......•••••...•.
So.n Francl8oo ............ • •. .• .••.. . ••.•..•.••••••......
Seattle ............. . .. . . . ... . •.. • . ... .................•.
Average annual
Cost or living •
earnlngg I
$;'8.~
657
782
716
749
949
84i
lnduof
real annual
earning-.•
113
$1,243.19
1,168.85
1,246.0i
(•)
l, 3311. 65
1, 389.Si
1,233.36
82
92
(•)
82
JOO
IOI
• Median eamlnl!'I during the year July I, 1937-1uly 1, 19.'18, or youth employed throu~hout the yew or
with some unemployment . F.xclurles youth with any employment or less than 16 hours per week, as earnings on s urh Jo bs were not ohtained.
• Annual eost of lh·lng, on " malntenanre level, of a 4--person manual worbr'e family In 11135. Stfocker,
M&r~arrt Loomill, lnl,rcitu I>ifferrncu In Cmtof Liring In Afarch 1936, 69 Cltiu, Division of Soclal Research,
Works Pro~n,ss Adm inistrat ion Wns hington, D . C ., 1937, pp. 158-150.
• Obtained by ndjustin~ actual &vera~e annual earnin!<S by the eost of llv ln,i. anrl expr.,..ing the result u
a pNcent111te or the earnings in San Francisco, the city In which &etual earnings were the highest.
• Not avail&ble.
Dg11zedbyGoogle
Appendix C
LIST OF TABLES
TEXT TABLES
Pa~
Tra6u
1. Reason youth first left school, by years of schooling completed _
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
1.6.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
First activity of youth after leaving school _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Age youth first entered the labor market, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _
Age of youth at first entrance to the labor market, by section of city _
Years of schooling youth completed, by eighth-grade graduating class _
Years of schooling youth completed, by usual occupational class of
father _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Time youth spent in the labor market before first full-time job _ _ _ _
Time youth spent in the labor market before first full-time job, by city _
Time youth spent in the labor market before first full-time job, by race _
Time youth spent in the labor market before first full-time job, by usual
occupational class of father _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Time youth spent in the labor market before first full-time job, by earnings on job _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
How youth learned of their first full-time jobs, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Occupational classes of youth's first full-time jobs, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _
Occupational classes of youth's first full-time jobs, by occupational
class of father _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Occupational classes of white and Negro youth on first full-time jobs,
Birmingham and St. Louis _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Industrial groups of youth's first full-time jobs, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Industrial groups of youth's first full-time jobs, by city_ _
Weekly earnings on youth's first full-time jobs, by sex _
Weekly hours on youth's first full-time jobs, by sex _ _
Weekly hours and weekly and hourly earnings on youth's first full-time
jobs, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Weekly hours and weekly and hourly earnings, by occupational class
of youth's first full-time job and by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Weekly hours and weekly and hourly earnings, by industrial group of
youth's first full-time job and by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Weekly earnings of youth on first full-time jobs, by usual occupational
class of father, section of city, and sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Weekly earnings of youth on first full-time jobs, by education and sex _
Weekly earnings of youth on first full-time jobs, by age obtained job
andbysex - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
11
12
17
18
20
20
21
22
23
24
25
28
29
31
33
34
36
36
37
38
39
41
42
43
«
183
0 g t1zed tly
Google
184 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Puge-
Tllbl,
26. Duration of youth's first full-time jobs, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
27. Occupational classes of youth's first part-time and first full-time jobs,
by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
28. Weekly and hourly earnings of youth on first part-time jobs, by weekly
hours and sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
29. Number of full-time jobs youth held, by time in the labor market _ _
30. Amount of youth's full-time employment, by time in the labor market _
31. Time youth spent ip labor market, time employed full time, and percent of time employed full time, by sex _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
32. Time youth spent in labor market, time employed full time, and percent of time employed full time, by years of schooling completed _ _
33. Time youth spent in labor market, time employed full time, and percent of time employed full time, by employment status on July 1,
1938________________________________________________________
34. Amount of part-time employment, by time youth spent in the labor
market______________________________________________________
35. Percent of youth with some part-time employment, by time in the
labor market and by sex_______________________________________
36. Amount of unemployment, by time youth spent in the labor market___
37. Time youth spent in labor market, time unemployed, and percent of
time unemployed, by section of city_____________________________
38. Time youth spent in labor market, time unemployed, and percent of
time unemployed, by race, Birmingham and St. Louis____________
39. Amount of emergency work-program employment of youth, by amount
of unemployment__________________________ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ _
40. Percent of youth with some emergency work-program employment,
by eighth-grade graduating class________________________________
41. How youth learned of first and later full-time jobs__________________
42. How youth learned of jobs, by occupational class___________________
43. How youth learned of jobs, by weekly earnings_____________________
44. Types of shifts made by youth___________________________________
45. Activities of youth before and after shifts__________________________
46. Occupational classes before and after full-time job shifts____________
47. Full-time job shifts to same and to different occupational classes, by
occupational class before shift___________________________________
48. Industrial groups before and after full-time job shifts_______________
49. Industrial groups entered, by industrial group before full-time job shift__
50. Shifts between full-time jobs and unemployment, by occupational class_
51. Shifts between full-time jobs and unemployment, by industrial group__
52. Weekly earnings of youth before and after full-time job shifts________
53. Weekly earnings of youth before and after full-time job shifts, by year
of shift______________________________________________________
54. Changes in wage levels, by occupational class before and after shifts___
55. Duration of youth's employment preceding shifts to full-time employment and unemployment______________________________________
56. Duration of youth's unemployment preceding shifts to full-time jobs_
57. Activities on July 1, 1938, of youth who earlier had full-time jobs,
by eighth;grade graduating class_______________________________
58. Activities or occupational classes on July 1, 1938, of boys, by occupational class of first full-time job______________________________
59. Activities or occupational cla..~ses on July 1, 1938, of girls, by occupational cJa..qg of first full-time job______________________________
60. Percent of youth unemployed, July 1, 1938, by occupational class of
first full-time job_____________________________________________
D g tized by
Google
44
46
46
48
49
50
&l
&2
&2
53
54
54
6o
56
57
57
59
61
64
64
6566
67
68
70
71
71
72
73
76
75
87
88
89
90
LIST OF TABLES •
Tabk
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
·10.
71.
72.
·73_
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
185
Page
Occupational classes of youth's first and latest full-time jobs, by sex__
Industrial groups of youth's first and latest full-time jobs, by sex____
Weekly earnings on youth's first and latest full-time jobs, by sex_____
Weekly earnings on youth's first and latest full-time jobs, by eighthgrade graduating class________________________________________
Activities and employment status of youth on July 1, 1938, by sex_____
Activities and employment status of youth on July 1, 1938, by eighthgrade graduating class________________________________________
Percent of youth unemployed, July l, 1938, by time in the labor market_
Percent of youth unemployed, July 1, 1938, by age________________
Percent of youth unemployed, July 1, 1938, by years in the labor
market, education, and sex_____________________________________
Percent of youth unemployed, July 1, 1938, byraceandsectionofcity_
Occupational classes of jobs on July 1, 1938, and of last jobs, by sex__
Occupational classes of full-time jobs, July 1, 1938, by sex and race__
Occupational classes of full-time jobs, July 1, 1938, by education and
sex_________________________________________________________
Occupational classes on July 1, 1938, by age of youth at eighth-grade
graduation__________________________________________________
Industrial groups of jobs on July 1, 1938, and of last jobs, by sex____
Hourly earnings of youth on full-time jobs, July 1, 1938, by sex____
Weekly earnings of youth on full-time jobs, July 1, 1938, by sex____
Annual private earnings of youth, July 1, 1937-July 1, 1938, by sex__
Average hourly, weekly, and annual earnings of youth, by eighthgrade graduating class________________________________________
Average hourly, weekly, and annual earnings of youth, by city______
Indexes of real annual earnings of youth, by city___________________
Weekly earnings of youth on July 1, 1938, by age__________________
Weekly earnings of youth on July 1, 1938, by time in the labor market__
Weekly earnings of youth on July 1, 1938, by education____________
Weekly earnings of youth on July 1, 1938, by race, Birmingham and
St. Louis _______________ ----_________________________________
86. Weekly earnings of youth on July 1, 1938, by occupational class and
sex_________________________________________________________
87. Duration of youth's full-time employment, by time in the labor market_
88. Duration of unemployment of youth, by time in the labor market____
89. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by sex_________
90. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by eighth-grade
graduating class_____________________________________________
·91. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by race________
92. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by education___
93. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by reason left
school______________________________________________________
94. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by usual occupational class of father__________________________________________
95. Special difficulties of youth in securing employment, by employment
status on July 1, 1938_____ __ __ ____ ______ __ __ ___ ___ ______ __ __ _
·96. Youth's plans for the future, by sex______________________________
97. Youth's plans for the future, by education________________________
98. Youth's plans for the future, by activity on July l, 1938____________
·99. Youth's plans for the future, by occupational class of full-time jobs
on July 1, 1938_ ____ __ ___ ___ __ __ ___ ___ __ ______ __________ ____ _
92
93
94
95
98
99
100
100
101
102
103
105
106
108
109
111
111
113
113
114
115
116
116
117
118
118
120
121
124
126
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
136
138
4l!OG97 °--48---14
D191· zed by
Google
186 • URBAN YOUTH IN THE LABOR MARKET
Supplementary Tables
Pa91
Table
1. Activities of labor-market entrants of the 1929 eighth-grade graduating
class, by month, January 1, 1929-July 1, 1938, and by sex________
2. Employment status of labor-market entrants of the 1929 eighth-grade
graduating class, by month, January 1, 1929-January 1, 1938, and
by sex______________________________________________________
8. Activities of labor-market entrants of the 1931 eighth-grade graduating class, by month, January 1, 1931-July 1, 1938, and by sex_____
4:, Employment status of labor-market entrants of the 1931 eighth-grade
graduating class, by month, January l, 1931-July 1, 1938, and
by sex______________________________________________________
162
164
166
168
6. Activities of labor-market entrants of the 1933 eighth-grade graduating class, by month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by sex____
170
6. Employment status of labor-market entrants of the 1933 eighth-grade
graduating class, by month, January 1, 1933-July 1, 1938, and by
sex_________________________________________________________
172
7. Activities on July 1, 1938, of youth who had not entered the labor
market, by sex_______________________________________________
8. Average weekly earnings on first full-time jobs, by reason youth first
left school and by sex_________________________________________
9. Year and month in which youth first entered the labor market, by
eighth-grade graduating class__________________________________
10. Age youth first entered the labor market, by usual occupational class
of father____________________________________________________
11. Education of all interviewed youth, by eighth-grade graduating class_
12. Industrial groups of first full-time jobs and of full-time jobs on July
l, 1938, by sex_______________________________________________
13. How youth learned of all full- and part-time jobs__________________
14. How youth learned of jobs, by usual occupational class of father_____
15. How youth learned of jobs, by race_______________________________
16. ·Occupational classes before and after shifts, between full-time jobs__
17. Activities of labor-market entrants on each birthday, fifteenth through
twenty-third, by sex__________________________________________
18. Employment status of labor-market youth on each birthday, fifteenth
through twenty-third, by sex__________________________________
19. Occupational classes of employed youth on each birthday, fifteenth
through twenty-third, by sex__________________________________
20. Age of youth at eighth-grade graduation, by usual occupational class
of father ________________ .___________________________________
21. Age of youth at eighth-grade graduation, by section of city_________
22. Average annual earnings of youth, cost of living, and indexes of real
annual earnings, by city_______________________________________
lJ fl tized by
Goog Ie
174
174
175
176
176
177
178
178
179
179
180
180
181
181
182
182
Index
187
01('111ed
by
Google
D1g1tzed by
Google
INDEX
Page
Age ___________ _
And earnings _ _ _ _ _
And employment status _
And homemaking _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
And labor-market activity _ _ _ _ _ _
And occupational class_ _
And school attendance _ _ _ _ _ _
And unemployment
At entrance to labor market
Agriculture. See Industrial groups.
Average, definition _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _
xv
_ 43--44, 115-116
_ 80-83, 180
------80
_ _ _ _ _
180
_ 83-86, 181
80, 107-108
_ 100-101
_ 16-17, 176
12n
Bell, Howard M _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Binghamton. See City differences; Survey cities.
Birmingham. See City differences; Survey cities.
144n,147n
Carmichael, F. L _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 151n
Census, Bureau of _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ x1vn, 23n
City differences:
Age at entrance to labor market
_ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ __ 17-18
Earnings_ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 114-115
Industrial groups _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 34-35
Size of sample _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _________ 152-153
Time before first full-time job_
_ _ 22-23
Civil Works Administration _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
_ 2n, 22-23, 55
Civilian Conservation Corps (see also Emergency work-program employment) ____________ • __ • • • • • ____ 2n,xiv,9,55, 143
Clerical work. See Occupational classes.
Communication. See Industrial groups.
Cost-of-living. See Real earnings.
Defense program, effect of _ _ _ _
Denver. See City differences; Survey cities.
Duluth. See City differences; Survey cities.
Disadvantaged youth, definition _ _ _ _ ___________ _
Domestic service. See Industrial groups.
XVII
22n
189
D1gi•
edbyGoogle
190 • INDEX
Page
Earnings (see a/30 Age; City differences; Education; Eighth-grade graduation, year of; Hours; Industrial groups; Occupational class; Race
differences; Real earnings; Residential areas; Sex differences) ___ 36-37, 38,
39,41, 110--119, 174
And methods of securing employment _
_ _ _ 6~1
And time before full-time jobs _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ 24-25
Changes in _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 71-74, 93-95
Part-time jobs _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
46
Education _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
4-5, 19-21, 41, 176
And amount of full-time employment
51
And difficulties in securing employment
____ 128-129
And earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 42-43. 11~117
And occupational class, July 1, 1938_ _
10~107
And plans for future_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ __ 134-136
And unemployment _ _ _ _ _
101
Reasons for discontinuing _ _
10--11, 129-130
Eighth-grade graduation, year of:
And difficulties in securing employment
_ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ 126-127
And earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ 95, 113-114
And labor-market status, July l, 1938 _
_ _______ 87, 99-100
Emergency work-program employment (see also Civilian Conservation
Corps; National Youth Administration; Work Projects Administration) _ 55-57
Employed youth:
Definition _ _ _ _
2n
Plans for future_ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
136
Employment (11ee also Age; Emergency work-program employment;
Full-time jobe; Part-time jobs):
By month_ _ _ _ _
_ _________ 164-165, 168-169, 172-173
Duration_ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
_ _ 74-75, 120
Full-time, amount_ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 48-52
Methods of securing _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ 57-62
Part-time, amount _ _
_ _ 52-53
Special difficulties in securing_
123-132
Employment agencies. See Employment, methods of securing; Public
employment offices; U. S. Employment Service.
Extractive industril;S, See Industrial groups.
Federal Emergency Relief Administration _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
55
Frankel, Lester R ________________________ _ 152n
Full-time jobs (11ee also Earnings; Education; Employment; Hours; Industrial groups; Occupational classes; Sex differences):
12n
Definition _ _
_ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ 44-45
Duration_ _ _
_ ____ 27-29,57, 178
How secured _
_ 47-48
Number __
- - ___________ 21-25
Transition from school to
Housewives _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
80
Hours (11ee al30 Industrial groups; Occupational clai;ses):
Related to earnings _ _
_ _ _ _ - _ 37-38,41,46
Weekly _________________ - - - 37,38,39
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INDEX•
191
Page
In school, definition _ _
Industrial groups:
And earnings _ _
And houl"l!I _ _ _
Changes in _ _
First full-time jobs
July 1, 1938 __
Part-time jobs _ _
2n
40-42
_ 40-42
_ 67-69,92-93
_______ 33-35, 177
109-110
_ _ _ _ _ _
- - - - -
109
Labor-market activities. See Employment; Full-time jobs; Part-time jobs;
Seeking work; Unemployment.
Labor-market entrants:
Activities by month _____________ 162-163, 166-167, 170--171
Characteristics. See Age; Education; Race differences; Sex differences.
Definition _ _ _ _ _ _
ln
10
Number in survey
Manufacturing and mechanical industries. See Industrial groups.
_ _ _ _ _ - - - - XIVD
Melvin, Bruce L _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Menefee, Selden C
_ _ _ _ _
_ xvm, 146n
Methodology _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
- __ 151-159
•
National Youth Administration (aee alao Emergency work.program
employment) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
- 2n,XIV,9,55,83, 143,144
Vocational training _ _ _ _ _ _ _
- - - - 146
Negro youth. See Race differences.
_ _ 5n,80
Non-labor-market activities _ _ _ _ _
By month _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
174
July 1, 1938 _ _ _ _ __
87
Occupational classes (aee alao Age; Occupational classes of youth's fathel"l!I;
Race differences; Sex differences):
And earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ____ 38-40,72-74, 118-119
And hours ______________ _
- - - 38-40
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 58-6()
And methods of securing employment _
And plans for future
- - - - - - - - 137-138
And unemployment _
90
Changes in ____ _
- - - 65-67,87-92,179
First full-time jobs _ _ _ _ _
29-33,46
July 1, 1938 ___ _
- 88,89, 103-109
Part-time jobs _ _
_ _ _ _ _
_ 45-46
Occupational classes of youth's fathers:
And age at eighth-grade graduation _
181
And age at entrance to labor market
176
And earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
42
And education _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
20
And length of time before first full-time job
24
And methods of securing employment _ _ _ _
61, 178
And special difficulties in securing employment _
131
And youth's occupations _ _ _ _ _______ _
- 31-32
Orientals. See Race differences.
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j
192 • INDEX
Part-time jobs (see also Earnings; Employment; Industrial groups; Occupa,tional classes; Sex differences) :
P<J{le
Definition _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
45
How secured _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
178
Payne, Stanley L _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ xvm, 22n, 121n
Personal service. See Industrial groups.
_ ___ 133-138
Plans for the future _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Professional service. See Industrial groups.,
Professional work. See Occupational classes.
Proprietary, managerial, and official positions. See Occupational classes.
Public employment offices _ _ _ _ _ _
147
Public service: See Industrial groups.
Race differences:
Difficulties in securing employment _ _ _ _ _ _
Earnings _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Methods of securing employment _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Occupational classes _ _ _ _ _
Time before first full-time job __
Unemployment _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Real earnings_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
Relief. See Emergency work-program employment.
Residential areas:
And age at eighth-grade graduation _
And age at entrance to labor market_ _ _ _ _ _
And earnings _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
And unemployment _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_
_ _
_
_ 127-128
_ _ 117-118
_ 61-62, 179
_ 32-33, 105-106
23-24
_ __ 102-103
55, 102-103, 115,182
-·
182
18-19
42
54-55, 102-103
_ _- _- _ _- _
_ _
St. Louis. See City differences; Survey cities.
Sample, size of (see alao Survey cities) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ xv, 9, 152-153
San Francisco (see also City differences; Survey cities), graduation,
month of
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
16n, 151n
Schedule _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
159
School attendance. See Education.
School attendanoe laws _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
18n
Schooling. See Education.
Seattle. See City differences; Survey cities.
Section of city. See Residential areas.
Seeking work, definition _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
2n
Semiskilled work. See Occupational classes.
Sex differences:
Amount of full-time employment _
_ _ _ _ _
50
124-126
Difficulties in securing employment _
Duration of full-time jobs _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
44
Earnings__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 36-37,38,41,43,44,46,94, 11~113
Industrial groups _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
93
Labor-market status, July 1, 1938 _
_ _ _ _ _
98
Occupational cla..'iSes _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 29, 46, 92, 103
Part-time employment_
53
Plans for future _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 133-134
Unemployment _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _
83, 101
Skilled work. See Occupational classes.
Smith, Elna N _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ ltlVD
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INDEX• 193
Page
Social-economic background. See Occupational classes of fathers; Race
differences; Residential areas.
Stecker, Margaret Loomis ______________ _
_ 114n, 182n
Stock, J. Stevens _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
152n
Student-aid program. See National Youth Administration.
Survey cities _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
xv
Trade. See Industrial groups.
Transportation. See Industrial groups.
Unemployed youth:
Definition _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
2n
Plans for future ______________________ 136-137
Unemployment (see also Age; Emergency work-program employment;.
Occupational classes; Race differences; Residential areas; Sex differences):
Amount _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ XIV, 53-55, 80, 83, 98
Duration _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
75, 120-121
Industrial groups _ _ _ _ _
109-110
Shifts involving _ _ _ _ _
_ 69-71
U. S. Employment Service (see also Public employment offices)
147n
18n
U. S. Office of Education _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Unskilled work. See Occupational classes.
XVIn
Urban Youth: Their Characteristics and &onomic Problem& _
Vocational guidance _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Vocational training ______ _
Vocational Trends _
_____ 144-145
_ 145-147
30n
Wage-Hour Act _ _
_ _____________ _
37n
Wagner-Peyser Act _______________________ _ 147n
Webb, John N _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
35n
W estefeld, Albert _ _ _ - - - - - - - - - - _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
35n
White-collar work. See Occupational classes.
_ _ _ _ _
Wiedeman, H. C _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
151n
Work programs. See Emergency work-program employment.
Work Projects Administration (see al&o Emergency work-program employment) ______________________ 2n, XIV, 9, 55, 143"
Vocational training _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 146-147
Work relief. See Emergency work-program employment.
Works Progress Administration. See Work Projects Administration.
Woytinsky, W. S _
31n
Youth, definition _
- - - - - - - - - - 1
_ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ 153, 158
Youth interviewed _ _
________
2n
Youth in labor market, definition _
153, 156-157, 158Youth who had left the seven cities _
0
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