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F refront

Spring/Summer 2017
Volume 8 Number 1

New Ideas on Economic Policy from the FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
of CLEVELAND

It’s goodbye to print,
not goodbye to you.

Keep up with us
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F refront

		
Spring/Summer 2017

Volume 8 Number 1

CONTENTS

New Ideas on Economic Policy from the F
 EDERAL RESERVE BANK
of CLEVELAND

1 Presidential Pulls
2 Evolution, Not Revolution: Payments Are Undergoing
		 Changes in the United States
		Payments products are evolving, and a “faster payments” system may
		

accelerate changes.

6 Home Lending Reports Reveal That Home Loan
		 Outcomes Vary by Race, Income, and County

6

		
		

Two reports reveal differences between Cuyahoga and Allegheny Counties
and for borrowers of different races and incomes.

Special Insert Infographic: Uncover Lending Trends with
the Home Mortgage Explorer
Here’s how you can use a new free tool to explore trends in
mortgage lending in the US between 2010 and 2015.

11

17
22

11 When It Comes to Lead Poisoning, Prevention Is Key
		Three people improving the prevention of lead poisoning share successes
		

and challenges and their thoughts on what more needs to be done.

17 Rebound of Oil and Gas Spells Benefits for Region
		With energy prices again rising, oil and gas companies are likely to invest
		

in drilling and other projects that create jobs.

21 Research Corner
		Check out recent research from the Cleveland Fed.
22 Stabilizing Local Housing Markets in Cuyahoga County:
		 Blight Elimination
		
		

Blight remains an obstacle to stabilizing local housing markets, and those
working to eliminate it must balance demolition and rehabilitation.

27 Letter from the Cleveland Fed

		 This is the final print issue.
		See what we’re doing next!

28 Policy Summit 2017 Draws Hundreds to Cleveland
		Find out what happened at the Cleveland Fed’s signature biennial policy
		
		

The views expressed in Forefront are not necessarily those of
the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland or the Federal Reserve
System. Content may be reprinted with the disclaimer above
and credited to Forefront. Send copies of reprinted material to
the Corporate Communications and Engagement Department
of the Cleveland Fed.
Forefront
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
PO Box 6387
Cleveland, OH 44101-1387
forefront@clev.frb.org
clevelandfed.org

event, who had a book published, and where you can access (more)
postevent content.

President and CEO: Loretta J. Mester
Editor/Writer: Tasia Hane-Devore
Writer: Michelle Park Lazette
Contributors:
Kyle Fee
Daniel A. Littman
John Shackelford
Sydney A. Stone
Design:
Ellen Seguin Design

Anne O’Shaughnessy,
Manager, Multimedia and Editorial Services
Mark Schweitzer,
Senior Vice President, Community
Development
Lisa Vidacs,
Senior Vice President, Corporate
Communications and Engagement

Presidential Pulls
Loretta J. Mester, president and chief executive officer of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland, has spoken this year about Federal Reserve
accountability and independence, economic conditions, and more.
For the full text of President Mester’s speeches, search
www.clevelandfed.org, keyword “speeches.”

THE FED IN THE COMMUNITY
“The Fed is committed to increasing knowledge
about the economic challenges facing low- and
moderate-income households and communities
and helping to identify effective policies and best
practices to address these challenges . . . . At the
very least, [solutions] will take committed and
collaborative actions from various stakeholders,
and probably some compromises, too.”

TOWARD SMALLER BALANCE SHEETS
“The fed funds rate should be our main tool for
responding to changes in the outlook during
normal times, with purchases of longer-term
assets reserved for nontraditional times, times
when we have lowered our policy rate to near
zero and we need to add more monetary policy
stimulus because of a deterioration in economic
and financial conditions. Ending reinvestments
and beginning the journey toward a smaller
balance sheet composed mainly of Treasury
securities will be a welcome acknowledgment
that the economy has entered normal times and
policy is transitioning back to normal, too.”

—From a speech in Cleveland, Ohio, June 23, 2017

PAYMENTS SYSTEM EVOLUTION
“The technological change we’ve
experienced in recent years isn’t likely to
stop, so it seems prudent that we should
be working to ensure that our payments
system evolves in a productive way.
Innovation, competition, collaboration,
broad accessibility, common standards,
risk management, and appropriate
supervision and regulation—all are
important facets of a well-functioning
payments system.”

— From a speech in Minneapolis, Minnesota,
May 18, 2017

— From a speech in Chicago, Illinois,
March 30, 2017

SYSTEMATIC MONETARY POLICY
“Although we live in a high-frequency world, we cannot overreact to
transitory movements in incoming data; our policymaking has to focus
on what changes in economic and financial conditions imply for the
medium-run outlook and risks around the outlook.”
—From a speech in Chicago, Illinois, May 8, 2017

TRANSPARENCY
“Clear communications can make monetary
policy more effective by helping households and
businesses make better economic and financial
decisions. When policymakers are clear about
the goals of monetary policy and the economic
information that is important in their forecasts and
policy decisions, and set policy in a systematic
way, the public will have a better idea of how
monetary policy is likely to change as economic
conditions evolve.”
— From a speech in Richmond, Virginia,
March 21, 2017

FEDERAL RESERVE ACCOUNTABILITY
“Accountability must go hand in hand with independence. That’s why
I believe it is time to recalibrate expectations of what monetary policy
can achieve. The public needs to know what it can reasonably hold
monetary policymakers accountable for.”
—From a speech in Singapore, February 20, 2017

F refront

1

Evolution, Not Revolution:
Payments Are Undergoing
Changes in the United States
In payments, the term “revolutionary” has surfaced frequently in recent years, reflecting the
penetration of personal computers, tablets, and mobile phones into banking. But are we calling
this integration of personal computing and banking revolutionary in order to gain commercial
attention, or is it an innovation likely to stimulate fundamental shifts in US payments?

Daniel A. Littman
Policy Advisor

Tasia Hane-Devore
Staff Writer

The number of debit card transactions
[rose] from about 9 billion in 2001 to
almost 60 billion in 2016, a staggering
increase of more than 600 percent. (p. 4)

2

Spring/Summer 2017

The short answer is that current changes in US payments lie between
revolution and innovation: The payments system is not undergoing
a revolution, but neither is it static. Some of the news we hear about
the payments system reflects innovators’ trying to get commercial
attention. Some of it reflects facets of slow, longer-term change that will
transform the way the payments system works over a period of years.
So why is there so much talk of revolution in payments?
The popular and banking trade press is filled with stories about
new ways to make and receive payments. Innovations such as chipequipped credit cards, contactless debit cards, mobile wallets, and
2-dimensional barcodes carried on smartphones are among the new
technologies trumpeted in the press. But new payment methods
receive extra attention because they are novelties, not because they are
of everyday importance as payment tools.
Part of the confusion arises because few people understand how the
payments system really works. A plastic card may be viewed by some
consumers as a stand-alone product. The act of swiping that plastic
card through a retailer’s point-of-sale terminal may be perceived as
the entirety of a payment experience. Yet these cards, whether in the
form of a 3½ by 2 inch plastic rectangle or as a virtual object whose
data are carried inside a smartphone, are simply points of access to the
payments system.

A profile of payments today
Payment tools are consumer products, though the
average person might not think of them in quite these
terms. But similar to the choices consumers have at
the grocery store for detergent or cereal or coffee,
consumers have choices about payment products:
cash, paper checks, money orders, cards (credit, debit,
and prepaid), and Automated Clearing House (ACH)
or electronic check processing.
And cash isn’t necessarily king.
Making payments is arguably the most common
activity Americans do from stranger to stranger every
day, and how we make payments is of significant
interest to individuals and to merchants, financial
institutions, and payment intermediaries such as
the Federal Reserve. According to the latest figures
from the Federal Reserve Payments Study 2016, on the
average day in the United States in 2015, consumers,
businesses, and governments made nearly 400 million
noncash payments with a total value of $487 billion.
The Federal Reserve conducts another periodic study,
this one including cash payments, called the Diary of
Consumer Payment Choice. It focuses on consumeroriginated payments only, excluding payments that
start with businesses or government entities, and

uses a combination of surveys and multiday payment
transaction diaries to develop an estimate of consumer
payments. Cash remains the largest payment product
used by consumers, representing one-third of all
consumer transactions in 2015, but cash is declining
in relation to other payment types, which collectively
make up two-thirds of all payments.

How have payments changed
in recent memory?
Payment products and preferences are evolving. For
the generations that came of age in the first third of the
twentieth century, the most common payment type
by far was cash. The overturning of the established
order—cash use has dropped from nearly 100 percent
to about 33 percent during the past 100 years—may
seem to have come about quickly, but it was not an
overnight event.

Cash use has dropped from nearly
100 percent to about 33 percent
during the past 100 years.

Debit card payments comprised the largest noncash transaction type in 2015.
Number of payments (billions)

70

Checks
Automated Clearing House (ACH)

60

Credit cards
Debit cards

50

Prepaid cards

40
30
20
10
0
1995		 2000

2003

2006

2009

2012

2015

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Federal Reserve Payments Study 2016.
Note: Black square indicates the number of check payments (in billions) in 1995.

F refront

3

Between 2000 and 2015, the use of debit cards has risen by 51.3 billion
items, while check use has declined by 25.3 billion items.
Number of payments (billions)

2000

2003

2006

2009

2012

2015

Checks

42.6

38.6

32.2

25.8

19.7

17.3

Automated Clearing House (ACH)

6.0

8.8

14.6

19.1

20.4

23.5

Credit cards

15.6

19.0

21.7

21.6

26.8

33.8

Debit cards

8.3

15.6

25.0

37.9

47.3

59.6

Prepaid cards

0.5

0.8

3.3

6.0

9.3

9.9

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Federal Reserve Payments Study 2016.
Note: Prepaid cards include general purpose, private label, and electronic benefit transfer.

Payment changes occurred with increased speed
starting after World War II, when more households
opened checking accounts. Credit cards and ATMs
(automated teller machines) and their cards gained
in popularity soon thereafter. The environment we
know today—point-of-sale terminals connected to
electronic networks and the wide use of debit cards—
began in the 1980s.
Still, paper checks and cash persist as major parts of
the payments system.
The US payments system has continued to evolve
during the past two decades. The most significant
changes are in checks and debit cards. The number of
paper checks processed declined from a peak of nearly
50 billion per year in 1995 to the 2015 estimate of 17
billion, a 65 percent reduction. During this same period,
the check collection system in the US went from an
entirely paper-centric process to an entirely electronic
one, dramatically lowering the cost of end-to-end check
processing and increasing the speed of collections.
The number of debit card transactions filled some of that
space, rising from about 9 billion in 2001 to almost 60
billion in 2015, a staggering increase of more than 600
percent. During this same period, the use of credit cards
and debit cards grew, and prepaid cards made a material
appearance, ending 2015 with 9.9 billion transactions
for the year. The rise of debit card transactions and the
decline in paper-originated check and cash transactions
have lowered the cost of the payments system. The
conversion of check collection from a processing- and
transportation-intensive system to the all-electronic
Check 21 system has also reduced the cost.
4

Spring/Summer 2017

In 2015, American consumers and
businesses had the same set of payment
tools they possessed in the 1980s, so it’s
not possible to declare that a revolution has
taken place. But the payment landscape of
2015 has evolved significantly, becoming
unrecognizable to someone accustomed to
the check- and cash-rich landscape of the
1950s and 1960s.

Innovations in payment access devices do
represent improvements in the payments
experience on the part of consumers and
businesses, however, and in some cases
improvements for merchants or other receivers of those
payments. The Starbucks or Apple Pay apps on a mobile
phone execute payments at the point of sale faster than a
magnetic stripe or chip card and faster, too, than a paper
check or a handful of coins and banknotes. Mobile
app payments are more secure than older methods of
initiating payments, as well.
For a merchant, mobile apps can allow tracking of
consumer preferences, yielding benefits for both
parties. Tracking consumer preferences may facilitate
individually targeted offers, leading to increases in
repeat business. On the consumer side, such tracking
can facilitate special offers and the accumulation of
loyalty points toward products.
But while these enhancements improve the transaction
experience for both consumers and merchants, they
also make use of the existing network infrastructure
for payments instructions and payments settlement.
Evolution, then, not revolution.

Faster payments: Not everything
made easier is necessarily made
better
By virtue of their efficiency and reach, payment
networks can be a barrier to entry for new ideas that are
perhaps better in functionality than existing methods
but not viable because of their cost to implement. Even
though an innovation might be more effective than
existing types of transactions, its promoters often do not
have sufficient influence or funding to change how the
core of the network operates.

Occasionally there comes a time when the key
stakeholders of the payments system—banks,
merchants, processors, standards organizations, and
the central bank—realize that the current combination
of payment products is preventing the introduction
of modernized payment methods, and they work
to change
the situation.
That was the last time—40 or
In those
so years ago—entirely new
times, we’ve
experienced
end-to-end payment networks
an accelerated
directly affecting end users were
evolution in
introduced in the United States.
payments.
Efforts such
as those discussed previously paired innovations
in payment products with innovations in network
technology. The development and deployment of
these innovations has required collaboration among
US financial institutions, telecommunications
networks, technology companies, financial regulators,
and, in some cases, the central bank.
In the 1970s, several types of end-to-end payments
networks were enabled by the introduction of
mainframe computers and telecommunications in
the US banking system. ATM, ACH, credit, debit,
and point-of-sale networks took advantage of that
technology. That was the last time—40 or so years
ago—entirely new end-to-end payments networks
directly affecting end users were introduced in the
United States.

Around the world, however, a number of countries have
implemented some version of a new payments network
labeled “faster payments” or “real-time payments.” These
are networks that in their purest form allow payments
to move in an instant from one party to any other party
and, in several cases, operate 7 days a week, 24 hours a
day. In the United States, such faster payments networks
are now under construction. They should become
available to end users by the end of 2018.
While a revolution in payments doesn’t appear on
the horizon, the United States is due for continuing
evolution. Legacy networks and products will remain.
Faster payments will not drive any of the legacy
payment products to extinction, but the experience
in other countries with real-time payments systems
suggests that faster payments will reduce the growth
rate of ACH and accelerate the decline of checks and
cash. Faster payments will also improve convenience,
certainty of payment, and security for end users. ■

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
New payment products have appeared periodically
during the past several decades, but none
reaches the point of revolutionary development,
particularly because these products use legacy
networks. Nevertheless, a “faster payments” system
may accelerate changes in the payments landscape.

Significant evolutions in the payments landscape have occurred during
the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, but all have used standard
payments networks.
Innovation
Credit cards
ATM networks
Automated Clearing House (ACH)
Point-of-sale networks and debit cards
Image-clearing of paper checks

Period of implementation
1950s
Late 1960s to early 1970s
Early 1970s
Late 1970s to early 1980s
Mid-2000s

F refront

5

Home Lending Reports Reveal
That Home Loan Outcomes Vary
by Race, Income, and County
The first 2 in a series of home lending reports by county examine trends in
Cuyahoga and Allegheny and reveal differences not only for the counties,
but also for borrowers of different races and incomes.

Michelle Park Lazette
Staff Writer

New research from the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland’s Community
Development Department reveals that applications for home loans have taken a
rollercoaster ride during the past 3 decades in Cuyahoga and Allegheny Counties.
Applications climbed to a 25-year high in 2003, plummeted through 2008 as the
Great Recession took hold, rose again in 2012, though not nearly as high as in
2003, and fell from that 2012 level and remained lower still as of 2015.
Home loan originations, or those loan applications that have been approved by
the lender and accepted by the borrower, followed a parallel path, up the peaks
and down the valleys throughout the years, according to 2 home lending reports.

6

Spring/Summer 2017

Why did mortgage applications dip so low? While the
reports do not directly address the reasons, research
by the Pew Research Center indicates the declines
in home purchase applications may be attributed
to a decrease in the number of renters becoming
homeowners and an increase in the number of
homeowners becoming renters, says Lisa Nelson, a
Cleveland Fed community development advisor who,
with policy analyst Matt Klesta, is producing a series of
county-specific reports exploring how home lending
trended before, during, and after the Great Recession.

While the gap in home purchase origination rates
for blacks and whites has narrowed since 2010,
white borrowers were still more likely in 2015 to
get approved for home purchase loans regardless
of borrower income and the income of the
neighborhood in which they sought to buy.
“It didn’t matter the borrower income; it didn’t matter
the neighborhood: The bottom line is originations and
applications went down for all groups as we entered
the Great Recession,” Nelson says.
Unemployment, income loss, and income insecurity
prevented households from purchasing homes in the
postcrisis period, according to a 2012 speech by Ben
Bernanke, the former Chair of the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System. And falling housing
prices inhibited homeowners from tapping into their
home equity or “trading up” to larger or better homes.
The good news for those actually applying is that
more loans are being approved these days. The rate
of originations (the rate at which loans to purchase
homes are being approved by the lender and accepted
by the borrower) was markedly higher in 2015 than
it was in 2005 in both Cuyahoga County, home to
Cleveland, and Allegheny County, home to Pittsburgh.
Home loan activity ticked back up in some recent
years, namely in 2012 and in 2015, but it didn’t rise in
the same way for every race, income group, or county
studied, according to the reports Home Lending in
Cuyahoga County Neighborhoods and Home Lending in
Allegheny County Neighborhoods.
Here, we explore 4 differences uncovered in these
reports.

Finding #1:
Black borrowers were less likely than white
borrowers to get approved for a home
purchase loan, even within the same borrower
income group and even when they were buying
in the same income neighborhoods.
When comparing low- and moderate-income (LMI)
blacks and LMI whites, home purchase origination
rates are higher for whites in each year examined,
Nelson says. While the gap in home purchase
origination rates for blacks and whites has narrowed
since 2010, white borrowers were still more likely
in 2015 to get approved for home purchase loans
regardless of borrower income and the income of the
neighborhood in which they sought to buy.
Here’s one example from the Cuyahoga County
report: In 2015, nearly 70 percent of black LMI
borrowers applying for a home purchase loan in an
LMI neighborhood were approved, compared to
82 percent of white LMI borrowers purchasing homes
in LMI neighborhoods.
Looking at the experiences of white and black
borrowers in a different way, the report shows a similar
outcome. When examining the number of home
purchase loans while accounting for the size of the
LMI population, the analysis shows that black LMI
borrowers were proportionally less likely than white
LMI borrowers to obtain a loan.
The Great Recession and the years bookending it,
specifically 2005 and 2010, were a time of decline in home
purchase loan rates—the number of home purchase
loans per 1,000 households—for both whites and blacks,
but the rate declined the most for black LMI borrowers.
For example, in Cuyahoga County, there were 58
home purchase loans by white LMI borrowers in 2005
for every 1,000 white LMI households, compared to
37 home purchase loans by black LMI borrowers per
1,000 black LMI households. And from these starting
points, the home purchase rates from 2005 to 2010
declined 53 percent for white LMI borrowers and
72 percent for black LMI borrowers.
While the home purchase loan rates did increase from
2010 to 2015, the increase was greater for white LMI
households (26 percent) than it was for black LMI
households (6 percent).
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7

“We can’t explain the differences we
see from this analysis,” Nelson says.
“The Home Mortgage Disclosure Act
(HMDA) data don’t tell us anything
about borrowers’ credit scores or their
debt-to-income ratios that might help
explain these differences.”

What was happening in Cuyahoga County
was not happening nationally. The percent of
refinances occurring in low- and moderate-income
neighborhoods nationwide was 17 percent, less
than half what it was in Cuyahoga County.

However, researchers at the Board of Governors found
that declines in home purchase lending since 2006
are mainly due to less lending to lower-credit-score
borrowers, regardless of race. Even so, overall black
borrowers tend to have lower credit scores than white
borrowers, so it follows that the declines in home
purchase lending were greater for black borrowers than
for white borrowers after the Great Recession.

Finding #2:
Refinancing home loans while interest rates
were historically low occurred more in higherincome neighborhoods than in lower-income
neighborhoods in Cuyahoga and Allegheny
Counties.

In 2005, more than a third (36 percent) of all
refinances in Cuyahoga County occurred in the
county’s LMI neighborhoods, compared to 26 percent
in high-income neighborhoods.
To the southeast, in Allegheny County, the share of
refinances in lower-income neighborhoods was 18
percentage points lower than the share in Cuyahoga
County in 2005.
And what was happening in Cuyahoga County was
not happening nationally, Nelson notes: The percent
of refinances occurring in LMI neighborhoods
nationwide was 17 percent, less than half what it was in
Cuyahoga County.

While Nelson and Klesta can’t say definitively why
refinance shares were so much higher in Cuyahoga
In the years immediately following the recession (2010
County’s lower-income neighborhoods before the
and 2011), high-income neighborhoods accounted
housing crisis, research has shown that subprime
for more than 60 percent of the home loan refinance
credit expanded more in the LMI neighborhoods in
activity in Cuyahoga County. That number (share of
Cuyahoga County. For example, much of lending in
refinances occurring in high-income areas) was 61
Cuyahoga County’s LMI neighborhoods involved
percent in Allegheny County in 2012. Deteriorating
high-cost loans and loans originated by nondepository
housing values plus tightened lending standards
institutions; this was not the case in Allegheny County.
during and after the recession may have impacted the
ability of some homeowners to refinance their homes, A decade later, in 2015, the share of refinances in
particularly in LMI areas within the counties.
Cuyahoga County’s LMI neighborhoods (15 percent)
“In the postrecession period, it was largely
homeowners living in high-income neighborhoods
that refinanced,” Nelson says. “When you refinance,
you need a certain amount of equity in your home. In
areas where the housing prices rebounded, perhaps
more so in the high-income areas, borrowers may have
had more equity in their homes, allowing them to
refinance.”

had fallen more in line with the share of refinances in
LMI neighborhoods nationally (12 percent).

Finding #3:
From 2005 to 2015, in both Cuyahoga and
Allegheny Counties, the share of low- and
moderate-income borrowers buying in higherincome areas went up.

It was a different story prior to the Great Recession
The share of purchases in LMI neighborhoods dropped
in Cuyahoga County, when the share of refinances in
LMI neighborhoods exceeded the share in the county’s from 2005 to 2015 for all race and income groups in
Cuyahoga and Allegheny Counties, the home lending
high-income neighborhoods.
reports reveal.

8

Spring/Summer 2017

It’s the opposite for purchases in non-LMI
neighborhoods: The share of home purchases in
higher-income areas was up in 2015 compared to that
of 2005 for both race and borrower income groups.
Where there’s an exception (white non-LMI borrowers
in Allegheny County), the share of purchases in
non-LMI neighborhoods merely remained the same.
In Cuyahoga County, for example, 52 percent of black
LMI borrowers in 2015 purchased homes in non-LMI
neighborhoods, up from 22 percent in 2005, and 80
percent of white LMI borrowers bought in higherincome areas, up from 71 percent in 2005.
The uptick in Cuyahoga County may be the result
of depressed housing prices, a situation which could
have left the door open for more borrowers to afford
houses in areas that otherwise might have been
unaffordable previously, Klesta says. Home prices in
Cuyahoga County fell by 11 percent from 2005 to
2009 and an additional 4 percent from 2009 to 2010.
Another driver of LMI borrowers’ loan activity may be
the first-time homebuyer tax credit enacted in 2008
and made available to qualified borrowers through
mid-2010. Federal Reserve researchers have
documented an increasing share of home purchase loans
to LMI borrowers while the tax credit was in place.

Finding #4:
Allegheny County’s origination rates are
higher than Cuyahoga County’s across all
loan types, neighborhood income groups,
and years with the exception of 2005.
During that year, Cuyahoga County had
higher refinance origination rates in all
neighborhood income types.
Allegheny County’s origination rates for home
purchase loans have been higher than those in
Cuyahoga County across all neighborhood
income types in the 3 years examined: 2005,
2010, and 2015. So whether buying in a lowincome, moderate-income, middle-income, or
high-income neighborhood, borrowers were
more likely to secure a home purchase loan in
all 3 years in Allegheny County.

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9

The uptick in Cuyahoga County may be the result of
depressed housing prices, which could have left the door
open for more borrowers to afford houses in areas that
otherwise might have been unaffordable previously.

The same is true for refinance origination rates (they
were higher in Allegheny County than in Cuyahoga
County) with the exception of 2005, when refinance
origination rates were higher in Cuyahoga County
for all neighborhood income types than in Allegheny
County.
Asked why the home loan outcomes differ between
the two, Klesta and Nelson note that Home Mortgage
Disclosure Act data don’t reveal much about the
borrowers, but they suggest the differing outcomes
could be explained, in part, by lower credit scores
and higher debt-to-income ratios, among other
characteristics that lenders take into account when
deciding whether to extend credit.
Overall in Allegheny County, the median incomes are
higher. Referring to the maps that accompany the two
home lending reports (map 1 in both reports*), Klesta
notes that while more than half of the census tracts in
Cuyahoga County are LMI, only just over a third of the
tracts in Allegheny County are.
Allegheny County also didn’t experience the steep
drop-off in housing prices that Cuyahoga County and
the nation did between 2000 and 2016. Instead, homes
held their value more, and stable home equity tends to
make it more possible for a homeowner to refinance. ■

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
Two researchers in the Cleveland Fed Community
Development Department, a group that promotes
impartial access to credit, find differences in
home loan outcomes for people of different races
and incomes in county-by-county reports.

*Available here: tinyurl.com/y7suffd3.

Source file:
Most renters say they would like to own in the future, but
financial constraints are an obstacle. Read the December 2016
analysis by Pew Research Center at tinyurl.com/ybljrfoa.
Homeownership rates fall when existing homeowners lose
or leave their properties, when barriers to homeownership
increase, or both, Ben Bernanke, then-Chair of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System, said in a 2012 speech.
He explored policy responses to the challenges, too:
tinyurl.com/y8nmoxrn.
For more information on the factors contributing to the
disproportionate decline in lending to minorities since 2006,
see this FEDS Notes article at tinyurl.com/ya8a69fl.
The Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland published during and
after the Great Recession reports on foreclosures in Greater
Cleveland (Cuyahoga County) and in Allegheny County. For the
Greater Cleveland report, visit tinyurl.com/ycjvphe9, and for
the Allegheny County report, read tinyurl.com/y78stjx4.
A December 2011 Federal Reserve Bulletin offers highlights
about the mortgage market, using Home Mortgage Disclosure
Act data: tinyurl.com/y77hmmxk.

Coming up
Stay tuned for home lending reports
for other major counties in the Fourth
Federal Reserve District, which
comprises Ohio, western Pennsylvania,
the northern panhandle of West Virginia,
and eastern Kentucky.

Uncover lending trends yourself
The Home Mortgage Explorer draws from HMDA
data—the same data used in the home lending
reports—and allows users to more easily explore
trends in mortgages. The infographic insert in this
magazine explains more.

Take a drive with the
Home Mortgage Explorer
https://philadelphiafed.org/hme
YEARS
COVERED
2010–2015

10

Spring/Summer 2017

GEOGRAPHY
US; all 50 states;
381 metro areas;
47 nonmetro
areas

When It Comes
to Lead Poisoning,
Prevention Is Key
Three people working to improve the prevention of lead poisoning
in children share successes and challenges they see and what
more is needed to protect the human capital of tomorrow.
Decades after the United States banned lead paint and leaded gasoline, children
are still suffering from lead poisoning, and the risk of it here, in the region served
by the Cleveland Fed, is higher than in similar regions of the country.
“Individuals’ health outcomes are largely determined by where they live; the
idea is that one’s life expectancy is linked more to zip codes than genetic codes,”
says Mary Helen Petrus, assistant vice president of the Bank’s Community
Development Department.
“We’re at heightened risk in this region [the Fourth Federal Reserve District
comprises Ohio, western Pennsylvania, the northern panhandle of West
Virginia, and eastern Kentucky] because so much of our housing stock is wood
frame and old—built prior to 1978 when lead-based paint was banned,” Petrus
continues.
Lead is in the environment also because of the region’s industrial past, adds Lisa
Nelson, a Cleveland Fed community development advisor. “By virtue of having
the old industry, there’s a lot of lead in our soil,” she explains.
Recent concerns made evident by media reports about lead poisoning crises
within the Fourth District—specifically in Cleveland—and outside of it—namely
in Flint, Michigan—motivated the Cleveland Fed in 2016 to publish a brief that
examines impact studies and remediation efforts both locally and nationally. The
Bank also convened a forum to stress the importance of lead poisoning prevention
to the economic vitality of the region.
“This issue has been a concern within our region for decades, particularly in the
most distressed areas,” Nelson says. “Research has documented the negative
impact of lead exposure on kids’ educational outcomes and on their ability to
reach their full potential in life. Nothing has been found that can fully mitigate
the effects of lead on children once they are poisoned.”
That reality makes efforts to prevent lead exposure essential. Such efforts are
most effective if the various experts who touch families’ lives, from pediatricians
and public health experts to community developers and educators, work
together to increase prevention, Nelson says.

F refront

11

Ronald J.H. O’Leary
Position

Former Director, Department of Building
and Housing, City of Cleveland

Education

Miami University, BA and MA
Case Western Reserve University, JD

Lead work

Cleveland’s building department will implement
a systematic program in 2017 that will inspect
every residential rental unit in Cleveland on a
5-year cycle. These inspections will focus on
safety issues such as lead paint, fire dangers, and
mechanical systems.

Katrina Smith Korfmacher
Positions

Director, Community Outreach and Engagement Core,
Environmental Health Sciences Center
Associate Professor, Department of Environmental Medicine,
University of Rochester Medical Center

Education

Brown University, BA
Duke University, MS in water quality management and
PhD in environmental policy making

Lead work

Since 2002, Dr. Korfmacher has developed, participated in,
supported, and evaluated community partnerships related to
childhood lead poisoning prevention and healthy homes in
Rochester, New York.

To that end, the Cleveland Fed’s November 2016
forum “Addressing the Impacts of Lead: Moving
Toward Prevention” sought to encourage the
sharing of best practices and research among
academia, nonprofits, government agencies, and
healthcare providers. Roughly 60 stakeholders in
Cuyahoga County attended.

The lead poisoning of children
today has serious implications for
the human capital of tomorrow.

The lead poisoning of children today has serious
implications for the human capital of tomorrow.
“Decades’ worth of research has linked lead
poisoning with reductions in IQ, poor educational
outcomes, behavioral challenges, attention
disorders, and criminal activity,” reads the
conclusion of Nelson’s August 2016 report Lead
Poisoning and the Children of Cuyahoga County.
The report continues, “The costs associated with
lead-exposed children estimated by economists,
physicians, public health experts and others may
differ, but there is considerable consensus that the
societal and economic costs associated with leadpoisoned children are substantial.”
While lead poisoning may seem an intractable issue,
there are models of mitigation that have shown
success, Petrus and Nelson say.
Recently, Forefront asked 3 of the forum’s speakers
to discuss promising approaches to lead poisoning
prevention. An edited transcript of our conversation
follows.

12

Spring/Summer 2017

Claudia J. Coulton
Positions
Professor, Jack, Joseph and Morton Mandel School of Applied
Social Sciences
Founder and Codirector, Center on Urban Poverty and
Community Development
Case Western Reserve University

Education
Ohio Wesleyan University, BS in sociology
The Ohio State University, MSW
Case Western Reserve University, PhD in social welfare

Lead work
Dr. Coulton has been studying the negative impact of
elevated blood-lead levels on kindergarten readiness
assessment scores for Cleveland children. She has identified
the types of housing and neighborhood conditions that put
children at risk of lead poisoning and focused on “hot spots”
where risk of lead poisoning is highest.

FOREFRONT: Where is lead poisoning in
children most prevalent, and why?
COULTON: It’s most prevalent in housing, both
single-family and multifamily housing, that’s
suffered disinvestment and a lack of upkeep and
maintenance. Here in Cleveland, the current
pattern of lead poisoning very much tracks the
redlined areas from the 1930s and 1940s—the
same areas affected more recently by rampant
foreclosures and subprime mortgages, where
homes were left empty. That’s where it’s
concentrated here. Nationally, in newer cities, the
patterns are different. And in Flint, Michigan, we
know water was the source of lead.
O’LEARY: We know with our city being the age
it is and the construction type it has—largely
wood frame housing and most of it constructed
before 1978 [when lead paint was banned]—
that this is going to be an issue throughout
every neighborhood in the city, but the higher
concentrations of elevated blood-lead levels tend
to be in areas of the city where there are other
maintenance issues. What we’re doing is pulling
in information about where elevated blood-lead
levels are highest, and that’s where we will begin
to focus our rental property inspection program
when we get it started later this year. Previously,
we’ve inspected rental properties on more of
a complaint-driven basis and based on orders
from our housing court; we’ve been planning for

some time [to] implement a systematic rental
inspection program. Rentals are a business,
and the landlords should be appropriately
maintaining the rental units in a way that’s safe
for tenants.
FOREFRONT: What do your research and
experience reveal is needed to combat lead
poisoning in children?
COULTON: Our research points to single-family

and 1- to 4-unit properties as most important to
monitor. Being sure to track where it’s happening
is important. There’s a good possibility a child
will end up being in that unit again in the future.
O’LEARY: Landlords have a business enterprise,
and often the margins are very tight; we don’t
want to have any more vacant properties than we
already have. We are concerned about our efforts
leading to displacement and vacancy, but not at
the expense of people living in unsafe housing.
The landlords are responsible for maintaining
their properties up to code. That is the bottom
line. But we have to be practical and acknowledge
that some landlords will need access to financial
resources so that they don’t allow their properties
to become vacant. We want to provide direction
to those landlords as to where they can find
resources to correct violations. That way, we have
safe places for people to live.

F refront

13

KORFMACHER: The community partnership that
we have in Rochester is the most critical thing. We
have this beautifully simple but elegant system
of rental inspections that is very efficient and
cost-effective. We have a holistic collaboration of
the county health department, the city housing
department, and community groups, and that
helps us look at the data and make adjustments
for what’s needed. For example, initially under our
proactive rental inspections, we were doing dust
wipes [the process wherein wipes are used to test
surfaces for lead dust] in all types of units on the
same inspection schedule, but we found that 91
percent of kids with elevated blood-lead levels lived
in dwellings with 1 or 2 units. Only 9 percent lived in
buildings with 3 or more units. So the city stopped
doing dust-wipe testing in larger structures.
FOREFRONT: What worries you about the current
state of the research and action involving lead
poisoning?
O’LEARY: We have so few resources to deal with

lead paint—that’s my main concern. Much of
what I’ve done, and our staff in building and
housing has done, has focused on demolishing and
securing vacant structures that are nuisances. We’ve
demolished more than 8,800 structures since I
joined the department
in 2006. Our cost
has been more than
I do think that the belief that
$68 million. There
we need to remove all leaded
are, ballpark, another
paint from buildings in order
5,000 structures
to address the problem is a
that should be
barrier. It means people are
demolished, and, at
afraid or reluctant to take the
an average of $10,000
first step to make it better.
per demolition,
there’s $50 million
more in demo dollars
needed right there. The amount that it would cost
to really deal with lead far exceeds what we’ve done
with demolition. You can appropriately maintain the
lead paint to keep it safe—and those measures are
relatively cost-effective—but the truth is you can’t
maintain something indefinitely without constant
focus on it. The cost to remediate all of the lead
paint? I don’t have an estimate.
14

Spring/Summer 2017

KORFMACHER: In Rochester, by putting into
place clear expectations and incentives for
property owners, we have shifted the focus: For
little incremental cost of maintaining paint and
friction surfaces, property owners have been able
to significantly raise the floor with regard to lead
safety in rental housing. As a result, the number of
kids with elevated blood-lead levels has come down
2.4 times faster than in other upstate cities that do
not take this approach to controlling lead hazards.
I do think that the belief that we need to remove
all leaded paint from buildings in order to address
the problem is a barrier. It means people are afraid
or reluctant to take the first step to make it better.
Before adopting our law, the only model that people
were aware of was full abatement, but that was not
going to work with Rochester’s housing market. As
Ron said, I can’t imagine how much it would cost
to remove all of the lead from Rochester. That was
stopping people from asking, “What can we do? If
we can’t remove it all, let us do what we can that is
sustainable and cost-effective.” It hasn’t eliminated
lead hazards, but it has improved the lead safety
significantly.
COULTON: It would seem that these lead-safe
practices can also be disseminated effectively to
homeowners. I don’t know that the models for that
have come as far.
FOREFRONT: What encourages you about the

current state of the research and action involving lead
poisoning?
COULTON: We saw this very well demonstrated

at the recent Cleveland Fed forum, specifically
the sharing of statistics on the effectiveness of
the program in Rochester and other studies
demonstrating the impact of not-completeabatement, lead-safe programs. I’m very encouraged
that those rigorous studies are there and that people
who have done them are willing to share their best
practices. We can monitor the impact of programs
here using some of the methodologies used
elsewhere.
O’LEARY: Our staff has worked with Rochester and
a number of other cities to develop best practices,
and that’s tremendously helpful to us as we try to

People are recognizing
that this isn’t a problem
that one department
or one sector can solve.
You really need private,
not-for-profit, and
government groups to
work together.

develop our program.
isn’t a problem that one department or one sector
can solve. You really need private, not-for-profit,
and government groups to work together. Also,
the sharing, the collaboration between cities—
Cleveland doesn’t have to make all of the mistakes
and learn all of the lessons we and others did.

COULTON: I agree with Ron. The city is the
authority regarding housing codes and rental
registry and so forth. However, I feel like there
is a lack of awareness, a lack of really actionable,
systematic information about lead that’s being
given to parents of newborns. I don’t think we
have a message yet empowering parents to ensure
lead safety or to insist that their landlords do it.

FOREFRONT: How do we reasonably ensure that

FOREFRONT: For those whose structures are

KORFMACHER: People are recognizing that this

policies and laws actually are enforced? To whom
does this responsibility fall?

found to contain high amounts of lead, what
resources and steps would you suggest?

O’LEARY: It’s largely buildings that cause the

KORFMACHER: Make sure paint is intact; remove
paint on friction and impact surfaces; if possible,
replace windows; cover any bare soil; and use
lead-safe cleaning techniques. In all cases, make
sure to hire RRP-certified [renovation, repair, and
painting] contractors if you are doing any work
that disturbs paint, and watch to make sure they
use lead-safe work practices.

problems. There are toys with lead paint on them
and housekeeping issues where people are tracking
in dirt from outside that has lead dust in it. But
when we know that the structures themselves are
so frequently the source of the lead poisoning, the
responsibility is with the building department in
any local government. That’s why we’re focused on
that right now.

F refront

15

Lead exposure in children is just one of the negative consequences
of housing disinvestment. Poorly maintained housing also
exacerbates health problems (e.g., asthma), contributes to
parental stress, and is associated with residential instability.

O’LEARY: There are best practices for safety for

dealing with lead paint. Those include proper ways
to remove it: don’t use a sander on lead paint, don’t
use a heat gun to help strip it, make sure to put
down plastic or a drop cloth to catch paint chips
outside versus letting them go into the grass. Be
sure you keep the house clean. Lead poisoning
oftentimes is from the dust from lead paint. It also
can be tracked in: You walk through the grass, you
track dirt in. Sometimes the concentration of lead
in the soil in a tree lawn is very high because we
used to use leaded gasoline for automobiles.
FOREFRONT: For people whose children have
elevated blood-lead levels, how should they respond,
and where can they find help?
KORFMACHER: Don’t panic—remember that
more than 90 percent of people my age had lead
levels we consider very hazardous today—but
do take immediate action to find and remove the
source of lead. As soon as possible, test your house
and other pre-1978 places where the child spends
time. Continue to test every 3 months until levels
come down. And while it won’t prevent or cure
lead poisoning, making sure the child has regular
meals and a diet rich in iron and calcium won’t
hurt. Finally, communicate with the school to make
sure the child is proactively tested for learning or
behavioral problems and offered appropriate early
intervention and enrichment services.
FOREFRONT: Beyond lead, what housing-related

challenges should be addressed to improve the lives
of US children?
COULTON: Lead exposure in children is just
one of the negative consequences of housing
disinvestment. Poorly maintained housing also
exacerbates health problems (for example, asthma),
contributes to parental stress, and is associated with

16

Spring/Summer 2017

residential instability. Moreover, disinvested areas
have a lot of vacant housing, which is associated
with crime and social disorder, and these have
negative effects on children.
O’LEARY: Things that are safety issues for adults are
safety issues for children. The things that our rental
inspection team will be looking for include peeling
paint. We’re also looking for things like operating
smoke and carbon monoxide detectors, excessive
use of extension cords (a huge fire hazard), and
plumbing leaks that will cause mold. For me, if I
see peeling paint and I see no smoke detector, the
immediate concern is the lack of smoke detector.
KORFMACHER: I’d say the first step is tenant

education so residents know their rights and
responsibilities. The second is access to free
legal help to enforce those rights. As for physical
challenges, I would put safety first (fire, trips, and
falls), followed by asthma triggers (mold, pests, and
so on). On the larger scale, we should strive for a
housing system where people (residents, landlords,
agencies, and housing systems) don’t have to make
tradeoffs between affordability and safety and
quality. ■ — Michelle Park Lazette

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
The lead poisoning of children can limit their
future potential. Prevention of poisoning
is key, and some city leaders are improving
outcomes by regularly inspecting rental
housing stock and encouraging landlords to
take steps to mitigate risks.

Dig deeper
Find 10 presentations delivered during the Cleveland
Fed’s forum “Addressing the Impacts of Lead: Moving
Toward Prevention”: tinyurl.com/zlpzpko.

Rebound of Oil and Gas
Spells Benefits for Region
Forced to innovate and cut costs when oil and gas
prices plummeted, energy companies presently operate
in a lean way. With energy prices again rising, those
companies are likely to invest in drilling and undertake
other projects that create jobs.

John Shackelford
Senior Examiner,
Federal Reserve Bank
of Cleveland

The oil and gas industry is in the early phases of rebound in the
Marcellus and Utica shale basins, portions of which are located
in the Fourth Federal Reserve District, and that rebound might
bring renewed investment and jobs to the region.

Three generations of the author’s family
have worked in the oil industry, and he has
worked for more than a decade on the federal
financial regulators’ Shared National Credit
program. Currently, Shackelford serves as the
program’s subject matter expert for the oil
and gas industry. The views expressed in this
piece are those of the writer.

Beginning in 2014, a decline in oil and gas prices caused a severe
contraction in the industry, including a cessation of new drilling
activity. The price of a barrel of oil was more than $100 in early
2014, and then it began to sink, reaching a low of nearly $26 by early
2016. As of January 2017, the price had risen to roughly $52.

Both oil and natural gas prices experienced a 2-year decline beginning in
the first half of 2014 but have risen fairly steadily since early 2016.
Nominal price in dollars, weekly

160

20
Oil price (per barrel)
Natural gas price (per million BTUs)

140

16

120

14

100

12

80

10
8

60

6

40

4

20
0
2000 01

18

2
02

03

04

05

06

07

08

09

10

11

12

13

14

15

0
16 2017

Sources: Energy Information Administration; The Wall Street Journal. Data as of January 31, 2017.

F refront

17

Many companies have found innovative ways
Unlike some national oil companies
in other parts of the world, energy
to extract more oil and gas while spending fewer
companies in the United States
dollars. The results have been spectacular.
are for-profit operations with
shareholders who require growing
earnings per share. Drilling for oil
Recently, too, companies have begun unlocking
is expensive—it’s not uncommon to spend millions
previously untapped shale formations with new
on a single well. Thus, companies will halt drilling
technologies, extracting more oil through rock
immediately if costs for extracting hydrocarbons
that had been considered nonproducing. That is
exceed market prices.
particularly true in the Permian Basin (West Texas)
In an effort to maximize profit, many companies have and in the Bakken (North Dakota) fields.
found innovative ways to extract more oil and gas
Therein lies a silver lining to the recent, rapid, and
while spending fewer dollars. The results have been
sustained decline in world oil prices: The price
spectacular. In certain oil and gas fields, companies
drop prompted initiatives, including those to lower
have lowered their break-even costs reportedly by 40
company costs and increase innovation, that have
percent compared to the costs in the previous period
made domestic companies very competitive with
of high drilling in 2014.
world market providers.

Active oil rigs in the United States dropped precipitously in recent years,
reaching a low in mid-2016 not recorded since 2000, but their number has
climbed since.
Number of active rigs

2,500

2,000

1,500

1,000

500

0
2000

01

02

03

04

05

06

Source: Baker Hughes. Data as of January 27, 2017.

18

Spring/Summer 2017

07

08

09

10

11

12

13

14

15

16 2017

Exploration and development companies have
reduced their operating costs during this economic
downturn; they can produce at a price point of
$50 per barrel, economically. These companies will
soon experience some upward cost pressures in
their expenses, as service companies are expected
to increase their prices, reportedly by 20 percent,
in order to regain profitability. However, the overall
structural changes that have been achieved by the
industry—involving better equipment, high-speed
drilling, enhanced hydraulic fracturing, better
mapping of fields, and new pipelines—will bring
greater drilling activity in the Marcellus and Utica
fields and are expected to keep costs reduced by 25
percent, according to industry analysts.

The US oil and gas industry in 2016 comprised 5.6
percent of GDP. Salaries of the industry’s workers
(excluding service station attendants) average more
than $100,000 per year and are a large contributor
to the economies where drilling is located. When
the industry expands, it has a widespread effect on
transportation, services, and the steel industry.
In 2016, when prices reached their recent low, there
were more than 5,000 wells drilled that energy
companies left uncompleted. These wells are
basically ready for production and can be brought
online in a matter of weeks. A number of such wells
are in the Fourth Federal Reserve District, which
comprises Ohio, western Pennsylvania, the northern
panhandle of West Virginia, and eastern Kentucky.
The Fourth District and the United States stand
to benefit as production resumes. The decline of
coal utilization has eliminated many long-term
jobs, especially in Appalachia. The Marcellus and
Utica fields can supply a partial replacement and
supplement as the coal industry adjusts.

F refront

19

Increases in crude prices to more than
$52 per barrel and stabilized gas prices
have encouraged the major lease holding
operators to increase their 2017 capital
expenditures in West Virginia by 7 percent.
Increases in crude prices to more than $52 per barrel
and stabilized gas prices have encouraged the major
lease-holding operators to increase their 2017 capital
expenditures in West Virginia by 7 percent. One
announcement promised a $1.3 billion budget for
renewed drilling using very long lateral (fracked)
completions of up to 7,000 feet, a technique which
would lead to more production from each well.
Additionally, Shell Oil announced plans to build an
ethane cracking plant near Pittsburgh. Such a facility,
during construction and when completed, could
create 6,000 construction jobs and more than 600
permanent facility jobs.
The plant also would shorten the distance that oil
and gas must be transported from producing wells
to processing facilities. At this time, the closest
processing plants are in Texas and Louisiana.
Building downstream processing facilities here
will benefit the long-term health of the region’s
production of oil and gas.

20

Spring/Summer 2017

While oil and natural gas prices’ recent climb is
reason for optimism, it is important to consider that
an increase in gas production may lead to a decrease
in overall gas prices, and companies may again
restrain production. Because prices are dictated by
supply and demand, companies must remain diligent
in balancing the supply they are producing with
global demand. ■

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
Oil and gas prices are rebounding, and
announcements make it clear that the oil and
gas industry is again investing, including in
areas of the Fourth Federal Reserve District.

Read more
Forefront explored the impact of the oil and gas
slowdown on the banking industry in 2016:
tinyurl.com/jkk2rt2.

Research Corner
The works featured here comprise just a sampling of what Cleveland Fed researchers produce each year.
Find other recently released working papers, commentaries, and more regarding conditions in the Fourth
Federal Reserve District and beyond on clevelandfed.org.

Growing Up without Finance

Origins of Too-Big-to-Fail Policy

James R. Brown, J. Anthony Cookson, and
Rawley Z. Heimer
WP 17-04 | tinyurl.com/yd4bjasa

George C. Nurisso and Edward Simpson Prescott
WP 17-10 | tinyurl.com/yc2cnqrp

A number of research studies have tried to find out why
some households make good financial decisions and others
don’t. This paper investigates one possible factor: whether
being exposed to financial institutions early in life is helpful.
The study’s results suggest that it is. The authors compare
the financial decisions of people who grew up on Native
American reservations that had well-developed financial
institutions with people who grew up on reservations
with underdeveloped institutions. Those who grew up on
financially underdeveloped reservations have persistently
worse consumer credit outcomes, including lower credit
scores and more delinquent accounts, than those who grew up
on developed reservations.

A Theory of Sticky Rents: Search and
Bargaining with Incomplete Information
Randal J. Verbrugge and Joshua Gallin
WP 17-05 | tinyurl.com/y8rg8g8c
Rents change much less than economists would expect given
the fact that lease contracts are relatively short and landlords
could raise or lower rents every time a lease is up. Curiously,
too, rents change less when fewer units are under a landlord’s
management. This working paper explains these facts as a
consequence of information that landlords don’t have about
tenants and how willing a landlord is to deal with a vacancy.
Because landlords don’t know how willing tenants are to find
other units, their rent-adjustment strategies depend on how
many units they manage. Landlords with only a few units
adjust the rent less often because they can’t risk having an
empty unit. Landlords with many units are more willing to
raise rents because they know only a fraction of their tenants
will leave.

This working paper traces the origin of the too-big-to-fail
(TBTF) problem in banking to the bailout of the Bank of the
Commonwealth in 1972. It describes this bailout and those
of subsequent banks through that of Continental Illinois in
1984. The paper argues that TBTF policy was an outgrowth of
a deposit insurance system in which most failing banks were
bought by a healthy bank, usually with financial assistance
from the FDIC. Most of the TBTF bailouts of this period
occurred because state branching restrictions at the time
limited the pool of potential acquirers to those in the same
state, and the troubled banks were so large that allowing a
merger between one of them and another bank would have
concentrated too much banking business in one big bank.
The paper finds that bank concentration at the national level
is now similar to what it was in the states that experienced
TBTF bailouts in the 1970s and discusses the implications for
modern bailout policy.

Manufacturing Employment Losses and
the Economic Performance of the Industrial
Heartland
Mark E. Schweitzer
WP 17-12 | tinyurl.com/y7vebp7x
The industrial Midwest has long been recognized as a distinct
economic region and an important contributor to the US
economy. This paper explores some of the ways in which the
region differs from other regions of the United States. The
author divides US metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs)
into three categories and compares their economies after
manufacturing began to decline in the 1970s. One set of
MSAs contains MSAs that are located in the Midwest and that
have a high share of employment in manufacturing industries;
these are the industrial heartland MSAs. A second set contains
manufacturing-intensive MSAs outside of this region, and
the third contains all other MSAs (“service-intensive”).
The analysis identifies two periods in which manufacturing
employment fell significantly, one from 1979 to 1983 and
the other from 2001 to 2010, and shows that the industrial
heartland responded to those shocks differently than the
other regions in terms of nonmanufacturing employment,
unemployment, population, and per capita income levels.

F refront

21

Stabilizing Local
Housing Markets in
Cuyahoga County:
Blight Elimination
Ten years removed from the housing crisis, local housing
markets are still feeling the negative effects of the collapse. The
share of foreclosed homes has declined from peak levels, but
blight remains an obstacle to stabilizing local housing markets.
Strategic interventions to eliminate blight balance demolition and
rehabilitation of homes in order to promote housing market stability.

Kyle Fee
Regional Community
Development Advisor

Tasia Hane-Devore
Staff Writer

How do counties and
communities weigh the
benefifits of demolition—
though some lament a loss
of history and neighborhood
texture—against the benef its
of preserving older housing
stock? (p. 25)
22

Spring/Summer 2017

To aid efforts to address the problem of
blight in neighborhoods, the United States
Department of the Treasury allowed Hardest
Hit Fund (HHF) dollars to be used for blight
elimination. The HHF is a housing initiative
started by President Obama in 2010 “as part
of the Administration’s overall strategy for
restoring stability to housing markets.” The
HHF provides funding to enable states “to
develop locally-tailored foreclosure prevention
solutions in areas that have been hard hit by
home price declines and high unemployment.”
Originally, HHF dollars were used to keep
people in their homes by providing mortgage
payment assistance or principal reductions.
Of the 18 states receiving HHF dollars, so far
only 7 have money allocated for official blight
elimination programs. Ohio ranked number
2 on that list, behind Michigan, in terms of
funding dollars awarded for blight elimination,
at $238 million, or 31 percent of Ohio’s total
HHF funding. According to the Ohio Housing
Finance Agency (OHFA), the state agency
in charge of distributing the funding, Ohio
has used $65 million of its blight elimination
allocation as of the first quarter of 2017. The
remaining $173 million will have to be spent by
the end of 2020 if the state doesn’t want to lose
this funding.

In this recent round of funding, Ohio has the second
most Hardest Hit Fund (HHF) dollars dedicated to blight
elimination programs.
State

Dollars allocated to
blight elimination

Total HHF dollars

Percent of HHF
funding allocated to
blight elimination

Michigan

381,185,566

761,204,045

50.1

Ohio

238,028,701

762,302,067

31.2

Indiana

75,000,000

283,714,437

26.4

Alabama

35,000,000

162,521,345

21.5

Mississippi

20,000,000

144,291,701

13.9

Illinois

17,000,000

715,077,617

2.4

Tennessee

10,000,000

302,055,030

3.3

TOTAL

776,214,267

3,131,166,242

24.8

Source: United States Department of the Treasury, Fifth Round Funding Allocations by State.
Note: Data as of second quarter 2016.

But what is “blight,” exactly, and what does
eliminating it actually entail?
According to the Department of Housing and Urban Development
(HUD), a structure is blighted “when it exhibits objectively determinable
signs of deterioration sufficient to constitute a threat to human health,
safety, and public welfare.” Similarly, Ohio’s blight elimination program,
the Neighborhood Initiative Program (NIP), describes blight as meeting
several conditions, vacancy chief among them, that when “collectively
considered, adversely affect surrounding or community property values.”
In a significant number of cases, “blight elimination,” often intended
to stabilize home values, means demolition. When demolition occurs,
finding a productive reuse for the remaining land is a subsequent but
equally key component of the neighborhood stabilization process.
In Cuyahoga County, diverse perspectives and opinions around the need
for demolition have emerged, creating some debate regarding the extent
to which demolition plays a role in restarting local real estate markets.
While there is some common ground concerning the need for both
demolition and rehabilitation to produce stable neighborhoods, the exact
combination of the two strategies required to produce the best results
is less clear. Moreover, the diversity in Cuyahoga County’s real estate
markets requires pursuing tailored demolition–rehabilitation strategies to
meet the needs of each local market.

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23

Why Cuyahoga County?
According to the OHFA, the Cuyahoga Land Bank
has been allocated $57.9 million for demolition for
use by 2020. Cuyahoga County has the demolition
program with the most funding, but its program isn’t
the only one in Ohio. The Lucas County Land Bank
and the Franklin County Land Bank were allocated
$27.2 million and $20.8 million, respectively, and
the remaining 41 land banks in Ohio each received
between $0.5 million and $17.8 million for demolition.

What makes Cuyahoga County a prime
candidate for demolition, though, also
makes it a prime candidate to consider the
rehabilitation of existing housing stock as
an approach to neighborhood stabilization.
Sean Thomas, executive director of the OHFA, says
the Cuyahoga Land Bank, serving Cuyahoga County,
the seat of which is Cleveland, is a prime candidate for
demolition funds because of two things: the county’s
shrinking tax base and overburdened city services and
its potential for new development that can capitalize
on revitalizing neighborhoods and demographic
trends favoring urban lifestyles. What makes Cuyahoga
County a prime candidate for demolition, though,
also makes it a prime candidate to consider the
rehabilitation of existing housing stock as an approach
to neighborhood stabilization.

24

Spring/Summer 2017

The decision-making process used to decide if a home
gets demolished may vary slightly from land bank to
land bank. Gus Frangos, president of the Cuyahoga
County Land Reutilization Corporation, describes the
process like this: Before deciding to move forward with
a demolition, “land bank officials decide what is to be
demolished by professionally inspecting and evaluating
the condition of premises, the cost to rehabilitate, the
market value, and the marketability of a property.”
A demolition decision made within a framework such
as this one is essentially a function of the rehabilitation
cost and market value of a property. In practice,
higher market values in a neighborhood indicate
that demolition may not be an option, whereas in a
market in which the cost of rehabilitation exceeds the
market value, demolition tends to be the outcome.
While this seems like a straightforward process, it may
have artificially created an “either/or” debate that pits
demolition against rehabilitation when it comes to
neighborhood stabilization. Rehabilitation is often
more expensive than demolition, at least in terms of
material and labor costs. Adding to the debate is that
funding for home rehabilitation is limited because
HHF dollars can’t be spent on these activities.

Demolition opinions abound
In Cuyahoga County, discussions comparing
rehabilitation costs and housing market values have
become quite common in community development
and housing circles, and not everyone agrees on the best
course of action. Collegial debates turn passionate when
the conversation inevitably moves toward repurposing
the money allocated for the demolition program into
rehabilitation dollars.
How do counties and communities weigh the benefits
of demolition—though some lament a loss of history
and neighborhood texture—against the benefits of
preserving older housing stock? Jim Rokakis, vice
president of the Western Reserve Land Conservancy,
and Frank Ford, senior policy advisor for the Thriving
Communities Institute at the Western Reserve Land
Conservancy, counter that question with one of their
own: “How and when can the market recover while the
most blighted homes continue to send a message to
current property owners that it makes no sense for them
to invest in their homes?”

Demolition isn’t only about
removing some older housing
stock; it’s also about preserving it.

They instead suggest that we “reverse the looking glass.”
Demolition isn’t only about removing some older
housing stock; it’s also about preserving it. That is, they
assert that removing the most-blighted homes in a
neighborhood will ostensibly help to preserve the rest.
And it’s in these already vulnerable neighborhoods,
Rokakis and Ford argue, that much of the predatory and
abusive lending that led to the housing crisis occurred.
The fragile state of these neighborhoods should be
considered as carefully as possible in demolition and
preservation decisions in order not to inflict further
harm onto those living there.
In many areas of Cuyahoga County, neighborhoods
are densely built, and demolition of blighted properties
allows for an increased range of growth possibilities. Sally
Martin, housing manager for the City of South Euclid,
acknowledges that demolition is “just one tool in the tool
box,” but, she says, it’s “a crucial one.” She advocates for
demolition done in context, not a vacuum: “It must be
part of the overall plan for neighborhood stabilization.”
She maintains that in South Euclid, “demolition has
opened up a unique opportunity for new construction.
In our almost fully built-out city, this option didn’t exist
before we began demolishing distressed properties. It’s
providing a housing option that wasn’t available before,
and these parcels are moving quickly and improving
neighborhood values dramatically.”

The rehabilitated home pictured here lies in the historic Slavic Village neighborhood on the east side of Cleveland, Ohio.
Photographs courtesy of the Slavic Village Recovery Project.

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25

But there are others who warn of relying too heavily on
demolition to restore neighborhood property values—
or attempting to restore values while, in fact, destroying
the very fabric of the neighborhoods themselves.
Joel Ratner, president and chief executive officer of
Cleveland Neighborhood Progress, notes his concern
“that if we take down too much in some places, we will
destroy the opportunity to restore markets.”
Ratner argues that we should take this opportunity
to “rethink our neighborhoods,” and that includes
fostering rehabilitation alongside demolition efforts.
It’s one way to help save Cuyahoga County’s tax base.
In relying too much on demolition, he suggests, “We’re
really destroying our tax base and sending it to outlying
counties. One of the ways not to do that is to make
investments in our neighborhoods and rehab houses.”

No one wants to live on a street with a
bunch of abandoned houses, but nobody
wants to live on a street where there’s a
bunch of vacant lots, either. That’s not
how people who have choices choose.

Ratner concedes that it’s more expensive to rehabilitate
a structure than to demolish it, but rehabilitation is
an investment in a neighborhood, one that provides
housing for residents and an opportunity to regain a
sense of neighborhood cohesion. Demolition can also
begin a nasty domino effect: “When you demolish a
house, if it doesn’t restore the market, then the next
empty house on that street, the next time someone
dies or moves away, you’re going to need to demolish
it, too. No one wants to live on a street with a bunch of
abandoned houses, but nobody wants to live on a street
where there’s a bunch of vacant lots, either. That’s not
how people who have choices choose.” Instead, with
rehabilitation, he says, “we’re looking for opportunities
to restart markets”—to encourage neighborhood
development—“and the best option is to restart a
market.”
While there are differences in opinions and plans,
restarting markets is something that sits near the top
of nearly everyone’s wish list regarding these blighted
communities. ■

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
Stakeholders looking to restart local housing
markets need to work with community
members collaboratively to incorporate both
demolition and rehabilitation in their plans to
stabilize neighborhoods.

Source file:
For more information on the Hardest Hit Fund,
visit tinyurl.com/hardesthitfunds.

26

Spring/Summer 2017

Letter from the
Cleveland Fed
Goodbye, Print. Hello, Connected Content.
In the first issue of Forefront, published December 2009,
we pledged to our readers that “the language will be
clear, the concepts accessible.”
Nearly eight years later, we remain committed to
our Forefront founders’ promise to ensure that our
contributing writers explain their academic research,
translate trends into real-world concepts, and provide
insights into complex issues. Our focus is and always
will be on providing excellent content using accessible
language.
We strive to provide perspectives and data on issues that
impact business and community development leaders,
consumers, bankers, policymakers, civic leaders, and
members of the broader public. We want to provide
even more value to you, our readers, by providing
more context for each story, in part through offering
immediate connections to other Cleveland Fed material
and beyond. With this goal in mind, we are converting
the print-and-online publication of Cleveland Fed’s
Forefront magazine to an online-only publication. Our
new online news hub will offer the same well-researched
and accessible content you’ve come to expect, and more,
all of it available on clevelandfed.org.
The online-only format gives you access to graphics,
downloadable data and charts, and immediately
consumable related content. You’ll get deep dives on
topics we can explore without the space constraints
of print. You can share content easily and tell us what
topics you’d like to see more—or less—of. Our goal is to
enhance your experience and to provide ways for you to
communicate with us.
We talked with Forefront subscribers and our colleagues
earlier this year to find out how they stay informed and
engaged with their work and their interests. You’ve told

us you like accessing related articles as you’re browsing
a topic, you like graphics that show you something new,
and you appreciate photo galleries. Our move online will
provide all 3 and more.
Our content will continue to be rooted in robust
research, to provide the views of experts both inside and
outside the Cleveland Fed, and to explore issues that
are of importance on local and national levels. Last year,
we brought you an in-depth 5-part series that looked at
eastern Kentucky’s transition away from a coal-centric
economy and into a new future. Over the years, we’ve
focused on the Great Recession, student loan debt,
regional communities, and banking trends.
With each of the pieces we publish, we will continue
to provide you context for the data we collect and the
research we conduct and to inform you about the region
in which you live, work, and play.
In this last print issue, we invite you to sign up for our
monthly e-newsletter, Cleveland Fed Digest (clevelandfed.
org/cfd-subscribe). Launched in March 2017, the digest
highlights new work, graphics, and event information
and features an “Ask the Expert” exclusive.
Please join us at clevelandfed.org—search for our news
hub, Connections, coming soon—as we continue to
explore topics you care about.

Marilyn Wimp
Vice President and Public Information Officer
Corporate Communications and Engagement

F refront

27

In Case You Missed It

Policy Summit 2017 Draws Hundreds
to Cleveland
Sydney A. Stone
Communications Coordinator

On June 22 and 23, the Cleveland Fed
hosted its signature biennial policy event
in downtown Cleveland: the 2017 Policy
Summit on Housing, Human Capital,
and Inequality. An audience of more
than 300 policymakers, economists,
community development professionals,
and others came together for the 2-day
summit to discuss enduring economic
and social issues challenging the
Cleveland Fed’s District and other areas
of the country. Throughout the event,
speakers shared research and policy
options on myriad topics ranging from
fintech lenders to the opioid addiction
crisis that is ravaging families and
communities in the Fourth District and
across the nation.
J.D. Vance started the event speaking
about his childhood experiences
growing up in Middletown, Ohio, the
During a Q&A at the 2017 Policy Summit, keynote speaker J.D. Vance fields a question about
people who hope to escape poverty can do so without leaving an area. Mary Helen
inspiration behind his memoir, the New how
Petrus of the Cleveland Fed moderates.
York Times bestseller Hillbilly Elegy: A
Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis.
Vance pointed to his own experiences in discussing
many of the complicated social and economic issues
Speakers shared research and policy options
that plague communities in the Appalachian region
on myriad topics ranging from fintech
of the United States, an area that lies partially in the
lenders to the opioid addiction crisis.
Cleveland Fed’s geographic Fourth Federal Reserve
District, comprising Ohio, western Pennsylvania,
eastern Kentucky, and the northern panhandle of
West Virginia.

28

Spring/Summer 2017

“The problems that Rust Belt families encounter are
complex, and I found the best way to communicate
these issues is to write about them as people and
families with courage, passion, and bravery who also
have their problems,” Vance said.

poetry and stories the scholars wrote. The book
was produced in collaboration with Lake Erie Ink
and Esperanza Inc., 2 Cleveland-area nonprofits.
Download your own free copy of the book at
tinyurl.com/CFS-story-project.

The Policy Summit included a mix of panel-style
plenaries, research and practitioner breakout sessions,
and a closing speech by Cleveland Fed President
and Chief Executive Officer Loretta J. Mester. Friday
morning’s panel titled “Storytelling through Creative
Expression” featured examples of the way that art—
whether written, oral, or visual—has transformed
communities. The panel highlighted the Cleveland
Fed Scholars program, a summer intern program for
Cleveland-area high school students, as one of these
creative endeavors, citing Somewhere in Cleveland:
The Cleveland Fed Scholars Story Project, a book of

Learn more about the 2017 Policy Summit and dive
deeper into specific research and practitioner sessions
at clevelandfed.org/2017policysummit. ■

SUM AND SUBSTANCE
Policymakers, economists, community developers,
and other guests gathered at the Policy Summit
in June for outside-the-Beltway discussions of
policy, research, and practitioner options to
help address some of the region’s most pressing
economic and social challenges.

Fed Scholars Pen Book
For several years, the Federal Reserve Bank
of Cleveland has partnered with community
organizations to employ students from area high
schools in a summer internship program called
the Fed Scholars program. The students learn
about career paths, acquire workplace and life
skills, and contribute to the Bank’s education
and museum outreach. In 2017, for the first
time, 7 Fed scholars became published authors.
Read Somewhere in Cleveland: The Cleveland Fed
Scholars Story Project, available for download at
tinyurl.com/CFS-story-project. After the book’s
publication, the scholars met with civic leaders
and with their peers to share their stories.

The Fed Scholars program was one of those
featured at this year’s Policy Summit in a session
focused on innovative programs that use art
to engage multicultural groups, urban youth,
and other under-tapped voices in civic life and
discourse as a way to capture the narrative fabric
of people and place.

The Fed scholars at Lincoln-West High School
in Cleveland, Ohio, to preview their book
Somewhere in Cleveland. Photo courtesy of
Michael Galka, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

F refront

29

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