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February 7, 2009

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Conference Call of the Federal Open Market Committee on
February 7, 2009
A joint conference call of the Federal Open Market Committee and Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System was held on Friday, February 7, 2009, at 10:00 a.m. Those
present were the following:
Mr. Bernanke, Chairman
Mr. Dudley, Vice Chairman
Ms. Duke
Mr. Evans
Mr. Kohn
Mr. Lacker
Mr. Lockhart
Mr. Tarullo
Mr. Warsh
Ms. Yellen
Mr. Bullard, Ms. Cumming, Mr. Hoenig, Ms. Pianalto, and Mr. Rosengren, Alternate
Members of the Federal Open Market Committee
Messrs. Fisher, Plosser, and Stern, Presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks of Dallas,
Philadelphia, and Minneapolis, respectively
Mr. Madigan, Secretary and Economist
Ms. Danker, Deputy Secretary
Mr. Luecke, Assistant Secretary
Mr. Skidmore, Assistant Secretary
Ms. Smith, Assistant Secretary
Mr. Alvarez, General Counsel
Mr. Baxter, Deputy General Counsel
Mr. Sheets, Economist
Mr. Stockton, Economist
Messrs. Clouse, Connors, Kamin, Slifman, Sullivan, Weinberg, Wilcox, and Williams,
Associate Economists
Ms. Mosser, Temporary Manager, System Open Market Account
Ms. Johnson, Secretary of the Board, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
Mr. Frierson, Deputy Secretary of the Board, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
Ms. Bailey, Deputy Director, Division of Banking Supervision and Regulation, Board of
Governors; Mr. English, Deputy Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors

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Mr. Blanchard, Assistant to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Ms. Liang, Associate Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors;
Mr. Nelson, Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Ms. Beattie, Assistant to the Secretary, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
Mr. Williams, Records Management Analyst, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Mr. Barron, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Mr. Fuhrer, Ms. George, and Mr. Rosenblum, Executive Vice Presidents, Federal
Reserve Banks of Boston, Kansas City, and Dallas, respectively
Messrs. Rasche and Schweitzer, Senior Vice Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of St.
Louis and Cleveland, respectively

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Transcript of the Federal Open Market Committee Conference Call on
February 7, 2009

CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. A good Saturday morning to everybody. Thank you for
joining this meeting. This is going to be a joint FOMC–Board meeting because, although I do
not anticipate we will be taking any formal action today, I do want to give everyone the
opportunity to express views and to discuss policy issues. With that said, I need a motion to
close the meeting.
MR. KOHN. So moved.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Without objection. The Board is in session as well as the
FOMC. Let me just welcome Governor Tarullo, who is joining us in his first meeting. He has
been here working for about a week and is already contributing to discussions at the Board. The
purpose of the meeting today is for me to discuss with you the Treasury’s proposed financial
stabilization plan and, in particular, the Fed’s proposed role in that overall structure. This is a
“close hold.” There have been a number of leaks, as often happens, which is very
counterproductive; but I think the Fed has done well, and I would not like those leaks to come
from the Fed. So I appreciate your keeping your confidence close.
We have been discussing, and by “we” I mean primarily the Treasury, the Federal
Reserve, the FDIC, and the OCC, the last week or so—with a lot of staff work before that—a
plan that Secretary Geithner will propose on Monday at 12:30 in a speech at the Treasury. They
have been very wide-ranging discussions, and, frankly, there was little in the way of resolution or
focus until very recently—only in the last 24 hours or so have we begun to see where Secretary
Geithner wants to take the plan; in fact, we got a very substantial revision of the document this
morning at 9:15, so you can see this is very much a work in progress.

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But given the schedule for Secretary Geithner to announce the plan on Monday, I thought
this was an opportune point for us to review the plan and the Fed’s potential role. As you’ll see
when I go through the plan with you, the details are fairly lacking. There is an overall structure.
That, in part, is on purpose. The political strategy is to provide an overall structure with some
detail, but not a great deal of detail, with the idea that the public discussion and the congressional
discussion will create some buy-in on the political side. It’s like selling a car: Only when the
customer is sold on the leather seats do you actually reveal the price. So the strategy, again, is to
provide the framework to get the Congress involved within certain parameters, and then, only
when there is some consensus on how the plan will work and what the key elements will be, to
negotiate whether additional funding beyond $350 billion is necessary.
But I think there are some advantages to that from a political point of view. I will say
that both I and the staff—Bill Dudley and others—are somewhat concerned, at least given the
way things stand now, about the market reaction. First, the lack of details will create some
uncertainty and concern, particularly because there’s not a great deal said about the “problem
children,” the BAC and Citi. Secondly, I think the markets will be disappointed in the following
sense: As I will describe, this is a real truth-telling kind of plan. It’s fundamentalist. It’s not
about giving the banks a break. It’s not about using accounting principles to give them backdoor capital. It’s very much market-oriented and “tough love.” And I think we all will like that.
I like that. But the banks’ shareholders aren’t going to be thrilled about it.
As I will explain—and I’ll go through this whole thing in detail in just a minute—the
Fed’s role in the bank stabilization plan per se is minimal. We may be called upon to do some
transition or bridge-financing of parts of the aggregator bank concept to a more permanent, nonFed financing, but we’re not involved in any wraps or anything like that, so in the broad

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elements of the bank stabilization plan, we are pretty much on the sidelines. Where we are part
of the overall stabilization plan is in a proposed expansion of the TALF to include additional
types of ABS. An important element of that would be that the Treasury will be proposing
legislative action to ensure that we can sterilize the effects of any expansion of our balance sheet
on bank reserves; and that would be, I think, a condition for us to fully meet the size of the
expansion that they want. I’ll come back to that in detail, but that, essentially, is where the Fed’s
role is visualized.
Let me go ahead now and go through the plan. I’ll talk about the overall plan. I’ll talk
about the Fed’s role. I’ll give you some reasons why I think the Fed’s role is appropriate for the
economy and advances our own narrow institutional interests. Then we will take all the
comments and questions that you would like to make. Again, because this is a meeting, voicing
your views is certainly appropriate.
The first element of the stabilization plan is summarized as enhanced transparency about
asset valuations and capital needs. So there’s a principle here that I believe to be very important:
The more disclosure and clarity there is, the less uncertainty there is and the better the chance
that we’ll come to some kind of stability.
One part of this first element will be a coordinated supervisory scrub of at least the top
20 banks or so to ensure that we understand how they are valuing their assets. We want to find
some consistency in their marks, we want to find consistency in their provisioning, and we want
to go beyond provisioning, which is focused on one-year losses, to look at expected losses
beyond one year. So we’re going to do a tough scrub of the balance sheets. We’re going to
require enhanced disclosure so that there will be as much information as possible, with as much
consistency as possible, about the balance sheets of the banks.

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Another part of this element is that this is going to be a forward-looking exercise. In
particular, the standard Basel II regulatory capital standards are to some extent going to be
subsumed in the following sense: There will be either explicitly or implicitly an analysis of bank
balance sheets based not only on the current expectations or current modal forecasts, but on a
stress scenario as well. And the presumption is that banks will have enough capital that they will
be able to meet regulatory standards even in the stress scenario; that means there will be some
presumption of a capital buffer—not a permanent increase in capital standards, but rather a
temporary increase in capital required that could be run down over time in order to meet the
standards even in a period of extreme stress.
The language of the presentation will be something along the lines that we want to be
sure that our most important and largest banks, at least, and all of those banks are going to be
resilient, even in the case of a very bad macroeconomic outcome. A forward-looking approach
gets around the accounting issues about reserving versus marking to market, and we’ll be very
aggressive in terms of trying to get a proactive capital injection. They’ll use this scenario to size
the capital needs of particularly the top 20-25 banks, and, moreover, we will be looking not
strictly at Basel II standards, as I said, but also at market-relevant standards, like TCE to total
assets, as well as the Basel risk-weighted asset standards. So Step 1 is a scrub for consistency
and an evaluation of the ability of banks to meet capital standards even in a bad scenario in the
future.
The second element of the bank program is a capital facility. Of course, the first line of
defense, to the extent that banks can, is accessing private capital markets, and they’ll be strongly
encouraged to do so. Obviously, that is very difficult except for a very few banks, so there will
be a backup U.S. government capital facility. What appears to be now the most likely form of

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capital is a convertible preferred instrument, which could be put in as preferred but converted to
common as needed to meet the “well-capitalized” standard of 3 percent of risk-weighted assets
for common equity.
I think about this as like an initial margin versus a maintenance margin. The initial
margin you can think of as being 4 percent, either common or convertible preferred, which
would be enough common or implicit common to meet the bad scenario. That’s the initial
margin. The maintenance margin, though, is 3 percent common. Going forward, as the amount
of common slips below 3 percent, then the banks will be forced to convert their preferred stock
into common stock to maintain that common ratio of at least 3 percent; 3 and 4 percent are not
the exact numbers—these numbers will be calibrated by these exercises looking at the scenarios.
Again, this is focused primarily on the largest institutions, the top 22 or so, which are the ones
above $100 billion, but all banks would be eligible to take this common should they so desire.
Again, the purpose is to capitalize banks in a forward-looking way so that they are able to
withstand severe scenarios, and to focus more on common. I should add that I believe that the
assumption is that even the existing preferred—the preferred that was injected under the first
TARP round—would be changed to convertible, so that the initial TARP could be converted into
common as needed.
We discussed at great length methods of taking bad assets off of bank balance sheets or
insuring them. There are a lot of problems with these. There’s a sense that we need to do that
but a lot of concern, in particular, about how to price, because too low a price will not attract any
interest and too high a price will be a subsidy from the taxpayer. There was also a general
preference—putting aside the accounting issues and so on, which are very important—for an
aggregator bank, which takes assets off the balance sheets, as opposed to a ring fence or a

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guarantee, which provides downside risk protection but doesn’t clean the assets off of the bank’s
balance sheet.
So the current plan is to have an aggregator bank with initial capacity up to about
$500 billion, which is low—potentially it’s expandable. The way it would be run would be as a
public-private partnership. I’m speaking roughly—I don’t have all the exact details—but the
basic idea would be that there would be bidding by the private sector for the right to participate.
The bids would reflect the amount of capital that the private sector agents were willing to
contribute. The instrument that would be created would be a bank that would have both public
and private capital. Regarding the funding, as I said, the Fed might place some initial bridgefinancing to get the thing up and going initially, but in very short order the idea is that the
funding would be through FDIC-insured liabilities, so the Fed would not be involved in any
sustained way in this organization.
The government would give the bank instructions about broad asset classes to purchase,
and there’s some debate about this. There was some discussion about whether the asset
purchases had to come from banks or not, or were just general. I think right now we’re leaning
towards restricting it to assets that are on bank balance sheets. But the asset price and purchase
decisions would be made by the private sector with the profit motive guiding them; and the idea
would be that this would avoid concerns about overpayment and would be an effective
mechanism for price revelation and price discovery in these markets. So the third element would
be the aggregator bank. Again, I think that will be viewed as very small, and banks will be
disappointed about the pricing mechanism, which will not be some kind of subsidy to them; but
it does have the advantage of being a market-based, truth-telling type of mechanism.

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The fourth element is an extension of the FDIC program—the temporary liquidity
guarantee program. The current plan is to extend it from July to October, a three-month
extension, and perhaps to expand the cap, as well. The FDIC is also very eager to introduce a
“covered bond”-type program, which would allow banks to finance for up to ten years on a
heavily collateralized basis along the lines that we see in Europe, for example; and those covered
bonds would be FDIC-guaranteed as well.
This capital process is going to end up with substantial government minority shares, at
the least, in many large banks and majority shares in a few. So a very difficult and important
question is: How are we going to manage that? We don’t want to do it in a way that destroys the
company, or destroys the franchise value, but, at the same time, we have to accept the reality of
government ownership. The proposal from the Treasury is to set up an independent body called
a Government Investment Board, the fifth element in the plan. The Government Investment
Board would control all the shares, including not only the preferred but also the common shares
that are invested in the banks and manage them from a wealth-maximization point of view. It
also would be involved in setting guidelines, perhaps according to the share of ownership, for
bank dividend policy, compensation policy, governance, and so on. So you can imagine the
situation—in particular for a couple of banks we have in mind—where the government would
have majority ownership: The bank would become subject to tough dividend and compensation
restrictions, and the Government Investment Board, together with the supervisory authorities,
would direct the bank in terms of issues like changing management, changing business plans,
and so on. It would not be the government running the bank, but, in cases where the government
has a high ownership share, it would assert those rights in the way that a supervisory authority

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would. There will be an explicit objective to return ownership to the private sector as soon as
possible, consistent with maintaining financial stability.
Sixth and finally, on the bank conditions, the President has already indicated some
stronger conditions on lending and executive compensation. For lending there would be—and I
will just quote the language—“banks would indicate a commitment to increase lending above a
baseline, consistent with safety and soundness.” They would provide detailed information about
their lending on a monthly basis, as well as a “qualitative description of the lending
environment.” So this is an attempt to finesse the difficulties of measuring lending against an
unknown baseline, but there will be some reporting requirements that will try to satisfy the
political need to say the banks are making efforts to lend. This is obviously a very difficult issue
and one in which the supervisors will have to play a role, because we’ll have to help mediate
issues about when banks should be lending more and when we think that doing so is not
consistent with safety and soundness. As already indicated, there will be stronger executive
compensation restrictions. They are contemplating a dividend holiday—restricting dividends at
all participants to one cent, at least for 2009. Finally, there would continue to be a distinction
between banks voluntarily participating and those that are required to participate or are receiving
exceptional support, in which case the dividend and compensation and other restrictions would
be correspondingly tougher.
So that’s the broad nature of the plan. It’s got forward-looking capital. It’s got
convertible capital. It’s got a Government Investment Board to manage that common stock. It’s
got conditions on the banks. It has a private-public aggregator bank.
As I said, I think that will be somewhat disappointing to the market, and I hope that the
Treasury will at least clarify in greater detail something about how to deal with the banks that

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will almost immediately become government majority-owned. But there are still 48 hours to go,
and, given the past experience, that’s enough time for at least four major changes in the program.
Now to the Federal Reserve role. The Federal Reserve’s principal role in this will be an
expansion of the TALF, the asset-backed securities loan facility. There will be a joint
announcement of an agreement between the Treasury and the Fed to expand the TALF from its
current planned level of $200 billion to potentially as high as $1 trillion. The expansion will take
place over time—based on learning, based on Fed management—but I think it will be made
explicit, as we’ve already done, that we will be considering, besides the assets we are already
looking at, ABS that include CMBS and private-label RMBS, which would include prime jumbo
mortgages.
The initial plan for this expansion had the Fed program taking legacy assets. We have
pushed back against that very hard, and we have gotten agreement that, as with the current
TALF, the expanded TALF would take only newly securitized and newly rated ABS, not legacy
assets. So we will not be involved in the aggregator bank or in the toxic asset removal process. I
will note, just for clarity, that not all the assets themselves will be new; for example, in the case
of commercial real estate, some of the underlying assets are existing buildings. But the
securitizations and the ratings will be fresh; so that will reduce our risk, and, of course, the risk
also is reduced substantially by the Treasury element.
Legally, in order for the TARP scoring to work in a favorable way, this has to be a
Federal Reserve facility. So it will be a Federal Reserve facility. We will be the lead agency.
We will be in charge of developing the program. We will have final say on the decisions with
respect to the assets to be taken, the rate of expansion, the scale of expansion, and so on. I think

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this is very important, and it will be clear that the Fed is autonomous and controlling its own
balance sheet.
Finally, as I already mentioned, as part of this, very importantly, and as an explicit part of
the announcements that Tim Geithner will make on Monday, the Treasury will propose to the
Congress legislative changes that will allow the Fed to sterilize the implications of all of our
lending, not just the TALF lending, on bank reserves and the money supply. So if that is done,
that will be a major gain for us in terms of our concerns about macroeconomic stability.
I’m going to give you an opportunity in just a few minutes to comment and ask questions,
but let me just say that this has gone through a lot of discussion and negotiation, and I can
personally argue that I think that where the TALF and the Fed’s role is now is good for the
economy and is good for the Fed. On the economy, clearly, any understanding of what’s
happening in financial markets and the banking system has to recognize that one of the big
problems is the shutdown of the securitization markets. Getting the banks lending again is all
well and good, but there are limits to that. There needs to be additional lending capacity. We
need to get the securitization markets going again. We are facing some very specific issues that
were discussed at the FOMC meeting, like the upcoming crunch in commercial real estate
finance. I think that this TALF program—although, again, we want to reserve the right to see
how it works and to make changes and so on—is addressing a very important problem. And at
this point, it would be doing so in a very broad-based way, because it will be covering a whole
range of different kinds of assets; and the notion that we’re somehow focusing on very narrow
sets of assets would not be legitimate. I think this is good for the economy. I think it will be an
important complement and perhaps one of the most powerful elements of this plan. And as we
think about ways to use our balance sheet to stimulate the economy and ease financial

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conditions, I think this is a very promising direction, consistent with stabilization of the banking
system more broadly.
Looking at this from the Fed’s perspective, just to reiterate, I think this is good for our
institutional objectives. First of all, it respects Fed autonomy. This is a joint project. As I
indicated, the Fed will take the lead in decisions about expansion and assets. We will not be
taking legacy assets, and we will not be participating in wraps or running an aggregator bank.
Those were some of the objectives, in terms of things that we wanted to stay away from, that I
talked about at the last meeting, and we will not be involved in them.
Secondly, I think this overall is a very good step in the direction of protecting our balance
sheet. For one thing, there is the Treasury’s contribution: Our analysis of the first $200 billion
of the TALF suggests that the $20 billion and 10 percent capital from the Treasury provide
extremely good protection against any credit risk, so that we see very, very little risk of any
credit losses to the Fed. For another thing, from a liquidity perspective, there is the very
important step for the Treasury to support legislation to help us drain excess reserves.
There have been various discussions about the need for congressional approval, input,
and so on. That will come, beginning with my testimony on Tuesday, which is on our use of our
13(3) authorities and a discussion of our role in bank rescues, et cetera, and in which I will,
among other things, be saying that if there’s a good resolution regime in place, we will be very
comfortable with an accord that takes us out of that business. But more broadly, this whole plan
will be presented to the Congress, including the TALF. We will get their feedback and their
views, and in particular, they will have to take positive action on the reserve-draining mechanism
for us to be able to undertake the TALF on the scale that has been described.

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So I think this is positive. It moves us in the direction of the objectives I set forth at the
FOMC meeting about where we want to go in terms of an accord. And I would add that, in
working closely with the Treasury on these important matters and developing a good
relationship, I think we increase the odds of getting cooperation in other areas we’re concerned
about, including removal of the SPVs from our balance sheet. And let me just say, on a very
preliminary and close-hold basis, that I have also had some rather encouraging discussions with
both the Treasury and the Congress on an inflation objective, and I think that also would be
something I would want to preserve as we develop a good relationship with the Treasury.
I’ve spoken for quite a while. Let me stop now, and the rest of the meeting will just be
your questions and your comments. Does anyone have any comments or question, Board or
Presidents? I see President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Can you elaborate on how the
sterilization is likely to be done? Will there be an expansion of the SFP or will we be issuing our
own bills?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The language on Monday would be that the Treasury will
be pushing legislation to achieve this objective—it will not specify. I believe their preference
would be to do it through the financing bills, but there will be two important improvements over
the existing program. One is that it will be explicitly outside the debt limit; so there would be no
constraints from the debt limit in terms of their ability to help us sterilize the balance sheet.
Secondly, there would have to be a clear understanding that this was at the discretion of the Fed
and not the Treasury; that is, the Treasury could not withhold a reasonable request from the Fed
to provide those bills. President Fisher.

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MR. FISHER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the briefing. On the
expansion of the TALF, is there a first-loss guarantee from the Treasury as we had before under
the $200 billion—the $20 billion for the $200 billion?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, staff members have worked through the details for the
first $200 billion very carefully. They have developed haircuts for the various types of assets
based on generous allowances for risk of loss. And then, of course, we have the $20 billion of
capital. The result that has been presented to me is that, for midrange haircuts—which are more
generous than what the market is offering now but would be punitive under normal times—we
see the risks to the Federal Reserve from the credit as being extraordinarily low.
Going forward, we would have the same process. The Treasury would provide capital.
The haircuts would be set by some systematic process. I don’t absolutely guarantee that the
capital ratio would be 10 to 1, but whatever ratio it is would be set based on the presumption that
with virtual certainty there would be no losses to the Federal Reserve.
MR. FISHER. So it’s a moving thing. In other words, we don’t know whatever firstloss guarantee we might require? That’s an open door for us? Or you do not think it is going to
be necessary?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. There will be Treasury capital. The question is just, how
much.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. There will definitely be Treasury capital. Will it be 10 to
1? You know, there are a number of parameters: There’s the size of the haircut, there’s the
variability in the loss rates and the different assets that we consider, and then there’s the capital.
We can trade off among those things. Suppose we learn, for example, in the first round that the
haircuts we’re providing are in some sense too generous and that we get tremendous demand for

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this lending. Then in the second round we could consider some tradeoff between bigger haircuts
and lower capital. But in any case, it would be thoroughly vetted by the Board staff and the New
York Fed and others to give us comfort that the risk of loss to the Federal Reserve is extremely
low. In fact, under the current parameters, the risk of loss to the Treasury appears to be quite
low; and there’s $20 billion ahead of us. So the basic principle—that there will be enough
capital and sufficiently large haircuts to essentially eliminate any realistic risk of credit loss—
will be preserved.
MR. FISHER. Mr. Chairman, I just have two other questions—these are data point
questions. Internally, what kind of leverage do we expect to see realized on that $1 trillion?
That is, how much do we think the financial community will leverage that facility?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Do you want to help, Bill?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Well, the haircuts on the existing program are slightly
below 10 percent on average for the consumer asset-backed securities. So the leverage there is
roughly 11 to 1. Obviously, as the Chairman said, we’re going to have to go through the same
analysis that we did for consumer asset-backeds; we have to do it for other asset classes to
determine what is an appropriate haircut given the expected loss experience of commercial real
estate, of private-label RMBS, and so on, under these scenarios. So I think we can’t say for sure
exactly what the leverage ratio is going to be. As the Chairman said, we have choices on
haircuts, we have choices on rates, we have choices on how much capital the Treasury supplies
to backstop the facility—all those parameters can be adjusted. But I think, as a rule of thumb,
we started down the TALF path for consumer asset-backed securities thinking that they were
going to be roughly 10 percent. That’s where we ended up. So it’s probably going to be

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something on the same order of magnitude. But the analysis is going to have to drive that
process. I would hesitate to commit to a number before the staff has a chance to do that analysis.
MR. FISHER. One last question, Mr. Chairman. You mentioned, after spelling this out a
bit before, that we would provide some bridge-financing for the aggregator bank. What’s the
order of magnitude and what’s the dynamic of that bridge-financing that we contemplate
presently?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, it may or may not be needed. The maximum scale of
the bank is $500 billion at initial stages. It is a bank, and I assume it will be structured as a bank
and, therefore, be eligible for normal discount window collateral-based lending. I think the
notion is that in the very short run there may be some timing differences between the purchases
being made by the asset managers and the acquisition of the financing. So there might be short
periods of mismatch where Fed financing would allow the thing to operate.
I view this as being very short-term, well-collateralized, normal bank lending, and it
should have no implications, I think, for our balance sheet or our monetary policy, because it will
be a matter of weeks or a month or two at the most, I would imagine, and may not be necessary
at all; but it’s just a backstop as the thing gets running. We have a good bit of confidence that we
can find long-term financing mechanisms other than the Fed, including even the possibility, for
example, that the assets that are purchased might be paid for with guaranteed liabilities of the
aggregator bank. So I don’t view this as really a problem that any of us should be particularly
concerned about, and it will not invoke any special authority. It will not invoke 13(3) or
anything like that.
MR. FISHER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Hoenig.

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MR. HOENIG. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for the briefing. I have a couple of
questions. When we do this scrubbing of these banks, is the source of the capital the remaining
part of TARP, or is there additional funding anticipated for this?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So this is a very, very close hold. Our very rough estimates
suggest that it’s conceivable, particularly given the assumption that the TARP I preferred stock
could be converted to common, that we could actually manage this whole thing, including the
expansion of the TALF, et cetera, and including $50 billion plus for foreclosures within the
existing authority, within the remaining $350 billion (I should also mention I was at the White
House last night discussing foreclosures, and that will be part of the program, perhaps later this
week). That being said, it’s not certain, and that’s why, for better or worse, the Treasury’s
strategy is to unveil a program and approach, to be a little coy about cost, to see what they get in
terms of political and industry reactions, with the idea that if the program itself gains some
support, it will be easier at that point to say, “Well, here’s what we need to fund it.” But I don’t
know whether that’s going to succeed. They’re going to ask Tim that question, but I’m sure he’ll
try to dodge it. But the hope is, and I think there is some chance, that we’re not talking about a
massive increase in the TARP.
Part of this, of course, is a bit of an end run around the TARP’s original scoring—which
is irrational scoring and had TARP being charged for the total value of any amount of assets
purchased or insured—by using the TALF and by using the aggregator bank with public capital
but private FDIC-insured financing and private capital. The capacity of those instruments to buy
assets is a multiple of what the TARP contribution is, which makes good sense both politically
and economically, I think.

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Because of those types of things, it does seem that somewhere around what we have
might be adequate; but, on the other hand, it needs to be clear to the banks that we’re not going
to go out there and say, “Well, you need so much capital, but—sorry, we ran out.” Also, there’s
always the risk of other emergencies. So we have to have some confidence that there will be
enough capital to meet whatever the size that the scrub suggests.
MR. HOENIG. If you encounter a bank—one of the largest 22 and beyond—that is
insolvent, then would we basically use the FDIC’s resolution process to go in and recapitalize
and create a bad bank for that institution at that time and have to be 100 percent owner of that
and then move forward from there? Is that the plan?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The plan is not as explicit as I would like. Maybe there’s
some constructive ambiguity going on. Yes, if a bank is insolvent, then presumably what will
happen is that we’ll use a systemic risk exception. The FDIC will seize the bank. It will zero out
the shareholders. It will make whole all of the major debt holders—following, again, the
systemic risk exception which allows for non-least-cost resolution—and it will liquidate the
bank. So that’s certainly one possibility. It’s a more complex situation, though, particularly at
the two biggest problem banks, because, even though their asset losses might exceed their
capital, they do have franchise values; and it’s a bit of a judgment call as to whether the
economic interest is in liquidating them or in trying to preserve them, or at least parts of them.
So that’s a decision that, presumably, this investment board is going to have to make. But, yes,
the FDIC will definitely be prepared to do either open bank or closed bank assistance if the bank
is ruled insolvent.
MR. HOENIG. I ask that question because, if we can clarify that, then you would have, I
think, a greater certainty in the sense of: Yes, we are going to take it over, and yes, we are going

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to run it and then reprivatize it. And that takes uncertainty out of it if the banks are, in fact,
insolvent. And if they are not insolvent, then you’re going to take ownership up to whatever it
requires to bring their capital ratios up, and you’re going to take a managing role and reprivatize
them, so that they are systematically administered all the way through.
You also mentioned in your comments that all banks can seek this capital, and I don’t
know what that means exactly going forward. In other words, if, after the 22, you go into these
other banks, those with less than $100 billion and they weren’t insolvent, but they were
undercapitalized—we have a ton of commercial real estate ahead of us—would the FDIC, I
guess, be in a position to add capital and then these banks would become part of this Government
Investment Board oversight as well?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. For banks beyond the 22, my understanding would be that
—just because of lack of resources—they’re not going to go through the same scrub with the
same forward-looking buffer requirement. They will instead go through the usual supervisory
process. Presumably they have less or no systemic consequences. So they will be where they
are now, basically. They may be helped or not by the asset purchases going on, but they will
have access, obviously, to the aggregator bank, and they’ll have access to the capital should they
choose to take it. But they will be in a different place. Bill.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Just one thing that I think is different for the smaller
banks relative to the larger banks is that a much greater proportion of their capital structure is in
tangible common equity, and, if you remember, the stress test is going to be applied probably
against this tangible common equity standard. For most small banks, they’re probably going to
have quite a bit of room on that metric. And as the Chairman said, it’s just not practical in a two-

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month window to scrub 8,000 banks. So you’re really relying on the fact that most of these
small banks are better capitalized on the metric that you really care about.
MR. HOENIG. Not to disagree with you, Bill, but most of these 8,000 banks are being
prioritized now and are being scrubbed across the country. So I think this issue is coming
forward, and it will be focused on commercial real estate. I can assure you of that. I have
another question.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Deborah Bailey wants to add to the answer.
MS. BAILEY. One thing that I just wanted to make sure we understand is that the test on
insolvency is different from having a buffer. For the large institutions, you would only get to the
point of insolvency if, in fact, you looked at their expected losses for the first year and you got a
reserve need that was so big that it actually made the institution insolvent. What was outlined
here is the amount of capital a bank would need as a buffer to get beyond that one-year time
frame, whether it is two years or three years. You would not use that calculation to make a
determination of insolvency. So I just want to make sure that you understand, in looking at even
the largest two that we’re talking about, the insolvency decision is made the same way as always.
If you have no capital or you’ve gone below 2 percent (for prompt corrective action), then we
would do, obviously, what we would do in the normal course for large banks, or any bank. But
that’s not what we are talking about here in terms of capital buffer.
MR. HOENIG. Well, Deborah, I’m not sure I understand your answer, because if you
have an institution and you do the exam and it has X number of assets in difficulty, which brings
its capital down to, say, 3 percent, they would then choose to apply for capital under this
program, and then what would you do? Would you acknowledge their request and provide them
that capital, or would you say no because—whatever the reason?

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MS. BAILEY. We would acknowledge that request and give them the capital. I was
responding to your question on insolvency for the large banks, and I just wanted to make sure
you understood that.
MR. HOENIG. I appreciate that. I have two more questions. In terms of the TALF—
just to clarify and maybe take some of my confusion away—in this morning’s paper there was
discussion about the TALF encompassing our willingness, as these new asset-backed securities
are developed, to actually work through hedge funds, and you had mentioned possibly confining
this to commercial banks or broadening it. Can you clarify that for me, so that I understand
whom we would be working through as the counterparty on this, as we engage in the TALF?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The way this works is that the asset-backed securities are
originated typically by banks; incidentally, it would be those banks that are creating the ABS that
are subject to the TARP restrictions on compensation and so on. But we are not buying the ABS.
What we are doing is lending to investors who, in turn, want to buy the ABS. Those investors
could be hedge funds, or they could be other kinds of investors; but the counterparty is not really
that important, because this is a nonrecourse loan. So the loan, in any event, is based on the
collateral and the haircut.
From a political point of view, we’ve developed some talking points on this. Governor
Tarullo raised this question, as well. We do restrict the counterparties to U.S. institutions, so
foreign institutions are not eligible. I should say that going forward, although initially we are
going to be taking them “first come, first serve,” if there is strong demand, then we are prepared
either to adjust the terms to reduce the attractiveness or to go explicitly to some kind of auction
mechanism. So one way or another, there will not be excess returns being earned by anybody,
because if there are excess returns, they will be competed away through the auction process or

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whatever mechanism we use to allocate these funds. But our direct counterparties will be
nonbanks—the investors who buy the ABS—but it’s a nonrecourse loan, so the fact that we
don’t supervise them is really not very relevant.
MR. HOENIG. One last question about the Government Investment Board, which has
the oversight role. If we had enough ownership, would they select an individual to sit on the
boards of directors of these institutions, or would that be determined separately from the
Government Investment Board in terms of the government’s ownership and representation?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. My understanding is the Government Investment Board is
an attempt—whether it will be successful or not is debatable—to insulate a bit the running of the
business from the political process, to have some kind of business-oriented oversight. In fact, for
banks that are in trouble and have substantial government ownership, there will really be two
complementary enforcement mechanisms. One is the supervisory mechanism, and the other will
be this oversight board, which will be essentially voting the government’s stock. I assume that
those two mechanisms would collaborate. For troubled banks, the supervisors might demand a
change in the board of directors and a change in management, and they probably would get
agreement from the Government Investment Board. The oversight board can do what it wants,
basically. It might just demand a change in the management and change in the board of
directors, or it might decide that it wants to put its own hand-picked people on the board of
directors. But, again, the hope is that this will be a step removed from direct government
decisions about loans, for example, and will simply be an attempt to get the business in as good a
shape as possible either to sell it off or, at some point, to dismember it.
MR. HOENIG. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Evans.

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MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First, I’d like to say that relative to the fears
for our balance sheet that I expressed ten days ago, I’ve heard a lot of things that have made me
feel much better about this. So I think you’ve done a great job.
On the TALF, you mentioned that our goal could expand to $1 trillion. Is that going to
be our decision, or is that going to be part of the Treasury announcement? And I guess that
interacts with the capital cushion, the haircuts, and how much we’re going to lever. So any light
you could shed on that would be helpful.
In looking at the term sheets on the TALF yesterday, somebody pointed out to me that
the haircuts for some loans seemed to be lower than what is charged at the discount window.
But maybe those aren’t apples-to-apples comparisons? It seems that it’s more generous—lower
for the TALF—as I understand it.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. They are borrowing at a higher rate, though—LIBOR
plus 100 basis points.
MR. NELSON. And they’re triple-A ABS.
MR. EVANS. Okay. So at the discount window they’re not rated. So there’s more
uncertainty.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Also, these are only new assets and not legacy assets. So
that reduces the uncertainty as well.
MR. NELSON. It could be that they were looking at haircuts for the asset type that was
backing them.
MR. EVANS. It’s just that, as you look at the table, it does get your attention. So maybe
an additional FAQ on that would be helpful.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. If there are questions related to the announcement
yesterday, Bill Nelson and many others here can address those. Don’t hesitate to put those in.
On the $1 trillion, I think the announcement will be something like “up to $1 trillion,” and
depending on what we learn, et cetera. So I think the headline number will be out there, but
certainly we have to be comfortable with the structure of the program, its utility, the applicability
of 13(3)—that is, are conditions still warranting that kind of activity—the credit protection, et
cetera. So there’s no commitment here. There’s no way that they could force us or otherwise
claim that we had committed to $1 trillion. But I do think, given the fact that our balance sheet
has actually shrunk recently, that this commitment plus the GSE purchases puts us in a range
which is very substantially supportive but is manageable from a monetary policy point of view. I
should never, ever, ever make promises or say “never,” because I’ve been wrong every time as
the economy has deteriorated, but I’m hopeful that this would be the last key initiative—but,
who knows?
MR. EVANS. So on the TALF expansion, I can guess that my colleagues and everyone
here have gotten a lot of phone calls and correspondence from people who were outside of the
asset classes that have access to it, and as you expand it, I assume that this is only going to grow.
So I wonder, will there be discussions, or could we at least have some guidance as to what the
selection process is? And then finally, on the bank preferred stock from TARP I—I’m just not
familiar enough with this—what is the bank reaction to this going to be when we now come at
them and say that, “oh, this is going to be convertible into common stock”?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think they’ll like that.
MR. EVANS. Will they be happy about that? I have talked to a lot of bankers who say,
“Look, I didn’t really need this, but it seemed like a good signal at the time.”

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. First of all, it’s at their option. They don’t have to do it.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It will be converted if they absolutely need it.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. They only do it if they need it. Of course, that will depend
both on their need for capital and on the price, and I don’t know what the strike price is. I don’t
know how that’s set up—that’s another piece of important information. The downside, of
course, is, if you’re converting huge amounts of capital into common, you have to deal with the
control issue.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. They won’t like that event of the conversion, but that
event would be precipitated by the fact that they had very bad performance and they needed the
common equity. So it’s sort of a good news–bad news kind of paradigm.
On your TALF asset question, I think that we’re going to try to have the Treasury not be
definitive about what assets are included or not included in the expanded TALF. To give a “for
example:” We’re pretty comfortable, I think, with our analysis that CMBS and private-label
RMBS should be included. But whether it goes beyond that, I think, is really in the “to be
determined” category, and I think we are going to try to make sure that the Treasury
announcement doesn’t commit us to things beyond CMBS and private-label RMBS. That’s
certainly our intention.
MR. NELSON. Just to say definitively, if I could, the haircuts on triple-A ABS charged
at the discount window are all smaller than the ones charged by the TALF.
MR. EVANS. I thought that autos were higher.
MR. NELSON. There is no distinction among the discount window haircuts. So you
might be thinking of auto loans as opposed to triple-A ABS that are backed by auto loans.
MR. EVANS. Yes, I was. That’s why I said it might not be apples to apples.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Okay, Charlie?
MR. EVANS. Yes. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. All right. President Stern.
MR. STERN. My questions have been addressed. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. Mr. Chairman, let me make sure I understand on the TALF. Is this going to
be contingent on the ability to sterilize the expansion of the TALF?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, mostly. If the legislation giving the ability to sterilize
is not passed, then we’re back to where we were last week, which is that we have to make
judgments about how much expansion of what programs we’re comfortable with, based on our
assessment of the duration of those commitments and on the presumed effectiveness of things
like interest on reserves and so on. But I think clearly there’s a tit for tat, in that there is no
commitment on our part to do $1 trillion. I mean, we may nonetheless make the decision to do
something. I think we need to make judgments as a Committee about what we’re comfortable
with in terms of ultimately unwinding and sterilizing those impacts.
I would guess that, without the legislation, the $1 trillion would probably be quite
uncomfortable for us, because, assuming that the new ABS is done on the same terms as the
initial, it’s a three-year commitment with some tail potentially after that if they put assets to us.
That’s worrisome in terms of the size and duration of the balance sheet. So I wouldn’t say that
we wouldn’t go beyond $200 billion, necessarily, but I think the chance that we would go even
substantially towards $1 trillion would be quite unlikely.
MS. DUKE. Okay, and then a second question. I worry that this announcement might
have actually the opposite effect on the banks. Do we have any contingency plan if this doesn’t

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go well and there start being runs on uninsured liabilities at the banks? Do we have any
contingency plan for what we’ll do then?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think we have had various strategies in the past, including
injection of capital and so on, and I guess under the current situation, they’d be prepared to inject
common. It would be the first time they’ve done that. I will raise this with Tim Geithner, but
there’s been no discussion in our group. Deborah has a comment.
MS. BAILEY. I don’t have a good response to your question, but there is a separate
group working on what steps we might take if, for example, there’s vulnerability, particularly
around some of the larger banks, before this program can even get up and running, or if there’s
another Friday night phone call. There is an interagency group that is not only working through
the steps and clearly thinking about the capital and the wraps that we have done before, but that
is also considering what other actions might need to be taken. There’s also a separate subgroup
of people who are thinking about the legal changes that need to be made in the regulatory
structure to be able to deal with a failure of a large, systemically important financial holding
company; now we would have to deal with it through something like bankruptcy, which is not
acceptable. So we’re laying out all of those steps—what we’ve done before, what other things
we can do. The FDIC is involved in it. We’re trying to quickly put down on a couple of sheets
of paper all of those things.
MS. DUKE. I can foresee a circumstance where this is interpreted as a change in the
regulatory requirements for capital, a judgment that the values in the bank’s equity are not there,
a judgment that there is a plan to go in and close large numbers of banks, and I can see it being a
particular vulnerability for those that are large but not as large—for instance, anything smaller
than WaMu. And I can see those banks having a very violent reaction or their counterparties

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having a violent reaction, something that would force us into action in a large number of goodsized banks. I just think we ought to think about what we would do in that case.
MS. BAILEY. We have run screens, too, just to see which banks might on “day one”
have a capital bogey that would not necessarily meet that tangible common equity threshold, to
see which ones the market might pick on right away—that are vulnerable—and there are
probably about four of them. So we’ve tried to go through and look at those particular firms.
MS. DUKE. We might think it’s four of them, but the markets might think it’s a lot more
than four of them. That would be one concern here. The second concern I would have is that
given the experience with the TARP capital and in many cases the buyer’s remorse of having
taken that capital, I can see a scenario where the banks would immediately start to dump assets
and sell business lines in order to fortress up their liquidity as well as create additional capital in
ways that don’t involve the government. And I think those outcomes would be very different
than what we expect to happen or what we would like to have happen here.
MS. BAILEY. I’ll add one other thing to that point: It hasn’t been decided yet. As the
Chairman said, a lot of the details are still being worked out. But there is a concern around
banks retooling their balance sheets, shutting down on lending, or shrinking their balance sheets
to make some particular capital ratio bogey. We’re trying to figure out ways to get around that.
For example, last night there was a lot of discussion about having a dollar amount of capital to
focus on as opposed to a capital ratio—so we’re trying to see if we can work through some
process where banks don’t shrink their balance sheets just to get to a certain capital ratio. People
are working on all of that now, and we’re all concerned about the same thing.
MS. DUKE. Yes. The experience of the messaging in the last round is not encouraging.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We agree with that concern very much, and we’re going to
raise this again with Tim. I guess there are always these short-run versus long-run concerns. I
think, on the other hand, we do not want to commit to maintaining the existence of every current
bank that is operating, and, as I said, one thing I like about this in principle, although the
communication is a huge problem, is that it is very market-based and very “tough love.” The
hope is to come out the other side with a banking system which is plausibly well-capitalized and
can inspire investor confidence. But the transition could be very tricky, and we need to think
very hard about contingency plans and about our communications.
Vice Chairman, you have a two-hander?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes, and I think that Governor Duke raises some very
important points, which is why I was here until late in the night last night, to try to improve the
messaging.
I think there’s another issue, too, which is that there are firms that can be resolved pretty
easily within the existing bank resolution framework, and there’s one particular firm that can’t;
we are working on how to handle the one particular firm that can’t, but it’s very, very difficult,
given the existing tools.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Fisher had a two-handed intervention.
MR. FISHER. Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to underscore the questions that Governor
Duke has asked, because of the cumulative process here under the previous administration. I’m
not attacking that administration, but the way things were announced and delivered by the
Secretary of the Treasury and the whole process made for really a “ready, fire, aim” approach.
And I’m very uncomfortable. I understand the pressure that everybody’s under and that
Secretary Geithner is under, but the vagueness here, which you mentioned at the beginning, will

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in my opinion just feed upon what was almost a spastic methodology (that’s a gross word, but, in
effect, that’s what it was), because we’ve gone through this process before. So, in a sense, the
markets are conditioned to worry whenever something is announced, and I do think we all should
be—you should be, the Board should be, and the FOMC should be—prepared for a harsh
negative reaction. The lack of specificity here is what they’ve seen before, and I realize that
that’s, in some people’s minds, politically wise—to see what the reaction is—but we plant the
seeds for a very harsh reaction by being vague. And I just wanted to add my concern to
Governor Duke’s. At least we should be prepared for a very harsh reaction. My response to this
is, it’s just one more uncertain step being taken. I know how hard we’re working on this, and I
know how much thought has gone into that. So we’re learning at every step. But be prepared
for a negative reaction that could be quite harsh, and at least we ought to have that in our
contingency planning. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Warsh, you had a two-hander, but also a regular
question?
MR. WARSH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me just echo the comment you made at
the outset, which I think Governor Duke and others have made. It will sound in the spirit of
piling on, because this is obviously an incredibly tough situation and we’re all doing our very
best. I think in terms of market expectations that you and, I think, Bill referenced—these
expectations have been raised about what is going to be announced on Monday. My sense is that
this program is both more and less than they’re expecting: More in that it is broader and more
comprehensive; less in that it’s less clear what this is going to mean in effect and with respect to
timing. So I’d say that while the questions are being asked about how this works in practice, we
are likely to have markets test that weakness, test that ambiguity, and I suspect they will do that

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in this upcoming week, particularly with respect to some of our most systemically important
institutions. So I think for them this will be exceptionally problematic. I hope that this is better
received than my instincts and the instincts of some others on this call suggest, but I do think that
we need to be as prepared as we can be to respond to these questions.
With respect to how the Congress might react, I think that’s an additional difficulty. In
some ways, I think this proposal is encouraging the Congress to engage in these discussions,
engage on lending, engage on capital, which, again, I think will add uncertainty to markets over
the course of the next several trading days.
A couple of other concerns along those lines: While these questions are being raised, it
will be more difficult, not less, for capital markets to get traction separate and apart from
financial institution weakness, so I think that some of the improvements that we’ve seen from
some of the facilities that have been announced and implemented in New York by Bill and his
colleagues might be under increased difficulty during this period. And then finally, just as a note
of caution, I think even apart from those institutions that are going to have the biggest questions
with respect to control and creeping nationalization and the intent of the U.S. government, I think
there will be implications for the healthier ones who are their competitors, implications for their
business model and their deposit base, which we’re going to be put in the position of having to
address.
So I wish I had easy answers to it, but my sense would be that, in the course of the
discussions with Treasury between now and Monday morning, there are really two ways to go.
One is to go narrower at the first and be more specific about particular programs and set
expectations about when they will announce the rest. The other is to try to put some time
parameters around when they’re going to answer questions subsequently—so that we don’t just

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have a series of leaks and bleeding information that finds its way into the newspapers. I think
the Fed has been remarkably quiet and confidential during this. My sense is Treasury has, as
well. But, if the last week is any indication, the sort of false starts and messages that come from
this process are going to create difficulties. So let me stop there, but just raise my concerns there
as well.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We hear that. President Pianalto had a two-hander.
MS. PIANALTO. I have a couple of concerns similar to those Governor Duke raised. I
have been hearing directly from some of the banks in my District. Two of them I believe are
among the four that Deborah said we are watching closely. They have been hit hard in the past
week in terms of stock prices because of concerns that they are not going to be able to take
advantage of some of the programs that you’ve laid out. Now, one of the things that they raised
is that markets are speculating that their financial conditions are so bad that they wouldn’t be
able to participate in these programs. What I like about what you laid out in the scrubbing of
these institutions is that they are going to be treated equally—because some of them are saying
that some regulators are being a little less stringent, so there is not equal regulation or
supervision of these institutions. I think emphasizing in the communication that they are going
to be scrubbed and treated consistently might be helpful, because, especially for a couple of
institutions, the markets are judging that their financial condition is different than might
otherwise be perceived.
The other issue that they raised and you didn’t mention as part of this package is the
short-selling provision. Again, this is important to them because some of these institutions’
stocks are getting hit extremely hard, because of some assumptions that are being made. So

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perhaps the ban on short-selling during this period of uncertainty is an option and something we
should consider again.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The SEC has not been involved in this discussion. I haven’t
heard any plans to do that, but it’s an idea. Governor Duke had a two-handed intervention.
MS. DUKE. One other follow-up on the scrubbing process: I think there’s a risk that
this gets interpreted as an admission of regulatory failure, as if we have not already supervised
them adequately and have let them report assets at the wrong values. That further erodes the
credibility of both the supervisors as well as the financials of banks that are doing fine. And I
would worry that we would get caught up in a conversation about whether or not the supervisory
process had done its job, rather than being able to convey the message that we’re looking at a
more stressed scenario than would be required by regular accounting.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So the language in the document as it currently stands: “In
conjunction with the review of the capital planning process, supervisors are undertaking a
coordinated review of banks’ reserving and valuation to ensure consistency and appropriateness
across banks. Supervisors will also work with institutions to increase the transparency by
enhancing each firm’s public disclosure of exposures, non-performing assets, and reserves, as
well as firms’ internal assessments of expected credit losses.”
So I think the emphasis is a bit more on consistency, but the point you raise is one that
has been mentioned and was noted on the communication issue.
MS. DUKE. President Pianalto is assuming that this means that the others will do the job
as well as we did. You may have all of the supervisory agencies thinking that this means that
everybody else will do things as well as they did and the general public thinking that nobody had
done the job properly before this.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Any other two-handers? [No response.] Okay. So back to
the normal cycle here. President Plosser.
MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think this last round of discussion about
communication is really critical, and I share some of the concerns that have been raised. The
other point Governor Duke raised that I think is important is the relationship between the
proposals for sterilization and the increase in the size of the TALF. And I like the proposal you
made, Mr. Chairman. I think it’s a great step forward. But I’m anticipating that we’ll have to
hang tough on that—that there might be a lot of pushback from the Congress saying, “You don’t
need to do this. Just do the TALF and increase it to $1 trillion anyway. We don’t need to
provide you with the sterilization capabilities.” And I think we have to be pretty tough in trying
to ensure that we have that flexibility. I think it’s an important step.
The other thing is the Government Investment Board you talked about. Will they have
oversight over all banks who accept capital from the TARP, either old or new? Or will it be
partitioned by some sort of size—just the top 22? And, therefore, are they the ones that will be
imposing these conditions you spoke of—the commitments to lend, the executive compensation
issues that would have some stronger conditions, and the dividend restrictions? Is that going to
be managed through this oversight board, or is that something separate? And whom will that
apply to? Again, just the ones that have accepted capital, or everyone? I don’t know if there’s
any clarification on this.
Back to the communication—about the $1 trillion headline number. I think it’s going to
be viewed by many people as a target. And we’re going to have to work hard not to have it
interpreted that way.

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My last question is about the aggregator bank. Having a good bank–bad bank model is
obviously not something new. There are a number of banks in history who have created good
bank–bad banks internally where they actually split a bank into two and gave shareholders and
debt holders shares in both banks. I’m wondering about a way of minimizing public
commitment of capital for the bad bank, and I’d just like to hear a little more discussion about
how the public-private relationship in this bad bank might look. Anything more expansive you
can offer on that I’d appreciate. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So, just to reiterate, the $1 trillion is contingent on liquidity
support, in the sense that we will have to take into account the availability of the sterilization
facility in thinking about what we can do. And we all understand and take very seriously our
responsibility to be able to unwind the programs in a timely way.
The language on the “independent”—it says here—Government Investment Board is a
little vague. It says, “The Board will oversee the management of our investments in financial
institutions,” which I guess means from an asset management point of view. “The Board will
establish guidelines for and monitor our investment interests in financial institutions on questions
of voting rights, dividend policy, compensation issues, and governance. But it will also ensure
compliance with conditions associated with USG investment, and will ensure transparency.”
It sounds to me as if it’s going to serve, to some extent, as a board that votes the
government’s interest. And I assume that common will have different interest than preferred.
But I am sure there will be general terms for accepting the money that are in the legislation or in
the policy stated by the Treasury regarding executive compensation and so on. Those will be
universally applied. The board will just make sure that they’re applied. But the board will have
the authority to go further, depending, for example, on the state of the bank.

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On the aggregator bank, we looked at a huge number of different models. I think if we
had done the entirely public-controlled one, which, I should say, our staff generally tended to
prefer to the public–private partnership, the argument would have been to create silos in the
aggregator bank, one for each bank that participates, and then to pay for the assets acquired, in
part with shares in those silo banks—sort of a first-loss position. That was the leading public
alternative.
The problem was that it’s not just an economic issue, but the Treasury feels very
politically vulnerable to the charge that we are negotiating high prices and giving a back-door
subsidy to the banks. Although our staff felt that we could do reverse auctions for broad classes
of assets, the Treasury remained concerned, for example, about individual loans and other very
idiosyncratic types of assets. I think there is still some willingness to consider perhaps a
combination of public and private acquisition, but they felt that having the private acquisition
would look better in terms of ensuring that good prices were being obtained.
Once you have private acquisition, however, then you have to give the private investment
managers scope to buy whatever they want from any bank. In fact, the initial idea was not even
having to buy from banks, in which case it’s no longer a question of a bank saying, “Well, here’s
the share of stuff we want to put into our bad bank.” It really depends on what they can sell to
the private investment manager. So the good bank–bad bank structure in each bank fits less
comfortably, less easily, with this private–public arrangement.
In terms of the details, there are not very many. Again, I’ve got this draft, and everything
is time dated, because it’s a moving target. It says, “The Treasury will invest capital alongside
private investors for the purchase of up to $500 billion in legacy assets from regulated financial
institutions. Purchases through the investment portfolio will be guided by appropriate risk and

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return objectives.” And there will be definitions of which classes are eligible; it refers to a
competitive bidding process or private sector process. Financing will be provided by the
government “with the degree of leverage guided by requirements consistent with a triple-A
rating from an NRSRO.” So I think that means also that they’re taking some steps to make sure
there’s not a subsidy in the pricing mechanism or in the terms on which you finance the
aggregator bank either. But we’ll see. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I think the key question about this aggregator bank is:
Given these private sector investors who are going to have to be compensated for the risks that
they’re taking, will the bank pay prices high enough to incentivize banks to actually sell assets to
the aggregator bank? I think at this stage we don’t really know the answer to that. I don’t think
at this point we can really say how well or how badly it will work in practice.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The theory is that the reason there’s such a huge bid–asked
spread between what the banks are willing to accept and what the investors are willing to pay is
that there’s this huge liquidity premium, basically because investors don’t have long-term
financing. So we are going to give them long-term financing. That ought to make them willing
to see through the liquidity premium. That certainly will bring them closer together. If they’re
still not willing to sell, then it suggests that there’s some informational difference—or
something—that goes beyond the liquidity premium. So at least it does address that important
part of the bid–asked spread. Two-hander from President Plosser.
MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the answers. But in some
sense, won’t the scrubbing exercise, at least for many of these banks, help drive them to make
perhaps different decisions about those assets that they’re willing to sell and what they’re willing
to sell them for?

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think that’s right. For example, consider an asset that is
carried on the banking book at 90 and for which the bank has reserved only for the next year. If
the government says, “We’re going to take seriously that your expected losses after the first year
are 20, and we’re going to make you put in capital to match that 20,” then maybe it makes more
sense to sell at 75, right? So, there should be some impact from that. But it all depends on the
execution as well as the concept. Governor Kohn.
MR. KOHN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Some of my questions were the ones that
Governor Duke was raising. The capital piece of this seems to be very critical. In some sense
we backed away from the huge aggregator bank or the ring fencing in favor of just putting more
capital in there, and I guess we’re sort of forcing the banks to come to us for capital with the
scrubbing process.
All of that makes sense to me—with a few questions. It does strike me that this is a new
requirement. Now, I know, as Deborah has taught me, that we have Tier 1 capital requirements,
and they’re supposed to be dominated by common, and we’ve kind of slipped from that. But it
does sound like we are putting in place a new capital requirement, and there are all the
pro-cyclical problems with that. Especially if we go to a dollar level of capital, we haven’t had
those kinds of requirements before. We haven’t ever told a bank that it can’t sell pieces of the
bank to meet our requirements.
I think there will be huge resistance to this by the banking sector. Now, maybe part of
this will depend on the terms on which the new capital comes in. One prominent banker
yesterday said he wouldn’t take any new capital. He may not have any choice. But I think
there’s going to be a lot of resistance to the capital. I feel bad, because I don’t have a solution to
any of these problems. I’m just pointing out my concerns.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We’re going into the period of the financial crisis where the
government is going to begin to dictate capital requirements, so a lot of people are going to be
facing that. In principle, our existing requirements require holding capital against expected
losses beyond the reservable period. So this is not a departure in principle. It’s just something
that hasn’t been effectively executed in the context of a rapidly declining economy.
MS. BAILEY. And I think getting to the 3 percent bogey gets to the predominant figure.
That doesn’t change the well-capitalized requirement of 6 percent. So we were trying really hard
not to come up with a new capital standard in that sense.
MR. KOHN. But we are using the stress scenario.
MS. BAILEY. Right, but only for the buffer.
MR. KOHN. But then we’re making that buffer a requirement—sort of. I think it’s the
right thing to create a safer banking system, one that’s robust to the stress scenario. But it’s
going to be very difficult.
MS. BAILEY. I think there will be some differences. We’re trying not to do just a fixed
percent. That’s why we’re looking at it institution by institution and working with the examiners
who have some insights on the quality of different portfolios in order to get to a buffer. I agree
with the Chairman. The buffer was always supposed to be there. It’s the environment we’re
now requiring it in that’s very different.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I think the expectation, too, is that this number is not
going to be stated. In order to minimize the idea that there is this new requirement, there’s not
going to be a number out there that they actually have to go to. What we have here is a
fundamental tension between individual institutions who want to hold only enough capital for the
good states of the world, and us, who want them to hold enough capital for the bad states of the

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world, to make the bad states less likely. And that fundamental tension has existed throughout
the last year and a half. The buffer is designed to cut through that dilemma a little bit by forcing
them to hold enough capital that they can withstand a bad state of the world, which will then
make the bad state of the world less likely. I think that’s the intent. But they’re not going to like
it. I think that’s fair.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So the current document says that the capital is going to be
“sized on the basis of the capital planning process, undertaken in conjunction with the firm’s
supervisor. The capital buffer established under this program does not represent a new capital
standard, and it is not expected to be maintained on an ongoing basis. Instead, the buffer is
available to help absorb larger-than-expected future losses and to support lending to creditworthy
borrowers.” Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. The capital that we normally want them to hold is private capital. Now we
not only want them to hold that, but we want them to hold ours, because ours is the only capital
that they can get.
MR. WILCOX. This will be structured with pretty strong incentives to try to get them to
buy us out of the position, precisely on that consideration.
MR. KOHN. In terms of the market reaction, my expectation—and I defer to Bill—
would be that reaction in the equity market will be extremely negative, but not necessarily in the
liquidity market. We’ve seen such things before. We used to have a dynamic between the CDS
spreads and the equity market and liquidity, and we’ve broken that with the TLGP, the Fed
facilities, and things like that. So I don’t see any reason for liquidity to slip, except perhaps for
those marginal institutions that Betsy referred to—the ones where no one knows whether they’re
in the “too big to fail” category or not—and the others that Kevin was talking about, the ones

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right at the top that seem to be slipping. In those cases, I wouldn’t expect a run as much as the
“slow bleed,” because who knows what’s going to happen, and business will go away. But I
think it’s important that the TLGP has been extended, and it would be good to put whatever
emphasis we can put on that to protect liquidity. I think the aggregator bank is important,
because that is an offset. And even if it doesn’t pay above market in some sense, I think it will
help—just like our buying MBS. I’m impressed with the effect our purchase of MBS and
support of commercial paper has had; just putting a bid in those markets has helped. So the
bigger the aggregator bank can be and the stronger the TLGP is, I think, the more they will be
able to provide a little bit of protection against the downside risk in the capital.
Finally, on the TALF—this is not a question, but a view—I think it’s so important to get
these securitization markets working. We’ve spent a lot of time talking about the capital
constraints on the banks; that’s not going to go away any time soon. If we want credit flowing to
households and businesses, a lot of it has to flow through the securitization market. The TALF is
there to encourage the demand for securitized assets. We don’t know whether it will work. A lot
of smart people think it will work, and our fingers are crossed. But we also have the opportunity
to rejigger it and try and make it work, if it doesn’t work the first time. I do think the
sterilization part is important. But I think it’s also very important to get that market going. We
ought to cooperate as best we can in getting that happening.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. I would just challenge the assumption that the equity prices don’t matter,
because when the vast majority of the public sees those stock prices going down, particularly to
the very low levels that they’ve reached recently, that triggers some concern about the institution.

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They don’t have anything else to look at—the only thing they can see is what’s happening to the
stock prices, and that’s how they judge.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I’m taking some notes on what everyone is saying, and I
want to say that many of the views I’ve heard are consistent with what I and some of the staff
believe. We will communicate this to the Treasury Secretary. But if anybody, including
presidents, wants to communicate specific points or specific concerns to me, do it via Michelle,
if you’d like. I will aggregate them into an e-mail or into a memo and send it to him saying,
“This is the sense of the FOMC; here are some issues that were raised,” and just make sure, at
least, that he is aware of some of these concerns. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. That would be an aggregator memo? [Laughter]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes. But with separate—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Separate silos for each Bank?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes.
MR. LACKER. I have a couple of questions. First is about this last discussion. Maybe
there’s something else going on here, but the sense you get is that the inability of banks to raise
private equity has to do with two things: One is that the probability distribution around their
losses is wide enough that there’s a substantial chance that, absent government intervention,
some losses would be absorbed by debt holders, so new equity would, to some extent, subsidize
current debt holders; the second is the prospect for future government capital injections that are
dilutive. It strikes me that it’s going to be unlikely for banks to raise private equity until those
two sources of concern for potential equity investors are removed.
The aggregator bank and some of the other programs can reduce that uncertainty—that
debt overhang problem. Of course, if the banks had enough capital, there wouldn’t be a debt

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overhang problem. But if there is one now, they’re not going to be able to raise private equity to
get to a point where their equity cushion is big enough to reduce that debt overhang problem. So
I’m not sure it’s going to be likely they are going to have any success in raising private capital
under this plan. And on this question, Governor Kohn said something—and if this was in your
presentation, Mr. Chairman, I missed it—about them not being able to sell assets to raise their
capital ratio. Is that a provision of what is proposed?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Deborah talked about an alternative discussion about setting
capital in terms of quantities instead of ratios, but that’s not something that, as far as I know, is in
the plan at this juncture. I think there will be some deleveraging that will go on. The hope
would be that the aggregator bank, et cetera, would be a safety valve for that.
MR. LACKER. Governor Kohn said something about a restriction on them not selling
assets. I didn’t quite understand that.
MR. KOHN. Deborah had noted that that was a concern—that they would meet the
requirement by selling assets; and one way of trying to mitigate that was to set the capital
requirement in terms of an amount, so selling assets wouldn’t necessarily help you meet the new
requirement.
MS. BAILEY. It is a big concern that banks could try to meet the new requirement in a
variety of ways, including selling their assets. On the other hand, there are good examples where
you do want them to deleverage and sell the assets. But the problem in terms of getting things
moving again is, if they just shut down, don’t lend at all, totally strip their balance sheet, it
somewhat defeats the purpose. So people are brainstorming about other ways to do this without
leading to shrinkage of the balance sheet to meet some ratio number.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So, President Lacker, I don’t think that’s in the current
version of the plan. I guess you could call it a benefit that the concern that the aggregator bank
wouldn’t have any business gives an additional reason for banks to offload assets to the
aggregator bank.
MR. LACKER. I took the broad lesson of the RTC, Japan, and Sweden to be that selling
assets has some benefits as well as some potential problems, so I wasn’t quite sure what the
attitude was about that.
I’m a little puzzled about the incentives in the aggregator bank. You talked about the
private profit motive and paying fundamental values for things. Yet they’re going to have this
huge government guarantee in their liabilities, and I’m not quite sure how we ought to view the
incentives of the private equity holders who would control that. It’s not clear to me that they’re
going to be managing it from a socially optimal point of view.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The argument is analogous to the TALF in a way. As I was
saying before, the idea is that there’s lots of money on the sidelines willing to buy these troubled
assets. The rate of expected return is now very high, because of liquidity and risk premia. But
what’s preventing the purchases is lack of long-term reliable financing. The bank would make
that financing available but not at concessional rates; also—and this may not be fully marketbased—it would provide a little bit of downside tail risk, because there’d be some government
capital involved. But, of course, on the other hand, you’d have to share the returns with the
government based on their capital contribution.
The idea is that you give these investors some long-term financing, so they don’t have to
worry so much about the short-term holding risks and liquidity risks, and, therefore, they would
be able to buy more and offer better prices than they’re able to now without that support. So

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that’s the logic of it. And because they share in the profits, they have no incentive whatsoever to
overpay for whatever assets they acquire. They’ll pay as little as they can, and so arguably we
can tell the public that they’re getting the benefits of aggressive market-based pricing.
MR. LACKER. That argument depends on the financing rate being a true rate, and the
financing rate they could get now in the market being some distorted rate, I guess. If that’s not
true, then we’re subsidizing their financing, and they ought to be willing to pay more.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s right, but also, there’s going to be competition
among the potential investors for this license, and that will bid away some of the rents, I think.
MR. LACKER. Yes, but the value of those rents will be contingent on their ability to
pursue whatever strategy they want when they control it. So that doesn’t mitigate the effect on
what they’re willing to pay for things. In fact, it requires them to overpay if warranted by the
financing arrangement.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Again, this is as much about optics as it is about economics.
They want to be able to portray a market-based system that is not suffering from serious adverse
selection and overpayment issues.
MR. LACKER. I have two questions about the TALF. One is that I think it would be a
good thing if our best estimates are that the probability that the Federal Reserve bears a loss is
virtually negligible. There have been analyses like that in the private sector that haven’t come
true in the past. We’re all tied together in the Reserve Banks in terms of these losses, and our
boards of directors are expressing an increasingly avid interest in the nature of the risks we’re
exposed to on our balance sheets. And here we’re taking the Fed System’s balance sheet from
$1.7 trillion or something up to $2.7 trillion—this is a fairly notable increase. I think it would be
useful for us to have access, at a fairly detailed level, to this analysis of the potential losses to the

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Federal Reserve that might be involved in the TALF—what kind of analytics determine the
parameters, and how they were set, and why we have confidence that the probability of losses is
fairly minimal. I’d be interested in knowing if you could assure us we’d get access to that from
whoever is doing the analysis within the System.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. How about a presentation at the next FOMC? Would that
be acceptable?
MR. LACKER. Do you mean just a verbal presentation?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. No, with documents and details. We can send you analysis,
if you’d like. But you might prefer to have a discussion and a verbal presentation as well.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It’s not the most straightforward thing to work your way
through, and I think we can share a lot of material on that. But if I could address the risk of the
TALF for just a second, I’d mention four points. One, it’s a triple-A-rated security, so it’s
already at the upper part of the capital structure. Two, there’s a haircut that the investor takes
above and beyond that triple-A-rated security. Three, there’s a spread in terms of the interest
margin that’s earned. And then, four, there’s the Treasury capital between us and loss.
So a lot of things have to happen to get to the Fed actually losing money here. And under
most scenarios, the Treasury doesn’t lose money. The Treasury makes money on an expected
value basis under reasonably stressful scenarios. We can share that stuff with you. But I think
it’s important to recognize that these are new securitizations, so they’re newly underwritten, and
a lot of things have to happen before they get to us.
MR. LACKER. Yes. I understand the details of the program. I understand all of the
buffers there are between us and some losses. But in the past, people said the triple-A tranches
of RMBS CDOs were virtually risk-free, and now they’re selling for below 50 cents on the

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dollar. I know your folks are more expert in this than the rating agencies. It’s just that we want
some comfort, and we want to be able to vouch to our boards of directors, who still have the
standard fiduciary responsibilities—even though the Treasury is obviously bearing the loss at the
end of the day—that we understand the risks that are being run and that we’re comfortable telling
them that we understand the risks are low. So it will be good to get that analysis from you in
New York.
The second question I have about the TALF has to do with the role that hedge funds are
going to play. We’ve seen over the last couple of weeks a tremendous amount of political noise
about executive compensation at the entities that have received TARP capital injections. I
wonder what our political vulnerability might be here to questions from the Congress or concerns
raised in the public about the compensation practices or other practices of entities that are getting
credit from the Federal Reserve on terms that arguably aren’t available in the market, so they are
presumptively somewhat advantageous, and the loans are certainly governmental funds. Is there
some risk to us that we’d be caught up in complaints about compensation practices and lavish
expenditures at hedge funds?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s a good question. I don’t have a really satisfactory
answer. On the one hand, we have had legal consultations, which persuaded us and the Treasury
that, as far as meeting the letter of the law of the TARP is concerned, it’s sufficient to impose
those compensation and other restrictions on the issuers of the ABS as opposed to the investors
who are buying it. But, of course, you’re right—there’s always political risk there. The other
point is the communication issue, and we’ve made some efforts to set up some talking points to
explain what this does and why it’s important. Michelle, can you send the Presidents a list of our

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talking points about why this is a benefit for the general public? But you raise a good point—it’s
a risk. President Evans just wants to interject.
MR. EVANS. Will the investors in the aggregator bank be subject to any executive
compensation regulations?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s a similar question—and I assume not. President
Lacker.
MR. LACKER. I don’t want to shut off the discussion on this point, if there’s more.
But, if not, this is my third and final question. It’s a comment in addition to a question, and it
has to do with where we’re going to come out in the end—a year or two from now—with regard
to an accord on credit policy. I understand that this is an intermediate step, and that you envision
further discussions down the road towards a more complete or comprehensive understanding
with the Treasury about credit policy. My concern here is that I think that there are a range of
possible strategies, and I worry about whether the steps we’re taking now compromise where we
might ultimately want to go. I understand the provision of credit by the Federal Reserve in
exceptionally exigent circumstances, where there’s enormous time pressure—we get a call on a
Friday night, and convening the Congress on a Saturday afternoon doesn’t really seem feasible.
That’s fine with me—that ought to be a Federal Reserve function.
But for programs that take three months to implement, arguably it would be feasible—
perhaps not politically feasible, I’ll admit that, and that’s a separate question—but as a matter of
mechanics and parliamentary process, it would have been feasible to ask the Congress to approve
the authority of the Treasury to implement the TALF program. And it occurs to me that drawing
a bright line at what is, in terms of timing, feasible for the Congress to authorize the Treasury to
implement seems like a logical approach that has a lot of attractive properties for us.

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I’m concerned that we’re going down a path that’s taking us in a different direction, and
we might compromise something that might be more workable and more beneficial, and we’re
doing it without a real discussion of where we want to head more broadly with regard to an
accord on Treasury policy. As you describe it, part of the understanding with the Treasury now
is that they would accompany us to the Congress in an appeal for a mechanism of one of two
varieties for us to be able to sterilize our lending: One would be the idea of us issuing nonmonetary liabilities; the other would be for the Treasury to issue debt and deposit with us under
the current program.
The concern I have about the latter is what the nature of our understanding would be with
the Treasury about who controls those issues. We ask, and they agree to say yes, usually, under
reasonable circumstances. There’s always the possibility that they will retain some implicit
leverage over us that would constrain our independence going forward. On the other hand,
having the ability to control our own issues of non-monetary liabilities seems really attractive.
But, again, I worry about bargaining power; in an event, knowing that we have that
capability, the Treasury and the FDIC would, I think, retain the ability to stare us down and
essentially say, “Well, you have the ability to issue non-monetary liabilities that don’t count
against the federal debt limit, so you do it.” I think that’s exactly the dynamic that emerged in
the case of Citi and Bank of America, where there was nothing mechanically or legally that
would have restricted the Treasury and the FDIC from taking all of the risk, and for us to bear
none of the tail risk. But knowing that we had this tricky little mechanism for dressing up a
guarantee as a loan, they prevailed upon us to participate and participate fairly substantially. So I
worry that setting up an ability for us to issue non-monetary liabilities that are the functional
equivalent of Treasury bills and are outside of the appropriations process and don’t count against

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the debt limit would give both the Congress and the administration an avenue, a target, a
mechanism that would make it irresistible for them to come to us to finance things that they
didn’t want to go to the Congress to finance.
In my mind, the discussion about the accord needs to be about where it’s appropriate for
government lending to be done. You all know I’ve raised objections about our lending
programs, but this is apart from the advisability of any one program. It’s about the Congress and
the appropriate constraints on circumventing the appropriations process, and it’s about our
independence.
I worry that we’re going down a path where, as I said, we’re going to be vulnerable to
complaints about our inability or our unwillingness to constrain executive compensation or the
lavish expenditures that entities that are going to be benefiting from our programs might make.
We’re going down a path where people like Elizabeth Warren are going to be writing reports—
or could be writing reports—about what we do. I think that’s a very uncomfortable situation to
be in, and I’d like us to think clearly about whether that’s what we’re headed towards or whether
this compromise is headed towards something that leaves us with a much broader and firmer
measure of independence. So I just wonder what thoughts you’ve given to that kind of question,
Mr. Chairman, and the extent to which you view representations we’ve made in these discussions
as compromising alternative strategies about a credit accord.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Let me respond very quickly. Of course, I’ve thought about
this a great deal and tried to trade off various concerns. I think we’re going to make progress
towards an accord. I think we’re on a path in that direction. In particular, we now have two
“asks” in front of the Congress. One—which we will press very hard for as part of regulatory
reform—will be for a strong resolution regime for non-depository institutions. If done properly,

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that will eliminate the most vexatious and difficult and painful part of the 13(3) authority, which
we used in the Sunday night massacres. So that’s very important.
The second is this sterilization ask. I think that will also give us a great deal more
independence in the sense that we’ll be able to separate whatever decisions we make on our
balance sheet from our monetary policy decisions. And just so you know, certainly part of the
deal with the Treasury is that, if they get a supplementary financing authority, it’s the Fed that
will have the right to call for the use of those bills—it will not be at the Treasury’s discretion.
As to your perspective on the Congress and the amount of time available—putting aside
politically feasible, I don’t think it’s technically feasible for the Congress. Look at their inability
to function on even relatively straightforward economic measures. These things we’re doing,
such as the TALF, they’re very complex, they’ve been based on elaborate analysis of market and
financial conditions, they have a lot of subtleties as far as legal issues, et cetera. There’s just no
way that the Congress can do that. They can’t do that. They created the Fed. They gave us
13(3) authority. We are making a judgment. And I just want to say, in all of these discussions,
we have to remember every minute that there were 600,000 jobs lost in January. This is an
enormously serious economic situation, and it requires unusual responses.
We believe that the Congress doesn’t have the capacity to come up with something like
the TALF, that it is going to be constructive, and that it’s very important in the context of the
current economic crisis. And the Congress has every ability to shut it down—they have every
ability. We’re going to go to the Congress. I’m going to testify on 13(3) authorities on Tuesday.
The Treasury plan is going to make the sterilization part of the explicit legislative ask. All they
have to do is not accept that. That will limit us very substantially. So I think that we are
comfortably within our rights, within the law, and within reason to take these actions,

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understanding that we are not in normal times—we are in what you could very well call war
time, and war time sometimes creates unusual necessities.
As I said, I think we are on the right path towards an accord, one that will take us out of
the business of Sunday rescues, one that will give us flexibility on monetary policy separate from
lending. I think ultimately we will have some more clarity, at least with the Treasury, regarding
what conditions and terms under which we should get involved in any such lending program. I
think reasonable people can disagree about whether, for example, our swaps activities and some
of the other things we’ve done are within the purview of the central bank in a financial crisis. I
would argue that they are. But that’s something to be negotiated, and the current Treasury is, I
think, very open to those negotiations.
I think the political risk is overstated. It’s possible that we may come up against this
concern that you raised about restrictions on compensation of the hedge funds. In that case, they
will probably shut down the program, and that’s yet another way in which the Congress can shut
it down if they want to. But, even though we’re in the middle of the deepest part of the crisis, I
get very few letters from the Congress saying “we need to protect this or that sector,” and the
ones that I get are very perfunctory; and we reply saying, “Well, we are doing X,” and they never
come back. I just don’t feel the pressure. I think the pressure would come if the Fed stood by
and let the economy fall into the abyss, which is a very real possibility. So I think we’re trying
to balance these concerns in a reasonable way. My expectation is that we’re moving in the right
direction in terms of getting an accord, and I believe that, given what I feel is actually a relative
lack of pressure to make unusual lending in the current circumstances, when things return to
normal, we should be able to draw lines and, indeed, as part of the process of financial
reregulation and so on, should be able to clarify these things much better. So I’m less concerned

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than you are, and I understand that there are judgments that have to be made about this. But,
remember, as I said—600,000 jobs. If we can do something about that in ways that have limited
and manageable risk to us, I think we need to take that into account. President Fisher, did you
have a comment?
MR. FISHER. You’ve covered some of this in your response, Mr. Chairman. Obviously,
we need to be aware that a CDS market will build around Federal Reserve bills. There are
perception issues here, and I’m sure that you’ve taken that into account, and the New York Desk
has taken that into account, in at least developing our thoughts on Federal Reserve bills and this
non-monetary paper that we’re going to issue. That market will be discounting us in some way,
shape, or form, and we’ll just have to monitor that as we go through time.
I wanted to shift the subject only slightly, because one of the concerns I have, which I
sent a note around about, is with regard to Treasury issuance. From what I’ve heard in this
discussion, it’s not clear what new issuance will take place, because there’s so much lack of
definition. But somebody used the number $500 billion before in terms of the aggregator bank
or the public-private partnership, and a portion of that will be Treasury. I’d just ask if we have
an updated sense of how much net new issuance is likely to take place under the $790 billion
stimulus package and with the addition of new Treasury commitments, so that we have a sense
of the impact that’s likely to occur on the yield curve. Do we have a more refined sense of that
presently? Maybe Bill has an answer.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I don’t have the number.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I don’t have the number off the top of my head. The
number is going up, clearly. It’s a couple of trillion dollars, I think.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. There are a couple of different numbers that are relevant.
One is gross issuance, which, of course, includes replacement of—
MR. FISHER. This is net new issuance.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Net new issuance. But there again, there should be some
distinction between the TARP issuance, which is asset acquisition, and the other issuance. But I
don’t know the number. We don’t have anyone here who knows the number, but we can clearly
look into it.
MR. FISHER. We have talked about numbers here—we decided at the last meeting not
to be precise. But in our discussions with the Treasury and so on, there’s no implicit or explicit
understanding on their part that we will intervene to a specific degree on the longer end of the
curve in the Treasury market—is that correct or incorrect,?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. They’ve never raised that with me at all. No, there is no
understanding.
MR. FISHER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I think your summary of the program was very precise,
exactly as I understand the program myself as of late last evening. I think that we have to
recognize, though, that Mr. Geithner still has 48 hours, and the program could change in the
meantime. So if the program turns out to be somewhat different than the Chairman describes,
that’s not the Chairman’s doing, that’s the Treasury Secretary’s doing. It could be a little bit
different at the end of the day than what we have right now, so don’t criticize the Chairman if the
program morphs a little bit in the final 48 hours. I don’t think it’s going to change, though, to a
great degree. I think that the one area of the program that really needs to be nailed down is the

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FDIC guarantee program—exactly how they’re going to extend that, whether they’re going to
modify the cap, and whether the covered bonds are being included. I think that most of the
work, though, on the program now is really on the message. And I think that our general view of
what we saw yesterday was it was a bit scary, it wasn’t particularly confidence-building, and it
wasn’t very clear.
We have a number of people at the New York Fed that are helping with the process, and
we’re trying to do three things: Make it less scary; make it clear that this capital-raising exercise
is designed to instill confidence in the banking system by ensuring that the banks have enough
capital to withstand the stress scenario, above and beyond what we expect to happen; and, as a
consequence of that, make investors look at the program as confidence-building rather than
confidence-draining. I think the disappointment for a lot of people that have been working on
this exercise is that the program is not as clear and definitive as we would like. But we’re going
to try to make the message as clear and as definitive as we can within the confines of the
program.
As far as the TALF is concerned, I think that people are going to be a little bit confused
about how the TALF fits into this program, because they’re waiting for an announcement on
Monday about the banking system, and the TALF isn’t really about the banking system per se.
It’s really about expanding the capacity of the private sector balance sheet to take the pressure
off the banking system, basically to help market functioning improve and ease financial
conditions. So there may be a little bit of confusion with people wondering, well, is this TALF
going to take bad assets off bank balance sheets? I don’t think the TALF is really being built
with that in mind. It’s possible some assets could come off the bank balance sheets as a
consequence, but we’re going to need to be clear that the TALF is really not a bank rescue

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vehicle. It’s really more about improving financial conditions in the general economy. Thank
you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just wanted to make one comment about
our boards of directors who are concerned about losses in the Federal Reserve System. They’re
just trying to be good business people. They hear a lot of things, and I think what they’re
hearing mostly is actual reported losses on the Bear Stearns portfolio, which has already been
marked down, and they’re worried about our arrangements at AIG and Bank of America and
Citi. So that’s what I think is going on. I think the clearer we can be about the fact that we’re
watching it and that we have it under control, the better from that perspective.
I just wanted to circle back. Generally speaking, this is, as we expected, a comprehensive
plan. It has many moving parts, and many of them seem very reasonable to me. I think the
biggest issue that has been brought up today is really this communication issue. Our near-term
concern would be that we really get a bad reaction and create more difficulty this week. So I
don’t know if we can think a little bit more about things we could do to mitigate that. I know
that it’s up to the Treasury Secretary to decide how he wants to make the announcement. I think
there’s a lot of political pressure to make a big splash, but maybe making a big splash isn’t
necessarily the right way to get this to sail off in a smooth direction.
One thing on Vice Chairman Dudley’s comment that TALF is not really about the
banking system—you could pull that out and announce it at some other time when perhaps it
could be better explained and better absorbed. It’s going to be in with a lot of other provisions,
so the impact might get lost and people might be confused about what it is. I’m just suggesting
possibly there’s another time we could announce that.

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The other thought is about the scrubbing provision that—at least as I interpreted
Governor Duke’s comments—might cause a very nasty reaction out there. Maybe that could be
soft-pedaled or done in a way that says that we’re just thinking about this. The intention of that
would be to mitigate some of the potential for a very nasty downturn that might exacerbate the
situation and make it much worse. The signaling effects during this financial crisis have been
astounding, absolutely astounding. And I think we do need to be very aware of that. It seems to
me that’s our near-term challenge for this discussion. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. You should tell your board that, in every one of
the cases where we have taken risks, including the wraps for Bank of America and Citi, we have
a letter from the Treasury saying that it’s understood that this is a responsibility of the U.S.
government, and that any losses would come out of seignorage. We haven’t worked out how
that would be done exactly, but the long-term impact on the Federal Reserve’s capital should be
nil based on those representations.
MR. BULLARD. I understand, and I think my board appreciates that. But they also start
to ask questions, because the numbers get so large that you start talking about more than we send
back to the Treasury in a typical year. And the crisis seems to be going in unpredictable ways,
so I think they’re just trying to be prudent business people on this question. As long as we have
good risk-management in place, I think it would be fine—they’d just like to see reassurance on
that.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I appreciate that. And I guess I would add that seignorage
obviously is adjusted over a period of years. We haven’t done a recent calculation. Perhaps it
would be in our interest to do so. But I think we’re probably in the black on balance, because
those are the only losses. Everywhere else the lending programs are providing us with some

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additional interest income. So I think our net seignorage is probably positive. The Vice
Chairman is nodding his head.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. At this point in time.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. At this point in time, anyway. So I think overall that we’re
doing pretty well in terms of the financial implications for the Federal Reserve and for the
government. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. Yes, Mr. Chairman. We talk about the analysis that we’ve done in terms of
the TALF, and we’re really establishing the capital that we think we need to hold on these assets,
and it’s presumably based on a loss estimate—not on any estimate of potential market value loss,
but of credit loss.
The first question is: Are those being done on a stress scenario in the same way that we
would apply it to the bank capital needs? And my second question is: From an actual and a
communication standpoint, when we go in to scrub the banks, might we be looking to scrub the
banks particularly from a credit loss standpoint, not necessarily from a market loss standpoint?
Based on an estimate of their credit losses, some assets may actually be, in this analysis, worth
more than they’re marked on the balance sheet today, and others would be worth less. Or are we
planning to go in there and focus on the worst of both possible worlds, both market value losses
as well as credit losses?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. On the second question, I think the idea is just to make sure
that everybody is using comparable standards, but not to change the rules. The rules would be
what they are for mark-to-market and for banking book assets. So on the mark-to-market side,
you’d be looking to see what the methodologies are and so on, and on the banking book side,
you’d be looking to see whether reserving is taking place in an appropriate way and whether the

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estimates of the credit losses are reasonable. In a sense, it is the worst of both worlds, I guess,
but it’s within the context of the existing accounting structure for banks.
Vice Chairman, do you want to respond to the first question?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes. On the first question, I think the stress testing is far
beyond any other stress test any financial institution has ever had. I think it’s one out of 100
years, and then stressed versus that.
MR. NELSON. The haircuts are set at 3 percentage points plus four times the estimated
losses in a one-out-of-100-years scenario. But those are credit losses, not market losses.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It is a very high stress scenario. And if you want to give
some numbers, it might be useful.
MR. NELSON. To provide some numbers—and I think these numbers are included in
the memo that was circulated to the FOMC—our expected losses are $500 million.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Not ours. Isn’t that the whole loss?
MR. NELSON. That’s the expected losses for the whole program.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Including for the Treasury.
MR. NELSON. The stress losses in a one-in-100-years scenario are $2.4 billion. So
that’s to be compared with $6 billion from the interest spread—that’s just the spread over
LIBOR or over the swap rate. So, even under the stress scenario, we anticipate that no one
would lose money. Treasury would make money. And then, even if those were to be exceeded,
we’d still have the $20 billion Treasury cushion.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The Treasury could legitimately argue that they’re
putting up too much TARP capital relative to their risk.

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MR. NELSON. It is probably important to add that it is very difficult to know what
losses will be under these circumstances. We have very little to go by to judge what the future is
going to be like. The future is pretty uncertain territory right now, but those are our best
judgments.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Hoenig.
MR. HOENIG. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just a comment, and I’ll try to keep it brief,
because I know you’ve been very generous with your time here, but I have to tell you my
thoughts as I look at what we’re trying to do and the strategy. The U.S. economy over the last
decade has leveraged up incredibly. The numbers are dramatic—a doubling of our leverage in
the financial sector. Right now we’re going through the deleveraging process. And as the
leveraging went up, there was enormous misallocation of resources. So those resources are now
shifting back and forth, and there is going to be pain with that—I don’t think we can avoid that.
The deleveraging process requires us to acknowledge hundreds of billions of dollars of loss. The
loss is there—we can’t avoid it—and the need to recapitalize by significant amounts is a fiscal
action that we have to take.
What we’re trying to do, if I understand today’s meeting and other meetings, is to try to
temporize the adjustment process—to give us time, or give the Congress time, or give someone
time—so that a fiscal stimulus package can help make up the difference, or something like that.
It worries me, though, that we’re doing it through the TALF, because it does further
misallocate resources, although I know we’re trying to make it as broad as possible. I am
confident that we have a major commercial real estate problem coming, and that will bring us—
again—losses that have to be taken and will put us in the position of having to figure out how
we’re going to temporize and lend, and that may in fact further distort things. So if we can

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develop ways that would minimize our involvement, rather than continuing to accelerate it up to
$1 trillion, I think we would be well served in the long run, because the loss is there, and the
adjustment is going to have to take place. And if we distort, I think we will only prolong, in the
end, some very harsh realities that lie ahead. That’s my concern, and I know you realize that, but
I just have to voice it at this point. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I understand that concern. You often hear people say,
“Well, we need people to save more. Why are we taking fiscal policy actions to try to get them
to spend more? Isn’t that inconsistent?”
I would say it’s not inconsistent, because in the short term—I’m adopting a New
Keynesian framework here—sharp adjustments in aggregate demand not only move us towards
the long-term desired adjustment, but they also can create excess capacity (loss of use of
resources) over and above the natural adjustment process that we need in the long run. So there
is a case—for example, when there is a movement from low saving to high saving—for trying to
provide mechanisms to maintain something close to full employment as you make that transition.
By the same token, we need to go from high leverage to low leverage. That process is
happening. The losses are occurring. One thing I like about this bank program is that it’s very
honest. I think it’s a very truth-telling program. It’s not trying to hide things. But the
deleveraging process has a side effect, which is to bring down aggregate demand and to create
enormous excess capacity in the economy, which, I think, is partially wasted. Therefore, there is
a social gain involved not in trying to stop this adjustment, or reverse it, but rather in trying to
allow the economy to adapt to it in a more gradual way.
And I’m not particularly persuaded that we are misallocating credit, because I think the
credit markets are just not working very well. There are all kinds of informational and capital

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and other issues which are preventing the markets from working in anything remotely like a
good way. We are trying to use the tools we have to mitigate the implications for the broader
economy, not because we’re trying to affect credit allocation per se, but because we’re interested
in the effect on overall demand and the economy. You mentioned CRE [commercial real estate],
and, by the way, that’s likely to be a thing that we would try to address in the TALF context.
So I understand all of the complexities here, and crises are a time when you have to
examine orthodoxies and try to think about the complexity of the world. And we’re making all
kinds of tradeoffs. But I think we’re better off trying to get to where we need to be in a more
gradual and buffered way than allowing the system to go through a violent, wrenching process,
which could very easily get us trapped in some Japanese-style situation where the usual dynamic
mechanisms for adjustment are strongly attenuated and it takes a very long time. So I understand
what you’re saying, but I don’t think there’s a contradiction between trying to achieve a
rationalization of leverage and consumption in the long run and trying in the intermediate term to
mitigate the effects of that on aggregate demand and on the broad economy. I think it is a
consistent intellectual position. You may not agree with it, but I think it’s not inconsistent.
MR. HOENIG. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Other questions or comments? President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. I thought the conventional wisdom about Japan is that it was
government action to delay adjustment that led to their stagnation.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I disagree with that. I think that what happened was that
they were very slow in adjusting to the financial crisis in the banking system. I don’t know what
you’re referring to, frankly.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I think the zombie issue.

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MR. LACKER. Yes, zombie banks, zombie borrowers that weren’t foreclosed on, an
inability to free up resources and pry them out of the hands of bankrupt firms and move them to
new productive uses.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, that wasn’t government action, that was government
inaction. It took a tough guy like Takenaka to confront the banks and force them to write down
their positions and to recognize their losses—which is what I think is the positive virtue of the
Geithner approach—which was the first step to recovery. People say, “Well, fiscal policy was
insufficient.” Well, maybe so, but there weren’t a whole lot of intrinsic dynamics in that
economy to restore full employment absent government policy, either. I view Japan as being a
case of mostly insufficient action rather than excessive or incorrect action. But we don’t want to
debate that I think in any detail today.
MR. LACKER. I know, this could be a long debate. The scrubbing of the balance sheets
is a very strong element in this plan, and I think that it’s well worthwhile. And I think it’s really
clever to get around these accrual accounting problems rather than address them head-on. I think
it makes a lot of sense to go in and run a shadow regulatory regime around what those assets are
really worth.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Other comments? President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. May I just take this opportunity to welcome Governor Tarullo on board
and give him an option to leave if he decides to do so. [Laughter]
MR. TARULLO. Thank you, Richard.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I’d like to point out Governor Tarullo has a 14-year term.
[Laughter]
MS. DUKE. Sentence? [Laughter]

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. A term, not a sentence. Thank you, everybody.
END OF MEETING