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September 12–13, 2012

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Meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee on
September 12–13, 2012
A meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee was held in the offices of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System in Washington, D.C., on Wednesday, September 12,
2012, at 10:30 a.m. and continued on Thursday, September 13, 2012, at 8:30 a.m. Those present
were the following:
Ben Bernanke, Chairman
William C. Dudley, Vice Chairman
Elizabeth Duke
Jeffrey M. Lacker
Dennis P. Lockhart
Sandra Pianalto
Jerome H. Powell
Sarah Bloom Raskin
Jeremy C. Stein
Daniel K. Tarullo
John C. Williams
Janet L. Yellen
James Bullard, Christine Cumming, Charles L. Evans, Esther L. George, and Eric
Rosengren, Alternate Members of the Federal Open Market Committee
Richard W. Fisher, Narayana Kocherlakota, and Charles I. Plosser, Presidents of the
Federal Reserve Banks of Dallas, Minneapolis, and Philadelphia, respectively
William B. English, Secretary and Economist
Deborah J. Danker, Deputy Secretary
Matthew M. Luecke, Assistant Secretary
David W. Skidmore, Assistant Secretary
Michelle A. Smith, Assistant Secretary
Scott G. Alvarez, General Counsel
Thomas C. Baxter, Deputy General Counsel
Steven B. Kamin, Economist
David W. Wilcox, Economist
David Altig, Thomas A. Connors, Michael P. Leahy, William Nelson, David
Reifschneider, Glenn D. Rudebusch, William Wascher, and John A. Weinberg, Associate
Economists
Simon Potter, Manager, System Open Market Account
Nellie Liang, Director, Office of Financial Stability Policy and Research, Board of
Governors

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Jon W. Faust, Special Adviser to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of
Governors
James A. Clouse, Deputy Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors;
Maryann F. Hunter, Deputy Director, Division of Banking Supervision and Regulation,
Board of Governors
Andreas Lehnert, 1 Deputy Director, Office of Financial Stability Policy and Research,
Board of Governors
Linda Robertson, Assistant to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Seth B. Carpenter, Senior Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Thomas Laubach, Senior Adviser, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of
Governors; Ellen E. Meade and Joyce K. Zickler, Senior Advisers, Division of Monetary
Affairs, Board of Governors
Brian J. Gross, 2 Special Assistant to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Eric M. Engen, Michael G. Palumbo, and Wayne Passmore, Associate Directors,
Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Fabio M. Natalucci, Deputy Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Edward Nelson, Section Chief, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Jeremy B. Rudd, Senior Economist, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of
Governors
Kelly J. Dubbert, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
Loretta J. Mester, Harvey Rosenblum, and Daniel G. Sullivan, Executive Vice Presidents,
Federal Reserve Banks of Philadelphia, Dallas, and Chicago, respectively
Cletus C. Coughlin, Troy Davig, Mark E. Schweitzer, and Kei-Mu Yi, Senior Vice
Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of St. Louis, Kansas City, Cleveland, and
Minneapolis, respectively

1
2

Attended Wednesday’s session only.
Attended Thursday’s session only.

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Lorie K. Logan, Jonathan P. McCarthy, Giovanni Olivei, and Nathaniel Wuerffel, 3 Vice
Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of New York, New York, Boston, and New York,
respectively
Michelle Ezer, 4 Markets Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of New York

3
4

Attended after the discussion on potential effects of a large-scale asset purchase program.
Attended the discussion on potential effects of a large-scale asset purchase program.

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Transcript of the Federal Open Market Committee Meeting on
September 12–13, 2012
September 12 Session
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Good morning, everybody. Our first item is a staff report
on the potential effects of large-scale asset purchases. Seth Carpenter will lead, but Vice
Chairman Dudley would like to introduce the other presenter.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I would like to introduce Michelle Ezer from the
Markets Group. Michelle and I actually had the interesting experience of writing a paper on the
case for TIPS, right in the heart of the financial crisis, along with Jennifer Roush. I am not really
sure how I managed to do that during that period, but, obviously, Jennifer and Michelle did most
of the work. So she is a coauthor.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay, thank you. Seth.
MR. CARPENTER.1 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be referring to the
material that’s labeled “Potential Effects of a Large-Scale Asset Purchase Program.”
The Committee received three memos from the staff discussing various aspects of
potential new large-scale asset purchase (LSAP) programs. I will discuss some
considerations about how LSAP programs might be structured, and Michelle will
discuss the balance sheet and income implications, along with the associated exit
issues.
When considering the financial and economic effects of LSAPs, the staff analysis
starts from a term structure model that embeds Treasury and MBS supply factors as
determinants of the yield curve. These effects depend on market participants’ beliefs
about the entire trajectory of the SOMA portfolio’s holdings of securities and the
types of those securities. The FRB/US model assumes that declines in the 10-year
Treasury yield pass through roughly one-for-one to other market rates. In addition,
the lower Treasury rate reduces the discount factor in pricing equities, boosting stock
prices. The foreign exchange value of the dollar falls as well. For LSAPs that
include purchases of MBS, there is an additional assumed reduction in MBS and
mortgage rates. Finally, the changes in these market variables are used to simulate
the macroeconomic effects of these purchases using the FRB/US model.
Of course, the results depend critically on the models used and a wide set of
assumptions, any of which could be challenged. First, in the staff models, the one1

The materials used by Mr. Carpenter and Ms. Ezer are appended to this transcript (appendix 1).

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for-one pass-through from the 10-year Treasury yield to other market rates could
misstate the connection among these rates. For example, frictions like capacity
restrictions for originations may prevent mortgage rates from fully adjusting, at least
in the short run. Another source of uncertainty concerns the embedded effects on
equity prices and the foreign exchange value of the dollar. Some event studies of
previous unconventional balance sheet actions point to smaller effects than
incorporated into staff analysis. Finally, the macroeconomic effects of the changes in
asset prices are calculated using the FRB/US model, and other models would of
course yield results that could be larger or smaller. In short, while the projections
represent the staff’s best assessment, the effects are clearly subject to considerable
uncertainty.
Buying either longer-term Treasury securities or MBS should, in principle, put
downward pressure on longer-term interest rates and, so, stimulate the economy.
Although staff models suggest that purchases of MBS have a somewhat smaller effect
than Treasury purchases on most longer-term interest rates, they have somewhat
larger effects on mortgage rates, and when translated into estimated macroeconomic
outcomes, the differences are fairly small, especially relative to the substantial
uncertainty that surrounds such estimates. As a result, the staff memos did not
provide clear guidance regarding the allocation of LSAPs between purchases of
longer-term Treasury securities and purchases of MBS.
Looking at your first exhibit, to illustrate the macroeconomic effects that are
implied by the staff models, we compare a projection in which the MEP, the Maturity
Extension Program, is continued as planned—the solid, dark blue line—to a
projection that assumes that the Committee instead ends the MEP and purchases $600
billion in Treasury securities and $400 billion in MBS by late next year. That’s
labeled option 1 as in the staff memo and it’s the dotted blue line. In addition to
lowering term premiums from LSAPs, this option is also assumed to put downward
pressure on longer-term rates by pushing off the first increase in the federal funds rate
by about six months. This LSAP program is projected to boost real GDP, lower the
unemployment rate, and increase the inflation rate somewhat. As a consequence,
more rapid progress toward both of the Committee’s goals is made. The staff
memorandum provided prior to your last meeting concluded that the purchases under
such a program would not likely lead to a deterioration in market functioning.
Michelle will later discuss some of the anticipated effects of the program on the
Federal Reserve’s balance sheet and income.
As I noted before, the estimated interest rate effect of an LSAP depends on the
public’s understanding of the FOMC’s intended plans for purchases and exit. This
consideration is particularly important for a flow-based or open-ended program that
continues until a certain economic outcome is achieved. If the public understands the
FOMC’s stopping rule and has the same forecast for the economy as the Committee,
and the economy evolves according to those projections, then our models would
suggest that the flow-based LSAP is roughly equivalent to a stock-based LSAP of the
same ultimate size. Of course, the economy would likely not proceed exactly in line
with expectations, so under a flow-based LSAP, the anticipated total amount of asset

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purchases would likely be more state dependent and evolve as the economy evolves.
Option 4 in the memo entitled “Options for an Additional LSAP Program”—
presented here as the dashed red line—was intended to correspond roughly to such a
program when the economy faces an adverse shock, and, as a result, purchases end up
at a level that is higher than originally assumed. If the ultimate size of purchases in
this case is $2 trillion, our models suggest that the net effect would be somewhat
smaller than if, from the beginning, a $2 trillion LSAP had been implemented.
However, a flow-based approach, if communicated clearly to the public, also could
boost business and consumer confidence by reducing the odds of adverse tail
outcomes and limiting the expected variance of economic outcomes. This confidence
effect is not captured in the staff projections but could be important. Alternatively, if
the stopping rule is not clear, and the public believed that the Committee might stop
purchases somewhat earlier than the Committee actually intended, then the interest
rate effect could be reduced relative to what our models suggest. However, as the
public came to understand the Committee’s stopping rule, the expected size of the
SOMA portfolio would revise up, and the interest rate effects would become larger.
Michelle is now going to discuss the balance sheet projections and some of the issues
related to the exit.
MS. EZER. Thanks, Seth. As Seth mentioned, I will be discussing the balance
sheet and income projections described in the LSAP options memo and associated
exit issues. I plan to focus on the same two LSAP options Seth discussed, though the
memo presented several options. Turning to the top-left panel of exhibit 2, you can
see the path of the portfolio under a baseline scenario in which MEP is completed and
options 1 and 4 from the memo. Under the latter two options, the portfolio grows
significantly as a result of the asset purchases. Consistent with the exit principles, we
assume that 6 months prior to the first increase in the target federal funds rate,
securities are allowed to mature without reinvestment, and 6 months after that first
increase, sales of agency securities begin. These actions normalize the size of the
portfolio through time. The addition of a new LSAP program extends the period of
time between the start of asset sales and when the portfolio normalizes in size. For
example, under option 1 it takes 41 months for the portfolio size to normalize after
the initiation of MBS sales. This is 6 months longer compared with the MEP
scenario.
In terms of Federal Reserve income, cumulative remittances to the Treasury over
the projection period are lower than in a scenario with no additional LSAP. The
lower remittances reflect higher interest expense and the larger capital losses from
MBS sales. Looking at the top-right panel, until 2016, remittances are higher under
the LSAP scenarios, because of the higher interest income from the larger portfolio
and minimal additional interest expense. Thereafter, income is lower as a result of
higher interest expense and larger capital losses. Under option 1, annual remittances
are projected to bottom out near zero. By contrast, under option 4, remittances fall to
zero for more than 5 years, and a deferred asset is created.
Of course, income and balance sheet projections can be sensitive to interest rate
projections, and those projections are subject to uncertainty. One gauge of the

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interest rate risk in the portfolio is presented in the middle-left panel. Here, we
present the projections of Federal Reserve remittances under an assumption that
1 year after federal funds liftoff, the federal funds rate and 10-year Treasury yield are
100 basis points above the baseline levels, and these higher levels persist for the
remainder of the projection period. Under all of the LSAP options shown, the higher
interest rate paths result in a period of no remittances to the Treasury and the creation
of a deferred asset, as shown in the middle-right panel. Under option 4, remittances
to the Treasury would cease for a considerable number of years, and a substantial
deferred asset would be created.
The portfolio projections highlight two implications that an LSAP may have on
the exit strategy. First, as shown in the bottom panel, the level of reserves would be
higher at the time of the first increase in the federal funds rate. Second, in order to
remain consistent with the existing exit principles, MBS sales would need to take
place over a shorter period than 5 years—the period currently assumed in the
projections. Absent a shorter MBS sales period, or other changes to the exit strategy,
the size of the portfolio would not normalize within 2 to 3 years of the initiation of
asset sales as anticipated by the exit strategy principles.
Starting with the first point, under option 1, reserve balances will be about
$2.3 trillion at the time of the first increase in the federal funds rate—about $1 trillion
larger than expected under the current policy, and also $1 trillion larger than assumed
in June 2011. While increasing the IOER rate will raise short-term market rates by
itself, reserve-draining tools can help to ensure a closer connection between the rates,
and greater use of these tools may be needed, given the increased quantity of reserves.
The memo entitled “The Effect of an Additional $1 Trillion LSAP on the Exit
Strategy” discussed the status of each of the different draining tools. However, it is
too early to provide specific details of a draining plan, because such a plan will
depend on how markets evolve and the lessons learned once these tools are used in
large scale.
Turning to the second point, the exit strategy principles themselves will not have
to change as a result of a new LSAP. The expectation, however, that the size of the
balance sheet would be normalized within 2 to 3 years of assets sales might not hold,
depending on the size of the asset purchase program. Under option 1, by reducing the
period of asset sales to 3½ years from the 5 years assumed in making the projections,
the portfolio size would normalize within the assumed 2 to 3 years. The staff
currently believes that the faster average pace of MBS sales would likely be
manageable from a market-functioning perspective. That said, reducing the sales
period would concentrate capital losses and result in Federal Reserve remittances
declining to zero for a few years and create a deferred asset. In contrast, assumptions
associated with the exit strategy principles would need to be altered under a $2 trillion
LSAP like that under option 4. Agency sales alone would not be enough to normalize
the size of the balance sheet within 2 to 3 years of the initiation of asset sales in this
case. Moreover, sales of securities in the volume envisioned under option 4 over a
three-year period may cause market disruptions.

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In any event, the Committee may wish to review its exit principles periodically,
particularly if the Committee implemented a flow-based LSAP program, where the
ultimate size of purchases would be unknown. Adjustments to the principles could
include more heavily relying on asset sales as a tool to drain reserves, for example, by
expanding it to include a moderate pace of Treasury security sales. Asset sales could
also occur sooner. On balance, although the current exit strategy principles remain
valid, additional analysis will be useful to determine whether alternate strategies
might prove more helpful. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Seth and I will be happy to
answer any questions.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you very much. Of course, this is just a summary of
a lot of work that the staff has been doing on all aspects of asset purchases. You have received a
number of memos. Also, let me just mention that a little bit later this morning we will talk about
the consensus forecast, which gives, in more detail, the staff projections of the effects of
programs of different sizes on the economy. Let me now open the floor in case there are any
questions for staff. President Plosser.
MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have two questions. I appreciate all of the
work that went into this. It has been quite helpful to me in thinking about what is going on. Seth
has made a good summary of the uncertainties and the range and assumptions that are needed to
get the point estimates. I want to focus on two things.
One has to do with the assumptions about market segmentation and pass-through. In
some sense, the FRB/US assumes—as you mentioned, Seth—that the pass-through from the
reduction of Treasuries to corporate and mortgage-backed securities is one-for-one, which
suggests, as you alluded to, that there is more segmentation across duration than there is across
asset classes, in the case of the models. So one question I have would be, suppose that actually
there was more segmentation across asset classes than across the term structure? In other words,
if 5-year Treasuries were a better substitute for 10-year Treasuries than mortgage-backed
securities or corporate bonds are for 10-year securities—which is the way it is kind of structured
in the model—how would that change your analysis of these effects? That is one question.

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And the second question is, you talked about the assumptions that are made and the
uncertainties, and yet what we really got, at the end of the day, were some point estimates. So if
I had to push you and I wanted to think about standard errors on these point estimates, how big
do you think they are truly likely to be? Can we tell the difference, given the uncertainties
among these different strategies? What is your assessment of that? So those are the two
questions I have.
MR. CARPENTER. Okay. The first question, what if there were more segmentation
across asset types than across maturities? I think pretty clearly what you would see in that case
is that we might have an effect on Treasury yields if we are buying Treasuries, and that would
tend to push down Treasury yields and widen the spread relative to other asset types. And to the
extent that it’s other interest rates that have a direct effect on economic activity, you would get a
smaller effect. So I think, in principle, that’s the way it would go.
The hard part there, I think, is there has clearly got to be a little bit of that going on. And
the previous memo about market functioning that we sent around said we might get to the point
where you are buying so much that you are dislocating the Treasury curve from the rest of
market interest rates. I think we are very sensitive to that possibility, and I think the staff
conclusion so far is that we haven’t gotten to that point. And I think some of the other studies of
LSAPs and how they work also point to pretty substantial spillovers to other asset classes—some
Fed studies and some academic studies. So I think that’s a reasonable hypothesis to maintain—I
think it’s something that we will want to worry a lot about, especially if the purchases were so
large that they were to somehow disrupt market functioning. But my reading so far is that we are
not there yet, for some of those reasons.

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Another reason is—especially if you go back to some of the previous LSAPs—as the
Desk has made clear what segment of the market we are buying, there have been some pretty
clear adjustments in interest rates at different points along the curve. This suggests that the
maintained hypothesis that we have, that the maturity matters a lot, is coming through in some of
the event studies. When the Desk helped the market understand exactly what the maturity
distribution of purchases was going to be, we saw some movements of yields at the long end
relative to the belly of the curve that suggest that people see this sort of segmentation across
maturities. In addition, I think some of the reaction to the MEP caused us to feel a little bit better
about that assumption. The movement in the short rate relative to the long rate, once you control
for expectations, seemed to conform reasonably well with some of the interest rate models that
we have.
So I think the short answer is you would get a widening of spreads, and to the extent that
Treasuries aren’t the thing that matters for economic activity, you would get less of an effect.
On the other hand, if you were to do mortgage-backed securities purchases, and the same
hypothesis came up, then presumably you’d get a bigger effect just on the MBS rate, and
presumably mortgages as well. And so the scenario you bring up might be an argument for
having both asset classes—an argument that we didn’t cover in the memo. If there is this
segmentation across asset types, then buying both Treasuries and MBS may be a good thing to
do, because then you will be able to affect both of those rates, instead of relying on the purchases
of Treasuries to also push down mortgage and MBS yields along with it.
MR. PLOSSER. To interrupt just a second on that point, though, that begs the question
about buying MBS—let’s say, even if it might help the mortgage market. You don’t have any
evidence on whether that pass-through to corporate and other asset classes is either differential or

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the same or less than it would be with Treasuries? Are you assuming that other asset classes
would follow the same amount then, in that kind of story?
MR. CARPENTER. Right. So I was trying to go into the counterfactual world where we
are assuming this asset segmentation. And so there, there are lots of other hypotheses. Our
models sort of—and they are empirical models, where we get the results based on actual data—
suggest that the purchases of MBS do have the same general effect on longer-term interest rates
by pulling out the longer-term assets and pushing things down. If we had a different model, we
would have to confront all of those same questions that you asked, including, if there is a
segmentation, what sort of pass-through would there be? But the models that we have, and the
estimation that we have done, suggest that we are getting more or less the same effect on longerterm rates of MBS and Treasuries. I was just saying, in the alternate version of the world, where
there is a segmentation, it might be an argument for buying two different types of assets that we
didn’t discuss in the memo.
Your second question about standard errors is a really good one, and it is hard. There are
lots of different models that we have coming together, and I think Dave can probably speak
really knowledgeably about the standard errors, especially from the FRB/US model. But there is
layering, model upon model, to try to get these effects. I think we feel pretty good that we know
for sure the sign of the first derivative, which is in what direction these things would happen.
We presented a lot of results, though, for different-sized LSAPs in the memos, as Michelle
pointed out—$750 billion, $1 trillion, $2 trillion. I think we can’t say with any confidence that
we know the difference between a $750 billion LSAP and a $1 trillion LSAP. We are pretty sure
we know that the $1 trillion one does more, but those are so close to each other that I don’t have

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much confidence in being able to differentiate. It’s that sort of uncertainty I see, but I don’t
know if you want to talk about the macro effects.
MR. PLOSSER. I’m sorry. Just to push it just a little bit. So rather than the difference
between $750 billion and $1 trillion, let’s just take one of them, the $1 trillion one. And you
estimate, what was it, 62 basis points on the unemployment rate after two years? Was that it? I
can’t remember the exact number. Whatever that number was, can you give me a standard error
on that point estimate?
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. I’m going to come to that directly. First, just to reiterate what
Seth said, your logic is correct. To the extent that you think that the pass-through from buying
Treasuries into corporate bond yields, stock market prices, the exchange rate, and things like
that, are less than in the model simulations, you are going to get smaller results.
Second, I agree with Seth that the pass-through effects that we have in there—as we have
been saying right from the start back in 2008, early 2009—are highly uncertain. And as time has
gone on, I think the one source of uncertainty that has gone down is the concern about whether
purchases would have any effect. At least we now think they have an effect. But having said
that, there is still much uncertainty around these estimates.
In terms of actually coming up with a confidence interval, I can’t do that, but I can say
the following qualitative things that I think are helpful. First, take the model that Min Wei and
Canlin Li developed that we are mainly using for pricing the effects on Treasuries and MBS.
Now, that model kicks out a standard error. I don’t know what it is, but it does not have tight
error bands. There is considerable width to the confidence intervals. That said, we think the
number is reasonable. But could the number be somewhat smaller or somewhat bigger? Yes.
One point on why it could be bigger is, if you go back to the first LSAP, the event studies

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suggested the LSAP might have lowered Treasury yields by 100 basis points. In the analysis that
Min and Canlin are doing, it’s 50. So that’s an example, where they are not necessarily taking
the highest-side estimates.
There are other studies that suggest that we could be getting lower effects on financial
markets than in the FRB/US analysis. On the other hand, FRB/US ignores some things, such as
the potential pass-through to house prices; it has no effect in the simulations. And, there are
confidence effects that Seth alluded to. Even if you knew what the financial effects would be,
there would still be a substantial confidence interval for the economic effects. I don’t have them
off the top of my head, but we have generated confidence bands for FRB/US impulse responses
over the years. They are a lot like those in other models. They are fairly significant around what
the unemployment rate effect would be. The effect could be considerably closer to zero, or it
could be bigger. Let’s say that, for a given LSAP, the point estimate is a half a percentage point
on the unemployment rate after three years—that’s true for the way we are scoring alternative B.
Could it be a quarter? Yes. A quarter is certainly inside the 70 percent confidence interval.
Could it be three-quarters of a percentage point? Yes. That would be inside the 70 percent. So
that’s just saying what, I think, everyone agrees upon: there are very wide confidence intervals
on these effects.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. While I was listening to Seth’s disclaimers at the beginning, it sort of
sounds like an Allegra ad on television [laughter]: These are the risks, et cetera. And the papers
actually were quite good. The paper you particularly referenced had a lot of disclaimers in it.
And what I am interested in seeing vetted more thoroughly is the degree to which this
compounds the complexity of an exit when we decide to exit.

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It seems to me one of the virtues of, particularly, “The Effect of an Additional $1 Trillion
LSAP on the Exit Strategy” was the discussion of substantial uncertainty. There are lots of
quotes in there that are qualified. It seems to me that the proponents of an extended LSAP would
take a view from a signaling channel perspective that one of its benefits is that it is effective
precisely because it makes it more difficult to either raise short-term interest rates or shrink the
balance sheet for some time. And in a way, what I am concerned about—and I am interested in
learning more—is the degree to which we tie the hands of our successors, or if not tie—maybe
that is too strong a word—we tangle their hands, and how much more difficult the exit strategy
becomes. It strikes me that the stronger the recovery—that is, the more rapidly we achieve
equilibrium interest rates—the harder it is going to be for us to exit. And I would like to see that
vetted a little bit more. I thought the papers touched on that, particularly the paper you referred
to, but I think it would be helpful, Mr. Chairman, if we got a better sense of what complexities
this imposes upon exit at the right time. Just a comment.
MR. CARPENTER. No, that’s really helpful.
MR. FISHER. I don’t know what your take is on this.
MR. CARPENTER. Absolutely. We clearly have a lot of details to write down. So if
the Committee wanted to exit next week, or something like that, we would have lots and lots and
lots and lots of details to write down, none of which are we prepared to give you right now,
because the world presumably, between now and exit, is going to change. And so it is going to
take some time.
That said, I just want to leave you with one thought. When we were writing these
memos, one of the first points that we wanted to have clear in our heads before writing them—all
of the staff who were working on this, including staff at the Desk who are experts on both

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financial markets as well as the execution of things and the staff at the Board—was, does
anybody think that if we were to do another LSAP as envisioned in these memos, that when the
Committee wants to tighten monetary policy, the staff would not be able to follow through on
that? Because I wanted to make sure that everybody was able to look in their heart of hearts and
say, “We think that the Committee will be able to tighten policy appropriately to hit its dual
mandate,” and everybody said, “Yes, we think we are in that situation.” How we do it is not
perfectly clear yet, for a variety of reasons. But we would have had to write a very, very
different memo, I think, if we really thought there was some risk to the conduct of monetary
policy in terms of our ability to execute the exit strategy.
MR. FISHER. You point out in the memo that there is a learning process here, in terms
of the different tools that might be used. But I still think we should press this in our discussion
before proceeding.
MR. CARPENTER. Absolutely.
MR. FISHER. Yes, sir.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. I want to follow up on one point because it also relates to what
President Plosser was talking about. I think, whether it is connected to fear that we won’t be able
to exit or whether it is a signaling that the Committee is willing to be more accommodative
persistently out in the future, those policy expectations can have a big effect on some of the
results. Often, the way we score things—and I think I threw out a half a percentage point a
second ago—doesn’t take into account this additional signaling effect about the future path of the
funds rate that you potentially can get. There is some evidence from the event studies that you
did get it with the first two LSAP programs—that by announcing a program, you are also
sending the signal that you are going to be more willing to keep rates lower for longer.

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MR. FISHER. That’s what I was—
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Right. At least as far as the model scores it, if that’s fully
credible, if the expected funds rate path the market has really flattens out, in principle, you get a
nontrivial kick from that.
MR. CARPENTER. The only thing to highlight, though, is the difference between a
willingness to keep the interest rate lower for longer versus an ability to raise them. And we
don’t currently worry about the second part—we don’t worry about the ability to raise interest
rates. But what the Committee decides to do, obviously, is about the willingness to keep interest
rates lower.
MR. FISHER. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Does the FRB/US model allow you to
isolate the kind of intermediate estimates—that might be credit aggregates or asset price index
levels—that fit between lower interest rates and GDP growth, so that you could actually get a
sense of the transmission mechanism working through the model?
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. You can snip certain transmission mechanisms and see what it
does to the total effect if you just zero it out. We have done experiments like that, and what it
shows is, roughly speaking, changing Treasury yields, if it doesn’t go out into any other asset
prices, doesn’t do anything in the model, to a first approximation. What matters is that it goes
into private long-term interest rates, like MBS and corporates; second, that it goes into the stock
market; and, third, that it goes into exchange rates. So you can think of it as three channels: cost
of capital, wealth effects, and exchange rate. The model says each of those is worth roughly a
third of the overall effect. So if you didn’t believe one of the channels was operating, or you

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thought it was operating only half as effectively as it usually does, you could then scale the
numbers down with that rough math. And that would be approximately correct. But in terms of
what it implies for bank lending, or something like that, no, the model doesn’t—
MR. LOCKHART. It doesn’t explicitly estimate the—
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. It doesn’t have any explicit predictions about what happens to
bank lending or anything like that.
MR. LOCKHART. So to simplify, for my purposes, the exercise assumes some kind of
historical correlation between lower interest rates and economic activity.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Yes.
MR. LOCKHART. Which may or may not prevail in this current situation.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Which may or may not prevail, with one very important
caveat. Because housing is at such an extraordinarily low percentage of GDP, in essence, that
historical correlation has been marked down in these analyses. Ordinarily housing is a big
source of a kick. In these scenarios, the direct channel on housing construction activity is worth
hardly anything. It’s a little bit, but it’s very small. That could be right or wrong, but in the
results that Seth was showing and that were in all the other analysis we’ve sent you, there is, in
that very important sense, an attenuation of the effectiveness of monetary policy, whether it’s
conventional or unconventional right now.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just wanted to follow up on this issue
about confidence intervals. In figure 1, there would be data uncertainty; there would be
uncertainty about transmission channels; there would be uncertainty about models. If you
layered all of that together, you are going to get very wide confidence intervals. But on

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exhibit 2, where we are looking at the SOMA holdings, there we can sort of mechanically map
out, more or less, what is going to happen. There is some uncertainty based on interest rates, and
so on, but I just want to be clear on this: This is much more solid, I would say, than page 1,
which is very uncertain and very speculative about what the effects might be. Is that a fair
assessment?
MS. EZER. Our portfolio projections depend importantly on the interest rate
assumptions that were provided, so those confidence intervals will feed through into our
projections when it comes to things like Federal Reserve income over time. When it comes to,
say, the top-left panel, the path of the portfolio over time, the confidence interval is probably a
little bit smaller, provided that the assumptions that we made about the timing of liftoff and the
strategy used for exit remain constant. There the confidence band would be in your projections
for prepayments on your MBS portfolio. But since you are assuming that you are going to get
rid of your holdings of agency securities over a set period of time, it is just going to change kind
of the wiggles in how MBS declines over that period. But we would still eliminate it over a fiveyear period with confidence.
MR. BULLARD. Just one other comment, Mr. Chairman. On exhibit 2, panel 4,
“Deferred Asset.” That is kind of a nice term, “deferred asset.” As far as I know, the Committee
has never used the deferred asset. It strikes me as a possible political firefight to bring that into
play. All of the scenarios here, other than option 1, if I’m reading this correctly, would bring the
deferred asset into play, with possible repercussions, I think, for the Federal Reserve.
MR. CARPENTER. Just a small bit of clarification: It has never been the case that we
have had, for the Federal Reserve System as a whole, a deferred asset. It has been the case on
several occasions that there has been a deferred asset for a given Reserve Bank.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think the defense in that case would be that the total,
which was including the very high remittances early in the period, still would be higher than
historical norms.
MR. POTTER. That’s correct.
MR. BULLARD. That might be a hard story to tell when the time comes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Vice Chairman, you have a two-hander?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes. I think the confidence intervals on interest rates are
going to be almost proportionate to the confidence intervals on the real economy variables,
because you are not going to know what the trajectory of short-term rates is going to be or the
shape of the yield curve. And, in fact, you are probably even more uncertain about the shape of
the yield curve because you have never gone from purchasing all of these assets to selling all of
these assets. So we don’t really know how the market is going to react to that.
The second thing I just want to note very briefly is a lot of this also depends on what
monetary framework you are actually going back to. And the presumption of the staff memo is
that we are going back to a corridor system. But you might decide, as you go through this, that
maybe IOER works pretty well. And you might actually want to go back to a floor system that
would allow you quite a bit more discretion in terms of how your exit actually works. And that
would feed into a lot of these projections.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Again, I want to thank the staff for all of the work
you did to help prepare us for this meeting, including the work on LSAPs, but also work on other
tools like IOER. So we appreciate it very much. Let me turn to item 2 and call on Simon Potter
to discuss financial developments.

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MR. POTTER. 2 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Over the course of the intermeeting
period, global financial markets were dominated by three areas of focus: the ECB’s
new Outright Monetary Transactions (OMT) program, fluctuating expectations for
further policy accommodation from the FOMC, and continuing concerns over global
growth prospects. By the end of the intermeeting period, market perceptions of the
effectiveness of policy measures to at least attenuate tail risks facing the global
economy contributed to improved risk sentiment in financial markets, as seen in
higher advanced economy sovereign yields and stock markets.
I will begin with developments in U.S. interest rates, which in the Treasury
market were moderately higher over the intermeeting period. The upper-left panel
shows the decomposition of changes in nominal yields for 5- and 10-year securities
during key portions of the intermeeting period. Nominal Treasury yields increased
significantly early in the period, with the 10-year yield up by more than 35 basis
points at one point. Most of the initial increase in yields was driven by improved risk
sentiment on expectations of a forceful ECB policy response, as well as by strongerthan-expected U.S. economic data. The rise in yields partially reversed following the
release of the August FOMC minutes and continued somewhat after the Jackson Hole
symposium. The move lower in the 5-year real component was consistent with
growing expectations for policy easing. To date, there is little evidence of worries of
the fiscal cliff affecting pricing in the Treasury or other markets.
At the same time, inflation compensation, as derived from inflation-indexed
securities, rose at the 5- and 10-year tenors. Higher energy prices contributed to the
increase in inflation breakevens, particularly at shorter maturities. However, spot and
forward 5-year breakeven inflation rates remain well within recent historical ranges,
as seen in the upper-right panel.
As shown in the middle-left panel, dealers continue to assign the highest
probability of a first increase in the target rate to the second half of 2015. However,
the distribution has continued to shift from earlier liftoff dates and into 2015 and
beyond. The survey results are broadly consistent with market-implied measures of
liftoff, as market prices indicate significant odds that the target rate will not be
increased until the middle of 2015.
Immediately following the FOMC statement on August 1, interest rates increased,
as markets had been pricing in close to even odds of an extension of the forward
guidance. The middle-right panel shows an event study based on the small sample of
forward-guidance surprises. Reading from left to right, the blue dots represent the
three events in our study: first, the decision to maintain the late-2014 forward
guidance at the most recent meeting; second, the extension of the forward guidance to
late 2014 at the January meeting; and third, the introduction of the original mid-2013
language in August 2011. The x-axis measures the surprise component of these
decisions, which we measure in months and derive from the difference between the
announced forward-guidance date and the expected month of liftoff calculated from
2

The materials used by Mr. Potter are appended to this transcript (appendix 2).

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our dealer surveys. The y-axis measures the change in the 10-year Treasury yield
after the FOMC announcement. Alternative methods of measuring the surprise in
months yield broadly similar results. Averaging across these measures suggests a
rule of thumb of roughly a 1 basis point change in the 10-year Treasury yield for each
month of forward-guidance surprise. Of course, measuring announcement effects is
complicated by the interaction between forward guidance and expectations for the
balance sheet, including exit, which this analysis does not consider. In the three
events examined, there were no explicit changes to the balance sheet or exit
principles.
Turning to other domestic assets, MBS spreads to Treasuries are narrower over
the intermeeting period, as seen in your lower-left panel. Investors attributed much of
the fluctuation in MBS spreads over the period to shifting expectations for Federal
Reserve purchases, especially in the last few days. By contrast, two other
intermeeting developments may serve to tighten mortgage market conditions on the
margin. First, the FHFA announced that it will raise guarantee fees on GSE loans by
10 basis points starting in the fourth quarter of this year, a fee that lenders will likely
pass on to borrowers. Second, the Treasury announced that the wind-down of the two
GSEs’ portfolios will accelerate to a 15 percent yearly rate, from 10 percent at
present. Much of the wind-down is expected to occur through paydowns,
necessitating only a small portion of sales from the portfolio over the next year.
Given this, investors do not expect the accelerated wind-downs to be disruptive to the
MBS market, and spreads to Treasuries were little changed following the
announcement.
The final panel looks at how recent developments have affected U.S. risk assets.
Overall, the stabilization in European financial markets and heightened expectations
for domestic policy easing have supported both equity and debt markets. The
S&P 500 index rose over the intermeeting period by more than 4 percent and is
currently at its highest level since the beginning of 2008. Near-term uncertainty, as
measured by the VIX, is near multiyear lows. High-yield bond spreads have
tightened to levels last observed in 2011:Q3, and corporate bond issuance in July and
August has been higher than over the same period last year.
Your second exhibit turns to developments in Europe and global asset prices more
broadly. The most important development in global financial markets was the
steadily growing expectation that the ECB would announce an effective new program
to purchase shorter-dated peripheral sovereign debt. As seen in the top-left panel,
these expectations led to a significant narrowing of peripheral sovereign debt spreads
to German yields, particularly at shorter maturities within the scope of the program.
Many of the uncertainties regarding the new program were resolved by the ECB
announcements last week, leading to a further narrowing of peripheral spreads,
additional gains in European equities, and appreciation of the euro against the U.S.
dollar and the Swiss franc. Indeed, euro-area financial markets have exhibited a
greater degree of stability over the intermeeting period, and investors do not appear to
be seeking significant protection against large swings in asset prices, as seen in the

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upper-right panel, “Implied Volatility on European Equities and on the Euro-Dollar
Currency Pair.”
As Steve Kamin will note in his briefing, the OMT program has the potential to
ease financial stresses but must be accompanied by fundamental reform measures at
the national level. Changes in forward peripheral spreads to Germany appear
consistent with this view. Your middle-left panel shows Spanish and Italian five-year
debt spreads relative to Germany on a five-year-forward basis. These forward fiveyear spreads have come down much less than spot spreads on instruments that are
within the maturity range of the ECB’s purchase program.
In the near term, financial markets will face a number of uncertainties, including
the ongoing EU and IMF review of Greek compliance with the terms of its aid
program. In addition, for those countries not already in a program, the ECB will not
activate the OMT unless there is agreement on conditions for accessing fiscal support
facilities. It is unclear whether Spain will take this step without renewed market
pressure.
Looking forward, both Spain and Italy need to ramp up debt issuance over the
remainder of the year, after issuing at a somewhat tepid pace in recent months. This
can be seen in the middle-right panel. Spanish and Italian banks have historically
been a significant source of demand for their own sovereign’s debt. However, that
source of demand has dropped off in recent months. As shown in the bottom-left
panel, since the ECB’s last three-year LTRO, Italian banks have added to their
sovereign debt holdings at a greatly reduced pace. Spanish banks have actually
brought down their holdings of sovereign debt since the first quarter, given their own
funding difficulties. On a more positive note, anecdotal reports suggest that asset
managers are reducing their underweight positions on Spanish and Italian debt, and
access to primary debt markets has improved for Spanish and Italian banks.
The last panel of this exhibit focuses on global risk assets more broadly. The
accommodative policy stance of many central banks has been supportive of equity
markets in recent months, particularly in the United States and Europe. In contrast,
emerging market equities have generally underperformed, reflecting investors’ views
that these regions may be experiencing a slowdown in economic activity. China’s
Shanghai Composite Index remains at levels last seen in early 2009.
Your final exhibit focuses on recent Desk operations and market expectations for
additional policy actions as reported in the dealer survey. Over the intermeeting
period, the Desk purchased $60 billion in longer-term Treasury securities and sold or
allowed to mature without reinvestment $58.5 billion of shorter-dated securities under
the maturity extension program (MEP). These operations continue to proceed
smoothly. In particular, the Treasury security purchase operations have recently met
with better demand. As shown in the upper-left panel, the previous trend toward
lower coverage ratios and less favorable prices for the purchase operations reversed
somewhat.

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As shown in the upper-right panel, the MEP transactions have been lengthening
the average duration of the SOMA’s Treasury holdings in line with the policy intent.
This measure is expected to reach about eight years if the program continues through
the end of the year, far longer than the historical range of two to three years. This has
pulled the average duration of the overall portfolio higher as well, given that the
duration of the MBS portfolio has recently remained steady at around two years.
The next two panels focus on the reinvestment of principal payments on the
SOMA’s holdings of agency debt and MBS. Over the intermeeting period, the Desk
purchased $33 billion of MBS. These reinvestment purchases have generally
proceeded smoothly, with market trading volumes remaining steady and only some
instances of specialness in the coupons being purchased.
The middle-left panel shows the monthly pace of paydowns, which has averaged
about $26 billion since October of last year. Given continued low interest rates, we
expect the paydowns to run at roughly $31 billion per month through the end of the
year. Such a pace would suggest that the MBS purchases resulting from the
reinvestments of the agency paydowns would constitute about one-third of the gross
issuance of TBA-eligible securities.
The middle-right panel shows the distribution for the 30-year sector of principal
paydowns to the MBS portfolio, as well as the coupons in which the Desk has
reinvested. The portfolio continues to shift into lower-coupon securities, reflecting
the overall decline in rates and the decision to concentrate purchases in newly issued
TBA securities that are more liquid and more directly linked to the primary rate.
Since June, low interest rates have led to paydowns of holdings of lower-coupons
MBS, including the 3.5 and 4 percent coupons. Newly issued securities also have
longer duration than those paying down, so these purchases have extended the
duration of the MBS portfolio.
Your final two panels of this exhibit show results from the most recent dealer
survey. We used a phone poll this Monday to update some of the answers, following
the significant developments in Europe and the employment report. As seen in the
lower-left panel, dealers assign a 90 percent probability to any easing action being
announced at this meeting. More specifically, dealers place very high odds of
80 percent on a change to the rate guidance. The median respondent also saw a
65 percent chance of an announced increase in the size of the SOMA portfolio.
Expectations for these policy actions firmed somewhat following last Friday’s
employment report. The derived joint probability for an extension of the forward
guidance and the announcement of additional asset purchases increased to 57 percent
in this Monday’s phone survey, up from 46 percent in the dealer survey.
The panel to the right shows the dealers’ projections for the size and distribution
of additional asset purchases anticipated through the end of 2013, as derived from
respondents’ expected path of the SOMA balance sheet. Respondents expect the size
of the balance sheet to grow by around $600 billion by the end of 2013. Median
expectations are for an increase of $300 billion in Treasury and about $300 billion in

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MBS holdings by the end of 2013. While not asked specifically about the structure of
a potential asset purchase program, some respondents indicated in their written
comments that they expect an open-ended program conditioned on economic
variables. Mr. Chairman, this completes my prepared remarks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you very much. Questions for Simon? President
Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Two questions for Mr. Potter. The first has
to do with the duration of our holdings of agency MBS. The graph indicates the average
duration of our current holdings is around two. Now, would our average duration of purchases
under what we’re going to talk about later today or tomorrow, would that be substantially larger?
Do you have a sense of what that would be?
MR. POTTER. Yes. Somewhere between four and six. Is that right, Nate?
MR. WUERFFEL. That’s correct.
MR. LACKER. Four and six?
MR. POTTER. Yes.
MR. LACKER. Okay. So the other question I have—I was at a conference a couple of
weeks ago. I believe I saw you there, Mr. Potter, and—
MR. POTTER. Symposium, yes.
MR. LACKER. An economist there was arguing that the effect of our forward guidance
occurred more via revisions in investors’ expectations about future economic conditions rather
than a change in their views about our future reaction function, and because you folks have such
rich interactions with the dealer community and you talk to them about this forward guidance, I
wondered if you guys had a view as to the economist’s assertion.
MR. POTTER. Those dealer economists also read about Jackson Hole. Some of them
were there, so I think they viewed that with quite a lot of interest. In the dealer survey, some

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people thought that the change in rate guidance might be not just a calendar type, but trying to
distinguish it from just a pure expectation of where you expected the economy to be. I don’t
think it’s possible to get a very clear answer from these respondents, because I don’t think the
FOMC’s been completely clear on this either.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. Simon, I think I heard you correctly. So we’ve been purchasing about a
third of the eligible TBAs, and you also mentioned that there’s a planned increase in the rate of
GSE wind-downs to 15 percent from the 10 percent level earlier. Is that likely to change? If we
were to proceed with just $30 or $40 billion, as outlined in alternative B, would that change our
percentage of the eligible TBA purchases, given the contraction that’s occurring among the
agencies? If my memory is correct, they had about $1.4 trillion. It goes back to last March. I
can’t remember the last time I looked at the numbers. So that’s about $15 billion; 15 percent
translates to about $15 billion, I think, in the contraction. I’m just curious if it affects the
percentage of eligible TBA that we’d be holding if we were to proceed.
MR. POTTER. No, I don’t think so.
MR. FISHER. Thank you.
MS. LOGAN. We’re currently purchasing about a third of gross issuance. That number
is going to go up to 60 to 75 percent, depending on which option the Committee chooses.
MR. FISHER. Right, so that is not affected by—
MS. LOGAN. The reduction that the GSEs are doing is happening in more than just
TBAs; they’re reducing in other types of securities as well. So I would think that number is
probably fairly small. In terms of the total amount outstanding, we’re currently going to have
about 18 percent of the MBS, and that would move to about 25 percent.

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MR. FISHER. Okay, thank you. And just an observation, if you look at your panel 5
and, particularly, the high-yield spread on panel 6, things obviously are going our way. This is
what we would like to see, as well as the equity price response. What doesn’t seem to be going
our way—and I only point it out as an offset, even though it’s a short time horizon—is it seems
that the breakeven inflation rates—whether it’s the 5-year, 5-year forward; the 5-year; the 10year, which is not on this chart—bottomed in the spring of this year, and the slope is upward.
We can talk, perhaps, later. I don’t know if we’ve done an LSAP-type program in a context of
rising inflation expectations or not. I think there was at least a chart in the Tealbook that would
indicate we haven’t done one yet under those circumstances.
But I just point out, Mr. Chairman, that if you draw a line from the bottom of the 5-year
rate, it really bottomed out in the summer of 2011 and has been on the rise. I’m not saying it’s
dangerous, and it may be something that we would like to encourage, or some at this table would
like to encourage, but we do have rising inflation expectations. And to say inflation expectations
are contained—we might think about how we want to phrase that as we get down to the policy
statement of tomorrow.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I’m not sure I take the same inference. The 5-by-5 is pretty
flat and is lower than it was last year.
MR. FISHER. And the 5-year?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. At the margin, and the 5-year is obviously being affected by
the oil price movements.
MR. FISHER. And the 10-year also is not on this chart, and then gold prices, of course,
have increased significantly, for those who care about that ancient relic.

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MR. POTTER. It is true that the deflation risk we can calculate is lower than it was in
2010.
MR. FISHER. Right. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Other questions for Simon? [No response] Okay. Seeing
none, we need to vote to ratify domestic open market operations since August. Without
objection? Okay. Our next item is the economic and financial situation, and David Wilcox and
his colleagues will make that presentation.
MR. WILCOX. 3 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think there should be a single
summary exhibit. You all may be relieved to know that my prepared text includes
1,192 words, and I do not plan to ad lib an additional 2,000 words into my delivery.
[Laughter]
As you can see from the upper-left panel of the forecast summary exhibit, the
near-term outlook for real GDP growth in last week’s edition of the Tealbook is
broadly similar to the one that we sent you in July. To be sure, the July gain in real
PCE was better than we had expected. However, consumer sentiment—shown in the
lower-left panel—has remained downbeat, job gains have been modest, and the price
of gasoline has moved back up, all of which caused us to largely discount the
favorable spending news. Similarly, July shipments of capital goods were stronger
than we had expected, but forward-looking indicators, including the continued decline
in the capital goods orders data, as well as the subdued responses to various surveys
on capital spending plans and business conditions, are consistent with only subdued
near-term increases in business outlays. If you squint hard at the upper-left panel,
you will detect that we shifted a little GDP growth from the second half of this year
into the first half of next, reflecting our assessment that the drought will depress farm
output in the second half of this year by more than we had predicted in July.
The one component of aggregate demand that has seemed to have been on a
somewhat stronger trajectory relative to our expectation in the July Tealbook was net
exports. Even so, last week’s forecast called for GDP growth to average just
1.8 percent through the middle of next year, about in line with our prediction for the
growth of potential over this period.
Since the Tealbook closed, the main piece of economic news was last Friday’s
employment report. In a seeming exception to Dave Stockton’s famous description
of the usual shelf-life of the staff economic forecast, our jar of mayonnaise survived
its first 48 hours in the Mojave Desert with only relatively minor signs of spoilage.
[Laughter] The red line in the bottom-right panel summarizes our effort to combine
3

The materials used by Mr. Wilcox are appended to this transcript (appendix 3).

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the signals from the establishment and household surveys (the latter of which is not
shown on the chart because it is so noisy compared with the establishment results),
and to control for weather effects and recession-related seasonal adjustment
distortions. As you can see from the downward tilt toward the end of that line, the
estimated underlying pace of private payroll employment growth has trended lower
over the course of this year and now is at the low end of the range that it has occupied
during the past 2½ years. The unemployment rate unexpectedly declined
0.2 percentage point, but like many other analysts, we have been inclined to see more
weakness than strength in the totality of the results from the household survey, given
that the employment measure from that survey and the participation rate both
declined. Based on our projected path for real GDP over the next several quarters, we
continue to expect the unemployment rate to average around 8¼ percent through the
first half of next year. I should also note that the workweek was lower than we had
expected, and average hourly earnings were flat, rather than increasing slightly as we
had expected. In combination, these results suggest a modestly weaker trajectory for
compensation and, therefore, household spending than we had factored into the
Tealbook.
Two other key pieces of information released since the Tealbook were also
weaker than expected. In particular, vehicle assembly plans now point to a slower
pace of motor vehicle production in the third and fourth quarters than we had
projected in the Tealbook, while—as Steve will discuss shortly—the latest foreign
trade data were slightly to the soft side of our expectations in terms of their
implications for GDP growth.
In all, these bits of information would cause us to shave about ¼ percentage point
off our forecast for the pace of real GDP growth during the second half of this year,
leaving our forecasted average growth rate for this quarter and next at an anemic
1¼ percent.
Turning to the medium term, we upgraded our outlook slightly relative to our July
projection. As Steve will discuss, the improvement, such as it is, partly reflects a
somewhat less worrisome situation in Europe than we had previously believed. As
we described in the Tealbook, even after factoring in the disappointment that we think
would ensue from an announcement of no change in the stance of monetary policy at
the conclusion of this meeting, we judge that stock prices would remain on a slightly
higher trajectory and the dollar would be slightly weaker than we assumed in the
previous projection. These small positive influences are only partly offset by the
increase in oil prices, part of which may itself reflect the improvement in sentiment
related to the crisis in Europe.
The small upward revision to real GDP over the medium term led us to shave a
little off of our projected path for the unemployment rate, which is shown in the topright panel of the exhibit. Even by the end of next year, however, we expect no
significant reduction in the unemployment rate. As real GDP accelerates more into
2014, the unemployment rate declines about ½ percentage point, ending that year at
about 7½ percent.

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Aside from the crisis in Europe, the other main concern that continues to loom
over the domestic outlook is the fiscal cliff. On this front, there have been no major
developments recently, and we continue to expect none, at least through the
November elections. At this stage, I can only assure you that our decision to stand
pat on our fiscal policy assumptions reflects no lack of concern or uncertainty on our
part: The fiscal cliff continues to figure prominently in our thinking as a serious
threat to the still-anemic recovery.
Turning to the inflation outlook, the incoming data on core PCE price inflation—
the middle-right panel—have been close to our expectations. We continue to project
that core inflation will hold steady at about 1½ percent through the end of 2014,
reflecting anchored inflation expectations, a persistent margin of labor and product
market slack, and modest gains in imported goods prices.
In response to the upward move in spot prices for crude oil since the July
Tealbook, we have marked up our near-term projection for headline PCE inflation—
the middle-left panel. We have, however, made only small revisions to our near-term
food price forecast. Although we now expect the quantity effects of the drought to be
worse than we had forecast in July, the futures prices that we used in preparing our
July food price projection had apparently already incorporated almost all of the price
effects. Despite the upward pressure from food prices that we think will begin to
show through around the end of this year, we expect headline inflation to step down
slightly in the first part of next year, as the anticipated reduction in crude oil prices
implied by futures markets pushes down retail energy prices. Steve will now
continue our presentation.
MR. KAMIN. In 1972, when Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai was asked what
he thought was the historic impact of the French Revolution, he famously answered:
“It’s too soon to tell.” [Laughter] By those standards, assessing the implications of
the European Central Bank’s plans to intervene in peripheral debt markets would
seem hopelessly premature. And yet, as Simon has described, anticipations of
aggressive ECB action have substantially calmed European financial markets, slightly
brightening an admittedly still-cloudy outlook.
As described in its announcement last week, the ECB plans to purchase sovereign
debt on the secondary market, provided that the beneficiary governments enter into an
arrangement with the region’s financial backstop facilities and agree to policy
conditionality. Although the ECB will be announcing neither a target ceiling for
yields on peripheral debt nor the amounts it intends to purchase, it has signaled a
more aggressive and sustained program than its earlier forays into bond markets.
Beyond simply comforting investors that the ECB is riding to the rescue, these
plans could ease financial stresses in a number of ways. First, by lowering yields, the
bond purchases would reduce public debt service burdens and improve fiscal
sustainability. Second, and as a related matter, by taking sovereign bonds out of the
hands of private investors, ECB purchases may create room in those investors’
portfolios for new issues, thereby improving the governments’ access to financing.

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Finally, the package of ECB purchases, plus access to the regional financial backstop
facilities, is widely anticipated to involve less stringent conditionality, and thus less
stigma, than the full-blown IMF and EU rescue packages received by Greece, Ireland,
and Portugal. In consequence, it is more likely, though far from certain, that Spain
and/or Italy may request financial assistance before market conditions have become
so adverse that further financial turmoil is inevitable.
With markets figuring in brighter prospects for official support, financial stresses
over the next several months are likely to be less pronounced than we assumed in the
July Tealbook, and we are anticipating that, barring further adverse shocks, European
markets could soon begin the long, slow process of normalization. However, we are
still very far from being out of the woods. In the near term, European leaders still
need to work out the conditionality to be required of governments benefiting from the
financial rescue facilities and ECB intervention, and that could be contentious.
Additionally, IMF and EU officials are currently assessing the status of Greece’s
struggling adjustment program—although Greece’s official creditors are expected to
approve a much-needed disbursement by October and postpone more difficult
decisions until later, this is not assured, and a messy Greek exit from the euro area at
this time could be quite dangerous.
Taking a longer view, the ECB’s new program is not, to coin a phrase, a panacea.
It can only give Europe breathing space to implement the fundamental reforms that
will ultimately restore confidence. If the Europeans do not make progress on the
measures needed to achieve fiscal and financial stability—budget consolidation,
growth-promoting structural reforms, and region-wide banking initiatives—the
ECB’s ability to contain financial tensions will be sorely tested. Accordingly, market
confidence likely will not be fully restored until the peripheral economies prove they
can cut their budgets, improve growth prospects, and strengthen their banks—and all
that could take a number of years.
In consequence, economic activity in Europe is also likely to remain subdued for
some time to come. To be sure, the easing of financial stresses, combined with some
data that have been less bleak than expected, have led us to project a somewhat
shallower recession than we wrote down in the July Tealbook. Even so, in our
current projection, euro-area GDP continues to contract through the middle of next
year and recovers only very weakly thereafter.
The outlook for our other trading partners, while hardly as bleak as that for
Europe, is nonetheless subdued. Excluding the euro area, aggregate foreign growth
dropped from roughly 4 percent in the first quarter to less than 3 percent in the
second, below its trend pace. Moreover, since your last meeting, indicators such as
PMIs and exports have generally come in on the soft side.
These developments are worrisome, but considering the factors responsible for
the slowdown, our best guess is that economic growth will bottom out in the coming
quarters rather than deteriorate further. The pace of deterioration in Europe, which
accounts for much of the United Kingdom’s stagnation this year, as well as the

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slowdown in Asia’s exports, is projected to become only a little more pronounced in
the second half of this year. The recent weakness in U.S. growth has also weighed on
our trading partners, but the U.S. economy should start picking up a few quarters
down the road. And much of Asia’s slowdown reflects the fading of the bounceback
from Thailand’s floods and Japan’s tsunami last year. All told, we anticipate that
foreign growth outside the euro area will stay subdued at 3 percent over the remainder
of this year. It then picks up to 3¾ percent by 2014, as the euro area starts to recover,
the U.S. economy picks up steam, and monetary policies around the world remain
quite accommodative.
Another factor weighing on foreign growth, especially in Asia, has been China’s
slowdown from near double-digit rates in the past two years. Chinese growth
registered 7½ percent in the second quarter of this year. With recent weak exports
and PMIs leading us to revise down our forecast, we see growth remaining at that
relatively subdued pace during the remainder of this year, before picking up to about
8 percent thereafter. Under these circumstances, we continue to scrutinize the data
for indications of a hard landing, but we do not see any compelling signs that one is in
the offing: Retail sales growth has remained reasonably solid, housing prices have
flattened out, and the government retains the monetary and fiscal scope to counter a
decline in demand.
The effect on oil prices of resurgent political tensions over Iran poses another
threat to the global economy. Crude oil prices have now retraced more than half of
their decline from earlier this year, and our current projected trajectory of oil prices
averages roughly 10 percent higher than in the July Tealbook. A rise in oil prices of
this magnitude should not substantially affect the foreign outlook. By our rough
estimates, it could reduce economic growth in the advanced economies by
0.1 percentage point over the next year or so, while the effect on aggregate emerging
markets growth is roughly a wash, as gains by oil exporters offset losses by importers.
By the same token, our inflation outlook is a bit higher in the near term but little
changed further out. However, no resolution of the problem of Iran’s nuclear
program is in sight, and we are attuned to the risk of much steeper rises in oil prices.
All told, considering the momentous developments taking place in the global
economy—Mario Draghi’s plan to save the euro, China’s struggle to achieve a soft
landing, and fluctuations in commodity markets—the outlook for U.S. trade is, well,
not so momentous. In the first half of this year, notwithstanding the global slowdown
and the rising dollar, net exports managed to eke out a small positive contribution to
U.S. GDP growth. We received trade data for July yesterday; both exports and
imports fell, but the trade balance was little changed. Accordingly, we retain our
view that for the next couple of quarters, the combination of slowing foreign growth,
a still-elevated dollar, and the effects of the drought on agricultural production leads
to some moderation in export growth, and the external sector imposes a modest drag
on the economy. After that, net exports gradually shift back toward neutral, as the
global economy picks up and European stresses subside, so that a reversal of flightto-safety flows allows the dollar to start depreciating. Thanks to Mr. Draghi, this
projection is based on a somewhat lower path of the dollar than in the July Tealbook,

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and thus a bit faster export growth and less drag from net exports. Andreas will
continue our presentation.
MR. LEHNERT. 4 I’ll be discussing material from our recent QS report on
financial stability and from an earlier memo on the effect of low interest rates. In our
report, the most prominent shocks we identified were an intensification of the
European sovereign crisis and a U.S. recession, perhaps brought on by a suboptimal
resolution of the “fiscal cliff.” The major vulnerabilities we highlighted were, first,
the market’s perception that some large banks remain weak, despite substantial
increases in capital and liquidity, which raises the likelihood of funding runs and
increases the cost of raising capital; second, the unstable funding model of broker–
dealers; and, third, the persistent risk of runs on money market funds.
We have also placed increasing emphasis on vulnerabilities stemming from the
low interest rate environment, and that’s what I’ll focus on today. After all, longterm Treasury yields haven’t been below 2.5 percent for a sustained period since
1954, a time when the financial system was quite different.
A low short-term interest rate policy, given strained household and business
fundamentals, is designed to improve macro performance. The benefits arise, in part,
from increases in asset prices and, thus, the value of collateral held by businesses and
households. These increases should, in turn, enhance financial stability. But a low
rate environment could lead investors trying to boost yields to borrow too much, take
on too much risk, or bid up asset prices enough to stretch valuations. Relatedly,
important parts of the financial system might become vulnerable to a rapid rise in
rates.
To assess these risks, we surveyed a wide range of asset markets and financial
institutions looking for signs of excessive valuations, greater leverage, or increased
risk-taking. To summarize, we found little evidence that the low rate environment
has fostered additional vulnerabilities to date: Valuations for broad asset classes are
not stretched, and we identified only a few isolated pockets of increased risk-taking.
As shown by the top panel on your first exhibit, estimated term premiums for
10-year Treasury yields are quite low, due in part to safe-haven demand for
Treasuries resulting from strains in Europe. Term premiums—and thus Treasury
yields—could increase quickly if, for example, concerns about the U.S. fiscal
situation were to intensify.
Your next three panels cover valuations in three major U.S. asset classes:
equities, residential real estate, and corporate bonds. Overall, valuations across these
asset classes show little sign of pressure. As shown in the middle left, stocks are not
trading at unusually high multiples; indeed, forward price-earnings ratios are
generally well within their ranges over the past 20 years. Our measure of residential
real estate valuation, shown to the right, is near an all-time low. Risk premiums in
4

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the high-yield corporate bond market—as measured by the implied forward spread far
out in the future (the black line in the bottom-left panel)—are near their average of
the past 20 years, notwithstanding the extraordinary highs experienced during the
financial crisis.
However, valuations of assets in narrower and less-liquid markets have shown
signs of pressure. Issuance of so-called leveraged loans has been robust this year.
Moreover, there is a trend toward lighter use of loan covenants and increased
leverage. As shown to the right, average ratios of debt to earnings—known as a debt
multiple—among this class increased further this year, although it remains below its
pre-crisis levels.
Your next exhibit considers evidence on leverage and risk-taking. In the
nonfinancial sector, as shown by the pink and blue regions in the top panel, household
and business leverage has continued the decline begun in the recession. Government
borrowing, by contrast, has picked up, leaving the ratio of debt held by the public to
GDP at its highest level since World War II.
As shown in the middle two panels, there are signs that, potentially, commercial
banks are taking increased interest rate risk. Banks have increased their holdings of
long-maturity securities. As a result, their portfolios may be more sensitive to a
sudden rise in interest rates than they were a year ago, depending on their interest rate
hedges. The low interest rate environment, combined with an unlimited FDIC
guarantee on transactions accounts, has attracted a surge of deposits to banks. The
ability to issue deposits at below-market rates should benefit banks were rates to rise;
however, we don’t have historical experience to judge the sensitivity of these new
deposits to a rise in rates. That said, as discussed in the Tealbook, results from a
recent informal survey of banks suggested they did not think it was likely that
deposits would decline rapidly when the added insurance expires. We’re currently
working with economists and supervisors from throughout the Federal Reserve
System on an analysis of interest rate risk at banks and plan to include the results in
our December report.
Life insurance companies are vulnerable to extended periods of low interest rates,
in part because they have a significant body of liabilities with guaranteed returns that
exceed current yields on safe assets. As a consequence, insurers may be feeling
particular pressure to reach for yield by extending their exposure to duration and
credit risk. Indeed, as shown in the bottom left, the average maturity of insurers’
bond portfolios has risen in recent years, as firms accept greater duration risk.
However, the shift isn’t particularly dramatic, and we are working with colleagues
here and at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago to understand the risks faced by, and
posed by, these institutions.
The panel to the right shows the rapid rise in assets of real estate investment
trusts—REITs—that specialize in holding agency-guaranteed mortgage-backed
securities. While these institutions are something of a niche player, their business
model of funding agency MBS holdings with repo, while vulnerable to sharp rate

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rises, has proved quite profitable in recent years, producing double-digit returns for
shareholders. This growth is one of the clearest indications we have of the
willingness of some investors to take on additional interest rate risk in order to earn
higher current returns. This willingness may be enhanced by the apparent safety of
investing in GSE-guaranteed securities. In terms of their systemic threat, at their
current scale, the sudden distress of mortgage REITs would likely be painful but
manageable for the broader financial system.
I’ll conclude with a less quantifiable form of risk produced by the low interest rate
environment, related to a sense that a great deal of money is sitting on the sidelines.
Consider two examples: First, respondents to the SCOOS report that their clients
have significant unused borrowing capacity; and second, private equity firms focused
on leveraged buyouts have elevated levels of committed but uninvested capital. All
of this and more amounts to “dry powder” that could be deployed quickly. Thus,
while our ongoing monitoring efforts have so far found little evidence that the low
interest rate environment has led to excessive increases in leverage, asset valuation, or
risk-taking, investors do have the means to rapidly shift their portfolios. Ed Nelson
will continue our presentation.
MR. NELSON. 5 I will be referring to the packet labeled “Material for Briefing
on the Summary of Economic Projections.”
As shown in the top panel of exhibit 1, under your individual assessments of
appropriate monetary policy, you see real GDP expanding only moderately this year,
but you expect the pace of the recovery to pick up next year and that economic
growth in 2014 and 2015 will be somewhat above its longer-run value.
Correspondingly, you expect the unemployment rate, shown in the second panel, to
stay near recent readings for the rest of the year, before gradually declining over the
subsequent three years. All of you expect that the unemployment rate at the end of
2015 will be appreciably below its present rate; nevertheless, almost all of you expect
it to be above what you judge to be its longer-run normal level. Turning to the
bottom two panels, you generally expect total PCE inflation of around 1¾ percent
over the four quarters of 2012. For 2013 through 2015, you generally see core and
overall inflation staying close to or slightly below your 2 percent inflation objective.
Exhibit 2 tabulates the ranges and the central tendencies of your projections,
along with comparisons to the June SEP and the current staff forecast. Compared
with your June projections, you now anticipate a slightly stronger recovery and a
somewhat larger decline in the unemployment rate over the projection period. Your
inflation outlook is little changed. The Tealbook forecast—which embeds the
assumption of no additional accommodation—puts economic growth in 2013 and
2014 at the lower end of your central tendency, and the unemployment rate above it;
the 2015 forecasts, however, are within the central tendency. The Tealbook forecast
for inflation runs consistently below your central tendencies for 2013 to 2015.

5

The materials used by Mr. Nelson are appended to this transcript (appendix 5).

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Exhibit 3 provides an overview of your assessments of the appropriate path for
the federal funds rate. As shown in the top panel, most of you think that it will not be
appropriate to begin raising the funds rate until 2014 or later. About two-thirds of
you now see firming only beginning in 2015 or 2016, compared with about one-third
of you in June. Four of you—two fewer than in June—now believe that economic
conditions will warrant increasing the federal funds rate before 2014. Two of you
favoring a funds rate increase before 2014 cited the need to tighten policy relatively
soon in order to prevent inflation from exceeding the Committee’s 2 percent
objective, and two pointed to the need to forestall financial imbalances. Many of
those who would not raise the funds rate until 2014 or later cited sizable output or
unemployment gaps alongside an inflation profile unlikely to exceed 2 percent over
the medium run.
The bottom two panels of the exhibit provide your assessments of the appropriate
target for the federal funds rate at the end of each year of the forecast period and over
the longer run. For the 6 participants who see the funds rate leaving the effective
lower bound in 2014 or earlier, the median value for the funds rate at the end of 2014
is 1.75 percent. The 12 participants who expect that the funds rate will not leave the
lower bound until 2015 judge that the appropriate funds rate at the end of that year
will be 1.6 percent or less, while the 1 participant who sees the start of firming in
2016 sees the funds rate at 75 basis points at the end of that year (not shown).
Fourteen of you now judge that “appropriate monetary policy” calls for a more
accommodative path for the federal funds rate than in your June SEP, involving either
a lower target for the funds rate at the end of the initial year of firming or a shift out
in the first year of firming. Moreover, 11 of you indicated that appropriate policy
calls for additional asset purchases, at this meeting or before long.
Exhibit 4 depicts the economic conditions that you anticipate for the year in
which you expect the first funds rate increase. Your projected unemployment rates
range from about 5¾ to 8 percent, with a median of 6½ percent, while your inflation
projections are in a narrow range of roughly 1¾ to 2¼ percent, with a median rate of
2 percent. Generally, participants who expect the first funds rate increase in 2012 or
2013 (shown by the blue triangle and white diamonds) see a higher level of
unemployment at the time of the first funds rate increase than do those reporting later
firming dates (shown by the gray circles, dark blue squares, and the gray triangle).
The final exhibit reviews your assessments of the uncertainty and risks
surrounding your economic projections. As shown in the top two panels in the
column on the left, almost all of you continue to indicate that you judge the current
level of uncertainty about GDP growth and unemployment to be higher than the
average level over the past 20 years. The corresponding panels to the right indicate
that you continue to view the risks to GDP growth as weighted toward the downside
and, accordingly, the risks to unemployment as weighted to the upside. Many of you
attributed your continued emphasis on downside growth risks to concerns about
Europe and U.S. fiscal policy; other factors cited included uncertainty about the level
and growth rate of potential output and the possibility of a hard landing in China.

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Turning to the bottom two panels, 8 of you assess the uncertainty attending your
projections for total PCE inflation as higher, and another 10 of you see the
uncertainty as broadly similar to the average level of uncertainty over the past
two decades. Most of you continue to see the risks to inflation, shown to the right, as
broadly balanced. Thank you. That concludes the staff presentations.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you very much for your presentation. The floor is
open for questions. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Mr. Wilcox, the lower right-hand panel displays a model estimate, and I
was wondering what it’s an estimate of.
MR. WILCOX. It’s a statistical exercise that tries to combine several different sources of
information. First and most broadly, it combines the payroll survey estimate of job gain with an
adjusted measure from the household survey, where the adjustments—
MR. LACKER. Have been comparable.
MR. WILCOX. —try to take the household measure and do about a dozen or
15 adjustments that put it on, as conceptually as possible, an apples-to-apples basis with the
establishment survey.
The second category of information that it builds in is that we had one of our seasonal
adjustment experts, Charlie Gilbert, take a close look at this series, specifically with a question in
mind of trying to discern effects on seasonal factors that stem from the timing of the sharp
downdraft in employment in 2008 and 2009, and to advise us on the extent to which those timing
effects may have bled into seasonal factors, causing published estimates of seasonally adjusted
job growth around the turn of the year to be systematically higher than they should actually be.
The third type of information that’s built in is a regression-based analysis of weather
effects. It seems like a dim memory at this point, but we had, as you will recall, an
extraordinarily warm winter this year, and there was some speculation that that may have shifted
the timing of employment. Those weather-related effects are pretty small, but they’re included

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here, as well, for the sake of completeness. And then around all of that, what we do is just apply
a simple Kalman filter to the resulting series in an effort to extract for you where we think all this
statistical evidence would point in terms of what’s the best available estimate of job gain, taking
account of all that information that’s available to us. So it’s, at some level, nothing more than a
statistical exercise to try to extract signal from noise. On the other hand, it packs in a
tremendous amount of information.
MR. LACKER. Those all sound like very useful and constructive statistical initiatives. I
just wondered what the target you were aiming at trying to estimate is. I mean, is it the trend or
the current value?
MR. WILCOX. It’s essentially a smoothed trend that takes account of both the
information in the establishment survey and the household survey. I mean, I could reiterate: It
takes account of that; it tries to adjust for weather and seasonal—
MR. LACKER. You’re aiming at a true measure of the current gain, or a true measure of
the trend?
MR. WILCOX. True measure of the current gain, smoothing through a variety of
sources of noise.
MR. LACKER. A smooth measure of the current gain. I’m less confused now.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You’re confused at a higher level. President Plosser.
MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I actually drove back from our western
symposium this year with two geriatric dogs and other things, but I want to comment on the fact
that driving across the state of Nebraska, what struck me was the drought and the corn crops and
just how dead the entire state of Nebraska looked, at least from Interstate 80.

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You made some reference to the drought and the corn crop, and I remember reading
somewhere—I couldn’t find it in my searching—about your estimated effects of the drought on
GDP this quarter and next. And I’d like to hear you talk a little more about what you think those
effects were; the ramifications of those effects, of how they bleed, in some sense, through in your
forecast to your employment forecast, for example, through an Okun’s law measure because
GDP is lower; how much impact you thought it had on the gap in the near term; and how that
dissipates through your forecast. Can you just walk me through those linkages—this is clearly a
classic supply shock of a drought—and how much then it feeds into other things that matter that
we look at a lot for monetary policy?
MR. WILCOX. So I’ll take a first crack at it and invite my other colleagues to jump in
with additional information. We thought in July we had built in some quantity-related effects—
about $10 billion is my recollection—on farm output. This time, based on USDA assessments of
field conditions—people may be doing something a little more systematic, out walking in the
fields with their clipboard and so forth to look at corn yields; corn is one of the crops that is most
affected—we think that it’s about a $30 billion hit to real farm output this time, so substantially
bigger than what we had built into the July projection.
We think that that’s likely to show up mostly in a decumulation of inventories in the third
and fourth quarters. The way that inventory arithmetic works, the hit to GDP growth is going to
be concentrated in the third quarter. We’ve got the same rate of inventory decumulation built
into the fourth quarter, but because it’s the same rate of decumulation in both quarters, the effect
on GDP growth we’ve penciled in is zero in the fourth quarter. We also think there will be a
small additional negative effect on agricultural exports as well, so that’s where in terms of the
GDP accounting—

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MR. PLOSSER. And that led to how much of a decrease in your estimate of GDP
growth for the third quarter?
MR. WILCOX. About 0.8 percentage point on GDP growth.
MR. PLOSSER. Yes, 0.8 percentage point. That’s what I thought I remembered.
MR. WILCOX. We think—we hope—that’s going to be a transitory supply shock and
that next year, our planning assumption has been, crop yields are going to come back to normal.
Now, there’s sort of a philosophical question about when that actually occurs. If we were
operating in annual data, it would be perfectly clear that it would happen in 2013. However, the
way that the BEA does it, and we’ve been in very close contact with them, is to smooth that
through the four quarters of the calendar year, so that snap back to normal crop yields, basically
at this point, of course, by assumption, occurs in the first quarter. So we’re mimicking the
BEA’s algorithm in packing in the return to a normal level of GDP in the first quarter of 2013.
That’s not based on any pretense that anybody actually knows that that’s the way the corn plants
are going to grow in 2013. That’s just the BEA methodology. I wouldn’t have anything better to
suggest to them if I were in their shoes.
Now, farm proprietors’ income actually sees a much smaller effect because prices are up
and there’s crop insurance, and so the implications for nominal farm income are much less
severe than they are for real output. We think that there’s likely to be very little effect on
employment because we’ve made the assumption that employers are going to smooth through
this transitory effect. I wouldn’t be surprised, of course, if there was some effect on things like
farm equipment manufacturers and that sort of thing, but I think that’s going to be lost in the
noise in terms of our ability to actually estimate it.

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MR. PLOSSER. So this wouldn’t show up in any sense on your estimates of the
magnitude of your output gap over the next two quarters? Would you raise that?
MR. WILCOX. Mechanically, I suspect our output gap will be a little wider over the
second half of this year, and then it will just come back in the first quarter of 2013. Is that right,
Bill?
MR. WASCHER. Yes, that’s right. Because we tend to set potential growth on an
annual basis, we didn’t make an explicit adjustment to the gap measures you see in the Tealbook
for the effects of the drought. I would say that in terms of when we look at Okun’s law
relationships and thinking about the path of the unemployment rate, we did take out the effect of
the drought from potential in that equation. So we didn’t want the drought to affect the
unemployment rate forecast.
MR. PLOSSER. Yes, that’s kind of what I was trying to get at. Okay. Thank you very
much.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. One minor place it might show up, because we didn’t do the
adjustment, would be in the Tealbook B rules thing. It’s pretty small, but the rules would
respond to that.
MR. LACKER. Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Did I just understand correctly that you removed the effect of the
drought on the gap, the unemployment rate gap?
MR. WILCOX. In our Okun’s law analysis, in setting the unemployment rate.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It will bounce right back.
MR. WILCOX. I’m sorry?

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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The effects are just going to go away in two quarters.
MR. WILCOX. It is a transitory effect. The funds rate is constrained at zero. So it
doesn’t have any implication for the funds rate. And in terms of calibrating the response of the
unemployment rate to the GDP gap, we sterilized the GDP gap from transitory drought-related
effects on GDP.
MR. LACKER. Okay. So let me just ask the question for which this is most germane—
do inflation dynamics depend on this adjustment?
MR. WILCOX. I think we’re talking about splitting a micron here, but—
MR. LACKER. Yes, but I’m just very curious about the principle here.
MR. WILCOX. The methodology is intended precisely to seal off the implications for
core inflation. I should say, of course, the first-order implication for inflation is through food
prices.
MR. LACKER. Yes, right, right.
MR. WILCOX. That has been allowed to feed through.
MR. LACKER. Right. But in terms of the gap’s effect on inflation, you want to sterilize
it from the effect that the drought is going to have on real output and employment in a year or
two.
MR. WILCOX. Correct, yes.
MR. LACKER. Okay.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I have a question for Andreas. On exhibit 2, you have
this chart that looks at nonfinancial sector credit to GDP. I keep staring at it, and I am still trying
to figure out what implications I’m supposed to draw from it. The secular uptrend from 1956, at

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best, flattens out for a while. So the first question is what implication do you think we were
supposed to draw from this? And, second, if you looked at a chart of nonfinancial sector assets
to GDP, would that also show mostly a secular uptrend? And then, how do you put those two
together?
MR. LEHNERT. I think there are key macro questions that are implicated by your
question, which I’m not going to touch, but just from a financial stability perspective, at the very
highest level, in some sense, financial stability concerns in a low-rate environment arise when
you see people and businesses borrowing more. This picture was just supposed to be an easy
way to portray the fact that we’re not seeing households and businesses borrowing more.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Right. We could also interpret it as, gee, credit to GDP
is still really, really high, and, therefore, that means bad things. That is what I was sort of getting
at. So you don’t take a negative signal away at all from the total level of credit to GDP is still
high?
MR. LEHNERT. Yes, okay. I treated that as a separate question. So then there’s a
question, are we approaching some kind of fiscal moment, some sort of Sargent−Wallace
moment, where the global carrying capacity for U.S. sovereign obligations is being reached?
That’s something that we highlighted in our report as a potential risk. If there’s a material
worsening in the fiscal outlook, or if there’s some really ugly resolution to the debt ceiling
negotiations in January and so forth, all those things could have negative implications for future
stability.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. But the total level here, if you add household, business,
and government together, that’s not a good sign.
MR. LEHNERT. If you look across countries, you would see a lot of different levels.

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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. They’re all over the place.
MR. LEHNERT. Exactly. So I don’t know why Denmark is one and Japan is a different
one, but we can just judge the United States by its own history.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. First, I wanted to thank Andreas for a very good summary, very helpful
graphics, and so on. We’re in the middle of doing our SABR analysis for banks, and one of the
positive attributes we have noticed is that we seem to be seeing a brighter picture for the average
bank. For example, the ones that we rate one or two probably are performing the best that we’ve
seen in terms of the percentage of potential downgrades since December of 2006. So I think
that’s one positive aspect that wasn’t included. I’m not being critical, but when you look at your
second panel of long-term securities held by commercial banks and so on, there seems to be a
healthier tenor, and we’re not done with the analysis yet, but I just wanted to point that out.
With regard to seasonality, I wanted to ask Dave Wilcox about the August employment
numbers; I think I’m correct in saying that that is a number that gets revised more frequently
than others. I think 17 of the last 22 years, it’s been revised, and if I remember correctly, last
year it went from zero to 44,000 to 104,000, and I assume we’re taking account of the fact that
that is often a highly unreliable number. Am I correct?
MR. WILCOX. We’re taking account of the fact that it is the best possible information,
and we don’t confuse it with truth, absolutely. [Laughter]
MR. FISHER. So we assume it gets revised more often than not?
MR. WILCOX. Yes.

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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The BLS has a confidence interval—the 90 percent
confidence interval is plus or minus 100,000. So that gives you an idea.
MR. WILCOX. It’s a sample-based estimate. It is based on a very large sample of
employers. It’s a universal sample of large employers and a statistically drawn probability
sample of medium and smaller employers, but there are a host of issues associated with
constructing that number, including the fact that not everybody that ultimately will report,
reports in the first wave of responses and that seasonal adjustment, as my remarks described
earlier, involves a great deal of science but some art as well. So I don’t have any specific reason
for doubting or casting aspersions on the August number, but you’re absolutely correct that
month in and month out, that’s a number that is subject to two-sided revision.
MR. FISHER. And then lastly, just listening to Steve Kamin, this is perplexing about oil
and gas prices, and particularly prices at the pump. There may be some seasonality in terms of
the switchover that occurs, but given the weaker economy, which I think almost all of our
forecasts have envisioned, and given the production that’s taking place stateside, even
accounting for the storm that took place in the Gulf, it just seems odd that we might expect oil
prices to increase rather than hold level or decrease. And for what it’s worth, the “oilies” that I
speak to—from the independents to Tillerson at Exxon and so on—their expectation is that this
has been a bit of a bulge, and that it’s more likely to settle down and actually decrease somewhat.
For what it’s worth—and I always emphasize that because Mr. Tarullo insists that I do so when I
talk about my anecdotal evidence—I just wanted to pass that on.
MR. KAMIN. Thank you. Just to be clear, our baseline forecast for crude oil prices in
the markets is, indeed, to decline over time from the current level.
MR. FISHER. It wasn’t clear the way you presented it. So I wanted to add that.

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MR. KAMIN. Yes. So just to clarify, what I was alluding to was future upside risks that
could take place if geopolitical problems in the Middle East became more pronounced than they
are now.
MR. FISHER. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just wanted to come back to the financial
stability handout, exhibit 2, chart 1, which is “Nonfinancial Sector Credit-to-GDP Ratio.” In
answer to the earlier question, you said that the cross-country evidence on this was all over the
map, and that does not gibe with what I understood the cross-country evidence to be, which was
that this line is basically trending up across the developed economies. So it looks very similar
actually.
MR. LEHNERT. Sorry. I meant the cross-country evidence on the level. I thought that
Vice Chairman Dudley was asking, is 2.5 a magic number? I mean, this number is much bigger
in some countries and much smaller in other countries.
MR. BULLARD. Okay, but the picture would look the same.
MR. LEHNERT. Yes.
MR. BULLARD. It has always been trending up, I guess. The developed world has
always been trending up, is that right?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The tricky part about this is if you have a secular trend
of more intermediation, then this is going to be an upward-trending number, and so the degree of
intermediation in a financial system really is important in terms of what number you get.

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MR. BULLARD. When people showed this picture to me over the years, I always said,
well, this was financial market deepening, and good things are happening in the intermediation
sector. It didn’t pan out so well later.
MR. LEHNERT. Well, and presumably by analogy, then, the fact that it’s now falling
for the household and business sectors is—
MR. BULLARD. Yes. Okay, thanks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just wanted to make a comment on the
financial stability report. I continue to find a lot of value in this, and I think particularly as we
look at these trends in a low interest rate environment, I would take no exception to the
conclusion that right now imbalances are not obvious. But just thinking back to how we thought
about land values in the 1980s, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, as we watched banks begin to
concentrate in commercial real estate and even some of the subprime exposures, the point at
which to know when to take signal from some of those things is very difficult, notwithstanding
supervisors and others looking at them. So I think as you continue to monitor this, as we get into
December and beyond, looking at where these trends are going will be very important.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Any other questions for our colleagues? [No
response] Okay. Seeing none, on the agenda, we have an opportunity for participants who want
to raise questions or issues related to financial stability. And Vice Chairman, if you’d like to
start off.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you. Governor Yellen and I were in Basel over
the weekend, and I have to say that there was a pretty strong sense of unanimity that what the
ECB did was essentially the best that they could accomplish, given the various constraints under

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which they were operating. The fact that the purchases could be unlimited means that the
program has the potential for actually being an effective backstop, and the fact that the ECB will
be pari passu with other bondholders is important because it really will reduce the pressures on
private holders. So in effect, there may be private holders, if they view this as credible, who will
actually want to invest in these sovereign instruments for a carry trade because the yield curves
in these countries, of course, are very, very steep.
There’s also a bit of carrot now to incent proper actions by the government. So if you do
the right thing, we will intervene and we will hold down your debt service cost. And I don’t
think there was that carrot before, so I think that’s pretty significant. I think that the ECB has
essentially put on the table something that could take the risk of an interest rate-debt servicefiscal deficit spiral a bit off the table as long as the countries do the right thing. And in addition,
if these purchases do, in fact, materialize, I think this does push you in the direction toward
further fiscal union. After all, the ECB is backstopped by the entire euro zone, so such purchases
will increase the joint and several nature of the union. And finally, I thought the other thing that
was noteworthy about the ECB action was that it was a 22 to 1 vote, with only Weidmann of the
Bundesbank dissenting. Given the fact that the German political leadership, at least for now,
seems to be supporting the ECB actions, this means that the Bundesbank’s opposition is
somewhat marginalized at this point. So that’s the good news.
Despite this, I don’t think we should kid ourselves. I think the situation remains very
tenuous despite the ECB’s supports. I’d be, probably, slightly darker than Steve’s comments on
this. Several issues worth highlighting: First, the ECB program would only activate if the
countries actually negotiate an MOU with the euro group, and already we’re hearing signs that
Spain seems to be reluctant or slow in terms of pursuing it. In fact, the Spanish may decide that

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the backstop might be effective even if they don’t seek an MOU. That seems like a highly risky
strategy, but it is something that they might decide to do. Second, the program obviously will
only continue if they stay on the program. And, third, it’s going to take a while for this all to be
implemented because the MOU has to be negotiated with the euro group, and all of the finance
ministers have to agree, and several parliaments actually have to approve the MOU. So this idea
that this is going to be happening very, very quickly—I think the market is probably a little bit
ahead of itself in terms of how quickly this will come into play.
Other issues—the ECB program will not necessarily crowd in investors, because it’s not
clear how long this is going to last. So you might buy things, but you still have quite a bit of
risk. You still have a very bad feedback loop from the austerity programs to the economy, to
fiscal performance, and the state of the banking system. This doesn’t take any of that off the
table, and there’s still no road map as to where we’re actually going in terms of the ultimate
destination: What does greater fiscal union in Europe look like? So this is a very important
thing that the ECB has done. I think they did the best that they could possibly do, and the good
thing is they put the problem back in the lap of the governments, where it belongs. They have
done what they can do now, and now it’s up to the governments to decide, both in the core and in
the periphery, if they’re going to go along.
The basic model, though, of this whole situation hasn’t changed. Countries have to show
they’re on a sustainable path to regain market access. The core countries are unwilling to be
explicit about the level of support because of fears that this will undermine the effort. The
constitutional court decision in Germany today, which was actually mostly positive, affirmed
that the German commitment is limited to €190 billion—that’s it, and so that’s sort of
significant.

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I think the unwillingness of the German Constitutional Court to be explicit does create
uncertainty that makes progress more difficult. So we do still have a long way to go, and we
don’t have big, solid backstops to absorb shocks or support confidence. The ESM–EFSF
resources are still very much too small to credibly backstop Spain and Italy, and the ECB support
may be too uncertain as to its sustainability. So it’s progress, but there are still a lot of questions
on the table.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you for the financial stability report. Like President George,
I do appreciate the monitoring that you’re doing in this area. I just had two quick questions.
They both relate to money market funds. We’ve had an SEC proposal that wasn’t proposed, and
I was wondering about your perspective looking at Europe, where there’s more than $1 trillion of
money market funds and they have a mix of floating and fixed NAVs. I don’t know how much
time you spent looking at the European money market funds, but I’d be interested in your
perspective on the industry’s concern with the floating NAV, which seems to have been
successful in stopping forward movement. And then the second question is, given that they have
both floating and fixed NAVs in Europe, and the deposit rate went down to zero, is there
anything to infer about interest on excess reserves from the European money market fund
experience with the deposit rate going to zero?
MR. LEHNERT. Are those questions you’d like me to answer? [Laughter]
MR. ROSENGREN. If not here, at another time.
MR. LEHNERT. Very, very briefly, and I certainly don’t approach your expertise in this
area, we’ve long maintained that the redemption of par, what you call the fixed NAV, is useful in
certain circumstances. There are certain elements of the U.S. tax code and other things that

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make it useful. But basically, at the end of the day, it’s just a safe place to put your money, and
if it floats up and down a bit, it’s not the end of the world. And, of course, the European
experience highlights that, although presumably their tax treatment might be slightly different.
Then what’s happened to European money markets since the deposit rate went to zero? It’s
maybe still a little early to tell what the long-run effects are, but the initial wave of reports is that
there hasn’t been an implosion of the money markets.
MR. POTTER. One fund closed. The Bank of America–Merrill Lynch fund closed.
MS. LIANG. I guess I would just add that even at current rates, the proportion of U.S.
funds that are waiving fees is really quite high, so the implications of further reductions in
money fund rates could have effects. Some ballpark estimates—they are not precise—is that
about 70 percent of U.S. funds are waiving their fees at this point—that’s a pretty big number.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Why don’t we take a break for lunch? When we
come back, I’ll talk briefly about the experimental consensus forecast, and then we’ll go to the
economic go-round. Why don’t we reconvene at 1 o’clock?
[Lunch recess]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. 6 Why don’t we re-commence? Please feel free to finish
your fruit or your cookie. I’ll provide the entertainment here. [Laughter] I’d like to talk for just
a few minutes about the latest iteration of the experimental consensus forecast. You have a
handout with that title. It proceeded in the same way as in previous iterations: The staff sent out
a preliminary Tealbook forecast about a week in advance and received your comments. We also
had the benefit this time of having the SEP. So using all that, we came up with the forecast
that’s shown in table 1 on page 1, and which is diagrammed in exhibit 1 on page 4.

6

The materials used by Chairman Bernanke are appended to this transcript (appendix 6).

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Like the Tealbook, this forecast or projection is conditioned on no change in policy. That
is, it’s conditioned on the August policies of continuing the MEP and late 2014 guidance.
Generally speaking, the data are quite similar to the July–August consensus, which is shown
immediately below. One exception is the 2013 real GDP forecast on the very first line,
2.2 percent, which is a little bit weaker. That was not inconsistent with the comments that came
on the first draft; most people either saw the near term as being a bit weaker or about the same.
But I want to come back to that number in a moment. The unemployment and inflation numbers
are pretty similar, and if you care to look at the figure, you’ll see that the trajectories are very
similar obviously, particularly relative to the standard errors.
Like last time, we also looked at the consensus forecast under alternative policy
assumptions, and that’s given in table 3 on page 3. Under each variable, the first line, the status
quo is, again, the same as the consensus forecast in table 1. That’s the forecast assuming the
August policies continue. The subsequent lines include, first, a change in the guidance to
mid-2015, so simply a mechanical moving out of the interest rate path to mid-2015, and then
subsequent additions of a $750 billion or $1 trillion LSAP program. So that gives the
alternatives. The differences are consistent with the FRB/US analysis; I’ll come back to that
point as well. And exhibit 2 shows the paths for the federal funds rate, the unemployment rate,
and inflation under optimal control, under the no-policy-change consensus forecast in red, and
then the alternative policies provided in table 3.
Now, this time an issue came up, which was less of a concern last time, but it raises an
important question that I think the subcommittee is going to have to look at, which is that, of
course, the SEP is conditional on each person’s view of optimal monetary policy. And in this
case, if you turn to table 2, which shows median forecasts in the September SEP, you’ll see the

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SEP is broken into two categories: all participants and participants who assume further easing.
A majority of people submitted a forecast in which they assumed that the guidance would be
advanced to 2015 and that we would undertake additional asset purchases.
So the SEP submissions actually assume that change in policy. So then the question is,
how do you get from those SEP projections back to the no-policy-change baseline? And what
the staff proposed, and what they did, was basically they took these policy differentials that are
in table 3, and they subtracted from the SEP results to get the baseline. And to the extent that
those differentials are not accurate or are different from what people expect, then that will, of
course, create some noise in the baseline forecast.
So I raise this for a couple of reasons. The first is that we need to think about—and we
talked about this last time—whether the consensus forecast we would want to release would be
the pre-meeting status quo policy forecast—I think President Lockhart suggested that last time—
or the postmeeting inclusive-of-the-action forecast, or both. We could consider both; I think we
need to discuss that. If we do both, then we will have to figure out how to make sure people are
comfortable with both the before and the after, if you see what I’m saying.
For this meeting, I think it will not be very much of a problem. What I had proposed to
do is, as was given to you earlier on, in item 5 after the policy decision tomorrow, I will ask you
whether you are comfortable with the consensus forecast inclusive of the policy action. And if
we do take policy action, then this whole issue will be irrelevant because we’ll be looking at the
policies assuming the further easing—at least for those participants who submitted that. But I
just want to flag this point and note that we are planning a discussion in October of this whole
project, and certainly one of the issues we’ll want to discuss is whether or not we want to look at
ex ante, ex post, or both forecasts, and how we would best extract that information. So, again,

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tomorrow after the policy decision, I’ll ask you if you are comfortable with the consensus
forecast, including whatever policy decisions we make; are comfortable, with reservations; or
have a very different view. And I’ll ask you, if you have a different view, to briefly state what
that difference is. Any questions or comments? Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. You have this issue that the SEP has some people who
have no change in policy; others have changes in policy. That’s going to still be an outstanding
issue going forward. Do you have any thoughts on how we would—
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, that’s what I’m raising—we have to figure out how to
deal with that. One possibility would be to specify—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. A, B, and C?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, yes—I suppose. If we’re going to do the ex ante,
before-meeting projection, then everybody would be asked to make a projection conditional on
the policy prior to the meeting, and the forecast could be used to say, “We thought this was
unsatisfactory. That’s why we took the action we did today.” Alternatively, we could ask for a
forecast conditional on one or more policy actions. But that’s an issue that this particular
exercise has made clear, and I’m just flagging it for discussion by the subcommittee.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It’s interesting to see the difference that people submit in
terms of the policy, because you actually find out what people think about how efficacious the
policy is.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, of course. That’s right. That’s certainly one of the
benefits of doing that. But everything that we are considering here also has the cost of
multiplying the number of projections and forecasts we’re asking people to do, and that’s
something we need to take into account. President Lacker.

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MR. LACKER. You mentioned parts of the consensus forecast process. We’re asked to
provide a forecast conditional on a certain policy path, and I’d urge the staff and all of us to give
some thought to what that ought to mean. As I read the instructions, I thought of four different
interpretations of that. You take as a given that what we’re trying to do in writing down a
forecast is to write down the mean of a joint distribution of the economy and policy. Well, if you
ask us to submit a forecast conditional on a certain policy path, are you asking us to replace our
reaction function with one that’s fixed at that path unchangingly, and averaging over that? What
do all of the shocks have to be? What’s the most likely outcome that delivers that as the policy
reaction—what economy is weak enough to justify that policy? That’s a different question. Or,
do we take our reaction function and add-factor it so that it delivers that policy as a mean?
There’s a bunch of different ways you can think of doing that, but we ought to be precise about
it.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Of course—we’ll have to be precise. These are
complexities. One possibility would be to have everybody, again, assume appropriate monetary
policy and deliver that joint distribution that you’re describing; and then, try to see if there’s a
center of gravity of that, which looks like the consensus; describe that consensus; and then
describe those who differ and qualitatively how they differ. So that would be one approach.
Another approach could be, for example, to ask people to use a specific reaction function or to
specify their own reaction function. President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Yes—thank you, Mr. Chairman. I like the idea, in principle,
of having a consensus forecast based on status quo policy and then a consensus forecast based on
the policy action. I think, though, that in practice, the latter is going to be very challenging,
because you could easily imagine that the Committee could come up with a choice of a policy

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action that they had not considered ex ante. And then it becomes very difficult to know how the
timing would work and to get the logistics to work.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. No, absolutely. And again, I think Governor Yellen’s
subcommittee will solve these problems for us [laughter] and bring that to us in October.
President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Let me just reiterate on this. I do think that the market expectation of
the Committee’s policy as of a certain date, which encompasses all aspects of monetary policy, is
a fixed point that we could rally around. Everyone can give their prognostication based on that.
That would give us just one exercise to do. Usually the market expectation is not a long way off.
It might be somewhat off, but it’s not a long way off, and it would simplify the exercise in my
mind and would keep it clearer what we’re doing.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s, of course, what the British and some others do.
MR. BULLARD. Yes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Does that address President Lacker’s concerns? I wouldn’t have thought
so.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Not exactly. Only if it’s approximately right.
MR. EVANS. Yes—right.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Anybody else? President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. Narayana made the point I was going to make.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Other comments or questions? Again, we will be
discussing this at the next meeting. President Evans.

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MR. EVANS. Could I ask a question that’s a little bit different? It was triggered by
some comments that President Fisher made earlier in asking questions, where he alluded to the
fact that some people around the table would be, however you put it, more accepting of a higher
inflation rate than others, or whatever. And in exhibit 2 on page 5, this question comes to my
mind, which is, there is an optimal control path that is shown that has inflation rising to—I think
it’s 2.3 percent, if it’s consistent with previous Tealbook-style analyses. I personally don’t see
anything in this path that’s inconsistent with our longer-run strategic approach that we adopted in
January, and I just wonder if that’s the sense of the Committee or if there’s an important
divergence of opinion there, which seems to be one of the points that President Fisher might
have been raising.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think we are clear that our objectives are—think of a
quadratic objective function. They’re symmetrical. There is an increasing marginal cost of
being away from each objective. We have a balanced approach, but people will have different
models of the economy, and they’ll have different weights in their objective functions. So this is
obviously not a purely value-fee projection. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Is exhibit 2 something that would be distributed as part of the
consensus forecast?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Again, nothing has been decided, but I wouldn’t imagine
we would want to do all of those things.
MR. BULLARD. So this is just an internal document, like the ones we always use.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes.
MR. EVANS. I wasn’t asking a question about communications. I was asking more a
question about how we interpret our longer-run strategic document, because at various times, we

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make different comments about these types of outcomes, and it strikes me that there’s less
agreement on that particular observation than sometimes is given by the words that we use.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I’ve said in press conferences that it’s a symmetric
objective and we have a balanced approach, and so on. Anyone else? [No response] All right.
Now we come to the main event. Let’s start our economic go-round with President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Intermeeting data, I think, have done little to
alter the economic picture. We’re in a period of sluggish economic growth, clearly. Our Fifth
District survey measures, which fell sharply in July, have bounced back to neutral readings now,
and the tenor of our anecdotal reports has been middling of late, consistent with reports we’ve
been hearing since the spring. While activity is weak, we’re not seeing any signs in our District
of a dramatic slowdown around the corner—or a dramatic pickup, for that matter.
I thought it was appropriate, Mr. Chairman, that at our last meeting you took a longerterm perspective by focusing on economic growth over the entire recovery. As you noted, real
GDP growth has averaged around 2 percent since the recovery began. I think 2.2 percent is the
precise number. We keep seeing swings in growth every couple of quarters around that average.
So it makes sense to focus on the longer-run path around which we’re fluctuating, rather than
just the last quarter or two. At our last meeting, Mr. Chairman, you talked about why growth
was so low, and you discussed the spider charts put together by Board economists Greg Howard,
Robert Martin, and Beth Anne Wilson. I believe they refer to them as butterfly charts, but I’m
not taking a stand on insects here. The main purpose of their paper was to show that advanced
economies recover as rapidly from banking and financial crises as they do from other recessions,
and I thought they did a pretty convincing job of that. Their charts also show that the current
recovery in U.S. GDP tracks quite closely the typical advanced economy recovery from banking

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and financial crises, as well as the typical advanced economy recovery from housing slumps.
The message I take away from their work is that we shouldn’t have expected to do much better
than what we’ve experienced, and I think that’s consistent with the message from some other
research along the same lines. Now, the authors don’t focus on the notion of a gap, however.
And for many people right now, the motivation for further stimulus is that the relevant gap is
quite large.
I was quite pleased to see the memo from Bruce Fallick and Jeremy Rudd on this subject.
It’s a helpful, well-organized description of how the staff thinks about and estimates economic
slack—lays it out quite clearly. And I think this memo should help clarify our mutual
understanding going forward. But I’d like to make a suggestion or two for further clarifying our
discussions. My suggestion is that we distinguish carefully between two distinct conceptual
notions of slack. One concept is defined by the number to which the unemployment rate would
converge in the future in the absence of unanticipated shocks and under appropriate monetary
policy. This is essentially what we’ve referred to as the “longer-run normal rate of
unemployment.” I think that’s what we called it in our consensus statement in January. That’s a
fine term for it. When people refer to sustainable employment, this is the concept I think of:
what the economy is going to converge to several years from now, after the current shocks we’ve
experienced have dissipated and, under appropriate policy, we get back to some trend with no
shocks—the mean forecast out there. Now, this number probably doesn’t vary much over time
because, by definition, the effect of current shocks has faded out by the time the economy
converges to this number. In fact, this number might be close to constant over time, or it may
vary only with some slow-moving and predictable things, such as the demographic composition
of the labor force and the like. So I think when you look at a construct like the NAIRU, the non-

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accelerating inflation rate of unemployment, it’s constructed with this notion in mind. I’ll come
back to the NAIRU in a minute.
The second concept of economic slack, which I think we should distinguish from this
first one, is based on the reference level of the unemployment rate with which it is most
appropriate to compare the current unemployment rate for the purposes of assessing current
monetary policy. Equivalently, one can think of this just as well in terms of the reference level
for output with which it’s most appropriate to compare current output for monetary policy
purposes. This is sometimes referred to as the “natural rate,” although some writers refer to this
as the “efficient rate” and reserve “natural rate” for something distinct. But “natural rate” tends
to be the term that we’ve used around the table here and that others have used, and it’s what the
staff memo uses. So I’m going to stick with that term for this reference rate.
In some very simple models, these two concepts are identical. But in general, they’re not
the same. Indeed, in our standard, modern, mainstream models, almost all of the shocks hitting
the model should affect the natural rate, even if the longer-run normal rate doesn’t vary much.
Now, not all of the shocks that hit the economy should affect the natural rate. That’s very clear
in these models as well, and I’ll talk more a little bit later about the difference and what kinds of
shocks fall in that category. By the way, I’d mention that modern models are all extensions of
the Solow growth model that the Chairman referred to at our last meeting. That model is
deterministic, nonmonetary. These models are extended to include a role for monetary factors
and to include the role of uncertainty and unpredictable shocks to the economy. I think the staff
memo would have been clearer if it had distinguished between these two notions of slack,
because the estimates they present in this memo—some are aimed at this longer-run notion, and
some pretty clearly are aimed at this short-run reference notion. For example, the NAIRU

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estimates they present are designed to estimate the longer-run normal rate of unemployment,
because they deliberately exclude high-frequency factors, but our models tell us that’s clearly the
wrong benchmark for policy in a world in which the economy is hit by a range of shocks. So my
suggestion would be that staff members, when they present to us a gap or a natural rate concept,
be clear about what they’re trying to present. I’ll note here—and I’ll come back to this in a
second—the discussion we had about adjusting the natural rate for the drought; that’s a highfrequency adjustment. But the logic for making that adjustment is really identical to the logic for
this reference rate that responds to current shocks. I think it would also aid clarity if we, in our
discussions, were mindful of this distinction between these two. The gap between the current
unemployment rate and the long-run normal unemployment rate is exceptionally high by
historical standards, and that gap clearly represents a tremendous amount of human suffering.
And I can understand—everyone should understand—why that would add urgency to the search
for remedies to that. But modern macroeconomics is pretty clear about the gap that’s relevant
for the conduct of monetary policy, and it’s conceptually different from the gap defined by the
distance between where we are today and where we’re going to be several years from now.
So how do you estimate policy-relevant gaps? Well, you need a model because you’re
talking about a counterfactual; you’re talking about something that doesn’t happen—it’s a latent,
unobserved variable. You need a model to be able to extract something like that from the data,
and different models, obviously, give you different estimates. The staff memo presents estimates
derived from EDO, the Board’s New Keynesian dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model.
And it delivers an estimate of the current gap of a little under 3 percent, defined this second way,
the natural rate way. That compares with the NAIRU-based estimate that the Tealbook provides

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of about 4½ percent, so you can see that you can get a significant difference there. This
illustrates the extent to which the model you bring to bear makes a difference.
So how big is the relevant gap? Well, I’ve said before—and I think others around the
table have said before—that we don’t think it’s large, and we’ve tried to describe economic
factors that, in theoretical models, would affect the natural rate and so wouldn’t add to the gap.
So they’d reduce your estimate of the gap. Now, rather than repeat myself—I know that hasn’t
stopped me in the past—I thought I’d take the opposite tack and talk about what’s in the gap.
The economy in a model that’s taken to the data is envisioned as driven by shocks and other
developments. Those shocks all affect the data you see, but not all of them affect the natural
rate. So the things that affect the economy, but don’t figure into this natural rate, are the things
that affect the gap. What could those things be? Well, this depends, obviously, on the model
you use to interpret the data, the model you use to extract an estimate of the natural rate, and so
determine the gap. Let’s take a look at EDO, the Board’s DSGE model. Its estimate of the gap
is based on the natural rate, as I said, and it’s near 3 percent. What would it take for the gap to
be that large in that model? Now, I should caution here: What I’m going to say is based on my
understanding of the model conceptually, theoretically. I haven’t looked at the empirical
decomposition, but based on my understanding of what’s going on in that model—this is true for
a lot of other models as well—you’d have to believe that one of two sorts of things is going on
for the gap to be large. First, you could believe that firms have not fully adjusted their prices in
response to the downward shift in demand that occurred four years ago. These models are based
on the notion of prices being sticky temporarily—that people set prices and, for a time, they’re
not incented toward, or they’re prevented from, adjusting their prices to reflect developments
that they’re seeing at their doorstep. So this price stickiness keeps prices from adjusting. A fall

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in demand shows up in quantities rather than prices at first, and then later, as prices adjust, the
adjustment shows up in prices rather than quantities. So that’s the general mechanism. To
attribute it all to that, you’d have to believe that there’s an incredible amount of price stickiness
in this economy. I don’t find that plausible, and I don’t think it lines up with other evidence we
have on the degree of price stickiness in the economy.
The second class of things you could believe, in order to believe that the gap is large, is
that the economy has been hit by a string of large shocks that have not affected the model’s
natural rate but have affected the economy. And this is what the model attributes the large gap
to. What would those shocks be? Well, in EDO, there are only two kinds of shocks that would
affect the gap. One is a string of upward shocks to the degree of monopolistic power that firms
have in setting prices. Firms are monopolistic competitors. They have a little bit of pricing
power, not total, and the amount of pricing power they have is determined by the degree of
substitutability between goods. For some reason, goods are less of a substitute for each other
now, so firms have more pricing power, and that’s why prices haven’t adjusted, quantities have,
and the gap is high. Alternatively, you could believe that a string of analogous shocks in the
labor market has occurred, so that workers have more bargaining power in setting wages and are
able to extract a kind of monopoly power from the firms they work for. Now, I don’t have direct
observations on any of these. You infer these from the model and the data. You take the model
as given, you infer these kinds of things. But those don’t really match up, in my mind, to the
kinds of anecdotal stories you hear from people. You just don’t hear about firms having a lot
more pricing power than they did four years ago, and it certainly doesn’t seem consistent to think
of workers as having a lot more leverage now, either. So I find both of these implausible. Now,
as I said, this is based on my understanding of EDO; my understanding of how the theoretical

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model is built—that is well documented. In that EDO model, in the memo results, they didn’t do
the decomposition. They didn’t show us how much of the gap is due to sticky prices left over
from 2008 shocks, how much is due to monopoly power shocks, how much is due to wage
pricing shocks. I said they don’t seem plausible, but the right way forward for us, in talking
about these things, is to put some estimates on the table and do the decomposition. We have a
working group under way that works with a set of these models. There are other DSGE
models—Philadelphia, Chicago. What’s the other one?
PARTICIPANTS. New York.
MR. LACKER. New York. I forgot New York. And there are others around the
System. I know that Atlanta operates a pretty elaborate model as well. So each of these taken to
the data would give you a different estimate of the gap, and they’d give you a different
decomposition of what the gap was about. We’d be able to look at those, if we had them in front
of us, and say, “Well, attributing the gap to this is persuasive to me. It matches up with what I
think is out there,” or, “This reason for the gap to be large isn’t persuasive to me.” And we could
have a discussion that goes beyond, “I think the gap is big.” “No, I think the gap is small.” “No,
I think the gap is big.” “No, I think the gap is small.” I think we could make progress by putting
the cards on the table, by putting some more-explicit analysis on the table.
So that’s my suggestion for improving our discussion of the gap going forward. As I
said, the estimates of the 3 percent gap in EDO seem implausible to me compared with factors
that I’ve talked about that are likely to affect the natural rate rather than the gap—things like the
labor market, skill problems, the housing overhang, and policy uncertainty, which aren’t
captured by the models. We could have a debate then about what is in the model or not. This is
what goes into my thinking—that we shouldn’t expect much from monetary policy now.

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Moreover, we might be pretty close to where the policy-relevant natural rate is right now. Thank
you—I took some extra time here. I appreciate it. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I don’t really understand why the DSGE model should
be particularly relevant to the current set of circumstances, given that this is a financial shock, a
huge financial shock, and my understanding is that DGSE models are very rudimentary, if they
have anything, in terms of the financial sector. To go to the DSGE models as a source of
determining the natural rate versus the NAIRU and the size of the gap seems a little bit “off the
reservation” relative to the source of the shock. So I’m just curious what your reaction is.
MR. LACKER. Sure. Let me say two things to that. The first is that progress has been
made in putting the rudiments of a financial sector in these models. The New York model is a
leader on that.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. But we’re still in elementary school.
MR. LACKER. Right. The second thing I’d point out, though, is that if we’re going to
think about the data we see, draw conclusions, and act on it, we’re using either an explicit model
or an implicit model. There’s no avoiding that. Otherwise, what we’re doing is gibberish. An
explicit model has the advantage of exposing all sides of the reasoning process to scrutiny by
others. You can say, and it’s perfectly legitimate to think, “All right—yes, this factor that I think
is important is not in this model,” and I just did that with EDO. I just said, “Look, it doesn’t
have a very articulate labor sector”—but we can debate that, and we can look at the magnitudes
and talk about that. So I think it’s a vehicle for analysis and discussion that crystallizes our
thinking, that pins things down, but I don’t think it’s constructive to say, “X isn’t in the model. I

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have a free pass to say whatever I want.” I just don’t think that’s constructive. I know that’s not
what you were advocating.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, President Lacker. You’re a
perfect straight man for me because I’m going to be rather brief [laughter] to preserve time for
the main event. Reports from my District contacts were very little changed from August.
Economic expansion remains positive but very modest. Just a couple of comments from
contacts. First, housing-sector contacts and several of my banking directors reported that
residential real estate activity in general is clearly improving. Prices have firmed in many areas,
sales volume has increased, and permitting is rising. Purchase mortgage applications have
increased recently, and refinance activity remains positive. I have also seen data suggesting that
the recent increase in purchases is being driven primarily by mortgage-financed homebuyers
rather than cash investors. Second, a director from a large management consulting firm offered
the view that a number of his firms, very large corporate clients, have resigned themselves to a
2 percent growth world, and that major actions these businesses might take to accelerate their
growth are largely on hold. We heard a similar theme from several contacts. And, third,
inflation and rising business costs are not much of a concern among our contacts. My director
from the country’s largest home-improvement retailer reported that suppliers are not asking for
price increases in this environment.
Let me shift to my Bank’s assessment of the national economy and outlook. It has
become pretty difficult, in my view, to reject the view that the economy has been on a roughly
2 percent growth trend for most of the recovery. Maybe I’m a little slow, but the recognition has
gelled in my thinking, just in the last few weeks, that this is the prevailing reality. Based on

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recent estimates, this may even overstate the immediate reality. My outlook for GDP growth
continues to show only modest improvement on this trend over the forecast horizon. In
particular, beyond this year and next, I remain less optimistic about the pace of GDP growth than
the Tealbook. With respect to employment, my baseline outlook has been a continuation of the
trend of roughly 150,000 per month that has prevailed over the past two years. This pace would
be sufficient at current participation rates to make continuing but modest progress on the
unemployment rate. However, last week’s job report makes it pretty clear that employment
growth has fallen short of the 150,000 trend over the past four months. Even though four months
amount to a small sliver of time, I am concerned about the lack of any sustained progress on the
unemployment rate since the beginning of the year. It is getting harder to rule out the possibility
that returning to the scenario of 150,000 jobs a month is at risk. My perception is that the wellknown uncertainty factors, including those associated with various downside risks, are
contributing to some of the recent softness in the data. I have no argument with the SEP bias that
GDP growth risks are weighted to the downside, but I don’t rule out that these uncertainty drags
could dissipate and that there is some upside potential. For instance, some of the incoming
information around housing and Europe has been mildly encouraging, and it’s plausible that if
the major sources of uncertainty—notably, the fiscal cliff and European situation—are resolved
favorably, or more or less favorably, in a few months, the outlook actually could be brighter. So
it strikes me that this environment is not as clear-cut as the situations that we faced on the cusp
of LSAP1 and LSAP2. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Mr. Wilcox, did you want to add to the
conversation?

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MR. WILCOX. Yes. I don’t have a detailed response to President Lacker’s comments,
but I thought I might just offer a few observations. Sometimes I’m in sympathy with many of
the points that President Lacker makes. I think it’s important, though, to state that we take it as
our remit to advise the Committee to the limit of our ability to measure the economy, to estimate
and understand the economy, to observe economic processes. We think it’s critically important
not to do more than that, and we’re profoundly aware of the extent of our ignorance and the
ignorance of the macroeconomic profession at large, regarding key questions about how the
macroeconomy works. I’m reminded of a comment that Larry Summers once made in quite a
different situation, in which he said, “You know, economics is an interesting field. I doubt that
when astrophysicists get together, they debate the fundamental validity of the laws of gravity.
And yet what we as economists do is, we have profound uncertainty about questions that are as
fundamental as the laws of gravity.” We on the staff do make every effort to distinguish shortrun influences that we can identify. For example, we have adjusted our reference level of the
unemployment rate in light of influences that we can identify and estimate, stemming from
emergency unemployment benefits and from the quality of functioning of the labor market. We
have adjusted our measure of the gap between the actual unemployment rate and the reference,
or natural, rate of unemployment for those kinds of things. But beyond that, we confront the real
world in which data are imperfect, theory is deficient, policymaker and staff bandwidth is
limited, and there are a lot of profound and fundamental debates to be resolved.
With regard to EDO, it is a state-of-the-art DSGE model coming directly out of the
intellectual tradition that President Lacker refers to. It’s part, but only part, of the intellectual
base that we consult in the course of putting together our analysis that we provide to the
Committee. Now, whether the empirical properties of that model are plausible or implausible is

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a little difficult for me to say. They are what they are, and they’re derived by an effort to work
directly in that intellectual tradition. We have pursued a diversified, multimodel strategy, which
we think provides our analysis with a greater robustness than would be the case if we had a
single model or a single-intellectual-tradition strategy. So I’m in sympathy with many of the
points that President Lacker raises, but I think we need to recognize that the macroeconomic
profession has a long way to go before we can deliver the kind of clarity and certainty that it
seems to me is implicit in much of your remarks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate Dave Wilcox’s comments
there, and I’ll have a few comments on the slack memo at the end here. Let me talk for a minute
about the Eighth District economy, which continues to expand at a modest pace. The drought in
the District has been especially severe and is having an important effect on agriculturally based
businesses. I generally agree with the Tealbook analysis of the effect of the drought on the
macroeconomy over the next couple of quarters. District labor markets are improving slowly.
The District unemployment rate, based on 16 District MSAs, has continued to decline this year
and is, according to the most recent data, about 7.5 percent, noticeably below the national
unemployment rate. Employment growth in the District has been slow, just a touch better than
the national data, according to the most recent observations. District real estate markets have
improved during 2012. Data on home sales for District MSAs, for instance, are up by a healthy
margin compared with 2011. Specifically, year-to-date home sales are up almost 13 percent in
Louisville, 7 percent in Little Rock, 10 percent in Memphis, and 16 percent in St. Louis.
Similarly, building permits for single-family homes year to date in 2012 versus 2011 were up
42 percent in Louisville, 14 percent in Little Rock, 46 percent in Memphis, and 23 percent in

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St. Louis. So I think that the housing part of the equation is moving off the bottom in 2012, and I
find that encouraging.
Nationally, I view the macroeconomy as being in a sluggish economic growth mode, but
for a variety of reasons, I do not think the current constellation of data readings is one that should
trigger outsized monetary policy action. I view the U.S. economy as being on a path not too
different from the one suggested in the work of Carmen Reinhart and Ken Rogoff as cited by
President Lacker. They noted that post-financial-crisis or post-bubble economies tend to grow
relatively slowly for a long time. Our economy clearly suffered through a collapse of a housing
bubble, along with an associated financial crisis, so it is not really that surprising that the
economy is following a path similar to the one experienced by other countries that have been in a
similar situation. In particular, the notion of a rapid return to the pre-crisis, bubble-influenced
real GDP growth trend seems quite unrealistic according to the international cross-country
evidence. This, to me, is the leading hypothesis for our current situation. I am concerned about
the global slowdown and that, fed in large part by ongoing recession in Europe, this is affecting
and will continue to affect U.S. multinational corporations. These effects are quite apparent in
my discussions with business contacts in medium and large firms in the District and across the
nation. Many are reporting troubling or worrisome movements in revenue and volume data
during recent months. While this bears watching, I do not think it is yet at the point where I
foresee an especially severe impact on the U.S. Some of this is certainly to be expected when the
pan-European economy, which is actually somewhat larger than the U.S. economy, is in
recession.
I see U.S. inflation as subdued but generally close to target, unlike the summer and fall of
2010, when nearly all measures of inflation were low and on a downward trajectory. Again, this

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bears watching, but in my view, a threat of continued disinflation and possibly eventual deflation
has not materialized, at least so far. Inflation expectations are, by our own description, stable.
Five-year TIPS-based expected inflation was about 208 basis points yesterday. This, again, is
not the situation of 2010, at least so far. In addition, the five-year TIPS real yield of about
minus 145 basis points is considerably lower than in 2010, suggesting that monetary policy may
be much easier today than it was at that juncture. In addition, I do not see financial stress as
being particularly high at the current moment. The St. Louis Financial Stress Index is showing a
relatively tame reading. Of course, many factors could increase financial stress, but as of now,
those events have not occurred and, in fact, may not occur.
I think it makes sense to wait and see what Europe can deliver during the fall. As I’ve
told all of you before, I’ve become more pessimistic on the medium-term European prospects
during the summer, as I have come to doubt that Europe has the type of either informal or formal
institutional arrangements to deal with a crisis of this magnitude. Still, I think the jury remains
out on that issue, so it would make sense for us to wait and see what the Europeans do, and see
what happens. Certainly, recent declines in Spanish and Italian yields across the yield curve for
government debt in both countries have been impressive and substantial, even if the mediumand longer-term outlook for Europe is questionable. I am concerned that the ECB is not really
easing aggressively in order to mitigate the euro-area recession. Indeed, the ECB is preoccupied
with selective debt purchases on a basis that requires some conditionality, which means that they
have to wait for the country to react to their offer. This throws off the timing of the relationship
between the normal business cycle and monetary policy. So that’s keeping the ECB from acting,
which makes me worried that the U.S. action could exacerbate the recession there by
strengthening the euro. And indeed, the euro has been stronger in recent weeks. You might say

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we worry only about the U.S. economy, which I think is very true and very relevant, but this
could end up feeding back to the U.S. in a detrimental way if we make the European situation
worse.
Longer-term interest rates in the U.S. are already very low. Ten-year Treasury trading in
a recent session was around 170 basis points. That’s extremely low by recent historical metrics.
Longer-term inflation expectations are in excess of 250 basis points, depending on which
measure you use. That implies negative real yields over a 10-year horizon. That’s an extremely
long horizon to have a negative real yield. I think the United States can benefit from the lower
yields that we have in place right now. We can benefit from the flight to safety that has driven
capital out of Europe, much as the United States did during the 1997–98 Asian currency crisis.
Also, equity markets are at recent highs—four-year highs, if I’m not mistaken. This seems to
indicate among investors a certain confidence in the future of U.S. economic performance
despite an ongoing worldwide slowdown, and I think the jury is still out a little bit on whether
the United States can be the strength in the storm here or whether we’re going to get pulled into
the global slowdown ourselves. Obviously, there are detrimental effects from the rest of the
world, but there are also offsetting flight-to-safety effects in the United States. So I think we
could afford to see how that plays out for a few months here going forward.
Labor markets in the U.S. are improving, although in a halting and uneven way. It is
sometimes noted that the national unemployment rate has not improved during 2012. I might
remind the Committee that this was also true in 2011. We had 9.1 percent unemployment in
January of 2011. As of August 2011, we were also at 9.1 percent. However, today’s
unemployment one year after that is 8.1 percent, 1 full percentage point lower. That’s about as
good as we can do in this game, about as good as we can do in one year’s time. The U.S.

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unemployment rate has rarely, if ever, dropped this much in one year during the past 25 years.
This improvement, of course, occurred unevenly, but it did occur nevertheless and from a
starting point last year at this time in September that looked considerably darker than today’s
outlook. Some might say we didn’t take action last year, but we took action through the maturity
extension program. That program is still in place and still on the table.
In summary, as always, there are many ongoing developments that bear watching, but I
think that the current readings on key aspects of the economy do not argue for outsized monetary
policy action at this particular juncture. I’m not saying I would never support it, but I don’t think
that this moment is probably the right time.
A few comments on the slack memo. I do appreciate the memo, and I think it did a great
job of outlining the approach to the slack issue that has been taken by the staff for, I believe,
many years at the Fed. I thought it was accurate and outlined the issues very well. The memo,
to me, suggests that the “get-serious DSGE approach” shows exactly how complicated this
concept really is when you try to get down to it. Whenever you’re trying to fix something, it’s
good to know what you’re trying to fix. And the great thing about the New Keynesian model is,
you know what you’re trying to fix. You’re trying to fix the fact that there are sticky prices out
there, and you can improve welfare in that model in a certain way by certain types of monetary
policy actions. But different assumptions that you might make inside the model are quite subtle,
and they can imply different welfare outcomes—that is, different amounts of utility that actually
get delivered to households. I think that there’s no substitute going forward, that the Committee
just has to take a stand on these complicated issues and we have to roll up our sleeves and say,
“What is it that we think we need to do?” and “What is it that we want to fix?” The problem is,
because of the subtleties inside these models, what we learned from the models is that you can

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inadvertently be doing more harm than good, depending on what’s actually going on in the real
world and depending on which assumptions are really the ones that make the most sense. I think
there’s a very clear core idea, and you don’t have to read the whole literature to get at the core
idea. The core idea is that the flexible price level of output is a volatile object. Even in an
economy that had no frictions whatsoever, there would be all kinds of shocks, and that level of
output, which would be a Pareto-optimal thing, would be moving around all of the time. The
actual level of output that we observe is probably not that level of output, and therefore there
may be scope for a policy action. But in any event, that volatile flexible price level of output is
not going to be a smooth trend the way we traditionally have thought about it in macroeconomic
circles since the 1950s and 1960s. Most of what we try to do when we think about potential
output and measures of slack is to get a smooth trend. I don’t think that that’s supported by the
modern macroeconomic literature.
The memo also makes it clear that there’s tremendous uncertainty about estimates of
slack, even if you’re willing to swallow other assumptions about the statistical models or the
economic models. As I’ve emphasized in the past, even if all you want to do is forecast, and you
don’t care about all of the theoretical issues, the relationships between the slack measures and the
actual inflation outcomes are questionable themselves and are weak and, I think, have gotten
weaker over time. I’ve talked about slack many times here, but I do think that, going forward, it
would behoove the Committee to put a clear model on the table. We can argue about whether
those assumptions are the right ones, whether we like them, and whether we think we can bring
other evidence to bear on the particular assumptions. And we can get it clearer in our own heads
how we think we’re helping matters with our policy.

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I also thought it was very interesting in the memo—I’ve often wondered about the term
“NAIRU.” The memo makes it clear that the “A” no longer belongs in “NAIRU,” and in fact,
the “N” doesn’t belong in “NAIRU” either—so just “IRU.” It’s just “IRU” at the end. The “A”
stands for “accelerating” and staff members make it clear that they’ve had to take that part out
because it wasn’t working very well over maybe quite a long time period. So I thought that that
was interesting. Maybe we should quit using the term, since the acceleration part isn’t in there
anymore. Thanks a lot.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The past nine months remind me a bit
of Samuel Beckett’s play Waiting for Godot. Rather than waiting for Godot, we are waiting for
the labor market recovery. And like Godot, the recovery in the labor market continues to elude
us. In the Beckett play, the characters seriously consider suicide as their best solution to the
seemingly endless wait. I do hope that tomorrow we arrive at a better solution. [Laughter]
Unfortunately, last month’s labor market report was quite consistent with my submission
for the experimental consensus forecast. I had a more pessimistic outlook for the next 18 months
than the consensus forecast, and it assumed that we would not see robust employment growth or
a significant change in the unemployment rate by the end of the year—or, for that matter, the end
of next year—without further accommodation. The modest employment growth did not surprise
me, although I may not have sufficiently considered the possibility of the further declines in the
labor force participation rate that were a striking feature of last Friday’s employment report,
reducing the unemployment rate but for the wrong reason. One of the distinctive features of this
recession and recovery has been the percentage of the unemployed who remain unemployed for
greater than 26 weeks. Unlike the deep recession in 1982, in which there was a quick recovery

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and, as a result, a relatively small increase in long-duration unemployment, this recession has
had a weak recovery, resulting in more long-duration unemployment. Work being done by the
staff in Boston that decomposes the Beveridge curve by duration of unemployment finds that the
shift in the curve is primarily generated by workers who suffer long-duration unemployment.
Faster growth in the economy would likely mitigate some of this problem.
While some have attributed the slow recovery to a deleveraging process, I would put less
weight on that argument. Consumption and business investment have not been the laggards in
this recovery. Rather, government spending and housing account for much of the unusual
weakness. In fact, if you exclude housing and government spending from GDP for this recovery,
it looks much like the previous two recoveries. The unusually weak government spending is, in
part, a result of the state and local governments pulling back in response to greatly diminished
revenues, a direct consequence of the depth of the recession and the weakness of the recovery.
Many were prepared for a revenue shortfall, with funds accumulated in their rainy day funds, but
this recession quickly put most rainy day funds underwater. Housing is usually a driver of most
recoveries but has been absent for much of this recovery. However, since the onset of the
housing bust, the population has grown, per capita income has grown, interest rates are low, and
prices are more affordable, resulting in tentative signs of a housing recovery. This is a propitious
time for considering additional stimulus to housing. If homebuyers feel that house prices are on
the rise—as many indicators suggest and the Tealbook forecasts—and that mortgage rates will
remain this low only temporarily, we may start to get new homebuyers to commit before rates
and prices rise.
It is important to note the significant downside risks we are still facing. While there have
been some positive announcements about financial support out of Europe, the underlying

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solutions still require political support. Domestically, while most are aware of the dangers of a
fiscal cliff, the positive solutions still require political action. Should either of these risks
materialize, we will need to consider a further array of tools: possibly expanding QE even
further, using asset purchases to target long rates, or providing more commitment in our
guidance. An important addition to these tools might also be an expanded set of discount
window actions. The staff memo on this provides a good road map to possible ways forward.
They include a variant of the Bank of England program, a mortgage program that would provide
low-cost funding for banks to finance mortgage loans—particularly to those parts of the
mortgage market that have been slow to recover, and programs that might require Treasury
support to reduce the credit risk entailed on certain types of lending. While some of these tools
are likely to be most useful during a crisis where lending markets are disrupted, some could be
implemented even in the current rate environment. I would encourage the staff to continue to
search for creative ways that we can support those areas of the economy that are still troubled.
As further progress is made, it may be worth discussing, either as an additional tool if the
recovery continues to be quite slow or as a contingency plan should some of the tail risks
materialize. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. During the intermeeting period, the
economic data have confirmed that the economy remains stuck in low gear. Like the Tealbook, I
expect only modest GDP growth in the second half of this year. Clearly, the economic recovery
hasn’t been able to gain traction in the face of a variety of headwinds. These include householdsector deleveraging, tight credit for many potential borrowers, fiscal retrenchment, and global
uncertainties. Given these headwinds, absent further monetary policy accommodation, I would

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expect sluggish growth and no meaningful progress toward our employment mandate until 2014.
Indeed, when judged on a policy-consistent basis, my outlook is somewhat more pessimistic than
the Tealbook forecast and consensus forecast, with slower GDP growth and a higher path for the
unemployment rate.
In gauging the medium-term outlook for the economy and the stance of monetary policy,
I find the Kalman-filter model that I developed with Thomas Laubach to be a useful tool. After
this morning’s discussion, I’m a little nervous about going into the Kalman filter, but I’m assured
that Thomas is ready with a white board to answer any technical questions regarding our model.
But this model seeks to distinguish between transitory and highly persistent supply and demand
influences on economic activity. In response to President Bullard’s earlier comments, I would
stress that in our model, we do not impose any restriction that potential output growth is smooth.
We let the data speak to that. The highly persistent influences on demand can be summarized by
what we call the natural rate of interest. In the model, a highly persistent reduction in demand
lowers the natural rate of interest. And I think importantly for thinking about the stance of
monetary policy and a number of issues around that, our balance sheet policies should boost the
natural rate of interest, all else being equal, in this empirical model. So, influenced by Board
staff research that highlights the information content of gross domestic income along with gross
domestic product, I’ve estimated a modified version of the Laubach–Williams model using both
GDI and GDP. The current estimate of the natural rate of interest from this model is about
minus 75 basis points. The current real funds rate, therefore, is only about 1 percentage point
below this estimate of the natural rate. This implies that the current extent of monetary
accommodation, including our balance sheet policies, has only modestly exceeded the severe
headwinds that we’re facing in our economy.

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Given my forecasts for subdued economic growth and very little progress on the
employment mandate over the next few years, my SEP projection assumes considerable
additional monetary policy stimulus. In particular, I assume a new program of open-ended
purchases of Treasuries and MBS. They expand the Fed’s balance sheet by about $1 trillion over
the next year or so. And with this stimulus, I expect a faster recovery, with real GDP growth of
2½ percent next year and 3¼ percent in 2014, with the unemployment rate edging down to
7.9 percent at the end of next year and 7.3 percent at the end of 2014. I see the risks to this
outlook as skewed to the downside. Another bout of brinkmanship around the fiscal cliff seems
likely, if not inevitable. The problems plaguing Europe also remain daunting, with considerable
risk to our economy if the financial crisis intensifies. Here I would just echo the comments made
earlier by Vice Chairman Dudley. I share those views and was somewhat more pessimistic than
perhaps the Tealbook’s description of recent events in Europe. The bold program that the ECB
has announced will certainly buy some short-run relief, but the underlying problems remain: a
lack of political federalism, an unsustainable fiscal outlook, and disparities in economic
competitiveness across Europe. So, in summary, the ECB’s actions may serve as a useful bridge
loan. I hope it is not a bridge loan to nowhere.
The fiscal cliff and the crisis in Europe are not just risks to the outlook; by increasing
uncertainty, they also seem already to be adding to the factors slowing our recovery. It seems
everyone I talk to stresses that uncertainty is holding back hiring and investment. Indeed,
uncertainty appears to have virtually paralyzed some businesses, prompting them to postpone
capital spending and delay payroll expansions. So a key question for monetary policy is whether
this rise in uncertainty should be viewed primarily as a shock to demand, which lowers both
output and inflation if not counteracted by additional monetary policy stimulus, or as a shock to

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supply, such as the drought, which lowers output but boosts inflation. Recent theoretical and
empirical research has addressed this question. As I described back in December, empirical
research by my staff at the San Francisco Fed finds that over the past 30 years, higher uncertainty
operates like a negative aggregate demand shock that reduces both economic activity and
inflation. Following uncertainty shocks of the types that we currently face, expenditures on
consumer durables, investment, short-term interest rates, and inflation all fall, while
unemployment rises, in this analysis. Now, I’m sure President Lacker will be very happy to hear
what I’m about to say, and that is that we also looked at this issue in a fully micro-founded
DSGE model. This finding that uncertainty acts primarily as a demand shock is confirmed by
the research using such DSGE models, both by my staff and by academic researchers. An
increase in uncertainty causes households to save more for precautionary reasons. This affects
both supply and demand in the models. However, in these models, the demand effects are by far
the dominant ones. This is because the negative effects of an uncertainty shock on consumption
are amplified when prices are slow to adjust, causing businesses to cut production further. This
implies that uncertainty shocks lead to a negative output gap, a fall in inflation, and this is
consistent with the empirical evidence I mentioned a moment ago. All told, both theory and data
suggest that the uncertainty shocks that I believe are holding back our economy today really
should be seen more as adverse shocks to demand, which monetary policy should aim to offset.
Turning to inflation, the medium-term outlook has not changed. I continue to expect
overall PCE inflation to remain below 2 percent for the next few years, and I view the risks to the
inflation forecast as balanced. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Pianalto.

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MS. PIANALTO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Like President Lockhart, I’m going to
keep my remarks on economic conditions particularly brief today because I believe that we have
more agreement on the outlook than we have on the policy implications of the outlook, which
means that I’m not going to be as brief in my comments on policy tomorrow. My District
business contacts remain concerned about the risks to the outlook, yet they are generally
reporting only small changes in activity levels in their own businesses. A few of my business
contacts point to either a coming slowdown or a coming acceleration in their sales. Their
comments are consistent with the holding pattern around today’s 2 percent growth rate. In my
current outlook, I expect the recovery to remain in this holding pattern for the rest of this year
and then generally pick up to a GDP growth rate of a little more than 2½ percent in 2013 and a
little more than 3 percent in 2014. In order to achieve these projected growth rates, I assume that
we provide further policy accommodation by extending the period of very low rates into 2015.
Among the data released since our last meeting, the August employment report stands
out. It was particularly disappointing in that the BLS confirmed that the economy had made very
little progress in labor markets over the summer. While the month-to-month swings in the
household survey make the progress on the unemployment rate difficult to interpret, the decline
in the employment-to-population ratio to essentially its post-recession trough makes it clear that
there has been little sustained progress in labor markets. Nonetheless, as GDP growth picks up
over the next two years, I am expecting that we will make gradual progress on unemployment.
As mentioned in the memo on economic slack, the Cleveland staff has taken a close look at the
flows into and out of unemployment to examine the natural rate of unemployment. This research
finds that the trends of flows into and out of unemployment, often referred to as labor market
churning, have been falling for several years. This decline in labor market churning implies that

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the current path to full employment will likely be slower than in past cycles. Some
commentators treat the slow progress on reducing unemployment as evidence that the natural
rate is far higher. However, in the Cleveland Fed model, a faster pace of GDP growth does
lower the unemployment rate more quickly. While this result is supportive of monetary policy
accommodation, it doesn’t answer the question of the effectiveness of our nontraditional
monetary policy tools.
Turning to inflation, I have made only small changes to my outlook for inflation. I agree
with the Board staff that we’re likely to see more disinflation in core PCE rates, but my forecast
doesn’t get quite as far away from the 2 percent rate as the Tealbook anticipates.
The risks to my economic outlook remain primarily to the downside for GDP growth.
Although market participants seem to be taking a more optimistic view that Europeans will solve
their problems, a crisis in Europe remains a large risk to the recovery in the United States. In
addition, the fiscal cliff poses a significant risk of a dramatic slowing of the U.S. economy.
These risks to growth imply that unemployment could end up higher than anticipated. On
inflation, I continue to see the risks tilted toward the downside, given the significant downside
risks to economic activity and the low levels of some measures of inflation expectations. In my
view, these risks to growth, unemployment, and inflation make the outlook more uncertain than
normal. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Following our July meeting, the key question
was whether the incoming data would finally begin to show substantial and sustainable
improvement in labor markets. It’s pretty clear that the answer to that question is no. Without a
doubt, 2012 will go into the books as another year of unsatisfactory economic performance. This

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is the third year in a row of growth around 2 percent. This pace of growth leaves resource slack
quite large. At the same time, the inflation outlook is not threatening, and numerous theoretical
and empirical analyses show that there are ways to provide additional accommodation that will
improve this economic situation.
In terms of recent developments, the problems that we’ve characterized as downside risks
earlier in the year have materialized into actual headwinds. They are gathering in strength. My
business contacts noted that their current operations are being adversely affected by increasingly
negative forces in the U.S. and around the world. Similar to some comments that President
Lockhart made, apparently CEOs are sharing their gloomy outlooks with their fellow CEO
interlocutors, and this has the potential to reinforce downward expectations and spiral into even
softer spending and hiring. For example, one of my regular contacts repeated comments he had
heard from the CEO of a major U.S. conglomerate, who was a former Fed Bank chair
somewhere. According to my contact, this CEO instructed all of his business units to plan for
the possibility that the U.S. will experience a lost decade, like Japan. I think that’s disturbing.
With regard to Europe, many of my contacts thought the odds of truly awful outcomes had
declined, and that’s a positive comment. The recent ECB announcements regarding outright
monetary transactions give the fiscal authorities somewhat more time to maneuver, but the
additional bond buying will be conditioned on fiscal consolidation that likely will be difficult to
achieve and bad for growth in those countries. And without stronger growth, the periphery
countries are going to face repeated crisis events over the next several years. As one financial
contact we spoke to put it, “All the Europeans have done is transform an acute problem into a
chronic one.” The other elephant in the room is the U.S. fiscal cliff. On the upside, my contacts
say that surely the parties in Washington will find a way to limit the damage after the election.

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But on the downside, many currently see uncertainty over the cliff weighing on activity, and no
one can rule out the possibility of a messy outcome that would result in very significant fiscal
drag hitting us around the turn of the year.
One bit of positive news is that I’m hearing commentary that indicates monetary
accommodation is helping. Several financial contacts say that today’s low rates are leading them
to increase investment, and that should facilitate future activity. For instance, we heard
comments on how funding for distressed properties has increased and capital is being redeployed
to the residential sector. Indeed, there’s been a lot of talk about residential construction
improving, as several have noted. Furthermore, refinancing continues to help firms strengthen
their balance sheets, putting them in a position to increase investment or pass on funds to
someone else more likely to spend them, as you pointed out at our last meeting, Mr. Chairman. I
should note that while low rates are pushing some to undertake more investment, our financial
contacts do not say that they are seeing excessive risk-taking or anything approximating financial
froth. And in the past, they’ve not been shy about pointing that out when they have seen that.
As I said earlier, conditioned on our current policies, the outlook for economic growth is
unacceptable. It’s unacceptable in part because recent data reinforce the obvious point that high
inflation is not a concern, certainly not relative to our long-run objective and certainly not within
our balanced approach strategy. And it’s unacceptable because mainstream monetary analysis
clearly indicates that there are means of providing more accommodation that can improve these
outcomes. The Board staff analyses clearly demonstrate this. The LSAP memos had simulations
that pointed that out, FRB/US’s optimal control simulations and the nominal-income-leveltargeting simulations point that out, too. Mike Woodford’s careful analysis in his Jackson Hole
paper showed the same.

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While I’m at this point, let me make a couple of comments about DSGE models, which
were discussed earlier today. It is certainly the case that we are presented with results from four
models that are currently being looked at: the EDO model out of the Board, our Chicago model,
Philadelphia’s model, and New York’s model. A question that President Lacker was asking was,
in the context of these models, how big is slack, and how is it measured? At some level within
the context of these models, this is a bit of a red herring. For instance, if you look at the
projections, all of the inflation forecasts coming out of these models are under our 2 percent goal,
and that’s true through 2015. So, even in a model that’s looking at whatever measure it is that’s
holding back inflation, there is no inflationary pressure—and some of the models have much less
inflationary pressure than others. The second point is that the theory in these models is really
about marginal costs. That’s the fundamental variable. The firms in these models are faced with
the following question: When I get to change my price and I’ve seen things change, what’s my
marginal cost structure that tells me how much I should increase my price, given that I won’t be
able to do it next time for sure? What have I faced, what am I expecting others to face, and
things like that? Slack is often viewed in these models as a useful proxy at best. If there’s a lot
of slack, then your marginal costs won’t be rising; they’ll be low, and things like that. But the
fundamental is really about marginal costs. And so, when you think about that, these models are
really looking at the inflation data and everything around those data and saying, “We just don’t
see inflationary pressures.” I can’t tell you exactly what the resource slack is that is embodied in
that, but we don’t see inflationary pressures, and that’s coming out of all four of the models that
we’re presented with quarterly.
Another point that President Lacker raised is, if sticky prices are really what’s
fundamental here, why haven’t they adjusted already? And you hear that a lot. In these models,

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a lot of asynchronous price adjustment for whatever reason is given, and John Taylor has
contributed importantly to exactly that point going way back over the last 20 or more years. But
even allowing for the fact that maybe there would have been adjustments already, I think it’s
reasonable to assume that we’ve been hit with a sequence of negative aggregate demand shocks
along the lines that I believe President Williams’s comments were pointing at. At least we’ve
certainly been surprised the last three summers in a row that output has been lower than we were
projecting, so something different is at work. And then it’s also the case that inflationary
expectations matter in these pricing equations and models. This is a little more delicate and
subtle. Apparently inflation expectations are stable in all of these models, but there are subtle
modeling choices at work in each of them about what the stochastic process is for marginal cost
pressures and how they’re updated and what inflation expectations are. This gets at a point of
dissatisfaction—when I talk with various people in the Federal Reserve, they might say, “I don’t
like looking at the FRB/US projections because I see all of this monetary accommodation
coming, and I don’t see inflation coming, and why is that?” I talk to people, and they worry a lot
about inflation. We aren’t able to model that—apparently not satisfactorily, because they all
come back to the same place, which is, expectations are well anchored or the stochastic process
is mean reverting at some level, and so we just don’t see things getting out of hand. I want to
point out that this is not a FRB/US question per se, but it’s a statement about how much we
really know within the context of well-articulated macro models. It’s way beyond just FRB/US.
All of our DSGE models have that same feature.
So the bottom line, Mr. Chairman, is that this is the third summer in a row that economic
growth has failed to achieve escape velocity, and the economy’s liftoff has fizzled on the

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launching pad. It seems clear that the outlook crosses the threshold that justifies more action.
Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. When we were in Jackson Hole,
we got to hear you, Mr. Chairman, talk about the tools we have available. You described our
asset purchase tools and our communication tools, and so I’d like to give you some feedback
from the Ninth District about how we’re doing on the communication front. I get the same kinds
of questions, I would say—usually from different people, but they sometimes come from the
same person. The first comment is, as the FOMC considers its date to keep rates low through
late 2014, people are concerned, why is it that the Fed is committed to keeping rates low for two
years? How could the Fed commit like this without thinking about the fact that the world could
change in some fashion? And the second comment is, by saying that interest rates are going to
be low for that long or are expected to be low for that long, the Fed is signaling that conditions
will be weak, and that, in and of itself, is suppressing demand. Now, of course, I say to them,
“No, you misunderstood what the FOMC is intending to say to you. It is meaning to
communicate that the economic conditions threshold for raising rates is now higher than you
might have thought. The recovery has to be further along than you might have thought.” At this
stage, my questioner says, “Well, that makes sense, but why didn’t you guys just say that?” At
that point, I usually turn the conversation to something about fracking [laughter] because that
seems to work. To me, this kind of dialogue suggests that we need to communicate more clearly
about our reaction function. And communication about our reaction function is sometimes
motivated in terms of accountability and transparency, and these are, I think, good motivations.

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But as my brief summary of my Ninth District colloquies indicates, communication about our
reaction function is also an essential ingredient to the effectiveness of policy.
Now, the changes that have been made in B(5) relative to what was in the previous
FOMC statement in July—B(5) now represents even more of a commitment because actually the
conditioning clauses have been removed, although many readers were not paying close attention
to those conditional clauses anyway. I think the lead-in sentence to B(5) is much better, but I
have to say, most people don’t read the words that carefully in the FOMC statement. Their
takeaway is the year. That’s the main thing they’re hearing.
So before we communicate our reaction function, we have to start thinking about how we
formulate one, and as I’ve mentioned before, I think that a good reaction function should have at
least two inputs: some measure of inflationary pressures and some measure of labor market
underutilization. These inputs would capture how well we’re doing in terms of our two
mandates, and our policy stance, I would think, should evolve as these inputs change. I see this
as the basis for the approach that President Plosser, President Williams, and I are following in
our alternative policy statements. The KPW statements emphasize only those changes of the
data that are viewed as leading to changes in measures of inflationary pressures and labor market
underutilization. And then the KPW statements translate those changes in inflationary pressures
and labor market underutilization into the rationale for the Committee’s policy decisions. At this
point, I’ll digress briefly to say that I think we’ve completed our cycle of going through the
parallel FOMC statements, and President Plosser, I believe, will bring forward the KPW
approach to the subcommittee on communications for further consideration. So I’m sure the
subcommittee members are glad to hear that. That said, just like the FOMC statement itself, the

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KPW memos are very oriented around changes in monetary accommodation and how they relate
to changes in conditions.
Ultimately, though, a Committee reaction function has to translate the level of
inflationary pressures and the level of resource utilization into a decision about the level of
monetary accommodation. A key challenge we’ve struggled with is that it’s much easier for us
to reach accord about the changes in these variables than it is for us to reach accord, at least
qualitatively, about the levels of inflationary pressures and the levels of resource utilization. As
we saw from submissions of the consensus forecast, there are very different views around the
table on that. Some might see this heterogeneity as precluding the possibility of developing a
Committee reaction function, but I think this is where the consensus forecast process is a very
useful way forward. It provides a way for us to come together behind a Committee view about
the medium-term inflation outlook and about the economy’s performance relative to the
employment mandate, conditional on our current policy stance now and as anticipated. Then we
can usefully formulate the Committee’s reaction function as a mapping from that consensus view
into policy choices. “Medium-term inflation is too high relative to target”: That would say you
should contemplate reducing accommodation. “The unemployment rate is too high over the
medium run relative to mandate-consistent levels”: Then the Committee should contemplate
adding accommodation.
Mr. Chairman, the Committee’s consensus view about the economy seems clear, and it’s
been described in many recent FOMC statements. The Committee expects inflation to be at or
below target over the medium run and unemployment to continue to be elevated for some time
relative to mandate-consistent levels. That consensus view—inflation running too low;

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unemployment, too high—implies a need for additional accommodation, accommodation that
would lower unemployment while keeping inflation near target.
I opened by discussing a public desire, at least in the Ninth District, for greater clarity
about our reaction function. In the next go-round, I’ll describe how, by fulfilling that desire, we
can also provide additional accommodation. And I’ll return to the question being posed to me
implicitly by my Ninth District interlocutors: Under what conditions will the FOMC begin to
raise the fed funds rate? I will argue that our communications often suggest the FOMC is
unwilling to tolerate low unemployment, even if that low unemployment rate is not translating
into medium-term inflationary pressures. And I think paragraph 5′ of alternative B offers us an
opportunity to clarify our attitude toward low unemployment—that we’re not against low
unemployment if it doesn’t lead to medium-term inflationary pressures. Maybe that clarification
could provide stimulus that’s appropriate in light of the Committee’s consensus outlook. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The 10th District economy continues to
expand at a moderate pace. Our retail, restaurant, and auto contacts reported higher sales and
expect gains in coming months, particularly those in the auto sector. Energy activity expanded
further as gains in oil drilling outpaced declines in natural gas drilling. Housing market
conditions continued to improve, and construction activity increased for both residential and
nonresidential sectors. Manufacturing activity in the District expanded at a slightly faster pace in
August. The number of contacts in our manufacturing survey who were expecting higher levels
of production and shipments in six months moved notably higher, and expectations of
employment gains remained in positive territory. One component of our survey that has softened

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over the past several months is the expected level of new export orders. The number of contacts
reporting higher levels has been declining but still outweighs those expecting an outright decline.
So far this year, total District exports remain above their level a year ago, though exports to
Europe have been decreasing. In terms of the District labor market, initial claims for
unemployment insurance have declined notably over the past few months, and layoff
announcements have been modest. Still, employers remain quite cautious about expanding their
payrolls. In terms of agricultural conditions, U.S. net farm incomes are projected to reach their
second-highest level in history despite the worst drought in three decades. Farm incomes are
being supported by higher crop prices and crop insurance payments, which are offsetting
declines in production and livestock profits. In addition, the persistent, strong demand from the
ethanol and export sectors continues to strain low crop inventories and could place upward
pressure on prices heading into 2013 as reflected in futures markets.
Turning to the national outlook, the recovery has been progressing mostly in line with my
expectations. Overall, I take a similar view as the Tealbook in that incoming data since the last
meeting have not materially affected my outlook for economic growth. For the second half of
this year, I anticipate that firms will remain reluctant to undertake large expansion projects or
aggressively add to payrolls because of the near-term risk. In particular, I noted in the most
recent NFIB survey that small businesses cite taxes and the regulatory landscape as their most
pressing problems, with poor sales third on the list. These issues are reaffirmed when I talk with
my business contacts, and suggest that monetary policy may find it particularly challenging to
offset headwinds of this nature. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Plosser.

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MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Incoming information since our last
meeting suggests that economic conditions in the Third District have continued to improve
modestly. Although labor markets and manufacturing remain subdued, the housing sector and
retail sales have strengthened notably. Housing markets in the District are showing their
strongest signs of recovery since the recession began. House prices are up significantly in the
second quarter in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Housing permits driven mostly by multifamilysector housing have been on an upward trend, and residential builders and real estate agents both
reported increased activity in August. The commercial real estate market is also showing
continued signs of strength. Tightening in the office market in Center City, Philadelphia, is
placing upward pressure on rents. Retail sales in the region have grown somewhat faster over
the intermeeting period, and auto sales have continued to increase at a good pace.
Turning to the nation, based on incoming information, my forecast for the second half of
this year is not terribly enlightening. It’s modest, and I think it will continue to be over the
coming six months. However, my medium-term and longer-term forecasts have not changed
very much and, indeed, point to a continuing modest recovery. Given the large size and nature
of the shocks that hit the economy, a slow recovery, as we’ve heard, is actually the most likely
outcome. It’s not necessarily evidence that our monetary policy stance is inappropriate. Indeed,
many of the rules reported in Tealbook B suggest that policy is about right. Political and fiscal
uncertainties at home and abroad still cloud the outlook and are holding back business
investment. Overwhelmingly, the anecdotal evidence suggests that business leaders’ reluctance
to invest and hire is driven by uncertainty, not excessively tight financial conditions. Households
continue to deleverage, and that’s holding back spending as saving remains high. My concern is
that none of these headwinds will likely be ameliorated or substantially affected in the near term

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with further monetary easing or the further easing of financial conditions. That doesn’t seem to
be a constraint.
I know I’m not alone in having wished for a stronger employment report last Friday. The
payroll increase in August and the downward revisions to June and July were disappointing.
Despite the strong actions that the Fed has taken, the unemployment rate remains above
8 percent. This has generated a discussion about whether the continuing high levels of
unemployment are structural or cyclical in nature. I actually don’t find this conversation very
useful, particularly for policy. Rather, I believe it’s better to think about whether the high level
of unemployment can be addressed by further easing of financial conditions, which is what
monetary policy would entail. It seems to me that before we conclude that unemployment calls
for more monetary policy accommodation, we must understand more about the nature of the
shock that’s caused high unemployment and its unwelcome persistence. This is consistent with
President Lacker’s observations. It’s not about whether unemployment is cyclical, structural,
permanent, or temporary, necessarily. It’s about understanding the nature of the shock that’s
causing the problem that we observe.
There’s still a lot we don’t understand about the labor market and its ongoing struggles.
Academic and public debate expresses a wide range of views, and we should be humble about
our state of knowledge. We’ve discussed, for example, the difficulty of transferring skills from
one sector to another. Those who lost their jobs in construction will have a hard time going to
other industries. But this type of unemployment cannot be solved by monetary policy.
However, it’s not the only source of mismatch. Skill mismatch can occur within sectors, not just
across sectors. Jaimovich and Siu point to what’s called job polarization. Job opportunities in
middle-skill occupations, which tend to be focused on routine tasks, are disappearing because of

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changes in technology and other things, while low-skill and high-skill job opportunities are in
fact increasing. The employment share of routine occupations—this middle group, which
includes jobs such as machine operators, meat-processing plant workers, and office and
administrative support—has been decreasing since the mid-1980s. At the same time, the
employment share of nonroutine cognitive occupations—including surgeons, lawyers, and, of
course, economists—and that of nonroutine manual operations—whether it be janitors,
gardeners, bartenders, or home health care—have been rising. In other words, there appears to
be a polarization in the job market toward the low and the high, or the tails of the distribution,
and away from the middle. During the three jobless recoveries since 1991, the level of
employment in these routine occupations has never recovered to pre-recession levels. The
absolute level appears to fall and fall permanently. The fact that this job loss seems to occur
sharply during recessions makes it appear to be cyclical, but it does not recover. This is a
phenomenon that cannot be addressed by monetary policy. For those who point to low wage
growth as evidence against mismatch, it’s interesting to note that real wages in the tail of the
distribution actually seem to be rising modestly, unlike in the middle of the distribution. Again,
we do not have definite answers to what’s happening in the labor market, but we need to
consider that evidence exists that the problems may not be amenable to monetary policy or
easing of financial conditions.
The FOMC has applied a high level of monetary stimulus during this recession and
recovery. The fed funds rate has been effectively zero for four years, and we have said we
expect it to remain there at least through late 2014. We have implemented two rounds of asset
purchases, followed by the maturity extension program. Yet unemployment remains high.
Given this evidence, one could draw two possible conclusions. One is that monetary policy is

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the right tool, but we just haven’t implemented a large enough program. Given the sluggish
employment response to date and the large amount of stimulus that has been supplied, it seems
as though it’s increasingly plausible that further monetary accommodation is not going to be
effective in quickening the pace of recovery to a higher level of employment, much as we wish it
could.
One still might argue that because high unemployment is very costly and we are
uncertain about the effect of more monetary policy accommodation, we should try it. What do
we have to lose? Well, in my view, we have a lot to lose. The larger the balance sheet becomes,
the higher are the risks to the economy that we will not be able to exit in a way that preserves
price stability, maximum employment, or our own credibility. Ever-more-aggressive action
increases the risk of poor outcomes in the not-too-distant future or maybe the distant future. To
avoid this, we are going to have to be relying on tools that are not guaranteed to work. Inflation
expectations, while stable, are stable until they’re not. Should inflation begin to rise quickly, we
may have to contract our balance sheet at a very fast pace or perhaps raise IOER very rapidly.
Will that be disruptive to markets? We won’t know until we face that situation. If our policy is
not very effective at influencing unemployment rates, then inflation could begin to rise well
before unemployment has shown much of a decline. Will we have the fortitude to take the
necessary actions to reduce accommodation, and if so, how well will we be able to communicate
our rationale? Would we disrupt markets? Would we reverse the progress on unemployment? I
have grave concerns that we are sowing the seeds of a very complicated exit for little or no
benefit to the unemployment rate today. We say these exit risks are manageable, and I’d like to
believe that they are, but we really don’t know that. Given the unprecedented nature of the
actions we’ve taken, how manageable these risks are is really unknowable at this time. We are

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and will be in uncharted waters. That’s one reason I strongly urge us to be prudent. To my
mind, at this point, costs of further action greatly exceed expected benefits. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. Mr. Chairman, just as President Lacker was a straight man for President
Lockhart, in a way, President Plosser has been a straight man for me. Like President Pianalto, I
will interlocutate [laughter] more tomorrow than I plan to do today.
President Williams made a very important point. He talked about how uncertainty has
paralyzed most businesses and how uncertainty acts as an aggregate demand shock. I agree with
that analysis. I hear that from my contacts. The question is, is monetary policy effective in
offsetting this form of uncertainty? President George mentioned the National Federation of
Independent Business. She cited some data. What she did not cite was that 93 percent of that
sample makes clear that they do not wish to borrow, either because of uncertainty or because
they have access to capital that’s abundant and cheap. In my own surveys as preparation for this
meeting, I asked a simple question: If the actions we were to take at this upcoming meeting were
to reduce your cost of capital by 25 basis points or more, what would it do in terms of your
investment plans? I deliberately sampled larger companies because that’s where cap-ex comes
from. Employment comes from small and medium-sized businesses. We assume that, just by
sheer weight of numbers, significant cap-ex comes from large corporations. And I would say
that 9 out of 10 said it would not change their investment plans, even if we took action that led to
a reduction of 1 percent or more in their cost of capital. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Vice Chairman.

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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. First, I want to make a comment on President Fisher’s
last remark. My understanding is that capital spending has never been particularly interest rate
sensitive. It’s really driven by demand and capacity utilization, things of that nature. So I
wouldn’t expect that to be a really strong channel by which monetary policy stimulates the
economy.
MR. FISHER. Can I just make a point to that?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Sure.
MR. FISHER. At least in the drafts of our statement, we were saying that business fixed
investment was weak. The question is, are we affecting business fixed investment? And, more
important than that, are we affecting employment? My point is that in the responses I’m getting
to anecdotal inquiry—not systematically organized, although the systematic surveys that we see,
through the NFIB and others, show that it is questionable whether or not we are actually
affecting employment. The question is, are we affecting employment over the short term or the
long term? We have a wealth effect. The Chairman has made that a very strong argument,
including at the last meeting. If you’re advising a corporation about what to do with the savings
that they can achieve through cheaper capital, they can invest it in greater plant or equipment
expansion, they can buy back their stock, or they can increase their dividends. And I would
argue that the former would have a more immediate impact on employment creation than the
latter. Excuse me.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. My point was that I don’t think very many people in the
room would debate the point that capital spending is not going to be very influenced by small
changes in interest rates. So I don’t think that’s something that we have a big disagreement
about around the table.

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As far as the outlook is concerned, since the last meeting, I think there’s been very little
change with respect to the U.S. data. Some data are a bit better—the retail sales data, the motor
vehicle sales data. Some are worse—like the ISM, which fell below 50, and the components of
the ISM were particularly weak. Inventory strength actually held up the ISM, which is a little
concerning. The capital goods orders have clearly been weak. I’ve noticed that, if you look at
the nondefense capital goods orders ex air, the rate of orders now has fallen below the rate of
shipments, and this is actually not a positive indicator for what’s going to happen to capital
spending going forward. In terms of payrolls, I was prepared to come into the meeting, if we had
a strong payroll employment report, to argue how noisy the data are and how we can’t take any
signal from that. But the reality is, if you really look at the trend—and understand that there’s a
lot of noise in the series—the last two months, 118,000 per month; so far this year, 139,000 per
month; in 2011, 153,000 per month. Now, there’s noise month to month, but if you look at the
longer-term trends, what you see is basically either a flat trend or maybe a gradually slowing
trend. So that’s what I would take away from the payroll data.
There are also two other negative developments that I think are really worth highlighting.
First, I think the external environment continues to worsen. We’ve talked a lot about Europe, but
we haven’t really talked very much about China. China—if you look at the official GDP growth
numbers—is still okay; 7.6 percent, I think, was the number for the last quarter. But if you look
at the actual indicators coming out of China—like trade, for example—it would not at all
surprise me if it turned out that the Chinese slowdown was much more substantial than what the
official indicators show. We’re also going to be seeing a further shock to real income over the
near term from higher oil, gasoline, and grain prices. The grain price effect is going to be
particularly problematic for the EMEs, where food is a much larger share of the consumption

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basket. Also, as many other people have noted, the risks in early 2013 are tilted to the downside
given what’s going to happen on the fiscal front. I don’t think any of us knows with any
certainty what’s going to happen, but the uncertainty between now and then is negative for the
outlook. And I think most of us believe that we’re probably going to end up with some greater
degree of fiscal restraint in early 2013 than what we have right now.
So to me, the economic outlook calls for us to do more. Now, I agree that the tools we
have are not that powerful. But rather than concluding from this that we shouldn’t use them, I
conclude that we should use them more forcefully. I think a failure to act forcefully at this
meeting would be very damaging to confidence; it would imply that we’re out of ammunition or
almost out of ammunition; and it also might signal that we were cowed by the political
environment, which I think would be very unfortunate. When I consider the risks to action
versus inaction in an uncertain world, I also view the outcome very much as quite asymmetric,
with the bias clearly on the side of action. Consider two alternatives: We do more, and the
economy is stronger than expected; versus, we do very little, and the economy disappoints.
Which creates the greatest disappointment? Surely the latter. I would be very happy if we did
another round of LSAPs, extended the guidance, et cetera, and the economy turned out to
surprise us and did better than expected. In that case, we could cut off the LSAP program early,
and the balance sheet wouldn’t have grown very much. In contrast, if we do nothing and the
economy disappoints, I think we will rue that as a lost opportunity. I also think the timing is
right. The ECB did something very forceful at their last meeting, and following on right behind
them might actually provide a firmer underpinning or momentum to confidence and market
sentiment.

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Now, what’s the lesson of the past few years? Well, I think the lesson of the past few
years is that we’ve been consistently disappointed on the economic growth side of the equation.
There are two explanations for this. One is that the headwinds were greater than what we
thought, but there’s another explanation as well—that maybe monetary policy is not as
accommodative as we thought. And this goes back to President Williams’s comments. I’m
pretty convinced that monetary policy stimulus effects probably become attenuated over time,
because part of the way that monetary policy works is by affecting the timing of spending
decisions. We don’t really have an experience where we’ve had a period like this in which
monetary policy has supposedly been very loose for many years in a row. And I expect what
we’re seeing is that the monetary policy impulse to the growth side is actually lessening over
time. Regardless of whether you say it’s consistent disappointment because of headwinds or
consistent disappointment because monetary policy is not as stimulative, as we thought, I think
either way, they both imply that we should do more. We’ve essentially foreshadowed forceful
action in the August FOMC statement, the minutes to that meeting, and the Chairman’s Jackson
Hole speech, so I think it’s time to follow up on what we’ve foreshadowed with action at this
meeting. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Anybody for coffee? Coffee is available. Why don’t we
take 20 minutes and return at 3:10?
[Coffee break]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. This is a prompt group. I like this.
MR. LACKER. Thanks to Debbie. Thanks to the Deputy Secretary.
MS. DANKER. Happy to help.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. All right. Governor Yellen.

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MS. YELLEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The two employment reports we have
received since our last meeting confirm that the economy is growing too slowly to generate any
meaningful progress in improving labor market conditions. They’re consistent with an economy
that is expanding at or near its potential. And although I was heartened by July’s strong reading
on consumer spending, I agree with the staff’s reluctance to make too much out of one month of
better data. Taking a broader perspective, incoming data provide no evidence of any
fundamental change in the outlook for the better. I agree with the conclusion, too, of the staff
memo for this meeting that the preponderance of evidence points to a large margin of labor
market slack. If payroll gains are sustained at their recent pace—around 125,000 per month in
July and August—there’s a good chance that we will look back on a lost decade. The SEP
forecast I submitted this round shows unemployment hovering above 7 percent at the end of
2014, even with substantial additional policy accommodation. Moreover, continued progress at
the pace we have seen recently is a big “if.” Readings from some forward-looking indicators,
such as the expectations component of consumer sentiment and new orders for nondefense
capital goods ex aircraft, do not bode well for household and business spending in the months
ahead.
Amid the search for explanations of the painfully slow recovery, there’s been a lively
debate about the role of economic uncertainty. Now, there are many different sources of
economic uncertainty, but many of you have highlighted uncertainty about economic policy,
especially about European policy responses and about the outlook for U.S. fiscal policies.
You’ve noted that this policy uncertainty has been restraining household and business spending.
And several of you have hypothesized that this might account for the weak spending and hiring
we saw last spring. If uncertainty about economic policy as opposed to uncertainty about the

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broader economic outlook, accounts for why employers were deferring hiring and investment
decisions, then a lifting of that uncertainty might arguably provide a significant boost to
spending. Under a favorable scenario, for example, we could see some resolution of fiscal policy
uncertainty in the months after the election. My own view is that policy uncertainty has been
exerting some negative influence on aggregate demand. Some systematic evidence of its
influence comes from empirical work by Nick Bloom at Stanford. Bloom and his coauthors have
developed a high-frequency measure of economic policy uncertainty, and they’ve related this
measure to key economic variables, such as payroll employment growth. They show that
increases in economic policy uncertainty foreshadow declines in output, employment, and
investment, and that high levels of policy uncertainty in recent years, such as uncertainty about
future tax policies and the debt ceiling, have hampered the recovery.
But economic policy uncertainty is only one of many factors relevant to the economic
outlook. And the evidence, as I read it, strongly suggests that an uptick in policy uncertainty
cannot account for last spring’s slowdown. Bloom’s index of economic policy uncertainty
spiked up in the summer of 2011, but by March it had fallen back two-thirds of the way toward
pre-recession levels. It remained at low levels in April and May, at the very time when the
economic recovery was sputtering. On the premise that economic policy uncertainty affects
economic activity through consumer and business sentiment, it’s also worth noting that several
indexes of consumer sentiment and business optimism peaked in April or May. So an increase in
economic policy uncertainty does not seem capable of explaining the spring slowdown. This
suggests to me that spending is unlikely to surge, even if policy uncertainty were to diminish in
the months ahead. Unfortunately, our current economic malaise has substantially deeper roots
than just uncertainty about the future direction of economic policy, and these headwinds are

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unlikely to soon subside. Uncertainty, broadly defined, does, however, influence my thinking
about monetary policy. Uncertainty provides a reason why we should act forcefully now to
strengthen the recovery, rather than trying to keep our powder dry. Given the downside risks to
the current outlook, and the constraints on our ability to provide stimulus while the funds rate is
at the lower bound, the best we can do at this point is to ensure that the economy is as resilient as
possible in case we are faced with fiscal gridlock, a European debacle, or other negative shocks.
Another argument for strong action relates to hysteresis. We face the worrisome risk that
the longer the economy operates with such high levels of slack, the more likely it is that the
downturn will have a lasting negative impact on employment and potential output. I’ve seen no
strong evidence for hysteresis effects yet, but our current situation is unprecedented, at least in
recent U.S. history. In the early 1980s, the unemployment rate fell almost 4 percentage points
over the 2¾ years following its late 1982 peak, to 7 percent. By contrast, since its most recent
peak in October 2009, the unemployment rate has fallen less than 2 percentage points.
Moreover, hysteresis effects may become evident not only in the unemployment rate, but also in
labor force participation. As the Tealbook box shows, the participation rate remains far below
the staff’s estimate of its demographic trend rate, and persistently poor job-finding prospects may
well leave a permanent imprint on the participation rate. Taking this argument one step further, I
would argue that just as there can be permanent costs of allowing unemployment to remain high
for an extensive time, there can also be permanent gains in output and employment in a highpressure labor market. We saw some evidence of this in the late 1990s, when hysteresis seemed
to be working in reverse by pulling population segments into the labor force that for a long time
had been excluded. Chronic labor shortages induced firms to invest more heavily in training,

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and it fostered upward mobility as firms moved employees up through internal job ladders more
rapidly.
Hysteresis provides a rationale for a more expansionary monetary policy. The argument
runs as follows. Our usual loss function is symmetric around the NAIRU. It thus assigns equal
costs to given size deviations of unemployment above and below the NAIRU. But with
hysteresis, the penalty for a deviation of unemployment above the NAIRU should be greater than
that for an identical deviation of unemployment below the NAIRU. The implications of such an
asymmetric weighting of unemployment gaps for optimal monetary policy in the present
circumstances are substantial. Bob Tetlow, a staff member in the Board’s Division of Research
and Statistics, has been exploring optimal control simulations where the loss function depends on
the squared deviations of a transformation of the unemployment rate from the NAIRU, rather
than on the squared deviations of the unemployment rate itself from the NAIRU. This is a
tractable technique for, in effect, assuming an asymmetric loss function. In Tetlow’s
simulations, the only policy tool available is the path of the federal funds rate. His results
showed that even a moderately lower weight on unemployment undershoots below the NAIRU,
relative to overshoots, could postpone the timing of liftoff substantially.
Based on all of these considerations, in tomorrow’s policy go-round or maybe this
afternoon’s, I will argue that strong policy action is called for at this meeting.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was going to make comments about my
forecast compared with the consensus, but I’m not entirely sure which one of the consensus
forecasts to compare it with.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You pick. [Laughter]

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MS. DUKE. I’ll just say that I think it’s not inconsistent, but there are four assumptions
that are a little bit different in my forecast than in the Tealbook and, maybe, in the forecasts of
some of you. The first one is that there is an underlying strength in the fundamentals of the
economy—such as balance sheet strength, debt service capacity, and credit supply—and that this
strength is being masked by low levels of business and consumer confidence as well as concern
about risks posed by Europe and the fiscal cliff, but that whenever loan demand picks up, the
credit supply will be fully available to meet it. The second one is that it’ll be especially difficult
to interpret data over the second half of this year and the first half of next year, as investment and
purchase decisionmaking is increasingly either paralyzed or distorted by uncertainty about
federal tax and spending policies, and that, on balance, the uncertainty itself will depress activity
and lead to weaker outcomes for 2012 and 2013. Third, the one place I do still see a potential for
an upside surprise is in housing, and I believe purchasing mortgages might be helpful here, but
not necessarily in the ways that you might think. And, finally, I have assumed that we choose
alternative B today. Furthermore, in light of my assumptions about the fiscal cliff, we’re more
likely to face deteriorating conditions than simply unsatisfactory progress as we approach the
end of the year; and that the deterioration will lead us to continue asset purchases well into 2013.
In recent meetings, I’ve talked at length about my belief in the first assumption, and I’m
not going to repeat that today. But I’d like to discuss assumptions 2 and 3 in this round and
reserve comments about assumption 4 for the policy round. Beginning with my pessimism about
the rest of this year and the first part of next, almost every conversation that I’ve had with a
business person or a banker recently has had the same theme: Things seem pretty much the
same—slow, steady improvement in business fundamentals, but with a new tendency to put all
long-term investment or expansion decisions off until after the election. Oddly enough, these

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businesses have the luxury of postponing decisionmaking precisely because things have
improved. They’ve strengthened their balance sheets and found ways to grow the bottom line
even in the face of sluggish top-line growth. In fact, their profitability-improvement efforts are
likely at least partly responsible for the slow improvement in labor markets. Indeed, the business
investments that do get the green light are mostly directed at saving labor, and no one mentions
any plans for hiring. I believe the marked slowdown in business spending that we’re already
seeing is a direct result of a wait-and-see attitude.
As we get closer to the end of the year and the expiration of tax cuts, implementation of
expense sequestration, and expiration of fixes for doctors and alternative minimum taxes,
businesses and individuals will have to start making adjustments for what could happen, whether
or not it actually does. For example, contractors who expect that they’ll have to cut staffing if
their contracts are affected by sequestration are legally required to issue layoff notices in
advance, even if the spending is not ultimately cut and the layoffs don’t actually happen. Those
who receive the notices will surely adjust their spending accordingly, and this potential pall on
holiday spending has to be making retailers nervous about their inventories. Those same
retailers are having to pull the trigger now on their inventory decisions in the face of a potential
shutdown of East Coast ports by a longshoremen’s strike. So who could blame them if they
decide to shave a bit off their purchases just to be sure? Health-care companies are especially
cautious as they plan for both sequestration and implementation of health-care reform. Simple
operational changes, like tax withholding tables, have to be put in place for all businesses. For
individuals, asset sales decisions, especially for sales of businesses, will have to be made soon to
ensure the current capital gains tax rate. I had the personal experience of doing a new will
recently, and my lawyer explained to me that things would be very different if I died this year or

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in January [laughter]. For these reasons, I believe that the fourth quarter is going to be affected
by the fiscal cliff regardless of its ultimate resolution as businesses, in particular, hit the brakes.
And I can’t convince myself that a lame-duck Congress will somehow resolve all of the fiscal
issues by the end of the year, no matter how the election turns out. In fact, the best case I can
construct is a temporary extension that pushes the political wrangling well into the first quarter
of next year. And after the debt ceiling brinkmanship we saw last time, I think a perfectly
plausible scenario is a plunge off the fiscal cliff, on the assumption that some sort of deal will be
easier to construct after the damage becomes more obvious. So I think we have to make
contingency plans for how we can shore up confidence in the face of a really bad outcome, rather
than thinking just about how we react if the recovery stays unsatisfactorily slow. For these
reasons, I’ve taken on board a bit of a lean toward the “Fiscal Cliff” scenario in the near-term
portion of my forecast.
In contrast, my continued optimism about housing and the underlying strength in the
economy shows through in my medium-term forecast. I think that the inventory factors that
began to emerge early in the year are now taking full hold in house price movements, and that
the momentum arrow is pointing up. This makes a difference. The staff estimates that roughly
3 million households, almost one-fourth of underwater households, moved from a negative to a
positive equity position in the second quarter. The Tealbook baseline forecast assumes a
5 percent increase in house prices this year that’s already pretty much baked in, followed by a
leveling-off. But some models are predicting continued strong gains in house prices. Staff
forecasts of house prices and residential investment are on the conservative side, tempered by
concern about foreclosure pipelines, the elevated level of vacant houses, weak household
formation, and the tepid pace of the housing recovery so far.

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Here I think there’s reason for more optimism. Foreclosure pipelines are full because the
exits are still clogged, but the pace of new delinquencies has slowed markedly. The exits are no
longer clogged by national moratoriums or retooling for new modification programs. The
current backlog is more closely tied to state-specific or operational issues that seem to me
unlikely to suddenly clear and release a flood of foreclosures onto the market. As for the vacant
inventory, a large portion of the vacant homes not listed for sale is outside of bank REO
inventory. Because we don’t know why they’re held off the market, I’m not sure we can make
assumptions about their sudden return to the market. I view the potential for pent-up demand to
show through in faster household formation and put upward pressure on house prices as even
more likely than the potential for a surge in foreclosures to hold prices down. At some point,
demographics win. Those kids now living at home with their parents will not stay there until
they’re 40. [Laughter] And when they do form households, they’re going to require housing
units, whether rental or owner occupied.
MR. FISHER. We’re going to hold you to that.
MS. RASKIN. Ship them to Betsy’s house. [Laughter]
MS. DUKE. To me, this represents the one area of dry tinder in the economy that could
be lit with a spark of confidence. To be sure, mortgage lending conditions are still extremely
tight, but some recent developments should help. The specter of putback risk has reportedly
been holding back loans to borrowers at the lower end of GSE standards. The FHFA has now
committed to reducing putback risk beginning in January 2013 through better front-end quality
control and time limits on liability. With house prices on the rise, fewer loans should fall
through because of appraisal issues. Regulatory uncertainty should clear, as new regulatory

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requirements for loan origination, securitization, and servicing are likely to be finalized in the
coming months.
Probably the biggest drag on lending is the shrinkage of loan origination capacity. The
industry is showing signs of strain in what looks to be only a trillion-dollar origination year,
compared with a peak origination of $3 trillion not that many years ago. But if high profits are
the best fertilizer, we should see more banks entering the business. I want to investigate actual
data, but anecdotally, the bankers I spoke with this time who were in the mortgage business were
actually having record profits, while those who weren’t in mortgage origination were wondering
about their survival. I’m talking about the difference between a range of 0.5 to 0.6 ROA, for
those with no mortgage business, versus one of 1.30 to 1.50, for those with a mortgage business.
So, for all of these reasons, I think there’s a lot of meat left on the house price and housing
finance bone, and I’m optimistic about that part of the forecast. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Tarullo.
MR. TARULLO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Because John captured my views on the
economic outlook, I’m going to jettison most of what I would have said. In fact, I think John
captured my views better than I had captured my views. So I thought I’d turn back to labor
markets, moved by some of Charlie Plosser’s comments. The first comment I’d make is that it’s
important to distinguish between cyclical labor market conditions and longer-term labor market
issues. I don’t think there’s any doubt that we’ve got some chronic labor market issues in the
United States. There’s been evidence of declining dynamism in U.S. labor markets for well over
a decade. There certainly is a substantial sense that people currently taking lower-income
service-sector jobs—if they had better education and training—would be available for jobs that
might then be created with higher value added. What Charlie referred to as polarization is

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undoubtedly true, but again, a chronic issue rather than a cyclical one. I actually think that
unlike so many other questions, there’s been a substantial convergence of views—not entirely,
but a substantial convergence of views—around the proposition that a relatively small portion of
the big jump in unemployment that we’ve seen is attributable to structural factors. There’s been,
as you all know, substantial, good, and careful work from the Federal Reserve Banks of
Cleveland, New York, and San Francisco over the past several years that has supported that
conclusion. And I think among academic researchers, the convergence is also manifesting itself,
as shown most recently in Ed Lazear’s paper at Jackson Hole, following on, by about five
months, Jesse Rothstein’s paper, which surveyed much of the same material and came to many
of the same conclusions.
Jeff, at the last meeting, suggested that a paper done by Richmond Fed research staff was
a dissonant voice on this basic proposition that structural unemployment was not a big part of the
story. This paper, of course, starts from a very different perspective on long-term unemployment
than the literature I just referred to a moment ago. The Richmond Fed paper argues that an
unobserved heterogeneity among unemployed workers means that newly unemployed workers
have inherently different exit rates, and that over time, the composition of the pool of the
unemployed shifts toward workers who started with the lower exit rates. I looked at the paper
after Jeff talked about it at the last meeting, and I spoke with others here at the Board about it,
and I actually don’t think it establishes a case for structural unemployment. There are a lot of
empirical and technical questions about the paper—it’s certainly interesting and may well have
significant merit—but I actually don’t think it’s making a structural argument, at least not if we
think of “structural” as referring to nontransitory unemployment that can’t be affected fairly
directly by fluctuations in aggregate demand. It would be unsurprising to learn that firms are

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more likely to lay off relatively less-valued employees whose lesser perceived abilities may
mean that they’re less likely to be quickly plucked up by a firm that is hiring. That phenomenon
is entirely consistent with a demand-driven increase in unemployment. More generally, the
Richmond Fed model attempts to decompose the variation in the pool of the unemployed over
time. So it addresses the reasons for fluctuations in unemployment over history—in recessions,
but also in recoveries. The reasons for unemployment increases also explain the reversals that
take place during recoveries. That is, as there are fewer unemployed, firms cannot afford to be
as demanding and thus are more likely to turn to the pool of the supposedly less valuable
workers. This seems, to me at least, more a cyclical than a structural explanation, and thus,
again, whatever the ultimate merits of the paper, I don’t think it really undercuts the consensus
reached in the papers to which I referred earlier.
One final thought on structural unemployment, and this relates a bit to what Janet was
saying a moment ago. The Richmond paper describes something as the “true duration
dependence” position, as opposed to the “unobserved heterogeneity” position that it takes. The
true duration dependence position is that, quite apart from any inherent worker qualities, the bad
luck of being unemployed for an extended period will itself begin to erode the overall
employability of enough workers that there will be macroeconomic effects. As Janet said,
historically, we haven’t seen much evidence of this in the United States, though many, myself
included, have thought that the severity and duration of the current employment problem could
produce some observable hysteresis effects this time around. Logically, one would think that at
some point these effects would manifest themselves. But I have to say, to date, there still isn’t
much indication of any such effects. And indeed, I think if one looks at what’s been happening
to long-term unemployed, you might say there’s actually been a little bit of an improvement in

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their performance, which would suggest that we’re not sliding closer toward hysteresis, but that,
once again, for reasons not entirely understood, the U.S. labor market seems relatively insulated
from those effects. But again, as Janet said, basically, whether you believe that hysteresis is
around the corner or not doesn’t change your policy prescription. If you think that it hasn’t
clicked in to date but it might, that’s an argument for greater stimulus now in order to stop it
from happening. If you think that there’s unlikely to be hysteresis and thus the cyclical
explanation dominates, then obviously the unemployment should be susceptible to increased
aggregate demand stimulus. So, in that sense, I think these arguments happily converge around
the same policy prescription. And for me, this all, again, reinforces the view that the story of the
economy is still one of inadequate aggregate demand. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
MR. LACKER. Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. First, I’d like to thank Governor Tarullo for reading the Richmond Fed
paper. Second, I’d like to point out that—in terms of the distinction I was making before
between what the unemployment rate would converge to in the long run and the reference rate
that’s relevant for current policy—a shock that hits the economy today, if it’s a structural shock
that’s permanent and long lived, it is going to affect the longer-term normal rate of
unemployment. But whether it’s permanent or transitory is irrelevant for whether it affects the
policy-relevant rate today. See what I’m saying? It doesn’t matter if it fades out right away or if
it’s going to last a long time. It could affect the policy-relevant rate today either way.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. How does that handle policy lags? Monetary policy doesn’t
work for a while.

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MR. LACKER. I think that’s orthogonal. I think that’s tangential to this question. In the
models, you’ve got policy lags. Policy takes effect over time, but it’s still the case that you’re
carrying around this reference rate—President Bullard talked about a flex price equilibrium—
and it’s affected by both transitory and permanent shocks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Raskin.
MS. RASKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My outlook has not changed materially since
the July–August meeting. Maybe incoming data have been mixed, but forward-looking
indicators still remain consistent with an economy growing in the near term in a range between
1½ percent and 2 percent. Similarly, the factors shaping the medium-term outlook have not
changed significantly; the general contours of my outlook remain the same. Yes, some of the
incoming data during the intermeeting period suggested modest increases in household spending
and employment, and the household sector showed some further slight signs of improvement.
But no data are yet showing a basis to believe that these modest increases will be sustained to
such an extent that faster momentum might be expected. Indeed, other data, such as those for
business spending and consumer confidence, remain soft. It is not yet obvious that this path, or
even a couple of months of stronger-than-expected economic activity, could reduce the amount
of slack in labor markets or alter the trajectory of expected inflation to a degree that would
obviate the need for a further easing of monetary policy. Last week’s employment report—
payroll employment only 55,000 higher than reported in July, after taking into account
revisions—does not suggest above-trend economic growth or a declining trend in the
unemployment rate. It suggests, instead, that the unemployment rate is likely to move sideways
with no sign of a substantial and sustainable strengthening in the pace of economic recovery.

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And this unsatisfactory modal projection is what exists before even considering downside
risks to the outlook. One particular downside risk that remains quite elevated relates to what
we’ve been talking about—the depressed level of labor participation and the enhanced level of
long-term unemployment. The decline in the labor force participation rate since the beginning of
the recession is ominous, and although the Board staff predicts that over the next couple of years
the labor force participation rate will flatten out, the recession, as Governor Yellen described,
may well have permanent effects on the labor force participation rate, just as the high-pressure
labor market of the late 1990s pulled people back into the labor force who had been excluded for
a long time—only now, unfortunately, in reverse. In addition, with a substantial and growing
proportion of unemployed workers having been jobless for long periods, we face an elevated risk
that such a high level of long-term unemployment will persist long enough to permanently
depress labor supply and potential output. Unlike downside risks emanating from the European
crisis and U.S. fiscal policy—which, were they to occur, theoretically can be addressed with
accommodative monetary policy after the fact—the potential hysteresis created by drops in the
labor force participation rate and increases in long-term unemployment will prove intractable to
address with accommodative monetary policy that isn’t inflationary. So I find the particular
downside risk of hysteresis to be especially pernicious because it’s difficult to address after the
fact. But, more optimistically, it is one downside risk that monetary policymakers do have some
ability to mitigate prior to its occurrence.
Similarly, I wonder about the permanent or transitory nature of household and business
expectations. The economic outlook appears damped by some form of pessimism. Look at the
Michigan survey question on the proportion of households expecting unemployment to improve.
Earlier this year, that number had recovered, but now it has dropped down again. Similarly,

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households’ income expectations for the coming 12 months have hardly recovered at all since the
recession despite the fact that actual income has somewhat increased. On the business side,
expectations for business conditions six months hence as measured in the Empire State and
Philadelphia Fed surveys have dropped back sharply again. In the case of the Empire State
survey, they’re back close to levels seen during the recession. Capital spending plans also don’t
look great. Surveys from the National Association for Business Economics show capital
spending to have dropped sharply in the second quarter. Surveys from the National Federation
of Independent Business show capital spending to be gradually rising, but still remaining at less
than half of its pre-recession level. It’s difficult to project whether these expectations will
transition from being temporary blips to permanent shifts, but the fact that these expectations
have tried to recover from the recession before but been knocked back, sometimes more than
once, might be a factor that could keep households and businesses from getting too hopeful
again. The longer we have an economy that looks bleak as far as the eye can see, the more this
bleakness gets built into expectations. Households and businesses now see a recovery slow to
materialize. They assume that things will get better because they always have, but then things
don’t get better. So households and businesses start to wonder if this is just a delay or if it’s just
the new normal. If they think it’s the new normal, it could become just that. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Stein.
MR. STEIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In terms of the outlook, I’m reasonably close to
the consensus forecast you put forth, and just a shade more upbeat than I was at our last
meeting—that is to say, maybe a tenth or two lower on the unemployment rate for 2013. I’ve
interpreted the incoming data since the last meeting inclusive of the jobs report on Friday as
approximately a wash and feel as though the situation in Europe looks just a bit brighter. So,

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overall, I would say it appears we’re still about as “stuck in the mud” as we have been over the
last several months, and I agree with Governor Tarullo’s characterization that it’s largely an
aggregate demand phenomenon.
In trying to think about the factors that are leading demand to be so sluggish and about
the channels by which monetary policy might be able to help, I’ve been struck by a few pieces of
survey evidence. Now, they turn out to be the same pieces of survey evidence that Governor
Raskin was just referring to, thereby scooping a fair portion of what I was going to say.
MS. RASKIN. It happened to me for a long time. [Laughter]
MR. STEIN. I’m going to just start juggling next time. Anyway, just to underscore,
really—on the Michigan survey, we had a very interesting briefing a few weeks ago by Claudia
Sahm, in Research and Statistics, who’d been looking carefully at these data. And the gist of the
finding is, not only is it low, but also, basically, it fell from 2007 to 2009, and it really hasn’t
recovered since. Moreover, it’s not well explained by household characteristics—there’s a large
negative residual there in a way that seems different from previous experience. In a similar vein
but much less scientifically, I looked at a different survey, the Conference Board’s Consumer
Confidence Index, which also fell in August. Very much to your point, they do a breakdown of
the index into views of the current situation—a present situation index—and a future
expectations piece, and all of the drop was coming from the future expectations piece. So I was
curious. I went back and compared it with previous peaks of unemployment that we’ve had.
The ones I looked at were May 1975 and December 1982. What you see is, at those times when
unemployment was also very high, if you asked people about the present situation, it was dismal,
but if you asked them about future expectations, it was not nearly so bad as it is today. These are
just a couple of data points, but they’re consistent with what I take to be the spirit of Claudia’s

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work, which is, it’s as if, given where we are today and given the current situation, people feel
the future is considerably more pessimistic. And again, I think this is pessimism as opposed to
uncertainty, which has a slightly different implication because it’s less clear that, if the fiscal
cliff resolves itself, this kind of thing gets fixed.
Another survey on the business side: I just yesterday got a survey that Duke University
does in conjunction with CFO magazine, where they talk to 900 CFOs of U.S. firms. One of the
new questions in there this time—I think, actually, Steve Sharpe helped them design this
question—asked the firms if they would in any way change their capital spending plans for a
given change in interest rates. Here, it is strikingly like a large-sample version of President
Fisher’s CEO conversations, where only 3 percent of the firms say they would in any way
change their capital spending for a 50 basis point movement in rates. Now, I take Vice
Chairman Dudley’s critique here. First of all, in this one, unlike consumer confidence, we don’t
have a benchmark, so I don’t know what people would say in normal times. But as a Bayesian,
I’m inclined to think that there’s something going on here, even though I wouldn’t say it’s a huge
thing.
So, putting this together—now, this part is very impressionistic, but I guess the overall
feeling I get from looking at these various pieces of survey evidence is the sense that when we
make a policy move now, we’re playing more for whatever effect we can have on consumer and
business confidence than for the normal hydraulic effect we would have on financing conditions
per se. That is to say, we may know more about how to move interest rates than about how to
influence confidence, but it’s the latter that, in some sense, is the dragging anchor. This is not an
“always” situation. I think it’s, in some respects, the opposite of where we were in 2009 at the

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time of QE1, when really the thing to do, the imperative, was to fix financing conditions, and
people would figure it out one way or the other.
I don’t know if this has any implications for policy. It strikes me that, if this is right, it
should color particularly how we think about the communications aspect. I, like many others
here, believe that the need for action is clear, but I think, less so than usual, the bond market is
not really our primary audience. So maybe when we think about policy, we want to worry less
about putting together the biggest, most inclusive package that has the maximum bond market
impact, and worry more about, how do we deliver a simple and coherent message that normal
humans can understand, as opposed to mainly Fed watchers? I think we’ll have a chance to talk
about some of these issues. I’m not sure if this concept is fully operational, but I have this
conviction that we really have to think about our audience as being business managers and
households—more so than at other times. There’s so much talk about, what are the Fed watchers
expecting us to do? And I think we don’t want to get overly caught up in delivering just to them.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Powell.
MR. POWELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It does seem to me that there’s a decent
degree of agreement, or at least overlap, about the status and outlook for the economy, and that
the real question is, what can monetary policy do, and what should it do going forward? And
I’m going to defer that to tomorrow. In that spirit, I propose to deprive the Committee of my
detailed recitation of intermeeting events and proceed to the executive summary part of it, which
is, really, that we’ve been on a round trip. We had positive news early in the intermeeting
period, which was a trip to hope and back, and it left me very much in the same place where I
started: I see an economy with a substantial amount of slack that is growing at about 2 percent;

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inflation that is bouncing around just below 2 percent on commodity effects, but close to target;
and better financial conditions for now. But as Europe improves, the fiscal cliff begins to
approach in a serious way, and what I am hearing is that there is little to no hope of action in the
lame duck. Of course, that depends on the arrangement of forces after the election, so it’s
completely unknowable. Ultimately and most important, there is little, if any, reason to expect
significant improvement in job creation in the coming months.
My conversations with a group of about 10 diverse industrial companies—this is not
autos, so it’s away from one of the real strengths. The other parts of the industrial sector, let me
say, are pretty weak, and they strongly confirm that last point about employment. Outside of a
couple of bright spots like housing and light vehicles, it’s soft everywhere, especially in Europe.
Big customers are postponing orders; they’re not canceling them. It’s nothing like from 2008 to
2009, but the softness that began about six months ago is now the new normal for these
companies. The game is about share gain and taking out costs. It’s a low-growth environment.
All new projects are on hold, and there is no hiring. In fact, the entire goods-producing sector of
the economy lost 16,000 jobs in August. If you look just at the manufacturing piece of that and
go back over a quarter, there was a net creation of 15,000 jobs, and two-thirds of that is auto. I
want to say that you hear, “Uncertainty, uncertainty,” from all of these people, but they’re really
talking about two different things. These are not people who roll over at 4:00 a.m. to check
Twitter for the latest news from Karlsruhe on the German decision. A particular company in the
beverage manufacturing business had a big order from a German OEM for a beverage line, and
that order has been pushed out at least a quarter. That’s uncertainty. It’s about demand. As far
as Europe relates to these companies—and these are pretty global companies—it’s really focused
on demand. The fiscal cliff is something different. There’s a sick feeling in people’s stomachs

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that this is really bad, that this is our country not being able to function, and it’s like last August
on steroids—not that there’s anything wrong with steroids. [Laughter] They’ve been very
helpful to me lately.
Let me say where that leaves me. The question that looms is—and I’m going to, again,
leave aside monetary policy—when do we break out of this? And I really do believe that we
will. We always have. I can remember many of these cycles where you really wonder if this is it
and we’re never going to get out. I really do feel that if you look at our own projections,
essentially, all of us project that we’re going to have those 3 percent, 4 percent catch-up years.
They’re now scheduled for 2014 and ’15, but really, there’s a ton of uncertainty around that. So
I’m going to share this highly anecdotal evidence in an effort to end on something of a high note.
I talked to both private equity investors and hedge fund investors, and it’s always very
interesting to compare the two of them. The hedge fund investors are in a really difficult
environment. They’re traders who get marked every quarter, and, in a world that has very few
ways for them to make money, they’re generally very conservatively positioned, and their
investor base seems to be fine with that. Private equity firms are feeling quite differently about
things. They basically think about creating value over a three- to five-year period, and many PE
firms right now, large and small, think that this is a great time to buy. In fact, a string of large
industrial properties, which would ordinarily have been expected to trade to corporations, has
traded to private equity. There are three reasons why the private equity firms are feeling
aggressive. First, their natural competitors, these big companies, are all frozen on the sidelines,
sitting on their cash, ruled by risk-averse public boards, and out of the game. If anything, they’re
going to wind up being net sellers as the recession goes on. Second, leveraged finance markets,
as Andreas was discussing this morning, are very attractive, with low rates and issuer-favorable

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terms that are just about reminiscent of the bubble days, and all of that provides critical
flexibility in case deals don’t go well. Third—and really the one that’s relevant for this policy
exercise—private equity firms think about the medium term, and they see the future as better.
These large private equity firms are completely global; they each own hundreds of companies in
every major economy and in every vertical; and they systematically mine the data that they get
and they’ve got the talent on board to do that. This is not the private equity industry of 20 years
ago. So they’re seeing something. They really are. It’s pretty consistent, and what’s holding
back the volume of deals is only supply. There was quite a similar pattern back in the early
2000s after the dot-com crash. In that period, as many will recall, the S&P lost about half of its
value. We had a very soft economy in 2001 and 2002, a string of corporate accounting scandals
leading to Sarbanes–Oxley, and a deflation scare in 2002. Across the board, net sellers of
businesses were on the sidelines, and the private equity firms were extremely aggressive during
that period. Those deals turned out to be, in many cases, some of the best investments in the
history of the industry. It turned out to be a great time to buy. I would also add that they were
net sellers in 2005 and 2006. So the question is, why take any signal from this, right? I realize it
doesn’t tell us anything at all about the next few quarters. But I will say that it’s a bit of a signal
to me because this is a group of investors with very successful and, in some cases, long track
records that were looking ahead to strong growth in the medium term, and they were willing to
put more than just an opinion on the line in that belief. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Could I ask the Governor a question? Geographically,
do they express any preferences about where they want to have the business?
MR. POWELL. Yes. The hedge funds are, as a staff memo from Matt and Fabio pointed
out, unanimously not believing a long-run solution in Europe. They’re just very pessimistic. I

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would say the private equity firms are in the same place. You see very little private equity
interest in Europe. There’s great uncertainty and that kind of thing. In the United States, you see
a lot of activity—again, restrained only by a lack of supply. When there’s a good company
that’s out there, the bidding is furious, and they’re all saying, “This is the time.” This happened
10 years ago. And Asia—I can’t really give you any call on that.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Thank you very much. I see I have two hours now.
[Laughter] Let me summarize and just make a few comments. Participants didn’t see much
change in the outlook, on net, during the intermeeting period. Economic growth is still sluggish.
The near-term growth outlook is modest, and the recovery is in a holding pattern. Output and
employment growth are falling short of levels needed to reduce unemployment. Headwinds for
recovery include fiscal policy, deleveraging, tight credit, and international factors, including not
only Europe, but also slowing in China. Some felt that we risk a lost decade, but another view is
that recovery has been consistent with previous experiences with banking and financial crises, à
la Reinhart and Rogoff.
Recent labor market reports have been weak, although unemployment has fallen in the
past year. Some decline in unemployment is due to reduced participation, and employment-topopulation ratios are at post-trough lows. Hysteresis is a risk and a possible rationale for action.
Retail sales data were a bit better, and households continue to deleverage, but consumer
confidence is soft, and people are unusually pessimistic. Real estate activity is improving in a
number of Districts. Sales are up, permits and prices are also rising, inventories are low, and
delinquencies are falling. Rising prices may stimulate further sales. There is some strength also
in commercial real estate.

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With regard to measurements of slack, there was, again, discussion of the issue. Staff
analysis concludes that slack is high, and it was noted that inflationary pressures remain low.
Some argued that measurements of slack should distinguish the longer-run normal rate and the
current equilibrium rate, or natural rate, which varies over time. Discussion of the structure of
the labor market noted that routine jobs are disappearing, but declining dynamism may be more
chronic than cyclical, and the long-term unemployed are not completely shut out of the labor
market.
Uncertainty remains an important issue for businesses, holding back investment and
hiring. Job growth is particularly weak. Small businesses are concerned about taxes and
regulation. The fiscal cliff is a particular risk, as is electoral uncertainty. Some research
suggests that higher uncertainty acts like an aggregate demand shock. Policy uncertainty is a
headwind, but not the only one, as the Bloom index suggests. In agriculture, the drought will
impede GDP growth over the next several quarters. However, farm income has been supported
by high prices and crop insurance. Energy activity is expanding. Manufacturing reports are
mixed. Auto sales are up. Firms are focused on gaining market share, but among financial
firms, private equity is more optimistic and aggressive.
In the financial sector, long-term interest rates are very low, with negative real yields, but
it was noted that the equilibrium real yield in the economy may also be negative. Financial stress
indexes are not particularly worrisome, and financial froth has not been reported. Firm balance
sheets are strong, and credit supply is available when loan demand strengthens. The ECB’s
actions have again helped calm Europe, but further progress requires action by governments.
Risks remain serious, and economic growth on the Continent should remain weak.

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With respect to inflation, the outlook has not changed much. Inflation seems likely to
remain near or below 2 percent in the medium term. Low inflation is also predicted by DSGE
models. Businesses are not particularly concerned about their costs. Inflation expectations are
stable, and there’s little evidence of disinflation.
There was a good bit of premature discussion of monetary policy, which covered, among
other things, the effectiveness of possible actions, the risks and benefits of actions and inaction,
and issues of communication.
Any questions or comments? [No response] I come after Governor Powell, so I have an
even more difficult task. I’ll try to respond a little bit to some of the comments that were made
today. The basic outlook is, as everyone has pointed out, that we have an economy that is
growing very slowly, at or below trend, and, by the usual Okun’s law relationships, we’re not
seeing very much progress in the labor market. Unemployment is about the same as in January,
and I note that aggregate hours are also only about ½ percent higher than they were in January.
President Bullard noted that there was a period of improvement in the unemployment rate around
the turn of the year. One interpretation of that is that it was a one-time payback for the rapid
drop in jobs during the recession.
In any case, economic growth, if anything, is slowing relative to earlier in the recovery.
Now, how do we explain, understand, and interpret the very slow growth we’ve been seeing?
That was also discussed in the go-round. One possibility is that there’s been a once-and-for-all
level shift, that we’ve dropped down to a lower level and are continuing at trend at about the
earlier pace. So the suggestion there is that we are close to potential and output growth going
forward will remain trend-like. This interpretation does not look implausible if you eyeball
graphs for GDP or consumption growth. It is consistent with some earlier episodes of financial

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crisis, and, among others, the IMF has given this perspective a little bit of support. The
alternative interpretation held by others around the table is that we remain well below potential.
I think it’s perfectly possible to rationalize that. First, there have been ongoing headwinds, both
endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones include financial balance sheet, financial
accelerator types of effects and the exogenous ones include Europe, fiscal, and the like. So there
have been continuing headwinds, and, of course, sticky prices—as was pointed out—are part of
overlapping price-setting coordination issues and the like. I think both of these interpretations
are conceivable, and they probably both have some truth in them. As President Bullard
mentioned, I don’t think it’s very likely that we’ll return to the pre-crisis trend.
Now, on the permanent drop in the level, I’m a little bit bemused by the appeal to
Reinhart–Rogoff because theirs is a strictly reduced-form observation, it has no structural
interpretation, and it could involve any number of reasons, including uncontrolled factors such as
poor policymaking. So I don’t take that as a very convincing answer unless I understand better
what the rationale is that is explaining the slower growth. The second story does provide a
rationale, does provide an explanation. Notably, labor utilization does appear to be exceptionally
low, and I won’t repeat Governor Tarullo’s comments, but Eddie Lazear, who I don’t think is
necessarily inclined to find a cyclical source of unemployment, is just the latest of the majority
of studies in this area to find a significant cyclical component. It’s true that the short-term
equilibrium unemployment rate can vary. There’s no question about that. Staff members have
tried to include some of that in their analysis. But we need a story. It’s possible, based on that
kind of analysis, that the equilibrium unemployment rate is above the longer-term natural rate at
this point. We don’t know. I want to emphasize that on all of these things—on the economy, on
the effects of policy—we’re incredibly uncertain, and we have to make decisions under

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uncertainty. We can’t let waiting for certainty be the condition for taking any action. We have
to make the best choices we can, given a very uncertain situation. So, in that kind of world, of
course, there are type I and type II errors. This is similar to what the Vice Chairman was saying.
We are close to our inflation objective. We’re quite far from our unemployment objective, at
least the longer-run unemployment objective. Arguments have been made that staying far away
from the longer-run unemployment level for a protracted period has its own costs besides the
temporary costs of the cyclical unemployment.
In terms of our policy tools, I do agree with President Plosser that having a good grip on
the costs and the risks of those tools is very important, and that’s one reason why we have been,
in some ways, not as quick to use the tools as we might have been if we were using short-term
interest rates as our policy tool. But I feel that I’d like to thank the staff for the work that’s been
done over the last couple of intermeeting periods. I think the work on market functioning, the
work on financial stability—all of those things have made me more comfortable, at least, that we
can manage the costs of these unconventional policy tools.
Now, I might as well take the advantage to talk a little bit about the policy tools and some
of the issues that have been brought up. I have great admiration for Michael Woodford. I hired
him, I coauthored with him, I was his colleague for many years, and I think he’s a terrific
economist. And I think a lot of what he said in his paper at Jackson Hole was very useful. I do
think that he understates the consensus in the literature about the impact of unconventional tools,
particularly asset purchases, on the economy. I won’t go through an extended discussion, but I’ll
make just a couple of observations on the empirical side. He focused primarily on the eventstudy evidence. He came to that with a Modigliani–Miller type of financial markets perspective,
which has a lot of theoretical appeal but obviously is not empirically very successful. It doesn’t

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explain a lot of premiums, a lot of volatility, in actual financial markets. So, using that
perspective, he was inclined to dismiss the results from the event-study research. But this
research does tend to find, almost uniformly, that asset purchases do have effects on financial
conditions, notwithstanding the fact that it’s very difficult to measure the surprise component of
a change in asset purchase policy. I was very much involved in the literature on measuring the
effects of surprises in the federal funds rate, and there at least you have a futures market that can
tell you what was expected. Obviously, that’s very difficult in the case of asset purchases, and
therefore you would expect the event-study literature, if anything, to bias down the findings, the
impact of asset purchases on financial conditions. But beyond that, in looking at only the event
studies, Woodford’s paper ignores two other major literatures. One is a substantial literature on
the effects of relative supplies of Treasuries on term premiums. I would cite, for example,
Kuttner (2006) and Greenwood and Vayanos (2010), and this appears also in work by Gagnon,
Hamilton and Wu, and others. And a second line of research is based on no-arbitrage term
structure models, such as the Li and Wei paper that has been used a lot here at the Board. So
there have been a number of different approaches, and again, I do think that the bulk of the
evidence is that these tools do have effects on financial conditions. Obviously, there are issues
about the transmission to the real economy, and I take some of the points that have been made,
but there are factors there working in both directions. For example, to the extent that credit
markets are becoming less tight—standards and terms are becoming less restrictive—lower
interest rates will have more effect rather than less effect.
The central message of Woodford’s paper, though, which I do agree with very much, is
that expectations management is really critical to managing monetary policy at the zero bound.
And I agree with Governor Stein that the language is very important. How we present what

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we’re doing is going to be very important. In particular, and we’ll talk about this tomorrow,
trying to signal that the Fed, rather than being pessimistic, is determined and that the Fed will be
supporting the economy. We’ll be there. We’ll be a backstop. We’ll provide confidence. I
think that’s a very important part of what our communication should be about. Personally, I’ve
learned something from both Woodford’s discussion and that discussion around the table about
how we should be talking to markets and to the public. And a very small thing, but in my press
conference statement tomorrow, I’m going to try to talk a little bit more to the average person
than I have been, and try to explain what we’re doing and why it’s helpful more broadly. So I do
expect the expectations channel to be very important, but I think I disagree that by itself it’s
sufficient.
The main problem is that we’ve already said that we’d keep rates low for three years.
How much further out can we go? For example, Woodford argues that a nominal GDP target, if
adopted, would allow us essentially to make commitments many years in advance. I’d like to
actually raise the question once again to the group because we looked very carefully at nominal
GDP targets more than a year ago now, I think, and there was really no support at that time. The
basic argument is that, in order to work, people have to be persuaded that you’ll stick to this
target for a very extended period, many years, even though a nominal GDP target may involve a
period of inflation well above your normal range of inflation. Moreover, of course, there’s also
the risk that, if that happens, then inflation expectations will become unanchored. So I think that
was the case against nominal GDP targeting. A few people have talked about it. If I’m missing
something and you want me to hedge more when I’m asked about it tomorrow, which I’m sure I
will be, I’d like to hear that tomorrow because, again, the take of this group a year ago was that
nominal GDP targeting, price-level targeting, and so on, while useful, are limited in that they

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require credibility very far in the future. And that’s why I think one of the benefits of asset
purchases is that they can be used as a concrete action, as a commitment device, to help
strengthen the expectations effect of announcements and communication so that they really are
complementary—more than we have given them credit for and more than I really said in my
remarks at Jackson Hole.
So there are a lot of interesting issues here. I think what I’d like to end on is just to come
back to the point that I know we’re all in debating mode. We want to persuade our colleagues,
and that’s certainly laudable, but the fact is that nobody really knows precisely what is holding
back the economy, what the correct responses are, or how our tools will work. And I believe we
all have to try to think hard about, in a Bayesian context, using information that we have and
thinking about both the risks of action and the risks of inaction, what the best choices are,
acknowledging and understanding that whatever we do, it’s going to be a shot in the proverbial
dark. I think, really, it’s going to be very important for us to pull together, in a sense, to support
whatever efforts that we make. Any questions or comments? President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thanks for those remarks. I
found them very useful in my own thinking. I, too, thought the staff’s work on LSAPs over the
last couple of intermeeting periods has been really helpful, but even more broadly, I certainly
came to the question of the efficacy of the LSAPs from the same Modigliani–Miller framework
that Mike sketched, and I found the empirical work on the asset pricing side very informative. It
certainly shaped my thinking moving away from the Modigliani–Miller framework. Our
statements, alternative A and alternative B, make reference to continuing to study the efficacy of
the LSAPs. Part of that will have to be ongoing work and ongoing study of that linkage between

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what’s going on in the financial markets and how that’s getting through to the real economy. At
least for me, that’s a major source of uncertainty still.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Let me make one comment on that, which is, you
sometimes hear the following kind of statement: “Tight monetary policy is not causing the
problem; therefore, easing monetary policy won’t help.” That’s a non sequitur. If, say, tight
fiscal policy is the problem, if that’s the reason the economy is growing slowly, it doesn’t mean
that monetary policy can’t mitigate that. So I think that kind of argument needs to be looked at
very carefully. We are doing a lot. We are absolutely doing a lot. There’s no question about it.
Nobody can blame the Federal Reserve fairly, in my opinion, for being tightfisted and stingy and
not willing to take risks to try to support the economy. But the fact that it’s not our fault that the
recovery is slow doesn’t mean that we can’t try to help if we think, in fact, that the benefit–cost
ratio is appropriate.
What I’d like to do is let Bill English do his introductory remarks for tomorrow. I’m in
your hands. The reception starts at 5:30. Would people like to continue with the policy round,
or should we just have Bill and then start fresh at 8:30?
PARTICIPANT. Break.
PARTICIPANTS. Fresh.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Fresh. Okay.
MR. FISHER. Governor Powell needs to take a nap.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. He’s not the only one. [Laughter] All right. We’ll ask Bill
to make his opening presentation and take any questions, and then we’ll recess for reception and
dinner. Bill.

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MR. ENGLISH. 7 Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I think the policy
alternatives are being handed around right now. They are the same as the ones we
distributed earlier this week. I guess I’ll wait just a moment until everybody has
them.
The first page of the handout illustrates the effects of three different policy paths.
The black solid lines in the charts depict the experimental consensus forecast, which
is conditioned on unchanged policy. The red dashed lines show the results of a more
accommodative policy, one that’s consistent with an alternative B that shifts back the
date in the forward guidance to mid-2015 and, in addition to $30 billion of MBS
purchases a month and completion of the MEP this year, involves buying longer-term
securities at a rate of $75 billion a month through the middle of next year. The
balance sheet implications of this alternative are shown at the top right. So long as
the public correctly anticipates that the Committee will follow this policy, the result is
a more rapid economic recovery that takes the unemployment rate to 6.3 percent by
the end of 2015, about ½ percentage point lower than in the consensus baseline; the
inflation rate (shown at the bottom right) is a bit higher but remains near your
2 percent longer-run objective.
The blue dotted lines show the results of an even more accommodative policy;
this corresponds to alternative A and includes a new $1.25 trillion LSAP and a shift in
the date in the forward guidance to mid-2015. In this case, the unemployment rate
falls to about 6.1 percent by the end of 2015, and inflation runs a little higher than
under the other policies.
If, in reviewing the outlook under the unchanged policy, the Committee views the
likely outcomes for employment and inflation as inconsistent with its mandate, it
might choose to ease policy by strengthening the forward guidance in the statement
and engaging in additional asset purchases. Alternative B, on page 5, may offer the
Committee an attractive approach to moving strongly in that direction at this meeting,
but without committing now to a large, discrete purchase program. Alternative B
completes the MEP and starts buying additional MBS, with an explicit proviso that
the Committee will closely monitor developments “in coming months” in deciding
whether to continue the purchases and scale them up.
The first paragraph of alternative B updates the description of the economy to
reflect the mixed incoming information over the period. The second paragraph
differs from past statements by expressing the medium-term outlook as a conditional
forecast, noting that the Committee is concerned that “without further policy
accommodation, economic growth might not be strong enough to generate sustained
improvement in labor market conditions.” Then the third paragraph announces that
the Committee will complete the MEP as planned and will commence purchasing
MBS each month. The options you’re offered here are rates of $30 billion or
$40 billion a month. The higher rate of purchases would have the advantage of
providing more impetus to growth, but some policymakers may prefer the lower rate,
7

The materials used by Mr. English are appended to this transcript (appendix 7).

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perhaps to allow for some future ramping-up in reaction to shocks, such as a full
encounter with the fiscal cliff or a worsening of the problems in Europe. Staff work
suggests that purchases even at the higher pace would be unlikely to cause problems
with market functioning.
The fourth paragraph signals another decision point coming in the future. It says
that if, “in coming months,” the “outlook for the labor market does not improve
substantially,” the Committee will continue its MBS purchases and undertake
additional asset purchases “as appropriate until such improvement is achieved in a
context of price stability.” The paragraph offers an option to include the possibility
of employing other policy tools as well. Participants may find that additional
reference attractive if they think that changes in forward guidance, new lending
programs, or a reduction in the interest rate paid on reserves might also be appropriate
in the future. The paragraph concludes by noting that, as always, the likely efficacy
and costs of asset purchases will be taken into account as the Committee calibrates its
purchases.
In paragraphs 5 and 5′, the statement offers two options for restating the forward
guidance. Both versions begin by putting the Committee’s decision with respect to
the forward guidance in a more positive light and in the context of making progress
toward its objectives by indicating that, “to support continued progress toward
maximum employment and price stability, the Committee expects that exceptionally
low levels of the federal funds rate will remain appropriate for a considerable time
after the economic recovery strengthens.” Paragraph 5 then continues by shifting the
date of the expected commencement of policy firming out to mid-2015. By contrast,
paragraph 5′ replaces the calendar date with new conditional language that ties the
timing of liftoff to the path of the unemployment rate, subject to constraints on
inflation and inflation expectations. Some participants may see this conditional
language as preferable to offering a specific date because it will allow market
participants to adjust their expectations for liftoff flexibly as information bearing on
the economic outlook is received.
The immediate market reaction to alternative B is hard to predict, in light of the
policy expectations currently in the market and the decision point that would be
highlighted in paragraph 4. Primary dealers appear to place high odds on a new
program of securities purchases—generally expected to increase Federal Reserve
holdings by around $500 billion to $600 billion by the end of 2013—and some see it
as likely to be described in flow terms. But it is not clear how they would gauge the
likely scale of purchases under alternative B. An alternative B in which the
Committee decided over coming months to purchase $75 billion in securities per
month during the first half of next year would be roughly equivalent to the
$500 billion to $600 billion now expected. With most outside forecasts anticipating
only slow improvement in labor market conditions over coming quarters, the market
may come to expect the purchases to exceed this amount. With regard to the forward
guidance, “mid-2015” is in line with expectations, but the language in paragraph 5′
might be seen as pointing to even more accommodation. On balance, alternative B
might prompt a modest decline in longer-term interest rates, higher equity prices, and

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a depreciation of the dollar. However, the magnitude and persistence of the effects
will depend importantly on what investors see as the implications of the statement for
the ultimate size of the SOMA portfolio, as well as which version of the forward
guidance the Committee chooses.
Alternative A, on page 3, may appeal to members who see the Committee as
having persistently missed its dual objectives in the same direction and believe that,
with the fiscal cliff looming and uncertainty about Europe unresolved, the downside
risks to economic growth are very large. They may believe that the Committee needs
to send a clear signal that it is willing to substantially increase its holdings of
securities and extend the forward guidance. They may be concerned that the
effectiveness of alternative B would be undermined by investor uncertainty about
both the Committee’s decision to extend purchases beyond the next few months and
the ultimate size of such purchases.
The first and second paragraphs of alternative A are close to those of
alternative B. The third paragraph of alternative A announces a new lump-sum LSAP
program, comprising $750 billion of longer-term Treasuries and $500 billion of MBS,
at a combined pace of about $75 billion per month through early 2014. The fourth
paragraph clarifies that the new program replaces the MEP and that the Committee’s
reinvestment policy will continue. The fifth paragraph, as in alternative B, extends
the forward guidance to mid-2015. Alternative A also provides possible language for
a 10 basis point reduction in the IOER rate.
Because $1.25 trillion lies well outside the range of most market forecasts for a
new LSAP program, alternative A would likely lead to a notable drop in longer-term
interest rates, as well as higher equity prices and a lower foreign exchange value of
the dollar. These effects could be increased somewhat and accompanied by some
decline in short-term interest rates if a reduction in the IOER rate were included.
Alternative C, on page 7, might appeal to policymakers who see the recent
economic data as consistent with the view that the economic recovery is on a
sustainable path and proceeding about as well as could be expected given the effects
of the financial crisis. They may see the elevated size of the Federal Reserve’s
portfolio as well as the recent rise in oil and other key commodity prices as implying
some upside risk to inflation. As a result, they may judge that there is no need to ease
policy through a change in the forward guidance or a new LSAP program, and they
may even anticipate that the funds rate will need to be raised significantly earlier than
markets anticipate. Other participants may have views that are shaped less by
concerns about the outlook, but believe that the costs and risks associated with
additional asset purchases are likely to exceed the benefits in terms of improved
economic conditions.
The first paragraph in alternative C is somewhat more positive about economic
developments than in alternatives A and B. The second paragraph is similar to the
August statement but projects somewhat stronger growth and higher inflation. There
are two versions of paragraph 3: The first maintains the “late 2014” forward

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guidance, with an option to change the date to “late 2103”; the second version,
labeled 3′, replaces the date-dependent forward guidance with language describing
the factors the Committee would consider in determining the appropriate time to raise
the target federal funds rate. The fourth paragraph is similar to the August statement,
except that it provides a more balanced outlook for policy.
The markets would be greatly surprised by a statement along the lines of
alternative C, especially if it signaled an earlier rise in the federal funds rate. Interest
rates would likely jump higher, and stock prices could drop sharply.
Draft directives for each of the alternatives are presented on pages 9 through 12 of
your handout. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. That completes my prepared remarks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you very much. Are there any questions for Bill?
President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. Mr. Chairman, if I could ask Simon and the Desk—again, just to have a
factual grip here: What kind of market penetration will we have on mortgage-backed securities
under the program of $30 and $40 billion per month? You mentioned this earlier. I apologize.
MR. POTTER. That’s the flow rate relative to gross issuance.
MR. FISHER. Yes, sir.
MR. POTTER. If we’re about one-third right now, if we added $30 billion, we’d be
about 60 percent; at $40 billion, we’re about 70 percent. But in terms of the stock, I think that
would—what was that, Lorie?
MS. LOGAN. I don’t have the exact numbers for the particular scenarios, but the stock
would be 25 percent under the $30-billion-per-month pace, and it would be slightly higher under
$40 billion per month. I don’t have that exact number, and it depends on the length, but just for
a maximum, under the $2 trillion scenario that we had run, the maximum was 36 percent. So
that gives you the very upper bound.
MR. FISHER. And if we assume that we finish the MEP at year-end, what will be our
duration?

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MR. POTTER. The duration will be eight years, but we’ll own quite large amounts of
some of the longer-duration securities. That’s in the Treasury part of the portfolio.
MR. FISHER. And of some of the particular issues, we have significant—above
70 percent. Is that correct now?
MS. LOGAN. We’ve a 70 percent per CUSIP cap. So we can’t buy any—
MR. FISHER. That’s our cap per CUSIP?
MS. LOGAN. That’s the cap.
MR. FISHER. Thank you.
MS. LOGAN. We’ve only hit the cap on ten issues, I think—the number that we’ve hit
the maximum 70 percent on. And most of those were old bonds in very small size.
MR. FISHER. Thank you very much.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Other questions? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Bill, I just wanted to clarify since we have
a few minutes here. When we do this on page 1 here, there are three lines, and then alternative B
has a couple of options in it. Are you saying that this is a rough guide to what alternative B
would deliver?
MR. ENGLISH. Yes.
MR. BULLARD. Or do you feel as though it wouldn’t make too much difference which
option is chosen within the subgroups that are proposed? Or is it just that it’d get too cluttered?
MR. ENGLISH. What we tried to do here was write down something that seemed
plausibly in line with alternative B. Alternative B has a couple of different choices that the
Committee would have to make. One is, later on, what do you do in a few months after you’ve
observed the economy? Do you continue purchasing into next year? We’ve assumed that you

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continue purchasing for about, I think, seven months in this. And then the other question is,
what do you do with the forward guidance? We’ve assumed, basically, that the forward
guidance goes out to mid-2015 and is compelling—everybody believes it. It’s possible, as I
mentioned, that because market participants’ sense of the outlook is a bit weaker than our sense
of the outlook, they may read that 6½ percent unemployment rate as pushing the liftoff even
later. If that were picked up, then you’d get a little bit more impetus to the economy out of that,
but we’ve not modeled that here.
MR. BULLARD. Okay. And the other thing—I’ve been concerned about the withering
of alternative C here. Alternative C isn’t mentioned in the graphs.
MR. ENGLISH. Alternative C would be, as long as you left the liftoff date unchanged,
pretty similar to the consensus forecast. What I’m taking out of that is the sense in the words in
alternative C that might hint that things could move more quickly than that. So the straight
consensus forecast is no change in the forward guidance, no additional purchases beyond the end
of the year. That broadly is consistent with alternative C but maybe doesn’t quite get the sense
of what the words in alternative C could mean to market participants.
MR. BULLARD. Well, when you describe it, you say, “Markets would be surprised.” I
think that’s accurate—they’d be very surprised by a statement like that—and that you probably
would have some effect. Plus, if we were going in that direction, which I guess we’re not, you’d
have the possibility of moving up the date of liftoff.
MR. ENGLISH. Right.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. One important point here: The black line—the consensus
forecast—implicitly has in it a significant disappointment for the market because they pull back

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their expectations for liftoff to late 2014, and they remove their expectations of any further
expansion of the portfolio.
MR. BULLARD. I see. So I should read this as “Consensus forecast/alternative C.”
MR. ENGLISH. Roughly.
MR. BULLARD. Roughly speaking. Well, I guess, Mr. Chairman, I have a concern
whether we have three options that are live options. And I think it’s been hard while the
Committee has been trying to think about ways to ease, and when the Committee shifts in the
other direction, the same thing will happen. But I think you want to have some things that are a
little bit tighter, a little bit easier, and might actually have a chance of—
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We circulate this and ask whether it spans the range of
views so, of course, we always welcome suggestions.
MR. BULLARD. Well, it’s up to you. But if you try to span the range of views, you
might have to put something on the table that’s not going to be adopted. But from my point of
view, I’d like to see three live things that we could do and things that we might be able to
maneuver around.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. The other way we’ve used the alternatives, of course, is to
try out different language or alternative language. And in the past, we’ve combined, mixed
things together.
MR. BULLARD. Yes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have two questions. One is for you, Bill.
I’d like your help with understanding the second sentence in B(4). I’m having trouble with it. I
don’t think I understand it correctly, particularly the role of price stability. So let me tell you

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what I think it says, the way I read it. It says, “If the outlook for the labor market does not
improve substantially” in coming months—so, if that happens—then we’re going to do X. So X,
I think, is, as I read this, “undertake additional asset purchases . . . as appropriate until such
improvement is achieved in a context of price stability.” As I think about that, if that
improvement is achieved but it’s not in a context of price stability, that seems to say to me that
we’re going to still keep purchasing assets. Have I got this wrong?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I want to defend Bill because he pointed out this problem.
MR. LACKER. I actually pointed it out to him yesterday.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You pointed it out to him. Okay.
MR. ENGLISH. You’re not the first.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We have poetic license here.
MR. LACKER. Right. You don’t mean that literally, right?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. It means that we’re looking for improvement in a context of
price stability. If we see improvement without price stability, that’s not a good thing, and we
won’t continue purchases.
MR. LACKER. But this says you’re going to wait until you get improvement with price
stability.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think it’s clear what—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It’s “subject to.” That’s really what it means.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. It’s “subject to.” When we actually clarify this, assuming
we go ahead and do more in January or whatever, we’ll be a little clearer in this kind of language
here.

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MR. LACKER. All right. The second question I have—and I probably should have
asked this during our first agenda item. I’ve asked this at times in the past. On the table is a
flow of purchases of mortgage-backed securities. I’ve asked in the past about the thought
experiment of buying mortgage-backed securities versus buying an equivalent amount of
U.S. Treasuries. What I’ve asked about is, all right, comparing those two options, undoubtedly
your forecast, as you’ve said, is that mortgage-backed security yields will be lower with
purchases of mortgage-backed securities than with purchases of Treasuries, and that mortgage
rates will be lower. Now, my gut instinct is that some other rates will be higher. And I’ve asked
about this in the past, but did you do any work on that this time?
MR. POTTER. Which rates?
MR. LACKER. Aren’t other rates going to be higher if we buy mortgage-backeds rather
than Treasuries? Because presumably, that means Treasury rates will be higher than they
otherwise would be. Presumably, some other rates are linked to Treasuries and not mortgagebacked securities, and presumably, they’re higher. Isn’t there some other rate that’s going to go
up if we buy mortgage-backeds rather than Treasuries?
MR. ENGLISH. Not go up, but go down by less.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Go down by less.
MR. ENGLISH. I think that’s right.
MR. LACKER. Oh, okay. Well, no—but, see, I’m asking to compare buying X amount
of Treasuries with buying X amount of mortgage-backed. So rates go down—
MR. POTTER. President Lacker, we are still buying Treasuries under the MEP in this
program.

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MR. LACKER. Yes, I know. But instead of buying $30 billion of mortgages, buy
$30 billion of Treasuries.
MR. ENGLISH. I think the answer to your question is in table 1 in the options memo
that we sent, which had an experiment where you do $500 billion of Treasury purchases or
$500 billion of MBS—just one or the other. The term premium effects are a little bit smaller if
you buy the MBS, so Treasury yields decline by less. They still decline. It’s still a purchase of a
longer-term security and still taking duration out of the market and still putting downward
pressure on longer-term rates, but by less. The mortgage rate goes down by more if you buy
MBS than if you buy Treasuries, because you’re pushing MBS down more and mortgage rates
down by more. And our estimate of the effects on inflation and output are similar in size.
They’re a little smaller for the MBS purchase, based on our modeling and our assumptions, than
for the Treasury purchase, but they’re in the same ballpark.
MR. LACKER. So what other rates go down by less or are higher because you’ve been
tilting toward mortgage-backeds?
MR. ENGLISH. In FRB/US—Dave Reifschneider will tell me if I’m wrong—I think,
basically, that other long-term rates, corporate rates or whatever, would go down by more if you
bought Treasuries than if you bought MBS.
MR. PLOSSER. So the MBS would provide less pass-through, in some sense, to
corporates and other things. Is that the idea?
MR. ENGLISH. Yes.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Depends on what you think the degree of substitutability
is between them.

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MR. ENGLISH. Yes. And this really is pushing pretty hard on our ability to model this
stuff, but that’s what our modeling says.
MR. LACKER. So that takes away some stimulus, right?
MR. ENGLISH. Yes, that’s right.
MR. LACKER. And the MBS, on net—
MR. POTTER. Well, not overall, necessarily.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Well, it doesn’t take away stimulus relative to doing nothing.
It takes away stimulus relative to—
MR. ENGLISH. Buying an equivalent amount of Treasuries.
MR. LACKER. Right.
MR. POTTER. On those—
MR. LACKER. In that sector.
MR. POTTER. Not necessarily for the economy as a whole.
MR. LACKER. Right. So the rationale for MBS—is it that, on net, real outcomes are
better? Or is it more of a sectoral argument?
MR. ENGLISH. The argument we gave in the memo was that you want to have a
balance across the two so that you can ramp up or ramp down. We know from the capacity
memo that we sent the Committee before the last meeting that there’s a maximum amount,
roughly, that we were comfortable saying we could buy over the next couple of years. That
maximum amount has a ratio of Treasuries to MBS, and we’ve roughly maintained that ratio in
these purchase programs.
MR. LACKER. I understand. Thank you.

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MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. That’s the main argument. There’s a second argument, which
is not in the model sims we’ve run, but a lot of people believe that MBS could have effects that
the model isn’t picking up—say, larger effects on house prices, bigger effects on mortgage
refinancing, or something like that.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lockhart has a two-hander.
MR. LOCKHART. Is there a connection or correlation between lowering mortgagebacked rates and other securitization vehicles such as auto, student loan, credit card?
MR. ENGLISH. There might be in practice, but we’re not picking that up in the
modeling that we’re doing.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Just one observation. Presumably, the reason why you
also might want to split it is a market functioning issue. You can go bigger if you split it
between two markets than if you concentrate all on one market.
MR. POTTER. We are still buying in the Treasury market.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. That was just a comment, but I have a question. It
seems to me as though the key money line in B is, “If the outlook for the labor market does not
improve substantially, the Committee will continue its purchases of agency mortgage-backed
securities and undertake additional asset purchases.” That’s the key money line. Now, I’d like
to get staff members’ views of what they think people are going to interpret that line to mean in
light of, say, the SEPs that are going to be put out and the Chairman’s press conference
statement. How do we think people are going to interpret that line? That’s critical—you have to
have a view on that to know what you’re really voting for, in some fundamental sense. I know
it’s judgment, but I’d love to hear your view.

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MR. ENGLISH. We’re not sure. I think we argued in our memos that it might be
something like a ½ percentage point decline in the unemployment rate that’s sustained.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. No, I don’t mean the effects on the macroeconomy. I
mean, when people write the articles at the end of the day, what are they going to think about
how big this is likely to be?
MR. POTTER. I don’t think it will show—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. They’re going to have our SEPs, and they’re going to
have this information that shows that this unemployment rate trajectory—
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. You mean the purchase program itself?
MR. POTTER. The total amount for—they’re going to try to work out an expected date.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes. And so I guess I’m asking, what kind of expected
date do we think they can work out?
MR. POTTER. The SEP will give them some information. I don’t believe that shows a
substantial improvement in the labor market for quite some time. So that means that they’ll
probably be looking for sometime in 2013. That’s the way we’ve been modeling this, I think.
And the assumption you had, Bill, was something like $600 billion of total purchases—is that
right?
MR. ENGLISH. Including purchases under the MEP, it was $750 billion. But, as I said
in my remarks, it could easily be more. People might see that the economy is expected to be
weak for quite a while; they might carry it out further into 2013 and get a bigger amount.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. For me, the obvious question to you, Mr. Chairman, at
the press conference might be, given the SEP and your views, what does the SEP forecast imply
in terms of “improve substantially”?

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. My answer will be that we want to see—not what we saw
last Friday. We want to see increases in payrolls. We want to see some progress—not sharp
progress, but some progress—in the unemployment rate. And we want to have a sense that the
economy is moving in a direction that will help labor markets get better. We used the word
“outlook.” So a pickup in GDP growth would certainly be a factor in the outlook for labor
markets, for example. I think we have a fail-safe here, which is that if it doesn’t have any effect,
then we have the efficacy clause here as well. But the idea would be that we want to see
something different from the current waiting-in-place kind of situation where there’s no
progress, the unemployment rate stays about the same, and monthly payrolls are 100,000 and
less. And I will emphasize that it’s not a single indicator or a single trigger number; we’re
looking holistically at the labor market indicators and, in fact, more broadly because it’s the
outlook for the labor market that matters, not just the current number.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. So you’d have to see improvement in the labor market
that you thought would be sustained in the future.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Right.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. For what it’s worth, the Blue Chip forecasts for the
unemployment rate going into the middle of 2013 are very flat. Then, in the second half of 2013,
they’re expecting to see a more noticeable downtilt in the unemployment rate. So that’s another
way of looking at it.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. So the market would presumably put in nine months or
more—that would be a reasonable guesstimate, I guess.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Again, it’s the outlook and not the actual.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes.

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MR. PLOSSER. I just want some interpretation of the word “substantially” here because
the market is going to ask you that as well. What constitutes substantial progress?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Substantial progress means that we are seeing ongoing
progress in the direction of improved labor market conditions.
MR. PLOSSER. So it’s not something about the magnitude of the rate of change.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. It’s not the magnitude, but really a movement in that
direction that is, I might say, persuasive or indicative that there is now progress in the right
direction, as opposed to simply remaining static or getting worse. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. This is on the same point.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes.
MR. LACKER. David Wilcox showed us employment in his forecast summary, and
when they do all of the seasonal adjustment right, it looks as though half of the improvement we
got in the labor markets this past winter or the winter before, was spurious, seasonal stuff.
Would what we saw last winter suffice? Would we stop after that?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I would think so. It dropped 1 percentage point between
August and April.
MR. LACKER. I’d be on board with that. But his analysis suggests that that would be
like another seasonal head fake.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, we’d look at a range of variables. Of course, there’s
nothing that says if you stop, you can’t start again.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. No, but last winter, though, it wasn’t really that
convincing because, remember, payrolls were strong but GDP was weak, and we had this riddle.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We had this riddle. Yes, that’s right.

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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. And so you could argue that you wouldn’t necessarily
stop last winter, because you didn’t have the GDP growth to support the labor market.
MR. POTTER. I don’t think our outlook changed that much.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We basically want to see progress in terms of the key macro
labor market variables.
MR. LACKER. All right. Well, let me ask Bill Dudley’s question again. What do you
want the USA Today headline to be?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. “Bernanke, the Hero”? [Laughter] “Federal Reserve Says
It Will Support Economy.”
MR. FISHER. That’s the sports section, Mr. Chairman.
MR. PLOSSER. “Federal Reserve All In.”
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. “Federal Reserve Will Provide Support to Labor Market.”
MR. LACKER. By buying MBS?
MS. DUKE. And housing.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Housing. People understand that.
MR. LACKER. Okay.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Any other questions? Did you have a question, President
Pianalto?
MS. PIANALTO. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Bill, you made some comments about the
6½ percent unemployment trigger in alternative B, paragraph 5′. You said that some forecasters
have slower progress on the unemployment rate, so they may view what is in alternative B as
more accommodation than markets expect. If you look at your page 1, “Alternative Monetary
Policy Scenarios,” that 6½ percent rate, as you mentioned, is about mid-2015. I know we’re

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trying to get away from the date, but you made those points. You didn’t say very much about the
inflation rate, because here it says “no more than a half percentage point above the Committee’s
2 percent objective.” When you look at those scenarios, with alternative B, we don’t get
anywhere close to 2½. We’re just slightly above the 2. At one point, we looked at some
language that said “close to the Committee’s 2 percent objective.” And I see that alternative B,
and even alternative A, is close to our objective. What are some of your thoughts? Just as you
had some thoughts about the 6½ percent being interpreted by some as being more aggressive,
would that 2½ percent objective be viewed as, again, more aggressive, and is it necessary given
the scenarios that you’ve laid out here?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It’s not an objective, though, right?
GOVERNOR YELLEN. It’s not an objective.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It’s not an objective. It’s just a tolerance level. That’s
quite different.
MS. PIANALTO. But it’s a matter of perceptions also. We’re talking about
communications. And we’ve made a lot of progress and laid out a 2 percent objective. What are
the advantages? Using “close to 2 percent” would still give us the flexibility that’s laid out in
these scenarios, but we’re not communicating to the public that we’re throwing out ½ percentage
point. It seems as though we’re throwing out a number, whereas, “close to” gives us some of
that flexibility.
MR. ENGLISH. I think the ½ percentage point buffer was intended just for clarity. If
you said “close to,” everybody would ask the Chairman at his press conference, “What do you
mean by ‘close to’?” and try to extract that information. People will be looking at the SEP, and
the SEP shows inflation below 2 or at 2, roughly, but not going above. So I don’t think they’d

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misread the ½ percentage point buffer as suggesting an intention to set out to push inflation
above 2. It would simply be seen as a buffer. There could be transitory shocks that would
change the inflation outlook for a time, and the Committee could look through those and say,
“Okay. We’re going to go up as high as maybe 2½ for a little while, but after that, we think
inflation is going to come back. In the end, we’re getting to our objective, and that’s okay.” But
whether you want to say explicitly “½ percentage point” or “close to” is a question of
communications. It’s a little clearer to say the number and not use “close to.” But this is a
communications issue for the Committee.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Stein.
MR. STEIN. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Can I ask one more press conference
question? Suppose somebody says, “We get to the end of 2013, it’s December 2013, and we’re
exactly where we are today. So the unemployment rate, job growth—everything is pretty much
exactly where we are today. Do you envision that we’ll still be continuing asset purchases at that
point?”
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. As we go through time, as the balance sheet grows, as we
observe the effects on the economy, we’ll be continually reevaluating the efficacy of the program
and the costs that it is imposing. And if we feel that we’ve reached that point and the program is
not being effective, then we will have to stop. President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Yes. I’ll just add on to what you said, Mr. Chairman. This
question is an important one, but I think there are just two ways you could end up being in the
same place. It could be that there were a lot of bad shocks and the asset purchases helped you
stop that, or maybe not. We’ll have to make that call at that time.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We have overnight. If any genius around the table would
like to come up with better language, I would be more than happy.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Mr. Chairman, I counsel you against offering that. [Laughter]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Any other questions? Are we all set? [No response] Bill,
what do you want us to do with these handouts? Do you want us to take them home and bring
them back?
MR. ENGLISH. You have lots of Class I information in your Tealbook, so you can keep
them.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. All right.
MR. ENGLISH. But please don’t leave them on the subway. [Laughter].
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Don’t leave them on the subway. So 8:30 tomorrow
morning. The reception is available at 5:00 p.m.
[Meeting recessed]

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September 13 Session
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Good morning, everybody. We should have a reasonable
amount of time. We need to get the statement in by 11:30 and close the meeting by noon. But
first, to get started, why don’t we begin our policy go-round? I have President Williams first on
the list.
MR. WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B with the forward
guidance on the funds rate in paragraph 5′. The case for further action is clear. In the absence of
significant additional monetary stimulus, progress toward our policy goals would remain stalled.
Such an outcome is simply inconsistent with the notion of appropriate monetary policy and, in
my view, is unacceptable. We must aim for a path that brings us measurably closer to our goals
over the forecast horizon, and we must take concrete actions that get us on that path. Openended purchases of MBS represent a substantial step in that direction. With this action,
unemployment will fall more quickly and inflation will return toward 2 percent faster than under
the status quo.
The flow-oriented asset purchases in alternative B also provide flexibility that’s
particularly valuable, given all the uncertainties of the economy, the fiscal cliff, and Europe.
They serve as a useful automatic stabilizer as market expectations about the ultimate size of the
program adjust in response to changes in economic conditions and the outlook. If the labor
market shows signs of substantial improvement sooner than expected, the program can be
curtailed. In contrast, if the recovery falters, the program can provide additional needed support.
There would be similar benefits from incorporating such an automatic stabilizer into our
forward guidance of the future path of the funds rate. The language in paragraph 5′ does just
that. Incorporating this language into our statement would allow us to finally get the calendar-

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date monkey off our back and provide better guidance on our policy reaction function—
importantly, at least, on economic conditions—for funds rate liftoff that is both clear and
consistent with our dual-mandate objectives. It’s also flexible enough to handle a variety of
future paths for the economy and inflation. Indeed, the beauty of this approach is it provides
guidance for contingencies where our forecasts go wrong, which they inevitably do.
Finally, I continue to favor lowering the interest on excess reserves rate, the IOER rate, to
15 basis points. We should be using all of our tools in the same direction. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you very much. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B with the
$40 billion per month mortgage purchase program and prefer option 5′, which moves us away
from dates and focuses on the economic outcomes we seek to achieve. Inflation is quite low, and
unemployment is quite high, and most of our forecasts for the past nine months have
overestimated how quickly we would see improvements in either element of our mandate.
Alternative B embraces the sense of doing what it takes to move the economy at an
acceptable pace toward full employment with stable prices. Alternative B continues to take out
duration, provides some direct support to housing, which is just beginning to recover, and
extends guidance on the funds rate liftoff, which, given our lack of progress toward our mandate,
seems appropriate. I strongly support the $40 billion rather than the $30 billion monthly
mortgage purchase program.
I would also prefer to include economic targets rather than date targets in our guidance.
Thus, I would prefer the conditionality language in 5′. The language has two advantages. First,
the conditions for changing our policy stance are clear and observable to the general public.
Second, date-conditional language can be subsequently undercut by Committee members’

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comments that suggest a different date may be appropriate, thus altering the effect of policy
relative to the intent of the consensus reached by the Committee. Because 5′ conditions the
policy on observable outcomes, the public can adjust its expectations automatically to changing
economic circumstances, and there is less likelihood of perhaps inadvertently diminishing our
policies’ effectiveness due to Committee disagreement.
There seem to be two arguments against taking action at least as strong as B at this
meeting. First, that it would be ineffective. Estimates in Boston are that following option A
would reduce unemployment by approximately 0.8 percent by the end of 2015. This is roughly
in line with the Board staff memos and the consensus policy submissions from three other banks
that reported a preferred policy that was close to A. If accurate, this implies creating more than
1 million jobs relative to doing nothing at this meeting. I do not view that as de minimis.
The second argument against more aggressive action is that it will cause inflation. Again,
the consensus forecast exercise is instructive. Among banks that provided numeric submissions,
those that assumed further easing assume underlying inflation will remain well anchored. This
assumption is consistent with the Boston forecasting model. Two of the Banks that provided
numbers and assumed earlier tightening than we do have virtually identical unemployment rates
with and without tightening, but a dramatically higher inflation rate under the baseline policy.
This is markedly different than the staff forecast, the DSGE models that we have seen, and the
models used by Banks assuming the need for easing. It would be interesting to discuss the
theoretical basis and empirical evidence for such an inflationary process, which I presume is tied
to dislodging of inflation expectations. However, absent a strong empirical basis for such an
inflation process and with inflation tracking below our target and roughly consistent with the
staff forecast in models that assume expectations remain well anchored, I view the risks of

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inflation as being well contained through 2015, even with a more aggressive policy than in
alternative B. Thus, I support B but would strongly prefer the forward guidance in the language
of 5′ and the larger mortgage purchase amount. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Given the Committee’s outlook
and overall assessment of the economy, I would say that additional accommodation is
appropriate. I think the question then becomes what form that accommodation should take.
Alternative A and alternative B offer the Committee the opportunity to do large-scale
asset purchases. As you said in your Jackson Hole speech, Mr. Chairman, and as the staff
analysis indicates, the benefits of large-scale asset purchases are still under study and still
uncertain. And the question is, how do we deal with that? How do we deal with the issue that
we don’t know exactly how much the benefits are, even though we might feel confident about
the sign? Governor Yellen and the Vice Chairman said the right things yesterday about this,
which is to act forcefully and to enhance the benefits of our large-scale asset purchases as much
as possible.
How do we enhance our purchases as much as possible? Well, the stimulus from our
purchases hinges critically on the forward guidance. They work together. If you buy assets and
hold them for one day and then sell them the next day, they are providing no stimulus. If you
buy assets and hold them for 10 years, they’re providing a lot of stimulus. The stimulus that the
asset purchases are providing the economy depends on the timing of exit. To enhance the benefit
of our large-scale asset purchases as much as possible, we need the best possible forward
guidance, and I would say that B(5′) as opposed to B(5) provides that forward guidance.

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I talked yesterday about the ambiguities that come by trying to communicate our reaction
function with a date. Today I’ll focus only on the economic aspects of B(5′). One, it provides an
automatic stabilizer against macro shocks. Two, it offers protection against inflation. And,
three, I want to talk about the mechanism through which it’s offering stimulus.
The automatic stabilizer feature of B(5′) is relatively clear. We talk a lot about downside
risks in this room. We have a bad shock—and there are many possibilities out there, I won’t go
through them all. If unemployment goes up and we have B(5) in place, which is date guidance,
people will wonder: What is the Fed going to do? How are they going to respond to that shock?
With B(5′) in place, if unemployment goes up, it means automatically it’s going to take us longer
to get back to the 6½ percent. That means that people know that interest rates are going to be
low for longer, and—this is important because the extra accommodation that’s going to be
provided at this meeting is likely to take the form of asset purchases—the assets that are being
bought are being held for longer. So a bad shock automatically translates into more stimulus
because of the explicit numerical markers being provided in the guidance.
I’ve painted this as an ex post story of why B(5′) is preferred, but it actually has an ex
ante component to it. Essentially we’re offering insurance to the economy against bad shocks,
and that means that people have less need for saving to deal with those bad shocks, and that
stimulates spending. We’ve talked a lot about uncertainty. Having the Fed have a reaction
function in place that it has communicated clearly helps reduce uncertainty because people know
how the Fed is going to react to those disturbances. That’s the kind of stabilizer property that’s
in B(5′).
Let me talk a little bit about inflation protection. It’s a part that matters a great deal to
me. I’ve been and remain concerned about the possibility that the long-run natural rate of

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unemployment may well exceed our current estimates. Here’s how I’ve been thinking about this
issue. Suppose we only had one mandate—price stability. How would we go about
operationalizing that goal? Well, presumably we would choose monetary policy so as to keep
the medium-term outlook for inflation close to 2 percent. Now, we have to struggle a little about
what “close to” means, and I’ll talk a little bit more about this later, but for me I’m willing to say
that 50 basis points is close enough. I would say that if you had a price-stability mandate, then
promoting price stability means keeping the medium-term outlook for inflation within 50 basis
points of target, 50 basis points below or 50 basis points above. This is only the price-stability
mandate, and this is exactly the language about inflation in B. In other words, the way I read
alternative B(5′) is it’s saying that the Committee has the option of raising the fed funds rate if it
ever perceives that it is not satisfying its price-stability mandate because inflation exceeds
2½ percent.
Now, this is not a trigger, to be clear. And we should be clear when we talk about this
that it is not a trigger. It’s a threshold, and it’s a threshold for conversation. At that point, the
forward-guidance commitment is no longer operational. In some sense, we’d be back to business
as usual in this Committee. The Committee would have to weigh the cost of violating its pricestability mandate against whatever performance it’s achieving on the employment mandate and
decide what to do. And those conversations would inevitably be interesting ones. I actually
think that B slices through what might appear to be a very challenging problem. It provides
valuable accommodation while allowing the Committee to be able to protect its price-stability
mandate.
Let me turn now to how it does that. What’s the magic behind B(5′) that allows it to give
us this protection against inflation as well as providing the accommodation? It comes from the

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fact that a lot of our estimated rules of past behavior, like a Taylor rule, have us raising interest
rates just because unemployment is too low. The mechanism behind B(5′) is to say we don’t
want to raise interest rates just because unemployment is too low, we want to raise interest rates
because we’re worried about inflation. If it turns out that unemployment is low but inflation is
under control in the sense that our medium-term outlook is within 50 basis points of 2 percent,
there’s no reason to raise interest rates just because unemployment is too low. The way B(5′) is
providing stimulus is by saying the FOMC will tolerate low unemployment.
There’s a lot of talk about how we should stimulate the economy by having high
inflation. That is not what’s going on in B(5′). What’s going on instead is that the FOMC is
going to hold off on raising rates until unemployment is lower, and that provides stimulus
because people know that we won’t be choking off the party, as it were, before it’s really under
way. This willingness to tolerate low unemployment is exactly how the optimal control exercise
works in FRB/US. If you look at the optimal control exercise in FRB/US, in the fourth quarter
of 2015, unemployment is 5¼ percent, the outlook for inflation is 2.3 percent—that’s not what’s
providing the stimulus—and you get liftoff at that time. The Committee in that FRB/US
simulation is holding off on raising rates, and that stimulates a faster return to low
unemployment, to the natural rate. For those of you who are suspicious about FRB/US, it’s
obviously just one of many models, but you get exactly the same mechanism in a New
Keynesian model. Iván Werning has a great paper along these lines. High future output after
you leave the zero lower bound stimulates high output at the zero lower bound. There’s no extra
inflation at all in Werning’s paper because actually prices are fixed. It’s all about the
commitment to deliver on lower unemployment and higher output than you would otherwise
think.

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If you’re listening to me about the mechanism, you should be thinking: If you’ve got
such great inflation protection and low unemployment provides good stimulus, why not have a
lower unemployment threshold than 6½? I would agree with that. I think we should be willing
to consider that. President Pianalto raised a concern that maybe 50 basis points was too large a
spread. As I said, I’m willing to go that far out, 50 basis points, but maybe one way of shaping a
compromise along those lines is to have a lower unemployment threshold. That’s a good thing;
it provides stimulus. And then have a tighter inflation—not even tighter, just say “close to”
2 percent, which actually is vague enough that it could allow for 50 basis points. But I put that
on the table as possibly one way to shape a compromise. I think B(5′) is very valuable in this
context. Alternative B(5′) provides an economic stabilizer, it provides inflation protection, and
it’s a credible mechanism. It’s a way to provide a credible mechanism to say we’re going to be
willing to tolerate low unemployment.
Yesterday Governors Raskin and Stein talked about low expectations in the economy,
that really what we have to be thinking about is ways to bolster expectations. Communication
along the lines of B(5′) is going to be very helpful in that regard. We often pay a lot of attention
to the words in this room, and the words are important in what we say, but in something like
B(5′) the numbers appropriately are going to be the main focus. How do we explain these
numbers to the public? I certainly have thought about this. It’s very easy to communicate the
idea that we have a target, 2 percent, but we need a tolerance around that target. I think every
businessperson, at least, will understand you have targets for performance, but there’s some
tolerance that you have around that as well. Some people are going to say 50 basis points is too
large, but we should be able to make a case about why we feel 50 basis points is appropriate,

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given the kinds of shocks that could hit the economy on an ongoing basis, but the idea of having
a tolerance is a very reasonable one.
Why 6½ percent? As I’ve suggested, we could go lower, but I think 6½ percent says
we’re trying to minimize the possibility of being in breach of our tolerance range. We have a
tolerance range—it doesn’t mean we want to exceed it. We’re very prudent about minimizing
the possibility of any breach of that.
I will wrap up at this point. We’ll hear, I’m sure, from others that the LSAPs have costs,
and I share some of those concerns about those costs. I think the response to that is to try to
make the benefits as big as possible, and the language of B(5′) is the way to go along those lines.
I offered a suggestion for changing B(5′) yesterday. I’ll offer that up for the Committee’s
consideration. I do worry, as written in the draft statement that the staff circulated yesterday,
that the last sentence is a little confusing. At least I found it so, but if we feel we could go out
and explain it to people, I’m happy to live with that; however, I hope people are willing to
consider my suggested alterations. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We’re going through at a rapid pace.
We’re going to be done within the hour here, I think.
MR. TARULLO. Don’t bet on it. [Laughter]
MR. BULLARD. I have just a few comments here on policy, so I just wanted to follow
up on my comments from yesterday a little bit. I do not think that this is the right juncture to
unveil a large and aggressive easing program. I think the road ahead this fall and winter could be
rocky. We would be better served to take a more opportune time to take such an action. We are
looking at economic data that are middling. We’ve got financial stress, which is relatively low,

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at least for now. Our counterparts in Europe, not us, are the ones in recession, and, in my view,
should be the ones that are easing aggressively. U.S. equity markets suggest continuing faith in
U.S. expansion. Long-term rates are exceptionally low.
We may also be playing down the costs around the table here of walking farther into the
woods than we already have on balance sheet policy. President Plosser has emphasized those
costs, and I think rightly so, and he has done a good service to the Committee in emphasizing
those costs. One thing that hasn’t been mentioned very much is that there is a distinct possibility
that we would be feeding into commodity price increases, which is part of what happened during
the QE2 episode and was a bit counterproductive. We could argue about that. We haven’t
talked about it a lot, but I am a little bit concerned about that based on the action that we are
likely to take today.
I am not one that buys into the critique that monetary policy has been a long ways off
target in the past five years. It is true that the economy is not performing as well as we would
like. There is a clear hypothesis for that based on the fact that we are dealing with a collapsed
housing bubble and the aftermath of a financial crisis. But the Committee, by all accounts, has
done a lot. Much of it has been quite innovative, and the call of the Committee and of the
Chairman has been essentially correct during the past several years. So I am not one that thinks
that we are 90 degrees off from where we should be or could be at this juncture.
For our action today, as encapsulated in option B, we can cite two things that do make
some sense and that I am sympathetic with as a rationale. One is that we do have a global
slowdown. I am concerned about it. I think it is very legitimate to worry that that slowdown is
going to affect the United State more than it has so far, and that that is a compelling argument for
getting ahead of that and taking aggressive action here. That is one reasonable rationale. And I

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also think we have some room to maneuver on the inflation front, but only some. I think it is
nothing like 2010 when all measures of expected inflation were down a lot and trending down
further. We can cite these factors. I don’t think we have as good a rationale as I would like to
see for a move of this magnitude.
Within alternative B, I do think it is a good moment to adopt a meeting-by-meeting
approach to balance sheet policy that I have been advocating for a long time. I hope that this will
put us more into a mode that is similar to the one we are in under normal interest rate policy
where we can sensibly adjust the policy at each meeting, given the change in the outlook and the
change in the economic situation. This will likely serve the Committee pretty well going
forward, and I appreciate that alternative B has that feature. I am satisfied with the formulation
in B with respect to that dimension.
On paragraph 5, I definitely support 5 and not 5′. As many of you know, I have argued
that explicit mention of an unemployment number is a tactical mistake that may not serve the
Committee very well. As Governor Yellen remarked yesterday, hysteresis in unemployment
cannot be ruled out in the U.S. And I might remind the Committee again that Europe has not
seen 6½ percent unemployment for a couple of decades. Today it is over 11 percent in Europe,
despite some major countries undergoing structural labor market reforms. I am concerned that
we are telling the public that we can do more about unemployment than we really can. It is more
labor market policy than it is monetary policy, and it could possibly throw monetary policy off
for a generation to tie explicitly to unemployment and to promise that monetary policy can do a
lot about unemployment. The story in Europe is exactly that there are structural problems that
developed over time. Unemployment has remained very high for a very long time, and the
structural reforms have not been undertaken by the various governments across Europe. It is one

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thing to have bad labor market policy. It is another thing to have bad monetary policy because
you have bad labor market policy. I am concerned about this, and I’d advise against going in
that direction.
In addition, I think there are hazards of tying to any particular measure of economic
performance because all of our metrics have clear deficiencies, and many of them are mentioned
around the table here. One of the deficiencies for unemployment is that unemployment can fall
for the wrong reasons. We were just citing yesterday that the unemployment rate did fall, but it
didn’t fall in a way that we thought was indicative of better labor market performance. So you
could have a situation where you feel like unemployment has gone down to a relatively low
level, but you are not very satisfied with labor market outcomes, and you still feel like the
Committee should be aggressive in that circumstance. This is a problem that we have with all of
the economic data that we look at—that each piece of data only tells a part of the story about the
overall economic performance. We would be better off to preserve the Committee’s judgment
on economic performance.
Outside of the statement it’s fine for various members to say, “I’d really like to see
unemployment come to here,” or “I’d like to see labor force participation come to here,” or
whatever other metrics that you’d like to see certain types of labor market measures hit certain
thresholds. But I’m not sure that you want to tie the Committee’s hands in making a judgment
about overall economic performance. So I’d have no problem beefing up the language on labor
markets, if people feel like we maybe have been insufficiently attentive to this and saying that
we are going to pay more attention. That’s fine with me. But I’m counseling against putting an
explicit number on this or really any other data, to the extent we can avoid it, in the statement.

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And, finally, on this paragraph 5′—and then I have a few more comments—I think
thresholds or triggers like this draw lines in the sand that we may not want to be drawing. We
are all in agreement that if we are inside the bounds—say, 2½ percent and 6½ percent—that we
are not going to raise rates. But if you cross the bound, you are implicitly sending a signal that
you are going to do something. I’m not sure the Committee has really decided that we would
actually do something in that circumstance. Putting on my dovish hat for a minute, you are
creating this thing where you are saying you will act if the triggers are violated. I don’t think we
have really discussed that or really think that that’s what we would do. If inflation is at target,
and unemployment comes down—and President Kocherlakota was at least in part touching on
this—the Committee may not want to tighten at that juncture. What if you don’t want to tighten
at that juncture? Then why are you giving that as the trigger? That part to me has not been
formulated in a way that I can get my head around.
Let me comment just for a few minutes on Mike Woodford’s Jackson Hole paper, which
I do think was a seminal survey of monetary policy at the zero lower bound. If you haven’t
looked at it—and I know many of you have—the paper is divided into just two parts. There is
balance sheet policy, and there is policy to commit to stay at the zero interest rate for longer. If
you know Mike, you know that he is very pessimistic about balance sheet policy, being an antimonetarist kind of guy. He does not think balance sheet policy is very effective, except to the
extent that it has a signaling effect and that the Committee is better served by doing something
rather than just promising to do something.
I agree with the Chairman’s assessment that Professor Woodford is underestimating the
effects of balance sheet policy. I do think QE2 did have a significant influence on the United
States and especially on expected inflation and actual inflation. The effects to the real economy

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are harder to trace out, but those are always hard to trace out. So I think today’s alternative B
action is a sensible way to manage the balance sheet policy going forward and that policy does
have some prospect of being effective, so I’m not going to argue against the efficacy of the
policy.
Professor Woodford thinks that the only way to provide accommodation, in large part, is
to commit to stay at the zero lower bound for longer. I agree also with the Chairman that the
length of time that this Committee may be able to commit to stay at zero gets less and less
credible as you go farther out in the future. That is something that is not well captured by the
model. If you start going out many years, so many things can happen over that period, in reality,
that it is not clear that you are communicating anything. But the main message I took from the
paper, and an effective message, was this: If you are trying to make this commitment to stay
lower for longer, it is a very subtle matter to get it right. And he reviews a lot of central banks
and a lot of central bank actions, some of which he characterized as counterproductive in terms
of trying to get the right type of commitment from the perspective of the model on staying lower
for longer. In fact, what I took away from it was, the main danger is that continuing to commit
to later and later liftoff could be sending this pessimistic signal—if we don’t do it correctly—that
the reason we are staying lower for longer is not that we are trying to make up for the fact that
we have been stuck at the zero lower bound, but instead it is that the outlook is deteriorating and
is continuing to deteriorate in a very negative way. And I think we have to be careful about that,
and that maybe we have sent that signal, unwittingly perhaps, in some of our actions.
I am going to give a suggestion, not a policy suggestion, but a suggestion about the
proper way to think about this from Professor Woodford’s perspective in my interpretation. The
whole point is you are constrained by the zero lower bound for a period of time. Then, after you

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would otherwise raise interest rates, you stay at the zero lower bound for a time to make up for
the fact that you were constrained during the earlier period of time. My example about how we
should think about this is as follows. Suppose the Committee was committed to a Taylor rule the
way John Taylor likes to use it—his is a much more aggressive and hawkish Taylor rule, which
would even call for raising rates today. And suppose everyone agreed on that. This is just
hypothetical, obviously. And that rule would call for us to raise rates today, but we would say,
“We are not raising rates today. We are staying at zero today.” The reason we are staying at
zero today is exactly the Woodford reason, which is that we were constrained by the zero bound
for a couple of years. Therefore, we have to stay at zero for a while. And it is exactly at that
point that you gain credibility for the policy. You are trying to make up for the zero bound
constraint by staying at zero even though the data are telling you, according to the standard
Taylor rule or other Taylor-type rules, to be more aggressive at this juncture. You are staying at
zero because you need to make up for the fact that you were at the zero lower bound for some
time.
I do not agree with Professor Woodford that the nominal GDP targeting approach would
do this. My main complaint about nominal GDP targeting is that it ignores the possibility of
what is likely an altered real GDP growth path. And certainly, if you look at the data, as the
Chairman was saying yesterday, on levels of real GDP or consumption, it looks like we are on a
different path than we were. So to commit us to get back to the previous real GDP trend, which
is partly driven by the bubble economy in the mid-2000s, I think would be a mistake.
However, for price-level targeting, I have looked at graphs and tried to get an analysis of
where we are with respect to the price level. If you look at the price-level path established
during the period from 1995 to 2005, which was a relatively successful monetary policy era for

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the Committee in terms of hitting our inflation target, we are actually very close to or right on
that price-level path. And in that sense, that has been a great success of the Fed during this
episode. Unlike the U.S. in the 1930s, when policymakers allowed the price-level path to
deviate from the previously established path, or Japan in the 1990s, in which, again, they allowed
the price-level path to deviate from the one that had been established, we did not do that. We are
right on the 1995 to 2005 price-level path. In that sense, policy has been successful, and we have
not committed the mistakes of the past. That is also one reason why I think we have made
essentially the right call over the past several years. I am going to stop there. Those are my
thoughts on monetary policy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Yes, just a point of clarification. I view the language of 5′ as a
threshold, not a trigger. Threshold language would be, “low rates appropriate, at least as long as
the unemployment rate exceeds 6½ percent.” A trigger would be, “A low rate is appropriate
only as long as the unemployment rate exceeds 6½ percent.” So I think it is written as a
threshold, not a trigger.
MR. BULLARD. Can I respond to that? I agree that that is the language in there, but I
think markets will interpret it as a trigger. Or let me say, as a fair way, I think there is a danger
that markets will interpret that as a line in the sand or a trigger.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I think it’s pretty easy for the Chairman in the press
conference—if we were to go this route—to explain what a threshold means. I don’t think it is
that complicated.
MR BULLARD. If it’s not a trigger, why put the number in? Put a lower number in.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. That’s okay, too.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am going to support alternative B.
Having said that, I have some reservations about going down the path of a new LSAP,
particularly the whole-hog approach that’s in alternative A. I am reticent on two counts.
First, I remain unconvinced about the likely efficacy of expanding our asset purchases.
As I said in the economy round, I think the conditions that made the first two LSAP programs
successful—a lack of liquidity in MBS markets in the case of LSAP1 and elevated concerns
about outright deflation in the case of LSAP2—are not present in the current environment. This
time around, it seems to me that we face a more conventional problem of inadequate demand,
and I am not convinced that lowering general market rates will stimulate much credit expansion
and spending. Furthermore, it is not clear to me that credit conditions in mortgage markets have
eased quite enough to the point that more MBS purchases will have a significant impact.
Second, I have learned to be humble as regards outlook certainty. I have not completely
abandoned the hypothesis that the willingness of businesses to hire and businesses and
consumers to spend will improve on the other side of the election and fiscal cliff negotiations.
As I commented yesterday, I believe there is some upside risk. Though the European situation is
not rapidly converging to a truly comprehensive resolution, I see some hope that the process of
incremental steps may cumulatively lead to a large leap in overall confidence. I don’t have a
whole lot of conviction that these optimistic outcomes will be realized, so I accept the case for
some policy response to current circumstances in the Committee’s outlook. That said, I will
support alternative B’s modest pace of $30 billion per month. That would be my preference for
expansion of our MBS portfolio.

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With respect to the choice between paragraph 5 and 5′, I am sympathetic to the idea of
replacing calendar dates with economic conditionality. I have said that in earlier meetings. But I
am not in favor of the formulation in 5′, at least today. I have views similar to President
Bullard’s. The unemployment rate is a partial and potentially misleading indicator of labor
market performance. The pace of employment growth needed to attain a given unemployment
rate can be very sensitive to changes in the participation rate. For example, at current
participation rates, it will take just over 200,000 jobs a month to get to a 7 percent
unemployment rate by the end of next year. I would consider 200,000 jobs a month over the
next 16 months to be consistent with sustained significant improvement in the labor market.
But the Board staff, and many on the Committee, have noted that labor force participation
rates appear to be well below the levels that can be explained by demographic trends. My own
staff estimates that only 40 percent of the drop in participation rates since the beginning of the
recession is due to labor force aging. If the participation rate were to revert to the level it was
just last September, job gains of 200,000 per month would, everything else being equal, yield an
unemployment rate that would be barely below 8 percent by the end of 2013. And I would not
be willing to say that such an outcome would constitute a lack of progress in meeting our
employment mandate.
Paragraph 5′, as it is written, contains no reference to broader labor market conditions. I
believe there was a reference in an earlier version, but it is has been removed. I think that this is
a significant omission, particularly with an unemployment threshold as ambitious as 6½ percent.
I’m not comfortable with a number that low, combined with a lack of any reference at all to our
broader employment objectives. There are enough facets of the 6½ percent decision to consider
that it feels a little rushed to me at this meeting.

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As regards paragraph 4, I would include the reference to other policy tools. I think the
meaning of this paragraph should be that if conditions don’t improve, the Committee will
continue the MBS purchase program and may undertake additional asset purchases, employ
other policy tools, or both. If I misunderstand the meaning of that paragraph, then I would ask
for a little bit more work on this paragraph and further clarification this morning. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lockhart, in 5′, the very last sentence does
reference labor market conditions. Did you note that?
MR. LOCKHART. Let me look at that. I stand corrected. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Resource slack is large, labor market
conditions lack momentum toward improvement, and the inflation profile in our projections is
slightly below our longer-run objective for the most part. I support strong and meaningful policy
actions today to address these deficiencies. I accept that alternative B delivers on these
requirements. I think that the $40 billion of MBS and 5′ are very helpful in delivering that. I
will simply note that the formulation of forward guidance in 5′ is not quite as strong as I have
preferred in the past, but I do think that it is a good, careful approach that will in fact boost
monetary policy accommodation, and I can certainly support that, if it is adopted.
I think that the wording paragraph 2 is extremely important. It states the monetary policy
concern as follows: “The Committee is concerned that, without further policy accommodation,
economic growth might not be strong enough to generate sustained improvement in labor market
conditions.” That is very important. It follows through on the minutes from our July meeting, as
well as your grave concerns and remarks expressed at Jackson Hole, so I favor that.

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I favor this combination of essentially open-ended asset purchases, which are flexible
when you put paragraphs 3 and 4 together, plus the enhanced state-contingent forward guidance
in paragraph 4. President Bullard went through this rationale a little bit. Let me just summarize
and say I put a lot of weight on the research literature that Mike Woodford described. I thought
he did a terrific job. In Woodford’s formulation, clear expectations of forward guidance are
important and effective for delivering policy accommodation. In fact, I held my breath when I
read the page where he described when I had talked about the 7/3 thresholds, and I thought that
Mike was kind and gentle in criticizing but saying that that type of forward guidance did deliver
more accommodation than what his best choice was. In that sense, the language in 5′ would
indeed be helpful. The evidence for LSAPs that you mentioned yesterday, Mr. Chairman, was
very important. The two reinforce each other very well.
In paragraph 3, as I mentioned, I favor the stronger pace of MBS at $40 billion. I think
that paragraph 4 makes this essentially open-ended by conditioning further LSAPs on substantial
improvement in labor conditions, joint with price stability, and with policy effectiveness, as you
mentioned yesterday. So there are important safeguards there. It can be flexible and can turn
around if in fact it is not working as best we would hope.
In terms of labor market improvement, it would be unambiguously an improvement if we
got something on the order of payroll employment increasing 200,000 per month for several
months. If the unemployment rate declined either with momentum or continuous improvement,
and, indeed, we got GDP growth above trend, those would be all of the markers that we would
expect for a strong recovery that would be associated with an improving labor market. We may
well not be lucky enough to see all three of those at the same time, so we will have to pay
attention to that.

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As you mentioned, the last sentence in paragraph 5′ gets at this larger characterization of
labor market improvement beyond just the unemployment rate, but the unemployment rate is a
very important marker. I think that the paragraph 5′ forward guidance is explicitly state
contingent, and it allows us to remove the calendar date. It is very easy for us to be against
calendar dates. I think that most of us are uncomfortable with this formulation, that policy can
remain low until late 2014 or beyond. But we are uncomfortable because of the ambiguous
nature. Is it a forecast? Is it commitment? It is easy to be against that, but you have to be in
favor of something in order to actually take it out. The state contingency in 5′ is very useful. So
the 6½ unemployment rate marker, with the 2 plus ½ percentage point on inflation, is a useful
safeguard. Presidents Williams, Rosengren, and Kocherlakota spoke well about how this works,
and that it is critical to describe our attitudes about inflation above our goal of 2. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me start by saying something positive
about alternative B. [Laughter] I very much like the idea in paragraph 5′ of replacing our
problematic calendar-based guidance with language that is conditional on future economic
conditions. I think this is much needed change. It focuses our communication, our forward
guidance, on a reaction function, and reduces the danger that Michael Woodford very eloquently
laid out that our forward guidance is actually just making people gloomier about the economic
fundamentals. It’s a very real danger, and I think there is a very real possibility that that is the
effect our forward guidance has been having over the course of the last year.
Okay. That was my positive remark. I would like to move on now to some improvement
opportunities I see. [Laughter] I think in 5′ that it would be better if we avoided using a specific
numerical value for the unemployment rate as a threshold or trigger, whatever we are going to

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do. I took a step back. This is a large change in our statement. This is a fairly dramatic change
in the set of language we use to characterize our forward guidance. It’s an ambitious statement.
In view of our experience with the forward guidance earlier this year, where we got
boxed in for something that in hindsight we could have anticipated, I tried to think of ways in
which this language could unexpectedly box us in or tie our hands in ways that we don’t
anticipate now. I think this numerical unemployment rate is one of them. President Lockhart
was very eloquent about this. This makes us hostage to labor force participation rates. We
would be vulnerable to a scenario—he sketched it out—in which employment picks up, and that
starts drawing people into the labor force. This is not an unfamiliar phenomenon historically, in
which labor force growth that tails off and turns negative when the unemployment rate goes up,
then picks up when employment growth starts rising. Given the behavior of the labor force over
the past several years, I don’t think we should have a lot of confidence in our ability to project
how the unemployment rate would behave in a scenario in which employment growth picked up
a lot. I think this is a really serious risk. It would be better to write the statement in terms of the
qualitative language used earlier that President Lockhart was referring to. For example, we
could say, “This exceptionally low range for the federal funds rate will be appropriate at least
until the Committee has seen substantial ongoing improvement in labor market conditions.” I
think that formulation would be preferable to the language that uses a specific numerical target.
The second opportunity I see has to do with the inflation language in the same statement.
We used the phrase that “this exceptionally low range for the federal funds rate will be
appropriate at least as long as” blah, blah, blah, “provided that inflation at a one- to two-year
horizon is projected to be no more than a half percentage point above the Committee’s 2 percent
objective and longer-term inflation expectations continue to be well anchored.” So the logic is

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clear, to give ourselves an out if the inflation picture deteriorates substantially. Personally, I
think the “close to 2 percent” language would be better. That’s more consistent with the kind of
standard we described in our consensus statement. Proliferating conditionality language can be
confusing. But there is a deeper problem with this language. My sense is that it has been true
for the past 20 years in which we have achieved price stability—I believe it has been true—that
inflation over the medium term, the next couple of years, was projected to be close to 2 percent
or below that. I haven’t gone and checked, but I am virtually sure that’s true. This was a period
during which we achieved and maintained price stability. It is essential to maintain that
credibility because it can be costly to regain, but we started this period by moving preemptively,
before the forecast of inflation moved away from that low rate. And in the future, it is going to
be important for us to be able to move preemptively. If this condition is violated, it is in some
sense too late. It’s not like we are going to go back to the 1970s right away if this condition is
violated, but I think this sets too low a bar. There is a way to word this that tightens this. We
can say, instead of “provided that inflation at a one- to two-year horizon,” we could say, “unless
inflation, at a one- to two-year horizon, would be projected to be more than ½ percentage point
above the Committee’s 2 percent objective.” Something like that makes clear that we would
move to keep this condition true, that we are not going to wait until this condition is violated in
order to move.
The third suggestion I have for improvement in B(5) concerns the last sentence. I suggest
we delete it. I think it is quite confusing. This represents the fifth different statement of
conditionality on the second page, in two paragraphs.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Are you saying the last sentence in 5′?

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MR. LACKER. Yes, 5′, the last sentence. It is not clear if it only applies after we get to
6½. Does it apply before or after that? It is tempting to think, well, the second sentence is pretty
strong—that must trump it. But it’s not obvious. And then, it’s expressed in terms of the pace,
and the rest of the conditionality is about the level of the unemployment rate. So does this mean
that if we get to 6½ percent but unemployment is not continuing to fall rapidly enough, we are
going to keep tightening policy? I don’t think you mean that. It just seems unnecessary and
confusing to me.
The final suggestion I will make is, again, the lack of grammatical accuracy in the way
inflation is referred to in 4 is unbecoming to the Committee. We take a lot of care to
communicate precisely. In something so critical, it is a little disturbing. It just seems like a limp
and tepid sort of boilerplate reference to inflation. “In the context of price stability” has always
struck me as a little bit vague. Why not say “unless doing so would compromise price stability”?
We are committed to price stability. It’s in the mandate. I would prefer to see something
stronger like that.
Let me take a step back here. If you look at this language, it’s complicated. The
conditionality is expressed in four or five different ways in various parts of these two paragraphs.
Just in terms of complexity, I think it’s going to be hard to boil it down and simplify. “Until
labor market conditions get better” is probably going to be the headline, but the nuances are
going to be hard to parse out for people just reading it. Your press conference is going to be
really critical here.
The broad thrust of the language of this thing is to very significantly intensify our focus
on unemployment. We have been moving in that direction for some time, but I view this as
implicitly weakening our commitment to price stability. Taking this statement as a whole, that’s

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how I view this. I know the worry about price stability seems like a remote and distant concern
right now. I know that it looks like it is under control. It looks like we have things covered,
looks like we are far from breaking out, looks like we have gotten away with it the past couple of
years. We’ve seen inflation rise up and not have it trigger any erosion of expectations. But the
potential, if we lose it, is for far more costly effects on the economy than the incremental impact
of the 1 million jobs that the staff has shown might be associated with today’s actions. I think
that shift in focus represents a broad overconfidence about our models; a broad overfocus on
point forecasts, forecast means, mean forecast paths, and their analytics as well as a lack of
humility that would be appropriate here.
As for the deeper issues of the day, I cannot support a new asset purchase program. We
are fluctuating around a sluggish growth path, and I don’t think we should react to the downside
wiggles that are of this magnitude. Further stimulus at this time is unlikely to improve economic
growth much without causing an unwanted increase in inflation. I have talked about that before.
This will complicate risks, creating greater complications in our exit strategy. The larger we
make the balance sheet, the more vulnerable we are to small miscalculations in policy along the
exit. It just provides so much scope for expansion in bank lending and deposits that it makes us
very vulnerable. And the larger we make it, the more vulnerable we are.
I strongly oppose purchasing more mortgage-backed securities. Central banks should not
choose which economic sectors to support. Doing so, if it has any effect at all, restricts credit
access in other sectors. And I don’t see how we can defend that. Such allocational initiatives go
far beyond our mandate. They undermine our claim to deserve independence for the conduct of
monetary policy, and threats to our independence have been growing recently. I think these are

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just going to heighten those threats. Buying MBS is bad policy and bad politics. The only
circumstance in which I’d support it is if there weren’t enough Treasuries out there to buy.
One final comment. There was some discussion at the last meeting of the slogan “We’ll
do what it takes.” I think we haven’t given enough thought to the possibility that what it takes is
patience. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I want to comment on one of your observations,
President Lacker, about the last sentence of 5′. I read it slightly differently than you do, and I
don’t know how other people read it. I read the sentence preceding it as saying that we currently
anticipate that these are the right metrics, but then the last sentence says that that current
anticipation could be modified by what we see over time. You are basically saying that you are
not completely locked into the first thing, regardless of what economic information you see in
the future. So I think the sentences actually do work together in a reasonable way.
MR. LACKER. So the policy we’re adopting here is that an exceptionally low rate for
the funds rate is going to be appropriate as long as the unemployment rate exceeds 6½ percent,
inflation is well contained, or we decide that some other indicator of labor market conditions is
more appropriate.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. We currently anticipate that this is the right range, but
our view is going to be modified by future information about a broad range of indicators. That is
how I read it. That seems to be more intelligent than saying we are locked into this, regardless of
what happens, regardless of what we see, and we are not allowed to learn about anything as the
economy evolves. It creates a little nuance, which is reasonable in terms of how one would
expect the Committee to operate.

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MR. LACKER. Well, then, why not soften the 6½ and use more general labor market
conditions.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Because you are trying to give guidance about what the
Committee thinks at the time, what we think today that might be modified or might not be
modified by future information. But clearly it would be unintelligent not to modify your view if
the information strongly contradicted your prior view. That’s how I read it.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Despite massive monetary policy
accommodation over the past four years, a stronger recovery has not yet materialized, and last
week’s labor market report was a frustrating reminder of this long slog. Like others, my forecast
accounts for any number of risks related to Europe, the U.S. fiscal cliff, and the regulatory
environment, and does recognize that policy accommodation may need to remain in place for
some time in order to support the recovery. I understand the case for taking action in order to
spur the recovery and bring down unemployment faster. To that end, the Committee agreed to
undertake additional balance sheet actions only a few months ago. Today, we contemplate doing
more. Certainly, the data flow since the last meeting was a bit softer than I had expected, but not
sufficiently so to warrant a further expansion of our balance sheet. In that regard, I note that the
Tealbook had pulled forward the timing of the first rate increase since our last meeting.
As I weigh the cost of action versus the status quo, I have appreciated the thoughtful
analysis of Board staff and a number of my colleagues around this table about the effects of
another asset purchase. Unfortunately, I find that the risks associated with further action carry
less precise measurement, but, to the extent they are possible, pose significant cost if realized.
Impairing market functioning in certain financial markets, the potential for the Federal Reserve

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to experience financial losses in the future, and risks to financial stability due to the extended
low rate environment all strike me as significant when weighed against potential benefits. A
larger balance sheet also has the potential to further complicate an exit strategy.
Another LSAP also may have near-term adverse consequences. Given the recent rise in
gasoline prices, additional asset purchases could generate a further rise in oil and gasoline prices,
which would weigh on middle- and lower-income households and, thus, partially offset
estimated benefits.
I also remain concerned that a balance sheet expansion could at some point raise inflation
expectations. Longer-term measures of inflation expectations, or breakeven inflation, appeared
to respond strongly to past LSAP announcements. Given that current longer-term breakeven
inflation measures are consistent with our stated goal, I am concerned that another LSAP
program could push longer-term expectations above a level consistent with our objectives. If
this were to occur, we would face a difficult tradeoff between allowing longer-term expectations
to drift higher or reversing course by reducing the size of the balance sheet. Either option strikes
me as damaging to both the real economy and our credibility.
In terms of the forward guidance, I agree with those who note the time-contingent
guidance has been problematic. And so conceptually I agree that the state-contingent guidance is
preferable as long as we can articulate this guidance in a manner that is fully consistent with our
January 2012 strategy statement, including our assessment of risk to the financial system. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Fisher.

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MR. FISHER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As I mentioned yesterday when I made very
short comments about the economy, I would interlocutate today at greater length [laughter], so I
ask you to bear with me.
We seem to be mesmerized by the siren call of LSAPs. I can’t sing like Orpheus, and I
know I will have no success in tying you to the mast or stuffing wax in our crew’s ears. So what
I am going to do is simply give my very best advice as a loyal officer on your ship. I believe we
are getting further off course. I believe we were misled by our navigation equipment. We have
very sophisticated models, and we have a superb crew of analysts but, as you yourself said
yesterday—and I quote—“nobody really knows what is holding back the economy, and nobody
really knows what really works.”
One thing I learned as a midshipman at the Naval Academy was that great battles at sea
or on land are fought with modern tools, but they are decided ultimately by judgment. And—
always—one listens to and respects the elements. I think everybody agrees at the table that
inflation is not an immediate or presently foreseeable threat. Our desired port, given our
mandate, is increased employment. I happen to believe personally we are way off course. I
believe we are ignoring, at our peril, the elements. I have reported from my watch station again
and again that the very people we wish to stoke consumption and follow demand by creating jobs
and expanding business fixed investment are not influenced by our policy initiatives—that is, by
our LSAPs.
Small and medium-sized businesses are job creators, and yet the soundings, as mentioned
yesterday by President George, of the National Federation of Independent Business’ surveys and
others, tell us that over 90 percent of those businesses are either not interested in borrowing or,
as I mentioned yesterday, have no problem accessing cheap financing. Monetary policy is not on

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their radar as a concern, except that it raises fears among some of future inflationary
consequences. Their principal concern, as President George mentioned yesterday, is with fiscal
and regulatory uncertainty.
With regard to fixed investment and job creating cap-ex, as I said yesterday, the math is
pretty straightforward. Big businesses dominate that theater, and again and again I have reported
to this Committee that with some exception—Disney, for example, being one led by a very
clever contrarian CEO—90 percent or so of those I survey will simply not be motivated by
further cuts in the cost of capital to invest in job-creating cap-ex beyond their maintenance needs.
And this is due to the uncertainty of taxes and final demand and federal spending prospects.
This time, as I mentioned yesterday, I asked my CEO contacts if their cost of borrowing
were to decrease by some 25 basis points or more, how they would react. Would this induce
them to spend more on expanding payroll or job-creating cap-ex? And the answer from 9 out of
10 was, you could cut the cost of borrowing by 1 full percentage point and we’ll use it to buy
back stock. That’s what we’re being directed to do by our board. Governor Stein mentioned the
Duke’s Fuqua School survey yesterday, which is even more comprehensive.
But one of my CEO contacts, by the way, reminded me of the work I used to do for him
and the company he then managed going back to 1975, and our recommendations for strategic or
green field investments. We focused on ROI: As long as you get paid back and as long as you
earn a profit, you can justify it to your shareholders. And presently—and perhaps because of
what we have already initiated—the cost of capital, as President Dudley mentioned earlier,
unlike the conditions of 1975, is just not part of the calculation. And if they are going to be
buying back stock, as they are being directed to by their boards, there is, to be sure, a wealth
effect. But based on the people I talked to, it just does very little to result in job creation sooner

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rather than later. I’ll give you a specific example. This is inside information and off the record.
A company that ordinarily has cap-ex expenditures between $15 billion and $20 billion a year
and has the option presently to either lay cable and facilities that would expand their 4G network
to 90 percent of the country or buy more stock has been directed by their board of directors to
buy more stock because of the economics that these low interest rates make possible. Even
though it strengthens their balance sheet, it defers their job-creation capacity.
Again, I am suggesting, as one of your loyal crew, respectfully, that the efficacy of the
course you are leading us upon is questionable. My best guess is that we will end up this
program, if we proceed with B, with excess reserves that exceed $2 trillion and money lying
fallow, unused, and underutilized toward achieving our goal of increased employment.
When we last talked, it was suggested that perhaps my interlocutors were unsophisticated
and didn’t see the whole picture. I note now that some sophisticates have come to question the
efficacy of this LSAP cruise, among them Mr. Woodford, who has been talked about excessively
at this meeting [laughter], and my friend and respected economist Bill White, who has not been
mentioned whatsoever. Using monetary policy to overcome bad fiscal and regulatory policy is,
to my mind, not only faulty but a pyrrhic strategy. It won’t work, and it may be used against us
in a backlash and lead us onto the rocks.
Now, all of that said, Mr. Chairman, you’re the captain of the ship. It appears that you
and many of our colleagues wish to now plot a course with coordinates outlined in B. We have
decided to proceed, and we have instructed our boiler room, as we say in the navy, to pour out
another $750 billion or so in steam, and the boiler room has replied, “Aye, aye.” This is doable,
and the staff has indicated that “the challenges posed by exit remain manageable,” though I do
sense some timidity in their confidence. There are warnings in the memos on LSAPs that exit

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following an even larger program can probably not be accomplished without violating what the
Committee has heretofore said is our exit strategy principle. The engine room has replied, “Yes,
we can do it.” But there are murmurs among the crew that their conclusions are subject to—and
I am taking words out of the LSAP memos—“substantial uncertainty,” and they couch their
responses with qualifying phrases like “currently judges” and “would likely” and “seems
plausible.” And as I said, listening to Seth very carefully yesterday, his qualifications or his
disclaimers sounded very much like an Allegra commercial. But, again, you’re captain of the
ship; you’ve decided to proceed on a course. The course is outlined in B. Bill tells us that it may
aggregate to another $750 billion or so depending on how much time we let this run. I am a
member of your loyal officer corps. And even though I doubt the efficacy of what we wish to
do, and in fact feel that this is most definitely not the right course, and feel that this course may,
as President Lacker just said, compromise the Fed’s security with regard to its independence, my
job is to give you the best advice I am capable of rendering. Your decision is to steer us along a
course outlined in B. I would say that the least worse of the options in Tealbook B is alternative
B, regular B, the first paragraph 5.
I sent around a memo earlier in preparation for this meeting, and I argued that one could
make the case that this could help offset the drag from higher GSE fees, lower
mortgage−Treasury spreads, even though they are quite low, and help one of the three positive
durable goods sectors that is assisting the recovery, the others being aircraft and motor vehicles.
It is still operating below long-run potential, so there is very little danger, in my view, of
inducing cyclical mal-investment. In addition, the general effects of inducing more refinancing
may aid housing and households in ways that we can’t quite quantify.

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Paragraph 5′ may be laudable in the minds of some at this table. We’ve heard good
arguments for it. But I agree with President Lockhart, and—I believe—President Lacker, that it
is going too far too fast, that we are rushing it, and I would recommend against it. I am referring
specifically to the 6½ percent unemployment rate and 2½ percent inflation cap over the one- to
two-year horizon. You have the phrase that “longer-term inflation expectations continue to
remain well anchored” attached to that, but my guess is just ooching the now commonly
accepted medium-term or longer-term target of 2 percent by one-half percentage point would
raise eyebrows and doubts amongst our skeptics, and some question marks, no matter how we
state it, in the marketplace.
If you wish to proceed on this course, Mr. Chairman, my advice is to go with the
Tealbook’s alternative B, not B′. Specifically, I would go with $30 billion, the lesser number.
As Bill English said yesterday, it allows some ramping up in case the Committee decides, against
my advice—and others’ like me—to do more. A $30 billion program, if I understood the Desk
yesterday, on a flow rate basis means we are already taking down 60 percent of supply.
I would edit paragraph 4 to take out reference to “additional asset purchases.” I would
leave it more vague by simply referring to employing “its other policy tools as appropriate.”
And after the phrase “in the context of price stability,” I would add “and well anchored,” another
great naval term, “and well anchored inflation expectations.” We have it in B′. I don’t see why
we don’t have it in B. This is enough, in my mind, to bind the hands for some time to come for
all of those who are with you in the wheelhouse of the ship we’re steering. It is going to make it
very hard to raise short-term rates, as I mentioned yesterday, even if we end up with a stronger
recovery than we currently foresee or imagine.

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I would recommend, as I suggested in my memo of last week and discussed yesterday,
that in your press conference you emphasize that this is to help along the recovery in housing. I
would advise that you say that the majority of the Committee concurs, but emphasize that the
Committee, as you said yesterday you would, will be constantly scrutinizing the efficacy and
costs of the program. In other words, Mr. Chairman, I would take ownership of this issue. It is
one of the distinct areas of recovery. It is an area where I believe we have had impact. I did
support the MBS program when it was originally announced. I think it is vital for regular
people, not just for economists.
The headline you should be seeking in USA Today should be “Bernanke Acts to Support
Continued Housing Recovery.” You mentioned yesterday you plan to speak in different terms
than usual, making it more simple and directed to what you referred to as the “average person.” I
think that’s good. You’re a great teacher. I saw you do that most forcefully and effectively
when you visited Fort Bliss. And as I mentioned in our phone conversations last week, your
objective should not be to communicate to a few dozen sophisticated economists about this
model or that model. It should be to convince—what was referred to in the last meeting—the
unsophisticated interlocutors who run America’s businesses, and the consumers who buy the
goods and services produced by those businesses, and the press, particularly what the consumers
read as opposed to the reference literature.
So, in summary, Mr. Chairman, I disagree with this course. I think it is a mistake. It
steers us closer to the rocks. But I have offered you my best advice under the circumstances. I
wish you luck. I will do my very, very best in my public appearances in the upcoming week to
support what we are going to announce, even if I have to take Allegra to do it. [Laughter]
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Plosser.
MR. PLOSSER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. There are two policy actions under
consideration today. One is additional asset purchases, the other is an effort to extend and
strengthen our forward guidance. I would like to make a few comments about each of these.
As I explained in the earlier go-round, I am not in favor of undertaking a new round of
asset purchases today. In my view, the forecast has not changed enough to warrant further
action. Indeed, many of the Tealbook’s simple rules on page 2, Tealbook B, including the
outcome-based rule, suggest that policy is approximately well calibrated. Just like President
Bullard, I do not see the urgency for large, aggressive actions at this time. I’ll remind the
Committee, we didn’t move earlier this year as the economy brightened and the outlook looked
better. We did not take action. We were patient. It turned out to be the right decision. The
economy then weakened. But we seem to be anxious to do further accommodation every time
we see weakness and not do the reverse as the economy strengthens. The message I take from
that is that we need to be patient, that we need to not react to short-run fluctuations.
The recovery is frustratingly slow. The unemployment rate is uncomfortably and
tragically high. But, again, we have been told and we understand there is reason to expect this,
given the size and nature of the economic shocks that have hit the economy. The slow recovery,
in my mind, is not evidence that our monetary policy stance is inappropriate. The benefits of
further asset purchases in curing what ails the economy are imprecise and tenuous at best.
Indeed, the Board staff memo lays out numerous caveats and assumptions necessary in assessing
the possible benefits of further asset purchases.
While financial participants may be chomping at the bit for a new program, many
economists throughout this country have raised doubts about the efficacy of such a policy

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strategy. Despite sizable purchases and zero interest rates for four years, unemployment remains
elevated. But rather than question the efficacy of the policies, which would seem natural, our
strategy seems to be to double down. Now, the further sizable expansion of the balance sheet
carries costs and will greatly exacerbate the challenges we face when it comes time to exit, as I
talked about yesterday. In my view, embarking on another asset purchase program at this time is
a highly risky strategy. The consequences may prove very disruptive to the U.S. economy and
harmful to the reputation and credibility of this institution for years to come. We should not
ignore these risks, even for the best-guess outcome—a 50 basis point drop in the unemployment
rate over two years.
The proposal in alternative B is for a flow-based program. But to me, this seems to run
counter to the theory of how such purchases are purported to work in the first place and the logic
we have used in the past. If we believe that the effects of purchases are through a portfolio
balance channel, then the public needs to understand the stock of securities the Fed intends to
buy. The Board staff memo on the flow-based balance sheet policy says that the conclusion of
the simulation exercises, and I quote, “reflects the strong assumptions that investors, pricesetters, and wage-setters all understand the Committee’s goals and its stopping rule for the flow
LSAP.” How do we communicate that when we ourselves don’t even know what that stopping
rule will be? It is remarkable to me that the Committee has not been able to communicate to the
public our reaction function for setting the funds rate even in normal times. And now it seems
we expect the public to believe and understand what our reaction function will be for LSAPs and
balance sheet rules. LSAPs are not a nimble instrument. If this program doesn’t produce the
desired results or the predicted outcomes for the unemployment rate, what will we do? I would
predict that with a flow-based program, if we don’t get the results, we won’t stop. We will

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continue. How will we know when to stop? We seem to have convinced ourselves that such a
policy is effective and important. Maybe so. If it proves not to be, and we don’t get the desired
results, will we just keep on buying assets, reevaluating, and say, “Oh, yes, it’s going to work.
We just have to do some more.” I am not terribly confident of our ability to manage that
effectiveness and give us a stopping rule.
If we get the reaction function wrong, and we find ourselves with ever-more larger
balance sheets, the Fed may face balance sheet losses, no returns, no flows to the Treasury, or
unacceptably large losses of some kind or another. This could undermine our ability to
implement an appropriate monetary policy in the future, to the detriment of both households and
businesses. Now, if the purpose of the balance sheet expansion is as a commitment device to
keep rates low for longer precisely because it makes it harder to exit, then we need to be
explaining this. We don’t tell this to the public. We need to be more communicative about what
we expect our policy to achieve and why we are doing it, and we’re not doing that. How do we
expect the markets to understand this when we are reluctant to say so directly ourselves?
This leads me to the issue of forward guidance, the other policy tool under consideration,
either in conjunction or separately. The intent of our forward guidance is for the Committee to
commit to holding interest rates lower longer than it normally would after the economy begins to
recover. The idea, as President Kocherlakota said, is that the commitment to do this is supposed
to signal to households that the future is going to be brighter. The future is going to be more
economic growth, higher spending than they otherwise might anticipate. And this helps
stimulate less saving and more spending today. The strategy works well in many of our models.
Agents are completely forward-looking. Many of those have expectations that are right. But
implementation, in my view, is very tricky. One needs to get the expectations right.

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We wouldn’t want the public to believe that we will let inflation run away from us, of
course. Michael Woodford has argued that there are ways to implement this strategy. He has
given us two examples—an earlier one is a price-level-targeting strategy and, of course, recently
at Jackson Hole, nominal GDP targeting. I see the problem with this strategy in implementation,
not the conceptual idea. First, it presumes that households and businesses will correctly interpret
our guidance and what it means, and that it means future growth will be higher. But it seems just
as reasonable to assume, and perhaps so far that has been the reaction, that they will read our
actions as a signal that we believe the economic outlook is going to be a lot worse for longer.
The public does not have that positive outlook, and if we don’t convey that to them in very
strong language, the strategy won’t work. It will not bring spending forward.
This strategy requires us to manipulate the public’s expectations in a very particular way.
That’s the communication challenge with this strategy. To follow the strategy requires placing a
lot of weight on our ability to communicate. You will recall that this Committee decided not to
adopt price-level targeting not too long ago and did not adopt nominal GDP targeting when we
had the opportunity to do so. And we rejected those for a variety of reasons, one was
communication and, of course, with nominal GDP targeting, one of the major issues was
defining what the right level of real GDP needed to be. We found those both either risky or
difficult communication strategies.
What do we think that we have done now that will overcome those problems? Why do
we think that the thresholds will overcome those difficulties? We seem to be willing to
implement the strategy in a half-hearted way. I’d note that I have been a strong advocate, and
continue to be a strong advocate, for systematic reaction functions. It is very important to this
Committee. But 5′ is not a reaction function. Paragraph 5′ says nothing about what happens, for

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example, after we pass one of the thresholds. And this is very important, because the public
doesn’t understand what our reaction function is in normal times—or we don’t know what they
perceive it to be necessarily—and we are not telling them what it is going to be afterwards. Let’s
suppose, for example, that the public believes that after we reach the 6½ percent threshold, and
we say nothing about what we will do after that, they presume we may go back to the Taylor
rule. Well, if that’s what they expect to happen, it would lead perhaps to a view of very fast
tightening of policy after we get to the 6½ percent unemployment rate. That would undo some
of the positive effects that we are trying to gain by this forward guidance. If that turned out to be
the case, then this strategy won’t work. How do we make that commitment? The public has to
believe, beyond just the thresholds, how we are going to conduct policy, and as of now we
haven’t explained that. I don’t think we agree amongst ourselves enough about what our policy
reaction function is, and as much as I desire a more contingent economic-based reaction
function, I don’t think the thresholds help us very much there. The language in alternative B(5′),
again, says nothing about how we will behave afterwards.
In the end, I agree with Woodford that LSAPs are perhaps ineffective. But if we are
going to adopt forward guidance and use that as our powerful tool, we need a much more
deliberate and extended communication strategy to lay the groundwork to explain how our
reaction function and how our policy strategy are going to work, and a communication strategy
that convinces the public that we are serious about it, so that they understand how it works, if we
are to get the outcomes that we want.
Obviously, I am not in favor of B. But if I had to choose, at this point I would choose
5 over 5′, not because I don’t like the direction that 5′ is headed, I’m just not sure it is ready for
prime time yet. I’ve never been in favor of the calendar date. It has created many problems for

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us over the last year, and I am anxious to get rid of it. But we need to get rid of it not by a onetime change in a statement. It is going to take more preparation and more analysis. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. President Pianalto.
MS. PIANALTO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Unlike some of my colleagues, my policy
statements have usually been on the shorter side because I have generally been supportive of the
version of the policy alternative that the Committee has eventually adopted. I’m finding today’s
policy decision much more of a struggle. So I’m going to take a little more time than usual to
explain my policy position and to share my views on the benefits and risks of additional policy
actions.
With the unemployment rate at 8.1 percent and the August employment report as
disappointing as it was, I would like to see the expansion proceed at a faster pace. I know that
we all would. So the question on the table is: Can additional monetary policy accommodation
spur economic growth and improve labor market conditions? And if so, which actions would be
most beneficial and pose the least risk?
I agree with the staff assessment that large-scale asset purchases have been effective.
Our first LSAP program was effective at the early stages of the financial crisis when financial
markets were in severe distress. Our second LSAP program was effective when it was launched
in 2010, a time when financial stress was still significant, the risk of falling back into a recession
was high, and the risk of an outright deflation was very real. Our LSAP programs provided
strong support to financial markets and helped to appropriately realign inflation expectations. In
today’s circumstances, I see the benefits of another LSAP program as being far more limited.

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The circumstances that prevailed when we initiated our previous LSAPs are not evident today.
Financial markets are not in disarray, and deflation is not a serious risk.
I also worry that another large-scale asset purchase program carries the risk of
complicating our ability to withdraw policy accommodation smoothly and in a timely manner, as
well as the risk of exposing us to reputation risk in the event that we incur large financial losses.
I commend the staff for doing yeoman’s work to develop exit tools, to identify some of
the potential complications of operating with a very large balance sheet, and to simulate our
balance sheet under various assumptions. I know that we’ve taken precautions, but it is
impossible to be fully prepared for the environment that we might actually face three years from
now. So after putting together my thoughts about the benefits and risks associated with the
available tools and considering my economic outlook, I was not in favor of launching another
large round of asset purchases along the lines of alternative B as it was originally proposed in the
Tealbook. That option called for the immediate launch of an asset purchase program until labor
market conditions substantially improved, and the purchase program was committed to run at
least through mid-2013. That option also called for an extension of the forward guidance on the
fed funds rate through mid-2015.
I recognize that the strategy behind this policy option is predicated on the theory that
additional monetary policy accommodation will only reduce the unemployment rate substantially
if this Committee actually commits to act aggressively and persistently until that goal is
achieved. I understand why the commitment strategy works so well in theory, but we have not
had much practical experience to learn from. I understand the value of commitment, but
commitment can take many forms. I think there’s value in waiting a little while longer before
deciding to initiate another large-scale asset purchase program. The Committee’s better choice

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at this juncture is to find a way to commit through forward guidance about the federal funds rate
liftoff and not to launch a significant asset purchase program. I’m of the view that easing
monetary policy through forward guidance has also been a powerful tool for reducing long-term
interest rates.
As I noted, I think that our first two LSAP programs were successful in countering
financial market stress and deflationary pressures. We may yet encounter a crisis—either from
the fiscal cliff or from Europe—that once again causes serious financial market distress or
deflationary pressures. We would be better served by using asset purchases in response to these
kinds of threats or the threat of a recession than to try to eke out a little more economic growth in
the current circumstance. In coming months we may know more about the prospects for fiscal
policy and for Europe and about the outlook. It’s valuable to have the option to respond directly
to these situations, and launching a full-blown LSAP program today reduces our flexibility.
For all of these reasons I have preferred to wait for the completion of our maturity
extension program at the end of the year before deciding whether to purchase more long-term
assets. However, it was clear at our last meeting that many other Committee members judge that
additional policy accommodation might likely be warranted even sooner, and last week’s
disappointing employment report seems to have been the decisive piece of evidence for some
members who have been waiting for more proof of the economy’s lethargic condition.
While I still have reservations about some of the specifics of the proposal, the version of
alternative B that is now under discussion offers the possibility of an acceptable way forward.
For one thing, even though alternative B does call for expanding our holdings of long-term
securities in the next several months, it does so through the acquisition of MBS. Because some
research does suggest the MBS purchases can be more impactful than Treasury purchases, I like

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this aspect of alternative B. But I would also prefer the smaller amount of MBS purchases—that
is, the $30 billion per month.
One option in alternative B also allows for the possibility that the Committee might
deploy tools other than, or at least in addition to, large-scale asset purchases if in coming months
we conclude that additional easing steps are warranted. I was going to suggest some changes to
the second sentence in paragraph 4. I preferred that we delete the mention of “additional asset
purchases” and instead state that “the Committee will continue its purchases of agency
mortgage-backed securities” and is prepared to “employ its other tools as appropriate until such
improvement is achieved in a context of price stability.” But I do like President Lockhart’s
suggestion that we insert “may” in front of “undertake additional asset purchases and employ its
other policy tools.” I think this flexibility of phasing in more accommodation in various ways as
needed could prove to be helpful.
In addition to beginning MBS purchases, alternative B eases policy through forward
guidance. I like, as many others have already indicated, the state-contingent concept in
paragraph 5′, but I regard the 6½ unemployment rate and the 2½ inflation rate to be much too
aggressive and risky. If the natural rate of unemployment turns out to be 6 percent or larger, I
think that not lifting the fed funds rate until the unemployment rate falls to 6½ percent risks some
build-up of unacceptable inflationary pressures. I know there are safeguards built into the
forward guidance to prevent an unacceptable increase in inflation expectations, but we should be
more humble about our ability to forecast these conditions with much precision. Presidents
Lockhart and Lacker both laid out some risks to using a number for the unemployment rate, and I
agree with their thoughts. But if we decide that we have to include a number, a better approach
is to set the unemployment rate to “at least as low as 7 percent” and to keep inflation at “close to

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2 percent.” These settings give us more flexibility. Without that extra flexibility, I do not
support paragraph 5′, and instead I support the language in paragraph 5.
In conclusion, even though my preference is to wait, I can support alternative B with
paragraph 5 today. Even though some MBS purchases would begin right away, expanding the
scope of policy accommodation even further is going to require the Committee to vote once
again in coming months on the size and the structure of the policy change. This buys us some
time to determine exactly what the Committee means when we say that we want “the outlook for
labor market conditions to significantly improve.” It also buys us some time if the outlook does
not significantly improve to decide whether additional asset purchases would then be the best
course of action. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Yellen.
MS. YELLEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B. My preference is for
purchases of $40 billion MBS a month, and with respect to forward guidance, my preference is
for 5′.
The data we have received since our August meeting provides yet further confirmation
that economic growth is proceeding near or slightly below the economy’s potential, and
downside risks continue to be substantial. For quite some time, the Committee has been in
watch-and-wait mode. We’ve patiently monitored the economy to see whether the MEP and our
forward guidance would be sufficient to produce a stronger recovery. The verdict now seems
clear. Absent further policy action, I see little chance that unemployment will decline in the
foreseeable future. We should not delay action any further. Indeed, I hope we will send the
message loud and clear that we intend to provide additional accommodation through new asset

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purchases until we observe substantial and sustained improvement in labor market conditions,
and will maintain policy accommodation for an extended period as the recovery strengthens.
I support the open-ended and conditional nature of the asset purchase program in
alternative B. I think it’s very helpful to spell out the goal of the program and to articulate the
economic conditions we’ll need to observe before halting those purchases. In particular, we
should promise to add accommodation through asset purchases until the outlook for labor market
conditions has improved substantially, and we would stop doing so only if our outlook for
inflation or assessment of the efficacy and costs of the program changes significantly. The
challenge with such an open-ended program is that its effectiveness will depend on market
expectations of the ultimate size of our asset purchases, and we’re offering no clear guidance on
how long we expect them to continue. In addition, we’ve included some escape clauses relating
to efficacy and costs. I, therefore, think it’s important that our public communications, including
the Chairman’s press conference, emphasize our commitment to continue the program until we
have seen ongoing and sustained improvement in labor market conditions.
Even though the open-ended nature of the program creates challenges in shaping
expectations, it also has the very desirable property that market participants should adjust their
expectations about the size of the program in response to changing economic conditions. And
this means that the program should induce stabilizing movements in financial conditions as
expectations adjust automatically to incoming data indicating a stronger or weaker economic
outlook.
There’s been quite a bit of debate both inside and outside the Fed about the likely
economic impact of asset purchases, and there is sizable uncertainty about the effects of LSAPs.
I appreciate ongoing staff efforts to refine our estimates of these effects. Nonetheless, in light of

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the evidence that I’ve seen, I’m persuaded that this program can be a helpful tool for achieving
our objectives. And while I’m mindful of the implications of further asset purchases for capital
losses and remittances down the road, these concerns pale in comparison to what I view as the
potential economic and human costs of failing to reduce the unemployment rate as aggressively
as we can. I’m hopeful that a determined commitment to continue providing accommodation
until we achieve more rapid and durable progress in attaining our employment goal may bolster
household and business confidence and spending. Any stimulus provided through this channel
will boost its effect relative to the staff’s estimates.
I think it makes sense to direct our new purchases to MBS to provide additional support
to the housing market, and I support purchases at the higher rate of $40 billion per month, which
is a rate that in the Desk’s assessment could be sustained for the next year or two. Consistent
with the open-ended approach, I’d be prepared to scale the flow of these purchases up or down as
the economic outlook evolves. If this flow of purchases is maintained through the middle of next
year, our holdings of longer-term securities would increase by about $800 billion, which I think
is large enough to have a substantial economic effect.
Paragraph 4 of the statement spells out the conditions under which we will provide
additional accommodation through asset purchases. Paragraph 5, in contrast, concerns the
conditions under which we will maintain the level of accommodation that’s reached when our
asset purchases end. If we end up adopting 5 rather than 5′, I consider it critical to make clear
that an extension of the expected calendar date to mid-2015 is intended as a policy shift to
improve the economic outlook, and that it does not convey a downgrading of our outlook in the
face of disappointing new data. Whereas our previous language tied exceptionally low levels of

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the funds rate to economic weakness, the new language incorporated into the beginning of B(5)
is much more positive, and I think it’s a very significant improvement.
As between the alternative versions of paragraph B(5), while I can support B(5) today, I
strongly prefer version 5′. We contemplated a formulation along these lines when we introduced
calendar-date guidance in August of last year, and we have discussed this formulation
extensively for many months now. President Evans, in his speeches, and Presidents
Kocherlakota, Williams, and Rosengren have explained in detail and very persuasively why a
formulation like this makes sense. I don’t want to go over the arguments again that they have set
before the Committee. I simply think that clarifying the economic conditionality of the funds
rate path is useful for precisely the same reasons that it’s useful to tie our asset purchases to
economic conditions. And I also think—a point that President Kocherlakota emphasized—that
the language has the possibility of bolstering household and business expectations about their
future incomes, and this would be a very important mechanism potentially for supporting
additional spending.
In summary, I support the provision of additional monetary accommodation. I anticipate
that continuing our additional purchases will be warranted well into 2013. I also support 5′ today
and hope that if we end up going with 5, we will make further progress in future meetings on
refining our forward guidance.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I prefer alternative B. As I’ve been saying for
some time now, I believe it’s important for us to take stock of our remaining tools and make sure
that they’re used to maximum effect. I do not view reducing the IOER or any sort of discount

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window program to promote lending to be viable options. So for me, that leaves us at asset
purchases and future guidance about the fed funds rate.
I find the idea that the MEP has just as much efficacy as the LSAPs to be plausible, and I
supported both the original program as well as its extension through the end of this year as an
accommodation move. If the MEP does the job on long-term rates, without increasing the size of
our balance sheet or drawing the same criticism as LSAPs, so much the better. But in not
drawing criticism, the MEP might also be less visible and thus less likely to engender a
confidence effect. So it’s important to not only use the tool, but to be quite vocal about our
estimates of its potency.
In addition to continuing the MEP, I’m in favor of adding purchases of MBS. There have
been many discussions in this building about how LSAPs work and the extent to which longterm rates affect equity prices. I’m not, frankly, quite sure about the equity effect, but I’m
100 percent certain that interest rates have a direct effect on real estate prices, and house prices
are important components of household wealth. They affect the number of households
underwater on their mortgage, and, most important, rising prices help instill the confidence to
buy a house either to live in or as an investment.
Reductions in the yield on mortgage-backed securities have not necessarily translated to a
one-for-one reduction in home mortgage rates, as the primary–secondary rate spread remains
unusually wide. So our purchases of MBS could very well translate into additional profit to
lenders rather than cost reductions to homeowners, but ultimately, that additional profit should
entice additional capacity and competition into the market that will reduce the cost and increase
the availability of mortgage credit. And while much has been made of the benefit to the
economy as homeowners refinance into lower payments and free up cash flow for spending, that

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reduced payment for the homeowner translates into reduced income for an investor, and it takes
some pretty heroic assumptions about the differences in propensity to spend for that channel to
make a big impact on consumer spending. Still, I think the confidence and wealth effects, along
with the incentive for increasing capacity, make this a step worth taking. I confess that I might
have been on the fence with this if the employment numbers had been better, but given their
weakness, it’s hard to argue that we’ve been watching closely and still haven’t seen any reason
to take action.
For my policy preference, I start with the desire to finish out the MEP rather than throw it
overboard and replace it with something else. Although it’s something of a coincidence that the
MEP runs out as we approach the fiscal cliff, it’s also something of an advantage. It gives us a
logical point to take stock of the consequences of reaching the cliff and its resolution. To be
clear, I don’t view it as a potential stopping point. On the contrary, I think it highly likely that it
will need to be a point of escalation, and I want to make sure that we have some additional fire
power left. I know this goes against the grain for those of you who believe we should launch
everything we have as early as possible in order to strengthen the economy enough so it can
withstand potential shocks, but those who subscribe to that idea are probably a lot more
convinced than I am about the actual power of our tools. I, frankly, don’t believe these tools are
powerful enough by themselves to strengthen the economy enough so that it will withstand those
shocks, but I do believe that, in announcing their use, there’s a confidence effect that can change
expectations and halt or slow a downward slide.
I am willing to entertain the possibility that we are approaching the point where we
resemble the wizard behind the curtain. [Laughter] If so, I want us to continue to appear great
and powerful in the face of economic weakness for as long as possible. That is, I believe that our

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actions still have the potential to inspire confidence over and above any other possible channel
through which they can work. But if confidence is the most potent channel, the when and how of
new announcements becomes a tool in itself.
The Chairman was telling us at dinner last night that he had the opportunity to go and
visit the Washington Nationals’ batting practice and meet the players, and one of the players
came up and, upon finding that he was the Chairman of the Fed, said, “Hey, how about that QE3,
man?” [Laughter] I think this is evidence that there’s a whole world of people out there who
have no idea what QE3 actually means or what monetary policy is. They don’t know the Taylor
rule, and they haven’t spent much time thinking about the Woodford paper. [Laughter] They
won’t read the whole statement or tune into the press conference, but they will likely know that
the Fed did something and that that something should help the economy.
In the spirit of conserving some fire power for what I view as a potential two-step action,
I prefer to add only $30 billion per month in MBS purchases. It establishes the 60–40 split that
was assumed in the capacity memos and leaves room to escalate the amount of MBS, add
Treasury purchases, or commit to a $1 trillion program as levers to be pulled if conditions
deteriorate, as I fear they might in coming months. My own judgment is that a commitment to a
large program will prove to be a stronger action, but that we can always change from open-ended
to a stock commitment. It would be much tougher to try to go in the other direction.
In paragraph 4, I prefer to exclude the mention of other policy tools, as those other policy
tools could be interpreted as an intent to use the IOER or a lending program, neither of which I
support.
I prefer paragraph 5 over 5′, especially at this meeting. The action of adding MBS
purchases to the MEP is already going to be a little complicated to communicate. Have we or

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have we not launched QE3? So our communication focus should certainly be on that action in
this meeting. Use of a date in the forward guidance is familiar and it’s expected. While I’m sure
there’s going to be an ongoing discussion, I would still continue to use the date, but over time,
explain that it represents a departure from our standard policy rules and our own historic reaction
function. I found the memos about delaying liftoff until there was a greater certainty about the
likelihood of return to the zero bound to be very reasonable and explainable, and it would be
helpful to convey that we are also anxious to get back into a more normal environment.
I have real concerns about expressing our policy in terms of specific triggers. We worked
hard on the statement that put the 2 percent target out there, and I’d hate to create an impression
that we’re now raising it. I’m especially reluctant to specify the unemployment rate as the single
employment data point guiding our actions. First, there’s always the risk that it’s perceived as
too high or too low, and one has only to look at the most recent employment report that clearly
showed weakness, even though the unemployment rate dropped two-tenths, to get a little nervous
about tying fed funds expectations to that single number. Indeed, last year as we saw a full
percentage point decline in the unemployment rate, we were only kind of pleased about it,
because it didn’t happen in the way we expected.
Someone commented yesterday that we should begin to focus on how the general public
receives our messages, and this is a really important point. I question whether the public will use
this guidance formulation to adjust their expectations about policy. I think they’ll hear these
numbers as our targets. But if the consensus is to move to conditioning on economic outcomes,
we should, at a minimum, take some time to set the table for its introduction. In addition, we
should agree to leave this set-up task to the Chairman, and the rest of us should refrain from
taking our own disagreements on the finer points public. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you, and I’d like to point out that the player’s
financial portfolio is probably bigger than anybody at this table. [Laughter] Governor Tarullo.
MR. TARULLO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My reaction when you told me about the
player in question was he has an awfully good financial advisor. [Laughter] Let me begin by
saying that some people have basically asked the question, why act now? For my own
perspective, I don’t think there is a particularly compelling reason to act at this moment, but that
is only because I would have thought that action at any of the past several meetings would have
been equally appropriate. Charlie, in response to your questions, why wasn’t I or why weren’t
others inclined to act earlier in the year when there was a trio of pretty good employment
numbers? The answer is that they didn’t seem sustainable, just as the little bursts in the last
couple of years hadn’t seemed sustainable. If they had been sustainable, that would have called
for some action. But here I think we are all seeing that the basic diagnosis of a bogged-down
economy over the past few years has become a pretty persuasive one.
The second thing I would say is I don’t think it is reasonable to oppose further action on
the grounds that action taken in the past has not produced the complete, fast recovery that
everyone would like to see. The real question is the counterfactual one: In the absence of action,
in the absence of the LSAPs, what would be the situation now? And there I think,
notwithstanding the efforts of some to deny that there has been any effect—I am not talking
about people in this room—while one can debate reasonably and at length the actual amount of
effect of the last couple of LSAP exercises, it is really hard not to see that there has been an
effect, and the disagreement seems to be over how much.
Of course, we would all be happier if there had been a more aggressive set of policies to
deal with underwater mortgages and housing a couple of years ago. I think in retrospect, as

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people write the history of the Great Recession following the financial crisis, the failure to move
more aggressively on housing is going to be seen as the biggest of the policy mistakes, even
bigger than maybe not going for a larger stimulus package. But it is not up to us to determine
what everybody else does. We have to take the world as it is presented to us, and then balance
the costs and benefits of the actions we can take in light of the good and bad decisions that other
parts of the government and consumers and firms are themselves taking.
As Jeremy was suggesting yesterday, there is in any set of LSAP proposals an anticipated
combination of what he termed the “hydraulic” effects and some confidence or quasicommitment effect. I think it is hard to disentangle the two, even as we look retrospectively at
the first couple of LSAPs. There is some case to be made, as some of the skeptics have
suggested, that the conditions that obtained at the times of the LSAPs made what I have termed a
confidence or quasi-commitment effect particularly salient at those moments. And that may not
be quite as powerful right now.
But, again, in the face of all of this uncertainty, which the Chairman alluded to yesterday,
we do have to make a choice. And it does seem to me that the costs suggested to date, while
nontrivial, don’t seem overwhelming. That is, they are a little bit more speculative than they are
concrete. People are saying, “we worry that there may be some effect on market functioning,”
without specifying exactly what that effect would be, or “we worry that there may at some point
be some effect on inflation or on our exit capacities,” without telling a somewhat more filled-out
story as to what they think those might be. While I would be shocked if there are not some
unintended consequences, even of the LSAPs we’ve done to date, that is part of policymaking.
There are always going to be some unanticipated consequences, and the best you can do is try to
dig in as deeply as possible to spin out as many plausible outcomes as possible, and then make

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that balance. Obviously, from what I’ve said here, that balance is in favor of taking further
action, as it has been before. And so I support alternative B. But I just want to make clear to
those who have questions—Sandy and Dennis and others—that I share a lot of the uncertainty,
and I don’t have enormous conviction that anything we do now is going to be, as Eric put it, a
game-changer. It is going to be something that helps, not something that resolves all problems.
On the 5 versus 5′ issue, Narayana laid out the two key considerations extremely well.
First, that the use of the more-specified forward guidance could maximize the effect of LSAPs.
That is a very important consideration. Second, and this was an extremely important point, he
pointed out that 2½ could easily be consistent with a price-stability-only mandate just because of
having tolerance around any goal that one is ever trying to achieve. To me, that might have
suggested that perhaps, because we do have a dual mandate, there might be a different set of
targets that would be adopted. But it seems to me, at the very least, Narayana’s reasoning
suggests why 2½ shouldn’t be problematic.
I don’t find the potential hysteresis argument or the potential rise in labor force
participation to be dispositive here. I don’t think Janet actually disagreed with me yesterday
when I said that I had been surprised that we haven’t seen hysteresis. And given that we haven’t,
it’s probably less likely than we all thought. But even if you thought it was, how would it
manifest itself? Presumably, it would manifest itself in tightness in the labor market and rising
wages, which are going to pass through into our inflation projections. At that point, you’d say,
“Okay. We are now seeing that the trigger or threshold has been breached.”
There is something to what Charlie Plosser said about the market’s anticipation of what
happens as we approach the thresholds. When Charlie Evans was talking about this publicly, a
very acute market observer commented offhandedly to me that he was somewhat sympathetic to

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this approach, but his concern was that there may be some expectation of pent-up and rapid
increases, which markets would think would be coming depending on the circumstances as we
approached—I think, at that time, Charlie’s numbers were 7 and 3. I don’t think that is
something to disregard. It is probably something to take into account.
These are all good arguments piled onto the “why we all hate the date” argument for
trying to develop something like what is in 5′. Having said that, I would remind all of you of the
fact that I was initially—late last year and early this past year—hesitant to move in that direction
for a couple of reasons. One, the communications issues, which several—most recently Betsy—
have alluded to, are significant here. But I thought they were significant last spring, even in the
absence of an LSAP initiative, which is going to take a little nimbleness to explain. The
confusion with the policy statement—what do these numbers actually mean—is a real
consideration. Though I should say, at the time, I had some hopes that a revised SEP could fill a
good bit of the role of these thresholds or targets. Those hopes have subsequently been dashed.
[Laughter] I now see the cost–benefit calculus somewhat differently, which is to say that the
available alternative may not be as much of a substitute as I had hoped. I would say that,
notwithstanding my strong sense that this is the right direction for us to go—for the reasons
Narayana stated—and that optimally we would have been prepared to go that way right now, I
don’t really think the groundwork has been laid. Certainly not externally—I do think some
underestimate the communications challenge that will exist.
Second, I’m not totally positive that we have laid the groundwork internally. Maybe we
did eight months ago, but all of those memos and things are in the archives instead of right in the
front of our computer screens. It would be a tougher case for me if everybody had converged
around 6½ and 2½ because in those circumstances I might be inclined to say, “All right.

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Communications challenge—Michelle is going to have a tough week, but let’s take the 6½, 2½,
which is probably, in the end, right, but that’s not where we are. I would say that not taking an
employment number means that you are not actually communicating very effectively at all
because otherwise it is just qualitative verbiage. You don’t really achieve what you are trying to
achieve. In addition, saying a little bit over 2 is going to create even more communication
problems because everybody is going to ask, “Well, how much over?” It doesn’t really solve
much, if anything at all.
There is not agreement on these propositions right now. It is clear that we don’t have a
consensus even among those who are going to vote in favor of alternative B on the numbers
themselves, so we are probably not prepared to move in that direction. But I don’t think that
should dissuade us from doing a lot of memo writing and communicating over the course of the
next couple of meetings to see if we can move in that direction together. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Raskin.
MS. RASKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Incoming data have been consistent with my
expectations, reinforcing my view that additional policy stimulus is needed. The inflation
outlook is subdued, and the employment outlook is unsatisfactory, so a balanced approach
requires the providing of significant additional stimulus.
My comments will, again, focus on the communication channel. First, I think that some
marginal monetary stimulus could be delivered, without incurring the costs associated with an
LSAP, through the use of forward guidance that is dependent on the economic outlook. While I
appreciate the fact that an asset purchase program and forward guidance are not perfect
substitutes, I like 5′ because it is close to a costless way of providing some accommodation.

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But even if we were not in agreement that more accommodation is necessary, I see little
downside in shedding our adherence to a calendar date. The calendar date, as we have heard, is
working against us. It is communicating that we are continuously downgrading our assessment
of the future. Why not, instead, show households, businesses, and markets what we are looking
for in terms of particular economic outcomes? Why not offer a sneak preview of what we need
to see before we begin contracting? With such a preview and credible delivery, households and
businesses and markets figure out how we are going to react. Providing that window, and
keeping the panes of that window clean, reduces volatility and pessimism about our commitment
to support a recovery. In mitigating this volatility and pessimism, as argued by President
Kocherlakota and others, we maximize the effectiveness of the other actions being contemplated.
But we have been down this road before, so we ask, why now? Why move to forward
guidance that is dependent on the economic outlook sooner rather than later? We should
consider forward guidance that is dependent on the economic outlook sooner rather than later
because there could be costs to putting this off. The primary cost is the permanent downward
shift in expectations that becomes more probable the longer we wait. The longer we put off
these contentious decisions, the greater the probability that we let stand the perception that there
is a new, lower, slower trajectory of economic growth that we are comfortable with; the greater
the probability we let stand the perception that the FOMC doesn’t adhere to the statutory
directive of a dual mandate; the greater the probability we let stand the perception that we act
forcefully when we are off the price-stability mandate but not when we are off the maximumemployment mandate; and the greater the probability we let stand the perception that 2 percent is
a ceiling.

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Forward guidance that is dependent on an economic outlook counters these otherwise
pervasive and erroneous interpretations and perceptions. The longer we postpone correcting
such interpretations and perceptions, the more pervasive, credible, and intractable they become.
In short, we want to oxygenate the forward guidance before households and businesses
permanently harden their expectations about both the future path of the economy and our future
reaction to it. All of this argues for moving away from a calendar date sooner rather than later.
We still may not know what the right numbers are for insertion into a formulation like 5′,
but we have all seen that in optimal control simulations under commitment in the FRB/US
model, the unemployment rate is around 6 percent at the time of liftoff, and inflation never rises
above 2½ percent. We have seen justification for these particular thresholds. Moreover,
6½ percent is still above the Committee’s view of the long-run rate of unemployment. The
forward guidance in 5′ has come a long way since we discussed it in August of 2011. It now
contains a firm, definitive, non-vague inflation proviso. A problem we debated in the August
2011 meeting was the risk that moving the forward guidance from a calendar date to one based
on economic conditions would dislodge inflationary expectations. In the current version of 5′,
that possibility seems extremely unlikely. Instead, if inflation at a one- to two-year horizon were
above the small ½ percentage point threshold of 2 percent, the Committee would be required to
reengage on the federal funds rate debate, even if unemployment still exceeds 6½ percent. It is,
to use President Kocherlakota’s phrase, a threshold for conversation. These are hardly putting in
place conditions by which inflation can brew silently, unchecked, and unaddressed.
At the end of this round, there are still some who say that the egg hasn’t been cooked
long enough. I might have to disagree, noting that I am not sure what we are waiting for.
Paragraph 5′ could be in a form close enough to convince the public that the FOMC is following

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a different strategy; one that tries to achieve its employment mandate more forcefully than the
public has perceived thus far; one that more credibly delivers accommodation and, at the right
time, contraction, than the markets have understood thus far; one that has none, if any, of the
costs associated with an LSAP; and one that may be necessary now to make the MBS purchases
in alternative B more effective. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Stein.
MR. STEIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B. I will just comment on
a few of the specifics. First of all, in terms of the flow rate of purchases of MBS, I would go
with $40 billion per month, though I can’t say I have a particularly strong view on this.
With respect to the trigger- or threshold-based policy described in paragraph 5′, I am
quite sympathetic to the strategy. It has the potential to be of significant help. I appreciate and
find quite compelling the arguments that President Kocherlakota and a number of others have
made. There is really quite an appealing intellectual case to be made.
Now, having said this, I find myself in very close agreement with Governor Tarullo in
terms of whether now is the right time to move forward. As he pointed out, there are two issues.
There is the internal issue. We have to get this right internally. We have to really agree on the
design and on the parameters. The numbers really matter here. If we don’t coalesce around a
reasonably strong version, one in which we make it clear that we have, as President
Kocherlakota suggested, an ambitious unemployment threshold and some tolerance for a
symmetric loss function on inflation, the intellectual case for it in some sense starts to disappear.
That’s one issue—we have to get that right.
Second, the external issue is also challenging, and the communication here is crucial. To
give one example, something that is not clear in my own mind is, how would we respond to the

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following question? Have we really deviated from our previous forward guidance in the sense
that now we are making more of what is really a commitment, in the spirit of optimal control, to
do something that we would stick with, even if it’s, in a sense, time inconsistent? Or, is it just a
statement, well, that we’ve introspected, we have thought about our reaction function, and we
have discovered in our souls that we have a different reaction function than we previously knew
ourselves to have?
These are challenging things to explain, and it’s absolutely important to get it right. The
concern, then, would be that if we throw something this consequential and tricky into what is
already a hard-to-parse statement in other areas, it could end up being somewhat
counterproductive. Again, I very much have sympathy for the underlying idea and the
principles, and I would hope that we could further develop and do more work on it. My own
preference would be not to push it out the door in the next hour or two.
With respect to paragraph 4, this is the part I had in mind when I said it was already a
little bit hard to parse. You get a flavor of this in some of the comments that have already gone
around. In other words, it seems like it is really open to different interpretations. Some of you
have, as I hear it, read paragraph 4 as a quite strong and open-ended commitment to continue
doing asset purchases as long as it takes until the labor market improves. At the other extreme,
the way I heard President Bullard reading the paragraph was, “Well, it doesn’t really say much
more than that we will do this for several months and then reassess where we are.” You can
certainly point to various forms of wiggle room in the phrasing. I suppose the truth is sort of in
between and a little bit in the eye of the beholder.
For my part, I would align myself quite closely with President Pianalto. I appreciate the
commitment arguments. I like the idea of having wiggle room, and that is because of my own

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understanding of the costs and the benefits, and that in spite of the fact that I do believe the
benefits of past programs have been significant, I sense that we are verging into diminishing
returns territory. Moreover, flexibility may be particularly warranted with MBS because there is
a particular kind of market feedback that we might get reasonably quickly, which is to say—and
Governor Duke mentioned this—there is this issue about the pass-through from MBS spreads to
primary mortgage rates. We will see, presumably in a few months, whether that pass-through is
weak or strong, and one might want to update one’s policy based on that.
In any event, as we talked about yesterday, given the language in paragraph 4, this makes
the press conference important. For what it’s worth, Mr. Chairman, I thought that the trial
balloon answers that you were floating yesterday struck a good balance here, so I was certainly
comfortable in that dimension.
Given these two earlier points, one being that I think it is worth giving serious further
thought to 5′, and the second being that there is some virtue to not getting overly locked in on
asset purchases, I also—very similar to President Lockhart and to President Pianalto—was
thinking about whether there is an alternative framing that would work here? And my thought
was maybe we can lean just as far forward, or even a little bit further, on the general principle of
giving accommodation if the economy doesn’t strengthen but be more open as to whether that
accommodation would take the form of asset purchases or a change in our guidance.
This could be done, in principle, either by rewording paragraph 4 of the statement or
simply by the way the press conference is handled. In the former case, if it’s done via the
statement, you could rewrite the two key sentences—it’s just a suggestion—as follows: “If the
outlook for the labor market does not improve substantially, the Committee will continue to add
further accommodation as appropriate until such improvement is achieved in a context of price

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stability. In determining the nature of such accommodation, the Committee will, as always, take
appropriate account of the likely efficacy and costs of the tools at its disposal.” It is less precise,
and I take that to be in the spirit of what you all were thinking as well. The intent is not to back
away from being supportive but to be a little bit more flexible in the tools that are used to
provide that support. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Governor Powell.
MR. POWELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will vote in favor of alternative B. My
support for alternative B leans heavily on the language in paragraph 4 requiring us to consider
the likely efficacy and cost of further actions when and if they are proposed and considered, and
I join strongly Governor Stein and Presidents Pianalto and Lockhart in an editing of paragraph 4
that moves very much in the direction that Governor Stein just read.
I am a supporter of paragraph 5. I think that the arguments that have already been raised
and vetted about 5′ are dispositive at this time. I will say that the two things that need to be
done—the good news is there are only two things. The bad news is those two things are, first,
the Committee has got to reach agreement on the desirability of moving to a state-contingent
forward guidance. I’m very open to the intellectual appeal of that, but going around the table,
it’s quite obvious that we don’t fully have that, particularly around the levels in the language and
the conditionality.
The second is clearly the public communication aspect. There’s nothing about it in the
Jackson Hole speech. There really hasn’t been any supportive discussion of it by the Chairman
lately that I’ve seen. We could get ourselves to a place where this could be announced. It would
be the work of some months both internally and externally, in particular explaining how it does

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fit in with the principles that we adopted in January. It’s not something that can happen in the
next 45 minutes.
I will also vote in favor of extending the guidance to mid-2015 as proposed. My own
view of this is that the market moves the estimate of the liftoff date every day, and our proposed
guidance doesn’t contain any surprise element. The idea that the date can contain a negative,
contractionary aspect is certainly plausible in a different setting, but not on the facts we face
today.
Let me say a couple of comments about LSAPs. As I look back on the use of LSAPs so
far, I too believe that the evidence supports the view that the effects of any LSAP are highly
dependent not only on some mechanics, but also on the setting in which it is launched. The main
driver of real effects is probably that of enhancing confidence, confidence that bad outcomes will
be avoided, and that there is reason to hope for good outcomes.
In this view, it is really our credibility, the design of the program, and the setting that
make it work. For me, an argument in favor of alternative B is that it is limited to MBS at a time
when the housing market is consistently surprising on the upside. This alternative can be well
explained and understood by the public as welcome support for housing as well as for the
broader economy. So presented, it stands a decent chance to actually be noticed and appreciated
by people who are neither Fed watchers nor professional market participants nor economics
bloggers. I encourage an emphasis on support for housing in our public communications around
this action.
My view is that alternative B can have positive effects on the economy but that these
effects are likely to be quite modest, and I do come to that view without a great deal of certainty.
It does seem clear to me that LSAPs have affected asset prices, and to deny that does call for—as

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was done in a certain well-mentioned Jackson Hole paper—that most hackneyed of all economist
jokes that while it may be observed in reality, it will simply never work in theory. [Laughter]
But of course, affecting MBS and Treasury prices is just the beginning. We need translation to
rates that actually matter for private economic activity and then translation to the real economy.
Looking at the channels through which we believe our policies operate and the caveats,
confidence intervals, headwinds, and multiple uncertainties that surround the estimates so well
addressed in yesterday’s meeting, my strong sense is that the real effects will be quite modest,
and it is all too easy these days to find credible private forecasts that agree. The last two
forecasts that I’ve seen both from well known, credible sources who happened to be broadly
supportive of accommodation, point to estimates of unemployment effects of around 20 or
30 basis points for a program the size of QE2—use that as a rough proxy for this. That would be
300,000 to 450,000 jobs under those forecasts. That might be equivalent to bringing the
recovery forward by a couple of months.
As far as the costs, I certainly agree that they appear manageable in the near term.
There’s enough risk and uncertainty about the medium and long term that if the view of the
likely benefits is right, one would have to believe further that the likely costs are close to nil to
want to proceed with a large LSAP. I also agree with President Bullard’s point earlier in the
meeting that the problem has not been the lack of aggressive monetary policy. As a separate
matter, taking the Chairman’s points from yesterday, I do not feel that additional aggressive
monetary policy is likely to provide much of a solution.
I know that every member of the Committee struggles to balance these highly uncertain
costs and benefits. I’m supporting alternative B with a certain lack of enthusiasm, and I am
somewhat uncomfortable with the road that we are on. As others have mentioned, this is not

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2008, 2009, or 2010. We’re now using LSAPs as a straightforward jobs program. There is no
credible threat of deflation, recession, or financial crisis, any of which could present a
compelling case for action and the use of all of our tools, including LSAPs if appropriate. Again,
these are concerns about the medium and the long term, not the next six months. My concern is
that for very modest benefits, we are piling up risks for the future and that it could become habitforming. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you. My preference would be to act forcefully at
this meeting. I’d favor alternative B, paragraph 4 as written, paragraph 5′, and $40 billion per
month of agency MBS. Let me just talk about each of these a little bit.
With respect to the thresholds, what I hear around the table is that there’s really a strong
sentiment that thresholds can trump date guidance, and the thresholds that we even have today in
5′, in my mind, trump date guidance. But I do accept the view that maybe we can even do better,
and so in my mind the tradeoff is really between is it better to do something today to have a
bigger package or is it better to keep working on 5′ to try to improve the communication and
have it come later?
I would prefer to do it all today as a package because if you do it as a package, it’s going
to have more force in terms of its impact, but I accept the fact that the Committee is not really
quite there yet. I would hope that at least that the Committee would commit that we’re going to
bring 5′ home in the next one or two meetings. It would be very disappointing if we didn’t do
that because I think most people around the table view the date as really quite problematic.
The thresholds, as Presidents Williams and Kocherlakota pointed out, are more powerful
than a date. The date creates a lot of uncertainty. When are we going to move it? Why are we

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going to move it? When we move it, why did we move it? Thresholds provide more
information. The date implicitly rests on some unobserved variables, and so people essentially
have to look at the date and then infer what the things are that lie behind the date. Why not just
tell them what those variables are?
Some of the problem with the thresholds is the limits of the statement. The statement can
only carry so much water, and we can’t specify all the parameters that would go into our
decisionmaking as the economy actually evolves. We have to recognize we’re not going to get
to a perfect 5′ because the statement just can’t carry that water. We need to do the best we can
and see what we can come up with. Then lastly, the dynamic nature of the thresholds far trumps
the date guidance. The market will adjust automatically, and as people have said, that’s an
automatic stabilizer. So I’m reluctant to abandon 5′ at this meeting because it would make the
action more forceful, but I do accept the pretty strong sense that a lot of people who don’t want
to do it this meeting would actually be pretty inclined to do it subsequently once the work on the
communication was complete and once they were convinced that they got the best 5′ version that
they could possibly get. I think we should keep going on that.
With respect to the rest of the statement, I would not want to alter paragraph 4 because
it’s critical to ensure the paragraph is forward leaning and implies the commencement of a new
LSAP program should the economic situation not improve in a meaningful way.
As I see it, we need to decide now what we will do if the economy continues to
disappoint. We’ll do more and how we’ll do more, and communicate this decision now because
that will reduce uncertainty and support confidence, and that will support the recovery. In my
view, if we postpone those decisions about what we’ll do in the future if the economy
disappoints, we just create more uncertainty about what our future policy actions are going to be,

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and that really undercuts the efficacy of the policy choices. Deciding today so that people know
that there’s more coming will actually create greater confidence about the Fed’s willingness to
support the economy. That reduces the downside risk and actually means, at the end of the day,
the prospect is that we’ll have to do less rather than more because we’ll be acting today and
supporting confidence today by communicating what our future actions will be.
All that said, I am very sympathetic with a number of people’s remarks that don’t put a
very high weight on the power of additional LSAPs. I think LSAPs have modest effects on the
level of long-term rates, and the drop in long-term rates does feed through partially to the equity
market and the foreign exchange market but not one-for-one as in the staff projections because
that would contradict the whole portfolio balance framework, which is the basis for LSAPs.
In assessing the effect of past LSAPs, I’m not particularly a big fan of event studies. I
think the event studies are too focused on the reaction on particular days. The expectation of
LSAPs evolves more slowly, and it’s very hard to disentangle all the factors that affect financial
asset prices. When we say that we’re going to do an LSAP, that not only affects people’s views
of what’s going to happen in terms of financial markets, but also signals a view about our view
of the economy, and both of those things affect financial asset prices. So trying to disentangle
what the effect is of the LSAP from what the effect is of our judgment that we need an LSAP is
very difficult to determine.
I also agree with Governor Stein and others that probably one of the more powerful
aspects of LSAPs is the confidence channel and the signal that we’re willing to do as much as it
takes. During the heat of the financial crisis in 2008 and 2009 when we were rolling out all of
these special liquidity facilities, I was very impressed by how much our policy actions supported
confidence in market function just because we were showing up, just because the fire trucks were

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rolling. People, as I think Governor Duke noted, don’t necessarily understand exactly why we’re
doing what we’re doing, but they feel more confident when they know that we’re acting.
Some around the table have argued that our tools are not very effective and the core
problems lie elsewhere—in fiscal, the household balance sheet, housing problems—and so we
shouldn’t act because by acting we’re somehow removing responsibility from others where the
responsibility more rightly sits, and I think there is some truth to that argument. In an ideal
world, other things that are outside our purview would happen that would help the economy. But
I don’t think that argument carries the day for arguing against action for two reasons.
First, nothing in our mandate says that if our tools aren’t powerful, don’t use them; defer
to others. There’s nothing in our mandate that says that. It just says this is your mandate. Use
your tools to try to achieve your mandate the best you can. And second, if we don’t act, it’s not
as if that somehow is going to cause others to act. I really don’t accept the premise that
somehow our inaction would spur action by others. If you really believe that, then maybe you
could actually advance this argument. But I don’t think many people around the table believe
that our inaction will somehow spur action by others that will improve the economic outlook.
On the agency MBS, I strongly favor the $40 billion per month over the $30 billion.
Being more forceful makes sense. At the end of the day the staff has concluded that we have the
room to do $40 billion rather than $30 billion without impairing market function, so I don’t
really see the reason for holding back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Thank you, and thank you all very much, as always,
for your good advice.
Let me make a couple of comments. I think that action is needed. I don’t think we’re
being precipitous. We extended the guidance in January. In June, we extended the MEP. Both

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of those things were viewed essentially as temporizing moves and were discussed in that way
around this table. The evidence is that while we are not necessarily facing recession or crisis, it’s
also true that we seem to have stalled, and that very serious problems with unemployment are not
improving. Given our mandate, I think that requires at least a consideration of action.
The action that is proposed here, and it should be very clear, is a cautious action.
Governor Duke was very helpful in helping me think about this. What this alternative B actually
does is make a down payment of X per month of MBS for the rest of the year, and then three or
four job market reports from now we will consider at that point what the job market outlook
looks like, and then respond appropriately. So it is, in that respect, emphasizing the
conditionality of the program and the fact that we will be looking—in a way that wasn’t
conveyed adequately by our fixed-size LSAP programs—at what’s happening in the data and
what’s happening in the economy. But I do think there is a basis for expressing our support for
the economy at this point, to help support confidence and to help give the economy a bit more
strength in case we do face shocks from Europe or from the fiscal cliff.
So, again, obviously I propose alternative B. I’ll come back to the body of it in a
moment. On 5 versus 5′, there was a pretty clear consensus around the table that there’s a lot of
hunger for moving away from the date toward some kind of state-contingent guidance. I think
one of the lessons of the paper whose author’s name will not be mentioned was that clarity about
future rate policy is a very powerful tool and one that we should make use of. I would advocate
that we continue to work on this because the other part of the consensus today was that we’re not
quite ready for prime time on this issue. So I would propose for now that we retain paragraph 5,
but with a very strong injunction to the staff and to colleagues that we work to figure out how we
can put language like 5′ in soon.

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In paragraph 3, I’d like to make the following proposal. I’d like to propose that we do
$40 billion a month, but I’d like to add the words “through the end of the year” where it says
$85 billion a month three lines from the bottom. The $85 billion, which is the MEP plus the
$40 billion—of course the MEP runs out at the end of the year, and that’s about the time we’ll be
looking at how we’re going to proceed from here. The advantage of doing $40 billion is, first of
all, that $30 billion feels a little underwhelming to me in terms of what we announce today, but
also it seems to me that one of the options we might have in January, if we are looking at it,
would be just to continue the $40 billion. To me, $40 billion seems like a more plausible number
there. And we have talked about it with the Desk, and their view is that it’s consistent with both
our operational capacity and with market functioning even if extended for a long period, longer
than I expect that we would actually do it.
In paragraph 4, I would propose—and there were views on different sides here—we use
the second language, “undertake additional asset purchases and employ its other policy tools.”
Governor Duke spoke against this because she mentioned IOER and discount window lending.
Of course, those are Board tools, but the other tools that the FOMC has are the statement
language and the guidance, and certainly that could be part of additional steps that we take in
January or whenever it is that we begin to review the situation. If no one has too strong an
objection, I’d like to use that second phrase with the understanding, which I will make clear if
asked, that what we mean by that is communication—which is the other topic I talked about in
Jackson Hole. I don’t want to make any other changes. We do have the phrase “as appropriate.”
That already conveys the notion of conditionality, the fact that we may or may not take action. It
depends on what the economic outlook is, and I think that’s very important.

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I forgot to say, by the way, on 5—a point that Governor Raskin made—that I think the
reason that there has been in the SEP, as well as in the guidance, a fairly sharp movement into
the future of the expected takeoff date is not really because there’s been a massive deterioration
in the outlook, but that the Committee has come to the view that a somewhat more extended
period of low rates—for reasons articulated by the artist formerly known as Michael Woodford
[laughter]—can be helpful in a zero lower bound situation, and I will try to make that point also
in the press conference.
To summarize—and I look around the table, if there are any voters who are extremely
bothered, please let me know—I would propose to choose $40 billion and $85 billion from the
third line from the bottom, propose to insert the phrase “through the end of the year” after “each
month,” and then in paragraph 4, I propose to take the second option, “undertake additional asset
purchases, and employ its other policy tools as appropriate.” Are there any comments?
President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. May I just ask a question? When we say “in a context of price stability,”
we also mean well-anchored inflation expectations, is that correct?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We do. That’s the phrase. I recognize it’s not completely
grammatical as President Lacker pointed out, but the implication is that, of course, at all times
we’ll maintain that conditionality as we undertake our policy.
MR. FISHER. And you will work that into your press conference if it’s appropriate.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes, yes. Absolutely.
MR. FISHER. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lockhart.

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MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In paragraph 4, just a thought to throw
on the table, and that is take the last sentence of 5′, inject it after the words “price stability,” so
that the effect of the last two sentences would be to frame this whole question of continuing
accommodation—in effect, framing the way we’re going to deliberate over this over the next few
weeks. It seems to me comprehensive. It refers to improvement in labor market conditions
generally, and also of course, efficacy and cost and all of that. I can see combining those two
sentences. Each begins, for what it’s worth, with “In determining, …” and that might make that
paragraph a good set-up. I’ll also point out that in all likelihood, the minutes are going to portray
that we have given some consideration to threshold thinking, and so this would serve to frame
that for the market reaction over the next few weeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Because it refers to the time horizon, wouldn’t that kind of
language be more appropriate as we look toward the language of 5? In other words, I thought for
a moment you were suggesting taking that and putting it at the end of 5.
MR. LOCKHART. I’m actually thinking it might fit in 4. I put this on the table a little
bit off the top of my head. The Committee will continue its purchases, undertake additional asset
purchases, and employ its other tools until such improvement is achieved in the context of price
stability. In determining how long we’re going to do that, we’d take into account the pace of
labor market conditions and so forth. In determining the size, pace, and composition, as always,
we’d take into account efficacy and cost. I just saw that as a boxing of all of the things we would
take into consideration if we go to essentially an open-ended kind of approach.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. In my press conference I’m going to be very clear that
obviously this is not a numeric objective, and we’ll be looking at a range of employment and
output indicators, which all bear on the outlook for sustained improvement in labor market

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conditions and declining unemployment, and I’d rather convey that breadth verbally. I’m afraid
we’re getting a little complicated.
MR. LOCKHART. Fair enough.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes, I had the same reaction that you had. I didn’t see
how it would fit in 4 because you hadn’t really explained the forward guidance yet. One could
take the last sentence of 4 and the last sentence of 5′ and make a new paragraph 6 and sum up.
Then you’d have the statement about asset purchases, the statement about forward guidance, and
a summary paragraph that said, “in determining both these things.” That would be more logical.
MR. LACKER. A paragraph full of escape clauses, in other words.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Essentially.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Yes. I was going to ask a question about something else.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Go ahead.
MR. LACKER. In the forward-guidance language, we deleted the economic conditions
clause there. We’ve had a lot of discussion of Professor Woodford’s paper. We’ve talked a lot
about that in the context of 5′ and that language, but I’m thinking that what you had in mind by
deleting the economic conditions clause was in part motivated by his critique as well, the idea
that by saying it’s conditions that are pushing the time horizon out, we were focusing on how bad
things are. The intention, as I read you, is for us to be communicating more about our reaction
function.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s right.

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MR. LACKER. I want to re-ask a question I asked earlier this year. When we adopted
this language, we never really got clear on whether it’s a commitment or not. We wrestled with
different versions of what that meant. Is this signaling that we’re going to pursue an action that
later on we would not want to pursue then?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think it’s still conditional because it obviously depends on
the timing of the recovery and so on.
MR. LACKER. Right. So it’s contingent.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. But I mentioned the SEP changes and so on. I think we
around this table have moved to the view that communicating low rates for longer in a way that
may require some credibility is an approach to dealing with the zero lower bound, not in an
extreme way, but I think there is some of that now in the statement.
MR. LACKER. We have a statement, and we can walk away from this and each interpret
it in our own way, or we can have a Committee sense of what we’re doing. Is policy in the
future to be conditioned on this? In other words, as Woodford suggests, is policy going to be
history-dependent? Is the fact that we said this going to alter future policy?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. In my Jackson Hole remarks, I talked about the guidance. I
said it was conditional, dependent on the state of the economy. But in explaining the time, I said
we look at rules and optimal control and those sorts of things, but we also take into account some
other factors such as downside risks, the effects of the zero lower bound, and implicitly I said the
possibility that the equilibrium real rate of interest is lower than normal—that is, headwinds. So
I am conveying, I think, some sense that in order to achieve more stimulus today, there’s a bit of
a commitment element there—I don’t think we’ve gone too far out on a limb on this.
MR. LACKER. Okay.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Can we go ahead?
MS. DANKER. This vote is on alternative B, as amended by the Chairman, and the
associated directive.
Chairman Bernanke
Vice Chairman Dudley
Governor Duke
President Lacker
President Lockhart
President Pianalto
Governor Powell
Governor Raskin
Governor Stein
Governor Tarullo
President Williams
Governor Yellen

Yes
Yes
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes

CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. We have a few other items. We’re going to
hear a little bit about the implementation, we’re going to do very quickly the forecast, but if
everybody is okay, why don’t we just go ahead and take a 15 minute coffee break?
[Coffee break]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Why don’t we recommence? Let me turn the floor
over to Lorie Logan, who will talk a bit about the operational aspect.
MS. LOGAN. 8 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will offer a brief description of how
the Desk plans to implement the Committee’s decision regarding the SOMA
portfolio. Consistent with recent practices, the Desk intends to release a statement
with operational details on this initiative at the same time as the release of the FOMC
statement. A draft of the Desk statement is provided in the handout for your
reference, with the exception that we will add the clause “through the end of the year”
into the second sentence of the second paragraph.
Based on the directive, the Desk intends to expand the SOMA’s holdings of
agency MBS by $40 billion per month and maintain the existing policy for
reinvesting agency principal payments. Our current projections indicate that through
the end of the year, paydowns on the agency debt and MBS portfolios will result in
average monthly reinvestment purchases of roughly $30 billion. Thus, combined

8

The materials used by Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 8).

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purchases will initially total around $70 billion per month and constitute about threefourths of monthly TBA gross issuance.
Should the purchases extend for 10 months, as was considered in Tealbook B, we
anticipate that the SOMA’s ownership share of the outstanding fixed-rate agency
MBS market would grow from about 18 percent to 27 percent, and that’s over a
10-month horizon.
In line with the current practice for reinvestment operations, the Desk plans to
conduct the additional purchases in the newly issued securities in the to-beannounced market, or TBA market. These securities represent the most liquid sector
of the MBS market, allowing purchases to be made in large size and are most closely
tied with the primary mortgage rate. The Desk may purchase other agency MBS if
market conditions warrant.
The Desk intends to conduct these additional purchases internally as we’ve been
doing for some time rather than relying on an investment manager to conduct the
trades on our behalf. We expect to be active almost every day, and purchase
operations will continue to be conducted in a competitive auction format with the
primary dealers. Further, the Desk will continue the practice established at the end of
last year of margining the unsettled MBS transactions with the primary dealers.
Given the substantial portion of issuance being purchased and the uncertainty
associated with MBS supply, the Desk will continue to conduct dollar roll
transactions when necessary to facilitate the settlement of our purchases. Dollar rolls
can be used to postpone or accelerate the delivery of purchases based on indications
of the availability of agency MBS for settlement. In the reinvestment operations to
date, the size of dollar rolls needed to postpone settlement have been fairly small, at
about 5 percent of purchases, though this amount is likely to increase with the
additional asset purchases.
We will also use coupon swaps, if needed, to facilitate settlement, as was the case
in 2010. A coupon swap would allow the Desk to exchange unsettled purchases in a
given agency MBS coupon for other coupons more readily available for settlement.
However, we do not envision needing to conduct such transactions, except in very
rare cases where persistent supply problems suggest that settlement of purchases,
even over several months, is unlikely.
The purchases of agency MBS securities under this new asset purchase program
will begin tomorrow. We plan to have two separate announcements for MBS
operations going forward, one for the new purchases and one for the continued
reinvestments. The Desk will publish the monthly asset purchase amounts along with
the announcement of the Treasury MEP operations around the last business day of
each month. Given there are only 17 calendar days remaining in September, we will
purchase a pro rata share of the monthly pace in September of about $23 billion.

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In addition, we will continue to publish around the eighth business day of each
month the planned amount of reinvestment purchases for the next month. Thus, there
will also be a new reinvestment purchase amount target posted today at the same time
as the Desk’s operating statement is released. That concludes my comments. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Thank you. Any questions? President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Help us interpret financial market data going forward. What do you
expect? Because our purchases don’t include TIPS, should we factor something in about TIPS
yields? Are they in the habitat, out of the habitat?
MS. LOGAN. In our MEP purchases, we purchase TIPS today.
MR. LACKER. You do?
MS. LOGAN. Yes.
MR. LACKER. Okay.
MR. POTTER. The MEP is still ongoing.
MR. LACKER. But we weren’t proposing to do it in the overall asset purchase program,
were we?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Sorry?
MR. LACKER. Include TIPS.
MS. LOGAN. If we had added purchases under a new asset purchase program for
Treasuries, we would have done so.
MR. LACKER. Okay. You would. Sorry. I misread something then. I apologize. Let
me ask another question. How linked is the private-label MBS market to agency MBS yields?
Do you anticipate this pushing that spread apart?
MS. LOGAN. I think the way we’ve been estimating these effects is that the MBS
purchases would affect the Treasury term premium, and to the extent that the pass-through from
the lowering of interest rates moves other asset markets, equities, or the private-label market—

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we talked about what that pass-through is. There’s some uncertainty, but we would expect the
channel to be through that form. I guess there could be some other form because it is MBS, and
private label is a little bit more closely connected than maybe from Treasuries to private label,
but overall we have been expecting the pass-through to happen through lowering interest rates
more broadly.
MR. LACKER. All right. Relative to buying Treasuries, we’re tilting credit from the
private-label market to the agency market. Thanks.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. I’d just like to say something about the private label because there has been
almost no issuance of private label in a number of years because there’s just not much supply out
there. There is a little bit of jumbo issuance. Again, in the spirit of things that are cooking out
there, the Federal Home Loan Banks, particularly I think the Home Loan Bank of Chicago is
now looking at consolidating jumbo securities from banks across the country, not just that are in
the Chicago district, and feeding them through Redwood to try to generate some more broader
private-label issuance, for jumbo and more broadly. I would expect that to the extent that that
happens, it certainly wouldn’t be unhelpful. It might be helpful.
MR. LACKER. Well, but what they’re saying is that compared with buying Treasuries
only, this is reducing agency MBS yields by more—Treasury yields will fall, but not as much as
what they would fall if we bought Treasuries only. They’re tilting the playing field away from
everything priced on Treasuries toward agency MBS.
MR. POTTER. President Lacker, we’re still buying $45 billion of long-term Treasuries
in the MEP right now.

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MR. LACKER. Yes, I know that, but the apples-to-apples thing is $40 billion agency
MBS versus $40 billion Treasuries in this setting, and comparing those two, private-label MBS
yields are going to be higher, given that we’re buying agency MBS, than they would be if we
were buying Treasuries only.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. They’re not going to be higher. They’re not going to
drop as much, presumably.
MR. LACKER. Exactly. They’re going to be higher than they would in the alternative.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. In that respect we don’t care because they’re not being
created.
MR. LACKER. Well, they would be even less created now.
MR. ENGLISH. I don’t actually think we know very much about what would happen to
private-label MBS yields because there’s so little issuance; there’s so little pricing information.
It’s conceivable that pushing down agency MBS would also push down private-label MBS
yields, but I don’t think we know because there hasn’t been much issuance there and we don’t
have information.
MR. POTTER. The stronger the housing market is, the more it should support the
private-label market coming back and having more capacity.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. 9 Let’s go on to the consensus forecast. This, of course, is
still an exercise. We’re still working to figure out what we’re going to do. You have in front of
you the consensus forecast. If you turn to page 3, and we look at the forecast inclusive of the
policy action today, that would be best approximated, I guess, by the line that says, “Plus
$750 billion LSAP program.” That’s the post-action policy forecast, and note that it includes the
jointly determined federal funds rate at the bottom. What I’d like to do is ask each person to say
9

The materials used by Chairman Bernanke are appended to this transcript (appendix 6).

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one of three things. Either you broadly agree with the forecast as given or you agree with
reservations—let me go back a second. As part of our exercise the staff, I believe, is intending to
write up our discussion as if it were a quarterly monetary policy report, and what they will do is
if you agree but with reservations, they will write up your reservations in minutes style
describing without attribution what the concerns were that people raised about the forecast. The
other possibility is if you just disagree with the forecast, you should say so and explain why, and
then they’ll write up the monetary policy report with attribution—that’s the plan—and say,
again, what it is that you disagree about. Yes, President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. I don’t understand. Are these two different plans or are these two
different options for us?
MR. ENGLISH. Two different options.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You have three choices. When I go around the table, you
have three choices.
MR. LACKER. Right. We can disagree anonymously or with attribution?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You can disagree modestly and anonymously.
MR. LACKER. Modestly and anonymously.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You can disagree violently and for attribution. [Laughter]
MR. LACKER. And there’s a threshold. [Laughter] Or is it a trigger?
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Can I bring up just one more thing?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. For those people who strongly disagree, we’re also asking
them to submit in the next few days—by Monday—a paragraph or so explaining why, and we
will eventually put this into a document and then circulate it back to the Committee.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Is everybody okay?
MS. DUKE. Can I just ask one question about agreeing with reservation? If we’re
comparing it with the $750 billion LSAP program, and in voting for alternative B, I didn’t
assume that the purchases went past the end of the year, would that be a reservation? I just want
to know how to characterize it. What does “with reservation” mean?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I think you assume that you should take the Tealbook
assumption here, the $750 billion, and say: Would the economic path shown here be a
reasonable approximation of what you would anticipate, given the policy action taken? And if
not, why not?
MS. DUKE. Okay.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Am I agreeing that this is a consensus forecast or am I agreeing that
this is actually my forecast? Because I submitted my forecast. And you can see point for point,
you know, where they’re different and where they’re not.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We’re trying to determine if it is a consensus, and therefore,
we’re asking if you yourself find it—
MR. EVANS. Is it close enough?
MR. BULLARD. I think it’s a good consensus. It’s not as accurate as—
MR. FISHER. I’m trying to remember my specific numbers. All I remember is that I
was in the central tendency.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So why don’t you just report what you reported and say if
you think it’s broadly consistent with this or not?

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MR. WILCOX. This is an effort to ascertain the extent to which participants can affiliate
themselves with the consensus forecast.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Fisher.
MR. TARULLO. Mr. Chairman.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Sorry.
MR. TARULLO. I think it’s not unlike what we do with policy statements, which is to
say everybody would have written it somewhat differently, but in the end can you kind of go
along with it?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes, that’s what it is. That’s right.
MR. FISHER. You said there were three questions. Do we agree with the forecast? Do
we have reservations? If so, what are they? What’s the third?
MS. DUKE. Do you disagree?
MS. YELLEN. Do you have a fundamentally different view?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Do you fundamentally disagree with the forecast? And
remember it’s not about whether you agree with the policy action or not. This is conditional on
the policy action. Conditional on the policy action, do you agree more or less with the forecast
that’s been presented?
MR. FISHER. And if we have reservations, we should submit them. Is that what you
were saying earlier?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, Janet, would you like to comment?
MS. YELLEN. If you broadly agree but have some reservation—you’re slightly more
optimistic about the forecast, you have a different view on oil prices, but aside from that you
basically agree this is a reasonable forecast contingent on the policy path—then say you agree

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with reservations. And the write-up, as in the minutes, will say people have expressed some
reservations, but nevertheless associate themselves overall with the view. The staff will write up
the discussion of what the reservations were. But those who just have a basically different view
of the forecast should say so, and then there will be a few paragraphs they’ll submit, and that will
be included in the document with attribution. This would be a portion of a monetary policy
report where there would be a discussion of the diversity of views. Think of this as a diversity of
views and say 10 people supported the forecast without reservation. Several people had
reservations of the following sort, and four had essentially different views. Here are the
submissions. In your paragraph, you’d describe and explain why your views are essentially
different.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Let me just make sure I understand. We’re assuming the
policy path, this policy action?
MS. YELLEN. Yes.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Yes, that’s what we are doing today.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Right. So we’re not having individual “appropriate
monetary policy.”
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. No. It’s just given what we passed today, is this a reasonable
forecast?
MR. LACKER. Wait. That’s different than a policy path.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. I’m going to suggest something slightly different from what
Chairman Bernanke said, which is: Given the policy decision today, if you look at the numbers
that go along with that $750 billion LSAP program—forget about whether the $750 billion is
correct or not because you may think it will end up being $500 billion or some other number—

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do you think that’s a reasonable forecast? Is it close enough for talking purposes? But if you
think this is the wrong model of the world, the economy is just going to look a lot different, so
much so that you want to, in effect, dissent, then you’re in the third category. The middle
category is a little tougher, but I think the two ends are very clear.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Everybody, this is a trial run. [Laughter] We’re trying to
find out what works and what doesn’t work. We may have already found out what doesn’t work.
President Fisher, did you have a comment or question or you’re okay?
MR. FISHER. I’m fine.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. You’re fine. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. My question was would it be better to try to have a little
bit better understanding about what “close to” is or would it be everyone’s personal view of what
“close to” is?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. It’s your judgment of whether you sufficiently disagree that
you want to have your name identified.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. But it does matter if people disagree or have different
parameters in terms of how close is “close to.” We can do it either way, but you could argue that
if you think the standard error is more than X, then you should disagree, or you could be a
perfectionist and you disagree for very minute changes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. So all of this is about reporting. We’re trying to report the
sense of the Committee, and so how you would like the sense of the Committee reported is
basically the question.
MS. YELLEN. Right. If we were really doing this, the Chairman would be walking out
into a press conference with these numbers, explaining the policy action, and putting these

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numbers out to the public and saying, “This gives you a description of how we envision the
economy unfolding with the policy decisions.” And the question is: Would you be comfortable
with these numbers as what he walks out into a press conference with?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I understand all of that, but let’s imagine that there’s half
the people on the Committee who disagree for very small tolerances and half the people have
very large tolerances.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Then no. It should be meaningful tolerances.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. It would be better if we had a more common metric
about what the tolerances are.
MR. LACKER. Well, put it this way: Are you willing to write two paragraphs for Dave
Reifschneider? [Laughter] That’s it, right?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. No, no, that’s different. That’s a fundamental
disagreement.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. The way I would put it is this. If the consensus forecast came
out like this, and you were the sort of person who in a speech would say, “I want to make an
important point that my personal unemployment rate forecast at the end of 2015 would be onetenth lower,” then you should say you have reservations. [Laughter] But if you perhaps feel
uncomfortable about making a big distinction about one-tenth or so, then—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. There’s a standard error, though, implicit in that.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. I think there are two things. One, there’s obviously a huge
confidence interval around this, and so one way to look at it is that many differences just blur.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Of course. There will always be fan charts.

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MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. But does it make it a material difference for monetary policy,
and the question might be if it’s one-tenth or so off on inflation or unemployment, you would say
probably not.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. That’s a good way of phrasing it.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Evans, did you have a comment?
MR. EVANS. I was just thinking we should probably start [laughter], and then we’ll
figure out—
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Excellent suggestion. All right. Who would like to go
first? President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. I endorse it. [Laughter and applause]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Very good. Anyone? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Is it a good consensus? I do think it’s a good consensus. There are
issues here about the mix between the forecast and the policy assumptions. The way I did it was
I had more inflation coming in the out years, and then I applied the outcome-based policy rule,
which would then have the funds rate moving in a different way from here, and so the policy
assumption then starts to also look different. So I’m not quite sure what to make of this exercise.
It’s fine as a statement of where the Committee is, and I would endorse it in that sense. As a
general rule on this whole process, I don’t think that it’s a good thing to get into the business of
trying to dissent on a forecast because there are zillions of points here and a lot of subtleties here.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. This is why we’re having a trial run.
MR. BULLARD. Mildly different, I guess.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Powell.
MR. POWELL. Broadly endorse.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Conditional on the policy path, I broadly endorse.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Governor Duke.
MS. DUKE. I actually normally would endorse, except that the reservation I would
express at this point is that I think 2013 will be significantly lower because of the fiscal cliff.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay.
MS. DUKE. That would be a reservation.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s a good example of a reservation. Very good.
Anyone else? President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. Broadly endorse, but I have a weaker outlook. So that’s my only
reservation.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Governor Yellen.
MS. YELLEN. Broadly endorse.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Kocherlakota.
MR. KOCHERLAKOTA. I see what I would term modestly more inflationary pressures
than what are in this forecast, maybe one-tenth or two-tenths or three-tenths more in inflation.
With that said, it comes back to what the Vice Chairman was talking about, that the choices of
the Committee seem to be averse to those kinds of upticks in inflation. For my own view, I think
I would say I see modestly more inflationary pressures than what are in this.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Fine. Governor Stein.
MR. STEIN. I broadly endorse the baseline. I’m not sure if I would be a weak deviator
on the conditional effect of policy in the sense that I think that the incremental effect of the

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LSAP is going to be roughly half of what it’s projected to be. I’m not quite sure where that puts
me.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. You sound like a “two” to me.
MR. STEIN. That feels like a “two” to you?
PARTICIPANT. Do you want to write two paragraphs?
MR. STEIN. No, I don’t want to write any paragraphs. I want to hide in the weeds.
[Laughter]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Rosengren said he broadly endorses. President
Fisher.
MR. FISHER. I modestly endorse it. It might scare people in terms of my forecasting. I
was within the central tendency. They might want to change their forecast based on where I
would be, with the exception of the funds rate, and I’d have to think about that. But generally, I
endorse. I will say this, Mr. Chairman: Fiscal cliff, no fiscal cliff, et cetera—and I said this in
my write-up—going beyond the first part of 2013 is largely pure guesswork.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. In some positive sense, that’s true. In a normative sense,
we do need to find some kind of plan.
MR. FISHER. I understand that.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. We have to have some kind of projection to base our
thinking on.
MR. FISHER. With that caveat, it’s a wonderful exercise.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Obviously, yes. One of the benefits of this exercise, I hope,
is that we will be able to show fan charts that will give some sense of the uncertainty. President
Pianalto.

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MS. PIANALTO. I broadly endorse the forecast, although my forecast is slightly weaker
for GDP growth and unemployment in the later years partly because, like Governor Stein, the
effectiveness of policy is just a little weaker in my forecast.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Good. Governor Tarullo.
MR. TARULLO. I broadly endorse, but two things about the process as opposed to the
substance. One, the issue that arose at the outset that Betsy mentioned is something that people
are going to have to think about, which is, what if we emerge from a meeting with a policy
action that really isn’t any of the ones that are listed there? And, secondly, this category two—I
have a feeling—is going to be problematic in the following respect. I have heard several people
already who might have fit themselves into category two, and if you end up saying, “We’ve got a
consensus forecast—14 of the 17 members of the FOMC had qualifications on it,” I’m not sure
how powerful it becomes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, the interesting question is whether or not a number of
them had the same qualification. If they’re all nitpicks, that’s one thing, but if everybody said,
“This doesn’t take enough account of the fiscal cliff,” then that would be something that should
be communicated I think.
MR. TARULLO. Fair enough. There may be some utility in thinking about moving to a
binary system as we do with the statement. You are either endorsing or you are not, but giving
people a chance to comment, so if they say something like Betsy said a minute ago, it could be
included in the explanation of the consensus.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. That’s fine.
MR. TARULLO. But that’s just something to think about.

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. No. Thank you. We are looking for suggestions. Anyone
else? Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I agree with Governor Tarullo. You don’t have to frame
it as a reservation. You can just frame it as where people would prefer to tilt the forecast. I’m
with Betsy on the fiscal restraint. I am assuming that we will get some fiscal restraint next year,
and it will be more problematic to the outlook, so we have somewhat weaker growth in 2013.
That said, I think this is a pretty good forecast. That is why I was getting at the point of, how
much do you disagree? I am pretty confident that the economy will be weaker in 2013 than this
forecast, but if I take this whole thing in its entirety, I wouldn’t really quibble about it.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I have a tiny reservation.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Again, the question is, would you object to my
hypothetically taking this, putting this on the screen, and saying, “This is the Committee’s
consensus forecast of what the economy is going to look like”?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. But it would also be good, though, to say, “A few people
thought that 2013 could be a little weaker because” blah, blah, blah. But I would do it in
Governor Tarullo’s two-bucket camp rather than three-bucket camp.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I agree.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. Thanks. Anyone else?
MR. PLOSSER. Mr. Chairman?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Plosser.

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MR. PLOSSER. I would say my forecast differs from this, obviously, and I think it is
likely to show up in the assumption about current policy. We are going to see more inflationary
pressures and less positive outlooks on output and employment.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay.
MR. LACKER. I still don’t have a clear, coherent sense of what policy I am supposed to
be conditioning on. Am I forecasting the Committee? I think I am. So on that basis, I might
provide a good test case here.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay.
MR. LACKER. First of all, coming into this, on appropriate policy, I was weaker in
2013 by a couple of tenths. And I saw inflation a couple of tenths stronger, closer to 2 percent
over the next year or two, getting to 2 percent next year. So I would have put policy to raise
rates earlier. Modifying that in terms of making it a forecast of the Committee’s action, I would
mark up inflation in 2014.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Sounds right. Anyone else?
MR. FISHER. Can I ask a question on that?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. President Fisher.
MR. FISHER. Forgive me. I’m slower than everybody else at the table. In releasing
this, we would be releasing the funds path?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Releasing what?
MR. FISHER. The funds path, the fed funds rate forecast as well.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes.
MR. BULLARD. If you are a year earlier, is that a significant reservation? [Laughter]
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I’m sorry.

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MR. BULLARD. A year earlier on the funds rate, is that a significant reservation?
MS. DUKE. But is that a difference in the policy path? Because the policy path assumes
2015 liftoff.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. You could have a different reaction function.
MR. BULLARD. But then you’ve got to do your presumably outcome-based—
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Based on the original line of comments where we asked you to
condition on the forecast, and you submitted something that had higher inflation, I would have
said that you were a “three” because you showed that, conditioned on sticking with the August
statement-type policy, you had much higher inflation than this forecast, and that should be
exaggerated more based on the policy. So I would have said that you’re a three.
MR. BULLARD. But I don’t think I am outside of these confidence bands.
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. I don’t think that is relevant. It goes back to the question of,
do you think that your forecast, from a policy perspective, would be materially different?
MR. BULLARD. Again, I just don’t think getting into dissenting on a forecast is a
sensible thing to do. Has the Chairman done a good job of characterizing the center of the
Committee? Yes. I think yes.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. I want to make sure I understand. The next step is to write up a
mock quarterly monetary policy report or something like that?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Right. I’m sorry. Just a description of this discussion.
MR. LOCKHART. Right. But we see how it is going to be communicated, how it is
going to be implemented, is that right?
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes. That’s the purpose.

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MR. WILCOX. Just the diversity of views portion.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Right. Okay.
MS. DUKE. For the mock exercise, in addition to my own fiscal cliff reservation, can I
sign up to Sandy and Jeremy’s reservation about the effectiveness?
MR. REIFSCHNEIDER. Oh, sure.
MS. DUKE. Okay.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Anyone else? [No response] All right. Yes?
MR. POWELL. I’m on that line between the one and the two for exactly the same
reason. I went with the one, but of course I do have the same reservation.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. A question to be thinking about here is: What would
Governor Powell do if he thought that the policy action is weaker than we anticipate, but the
underlying economy is stronger, so that the outlook looks okay for him?
MR. POWELL. Right.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Because we are not showing a comparison, right? We are
just showing the ex post.
MR.STEIN. Oh, you’re just showing the ex post.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Well, that’s the question. That’s what we’re discussing
here. We haven’t asked the question whether or not you think the baseline is adequate.
MR. FISHER. You might have to prepare for your press conference.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Yes. Do you have a question or a comment?
MR. FISHER. Well, the plan is, once we get this nailed down, that you would then refer
to it in your press conference. Is that correct?

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CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. And then, we are hoping at some point to have a monetary
policy report.
MR. FISHER. Which you would still refer to the consensus forecast in.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Nothing is nailed down. One possibility, which Governor
Tarullo alluded to, is that we can’t do this in a timely way because we don’t know what the
policy action is going to be soon enough, in which case it might be something that only appears
in publication with the minutes, for example, three weeks later.
MR. FISHER. I agree with Governor Tarullo, by the way. He makes an excellent point.
My next question would be: Could you summarize what we just discussed as though we were at
a press conference? It probably would be difficult at this juncture.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I would say that this is the forecast of the Committee. A
few people disagreed, thinking that these policies would lead to higher inflation. Most people
agreed with the broad contours, except they pointed out a few issues related to the fiscal cliff and
the efficacy of policy. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. I’m a little confused. Someone used the phrase “a diversity section.”
But you, at the beginning, described—I think you did in this context—a minutes-like document,
and in the minutes, of course, when they discuss participants’ views, the different views are sort
of woven into the main narrative. I wasn’t quite clear on what you guys—
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. I just learned about this five minutes ago myself.
MR. LACKER. Okay. Great.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. But I think the plan is to have a document that describes the
consensus forecast, gives its main feature, and shows it in a minutes-type discussion: “The
Committee discussed it. Most agreed with it but raised the following points anonymously.

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President Lacker thought that it was a bunch of garbage.” [Laughter] And that would be the
content.
MR. LACKER. Okay, we will just have to start.
CHAIRMAN BERNANKE. Okay. I hope this was helpful to you all. [Laughter] Just
so you have something to look forward to, our current plan is to talk about this exercise in
October, so be sure and make your plane reservations now. [Laughter] The next meeting is
Tuesday–Wednesday, October 23–24. The press conference is at 2:15. There will be a TV in
the Special Library, and lunch is available if you would like to stay. No presentations are
planned. Thank you very much.
END OF MEETING