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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR FRANCES PERKINS, Secretary CHILDREN’S BUREAU GRACE ABBOTT, Chief EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA NEW YORK By ALICE CHANNING */' g Bureau Publication No. 218 3 &2 .,7 1152c, m - i f U N ITE D STATES GOVERNM ENT PRINTIN G OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1933 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Price 10 cents https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 3 4 2 ,7 35it ■*2\% CONTENTS in https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Page V 3 »O CP iO 00 05 Letter of transmittal_________________________ Introduction_________________________I I I I I I __Z The working group___________________ Termination of school iife --I I Z Z I Z I Z Z Z I I Z I I ~ ""Z " ' Age at leaving school______________________ Z .I __~Z_Z__Z~__ I School grade completed_____________________________ ~ ~ Completion of legal requirements for leaving school.I _ZZ~Z_ Kind of school training______________________ ;____________ Training after leaving regular school_______________ __ Vocational training in part-time school___________ ~ _~ Z IZ School progress_________________________________ Intelligence levels_____________________ ~__Z_ZZZ___ I I ___ I I . _ I . Z I I Reasons for leaving school__________________________ Beginning of wage earning______________________ I _________ I I I I I ____ Vacation employment_________________________________ Age at beginning regular work_________________ I I I I Z .I I Z Z ____ Interval between leaving regular school and beginning work and entering part-time school___________________________________ Certification for employment_______________________ II_ Method of obtaining employment_______ _ I ___ Occupations_______________________ _ First jobs__________1________________ZZ Z Z Z ___Z_ Z Z ~ Z Z ZZZ A ll jobs____________________________ ZZZZZ Learning a trade__________________ ZZZ_____ ________ Z l Z Z Z Z I Factory employment_________________________I Z I I __I Z Z Z "" ZZI I " Nonfactory employment_______________ 111111_____ I Occupational change_______________________ Z Special training and occupations______________________ ___ Z I I Grade attainment and occupations_____________I _ _ I ____ Z Mental ability and occupations__________ W ages__________________________________ Beginners’ wages________________________________I I I I I I I I I I I I _ ~ ZZZ Wages at date of inquiry_____________________________ Education and mental ability and w a g e s__IZ _____ I I _ I I I I _ _ I I I Part-time school attendance and wages___________ Hours of work_______________________________ Regularity of employment_________ I I I I I I I I I ____ I Z I I I I I I I I Z I I I I Amount of unemployment___________________I I ___ I_ Z _ I __ Age and unemployment___________________I Z Z Z I I ___________ ~ ZI Education and unemployment_______________________ Mental ability and unemployment________________________ Duration of positions________________________________________ Relation of occupation to duration of position .. ZI Changes in position_________________________________ The nonworking group_______________________ Summary and conclusions________________________________ I I I I I I I I IIIII Appendix A .— Tables showing all occupations___________ I ___ ~ Appendix B.— List of references___________________________________ 161493— 33 11 13 14 14 16 18 21 21 22 22 24 26 26 27 29 30 31 36 37 39 41 43 44 44 •44 47 49 49 53 53 56 57 58 58 60 60 64 65 69 73 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL U n it e d S tates D L abor, C h il d r e n ’s B u r e a u , e p a r t m e n t of Washington, April 28,1933. ]Vfa d a m . There is transmitted herewith a report on the Employed Boys and Girls in Rochester and Utica, New York. The investiga tion upon which this report was based was planned and carried out under the general supervision o f Ellen Nathalie Matthews, formerly director o f the industrial division of the Children’s Bu reau, and was one of several studies undertaken to find out thé kinds of work open to boys and girls and the effect of age and educa tion upon their occupations and the stability of their employment. The field work was directed by Alice Channing and Harriet A. Byrne >and Alice Channing has written the report. Thanks are due to the officials of the Rochester and Utica con tinuation schools and to the employment-certificate officials for their cooperation and the use of their records. Acknowledgment is also made of the help given by Leila Martin, director of the child-study department of the Rochester Board o f Education, in connection with the group intelligence tests of pupils attending the Rochester continuation schools. Respectfully submitted. 'G r a c e A H on. F rances bbott, Chief. P e r k in s , Secretary o f Labor. V https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis A L Y V n f M A ! m r*ïO JÏI. i T HI ’ https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA, N. Y. INTRODUCTION This study o f young workers in two cities of New York State is one o f a series o f studies of the employment histories of boys and girls who leave school for work at 14, 15, or 16 years o f age. The purpose o f these studies was to learn what vocational opportunities are open to such boys and girls, and to what extent their ages at be ginning work, the type of school training received, and the grade attained affect the types of employment open to them, their earning power, and their stability as workers. To obtain this information the employment histories of the boys and girls at work in five indus trial cities o f three States have been studied. The earlier studies o f this series were made in Newark and Paterson, N. J., and in M il waukee, Wis. ;x the present study was made in Rochester and Utica, N. Y. A ll these inquiries were made before the commencement of the general industrial depression that began in 1929, so that the facts obtained indicate the extent and nature of child employment under relatively prosperous business conditions. The cities in which this series of inquiries was made were all com munities in which under the laws o f their respective States employed minors of certain ages were required to attend continuation or parttime school at least once a week. This requirement o f attendance at part-time school made it practicable to locate and obtain records for all such employed children. The provisions o f the continuation school law o f New York State in effect in 1927, when the study in Rochester and Utica was made, required employed minors up to the age o f 17 years to attend part-time school four hours a week, except ing only high-school graduates.2 As the New York attendance and child labor laws permit a child o f 14 to leave school on completion o f the eighth grade and a child of 15 to leave school on completion of the sixth grade, the work experience of minors who attend part-time school until they are 17 may extend over two or three years, making it possible to include in this study boys and girls whose work his tories had been sufficiently long to represent fairly their occupational experience and stability as workers.8 m Cs Ur h n ^ - lnBNew \ TThe W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson iaSir,CSrnd i ^ U c a t i o n No. 199, W ashington, 1930) ; Employed Boys and in Milwaukee (U . S. Children’s Bureau Publication No. 213, Washington, 1932). o^>/3i0ri> continuation school law as passed in 1923 required attendance at Scai )o1 m nor,s under 18 years o f age but made the establishment o f parttt“ 1® Casses fo r minors o f 17 years optional up to September, 1928. On this date the establishment o f such classes was to become compulsory. In March, 1928, however, the t n ^ l nUi tiooQSCl1001 was cha.nged to apply only to minors under 17 years. (New York, Laws o f 1923 sec. 601, amending Education Law, art. 22, and Laws o f 1928, ch. 646 amending ch. 16, Consolidated Laws, art. 23, 622, A, B, C, F .) «T h e continuation school laws o f New Jersey require attendance o f employed minors i?,1/ ' s° that the study made in that State related only to children o f 14 and lo . In Milwaukee, on the other hand, attendance at the continuation school is required fo r minors under 18 years so that it was possible in the study made in that city to Include working minors between 14 and 18 years o f age. 1 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 2 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA Furthermore, the two New York cities offered certain other advan tages for study of the employment histories o f minors. They were both o f a size that made it practicable to interview all the young workers under 17 years who were residents o f the city and could be located. Each city afforded, besides mercantile and office em ployment, a variety of industrial opportunities for minors. Roches ter is a center of the men’s clothing industry; cameras, shoes, elec trical supplies, foundry and machine-shop products, optical goods, instruments, buttons, paper boxes, and metal products are also manu factured. Utica is a center for knit-goods manufacture and, to a less extent, for the men’s clothing industry. Other kinds o f factories are present in smaller numbers.4 The existence in Rochester o f a welldeveloped vocational-training program in the ju n ior5 and senior high schools made possible a consideration of the relation of such training to the occupational experience o f the working children in that city. Moreover, the cooperation of the child-study department o f the Rochester Board o f Education made available facts as to the mental ability of the continuation-school pupils. Information was sought regarding all young persons between the ages of 14 and 17 who were not enrolled in the full-time day schools in Rochester during the last week of March, 1927, and in Utica during the last week of April, of the same year. A ll boys and girls who were enrolled in classes in the continuation or part-time schools o f these two cities during these weeks were included, both those who were employed or had been employed since leaving regular full-time school and those who had left school but who had not yet been em ployed outside their homes. An effort was also made to locate boys and girls who had left the regular school but had not complied with the attendance law by registering at the part-time school. To this end, in Rochester the school census files were checked with the con tinuation-school enrollment files to obtain the names and addresses o f young persons between the ages of 14 and 17 who were not enrolled either at regular school or at part-time school. A different method for finding these young persons was adopted in Utica, where school census records were inadequate. In that city the names of boys and girls between 14 and 17 who had left the public school and had not registered at the part-time school were obtained through the publicschool transfer cards, which had been sent to the part-time school. In addition the names of the boys and girls of these ages who had left diocesan schools were obtained from these schools and were checked with the part-time school enrollment. The names of highschool graduates under 17, who are not required to attend part-time school, were obtained in both cities from the high schools. It is believed that practically all the Rochester boys and girls between 14 and 17 years at the date of the inquiry who had left full-time * The total population o f Rochester in 1927, the year o f the study, as estimated by the TJ S Census Bureau, was 319,718; fo r U tica it was 100.455. (Unpublished data fur nished by the U. S. Census Bureau.) See also Biennial Census o f Manufactures, 1927, nD 1480. 1482, and 1494 (U. S. Bureau o f the Census, W ashington, 1930). 4 «T h e W ork o f the Public Schools, Rochester, N. Y., 1928. pp. 386, 524, 538. Report o f the Board o f Education, Rochester, 1928. A ccording to inform ation received in Feb ruary 1933 from the Board o f Education o f the Rochester public schools, a change in policy in regard to these classes had been made about three years previously, eliminating the strictly vocational classes in the ju nior high school and reserving the intensified vocational training fo r the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grades. I t was found from ex perience that thé age o f the junior high school pupils was not such as to give a maximum return for this instruction. W ork in junior high school was placed upon an industrial o r practical arts basis. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis INTRODUCTION 3 day school were located. In Utica, however, probably a considerable number who were evading the school attendance laws were not found. More complete information was obtained regarding the employed boys and girls of Rochester and Utica than was obtained in either o f the two preceding studies in this series, as all those in the inquiry were interviewed by representatives of the Children’s Bureau, whereas in the earlier studies information was obtained chiefly through questionnaires or records. Information regarding the boys and girls was first obtained in most cases from the records o f the part-time schools, which contained data regarding the child’s age, name o f last school attended, grade attainment, date o f enrollment at part-time school, name o f first and sometimes of other employers, date of entering upon first and sometimes later jobs, and serial num bers o f employment certificates. This was checked and supple mented by the records o f the employment-certificate issuing office. I f no record o f a certificate was found, the school census files were consulted in order to eliminate possibilities of error due to differ ences in spelling o f the names. Representatives o f the Children’s Bureau then questioned each young person concerning his employ ment h i s t o r y , the kinds of work he had done, the number and dura tion of his jobs, his earnings, and hours o f work. Most o f the boys and girls were interviewed at the continuation school, but those not enrolled in this school or habitually absent were visited in their homes. It was found necessary to make home visits in the case of 8 per cent of the Rochester and 14 per cent o f the Utica boys and girls. Officials o f factories and other places o f employment were also consulted with reference to the occupations in which they em ployed junior workers. As a contribution to this inquiry the child-study department of the Rochester Board o f Education gave group intelligence tests to pupils attending the Rochester part-time school during the week o f the inquiry. Workers on the staff of this department administered the tests and supervised the calculations o f mental ages and intelligence quotients. The Rochester study included 3,727 boys and girls between the ages o f 14 and 17 years, of whom 3,416 (92 per cent) had been em ployed after leaving school. (Table 1.) Although the latter were not all working at the time of the study, they will be referred to in this report as the il employed boys and girls ” or the u w orkin g group ” to distinguish them from the 311 boys and girls who had not been employed at all since leaving school. Most of the latter group had completed the educational requirements of the child labor and compulsory school attendance laws, and the girls, who formed 90 per cent of the group, had in most instances been issued employ ment certificates for domestic work at home, so their absence from regular day school was not illegal. A boy or girl who was working for his or her parents at home was not considered as employed for the purpose of this study. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 4 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIBLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA T able 1.—Employment since leaving regular school and enrollment in part-time school Rochester Employment since leaving regular school and enroll ment in part-time school Utica Total Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total......................................... „.......................... 3,727 1,754 1,973 1,125 511 614 Employed—................................................................. — 3,416 1,726 1,690 997 480 517 Enrolled in part-time school................................ — Not enrolled in part-time school......................... — 3,362 54 1,693 33 1,669 21 925 72 443 37 482 35 Never employed—................. - .............. ........................ 311 28 283 128 31 97 Enrolled in part-time school___________________ Not enrolled in part-time school________________ 291 20 26 2 265 18 78 50 10 21 68 29 The total number of Utica boys and girls included in the study was 1,125, o f whom 997 (89 per cent) had been employed after leaving school. As in Rochester, girls were more numerous than boys among those who had not been employed, no doubt partly be cause of the fact that in this city as in Rochester permits for employ ment at domestic work in their own homes were not usually granted to boys. In both cities almost all the young persons were registered at parttime school at the time o f the inquiry. The 3,653 Rochester boys and girls who were enrolled in part-time school were 98 per cent o f the total number included in the study, 98 per cent of the working group, and 94 per cent of those who had not been employed after leaving school, being enrolled. . Five of those not enrolled were high-school graduates and, therefore, were not required to attend part-time school. The others not enrolled, 69, o f whom 20 had not been employed after leaving regular day school, had not .com pleted the high-school course and should have been attending either full-time or part-time school under the requirements of the law. In Utica 1,003 boys and girls (89 per cent) were enrolled in the part-time school. As in Rochester, a larger proportion o f the working than o f the nonworking group (93 per cent as compared with 61 per cent) were so enrolled. None of the Utica boys and girls not enrolled in part-time school was legally exempt from such attendance as none was a high-school graduate. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP The working group in Rochester was made up o f almost equal numbers of boys and girls. Nearly two-thirds were 16 years o f age at the time of the study, one-third were 15, and only 3 per cent were 14; the girls were slightly younger than the boys. (Table 2.) In Utica girls were more numerous than boys among the workin0* group. Approximately three-fifths o f the young workers were 16 years o f age, 36 per cent were 15, and 4 per cent were 14. (Table 2.) T able 2. Age at date of study of employed boys and girls Kochester Utica Total Age at date of study Total Per cent Number distribu tion Total________________ Age reported____________ 14 years............................ 15 years_______________ 16 years_____________ Age not reported_________ 3,416 Boys Girls Per cent Number distribu tion Boys Girls 1,726 1,690 997 480 517 3,416 100 1,726 1,690 996 100 480 516 113 1,080 2,223 3 32 65 46 536 1,144 67 544 1,079 37 354 605 4 36 61 14 172 294 23 182 311 1 The small proportion of boys and girls o f 14 years of age who were at work in both Rochester and Utica probabily is representative of the proportion of 14-year-old children among continuation-school pupils throughout the State. Similar proportions o f employed children of 14 years were revealed in a study of more than 5,000 continuationschool pupils in eight up-State cities and in New York City con ducted by the New York Child Labor Committee in 1928 and 1929. Four per cent o f the pupils in up-State cities and about 5 per cent . thpse in New York City were 14 years o f age, a proportion significant, the report of this study states, of the few calls by employers for the youngest children legally eligible for employment.6 • Bureau study, made in 1925, of employed ‘minors m Milwaukee, Wis., where, as in New York State, children o f 14 years were required to have completed the eighth grade before they could be legally employed, 5 per cent o f the working boys and girls under 17 were 14 years of age.7 Owing to the fact that the majority of children in each city had left school after reaching the age of 15 (see Table 3), most o f them o f Continuation-School Pupils in New York State p. 5. Investigation conducted by the New York Child Labor Committee, 1928—1929. New York. Mimeograpnea. 7 Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 5. 5 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 6 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA had been employed less than two years prior to the time o f this study. In Rochester, their complete work history (that is, the length of time between the date of entering the first job and the date o f the study) was less than a year for 66 per cent and between one and two years for 30 per cent o f the young workers. The few remaining Rochester boys and girls (that is, those who had left school at 14 and were nearly 17 of the date of the study) had work histories o f between two and three years. In Utica 62 per cent o f the young workers had work histories of less than one year and 35 per cent had work histories of between one and two years; the remainder, of two years or longer. TERMINATION OF SCHOOL LIFE Under the'New York State law all children under 16 must be either employed or in attendance at regular day school.8 Upon proof o f physical fitness, a child o f 14, if he has completed the eighth grade, and a child of 15, if he has completed the sixth grade,9 may obtain an employment certificate permitting him to leave school for work. It is the practice in Rochester and Utica to issue such certifi cates, informally called home permits, to girls, and occasionally to boys, to work in their own homes. For the usual type of employment certificate it is necessary to have the promise of a job, but when the child is to work at home a statement from the parent that the child’s services are required is sufficient. Age at leaving school. Almost nine-tenths o f the Rochester children had left school before they were 16, including 36 per cent who had left school while they were 14 or younger.10 The children who left school before they were 14 usually had left in June or in January at the end of a school term and reached their fourteenth birthdays before school reopened, so that they had fulfilled the age requirement of the com pulsory school attendance law. The girls left, school at somewhat earlier ages than the boys, 31 per cent o f the boys and 42 per cent of the girls leaving regular school while they were 14 years or younger. (Table 3.) The Utica children were slightly younger when they left school than the Rochester children. As in Rochester, the Utica girls left at younger ages than the boys; 38 per cent of the boys and 48 per cent o f the girls left before they were 15. * N. Y., Labor Law, ch. 50, art. 4, secs. 130, 1 3 1 ; Education Law, secs. 631—635. 9 Children were regarded as having finished the age-grade requirements if they had completed eight grades and were 14 or if they left school before they were 14 at the end o f a school term but reached their fourteenth birthday before school reopened. Similarly, children who had completed the sixth grade and were 15 or who had left school before they were 15 but reached this age before school reopened were regarded as fulfilling the educational requirements o f the iaw. Children who had completed eight academic grades or seven or six academic grades and in addition one or two years, respectively, in nonacademic grades were also regarded as having completed the eighth grade. 10 This difference between the proportion who were under 15 at the time o f the study (3 per cent) and the proportion who left school while under 15 (36 per cent) appears to he due in part to the fa ct that about two-thirds o f those who left school while still 14 years o f age or less had left during the half year immediately before they became 15, and in part to the circum stance that the study was made late in the school year. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 7 THE WORKING GROUP T able 3.—Age at leaving regular school of employed boys and girls Rochester Total Age at leaving regular school Boys Utica Girls Boys Girls Per Per Per Per Per Per cent Num cent Num cent Num cent Num cent Num cent Num distridistridistridistridistridistriber buber ber ber buber buber bububution tion tiqp tion tion tion Total......................... 3,416 1,726 1,690 3,409 100 1,723 100 1,686 14 years, under 14)4___ 14)4 years, under 15___ 15 years, under 15)4___ 15)4 years, under 16___ 16 years, under 16)4___ 16)4 years, under Ì7___ Total 155 319 741 1,214 615 332 33 7 5 9 22 36 18 10 1 45 121 354 625 348 209 21 3 3 7 21 36 20 12 1 110 198 387 589 267 123 12 4 997 480 517 100 989 100 475 100 514 100 7 12 23 35 16 7 1 51 100 277 383 128 46 4 5 10 28 39 13 5 (») 14 36 127 195 75 26 2 3 8 27 41 16 5 (0 37 64 150 188 53 20 2 7 12 29 37 10 4 8 5 « 3 1 Less than 1 per cent. ^ In New York State, as a whole, according to figures published by the State department of education, the greatest number of children leave school immediately following the fourteenth and fifteenth birthdays.11 The New York attendance law keeps children in school longer than in States where the grade requirement is lower. For example, in New Jersey, in 1925, when the Children’s Bureau made a study there, children of 14 could leave school if they had completed the fifth grade; more than 80 per cent of the working children included in that study left school at this age.12 In Milwaukee,13 however, where the educational requirement for employment was the same for 14-year-old children as it was in New York State (com pletion of the eighth grade), 43 per cent of the 4,461 boys and girls under 17 included in that study had left school for work at 14. The slightly smaller proportions leaving school at 14 in Rochester than in Milwaukee suggest the importance of other factors, such as social and economic status and opportunities for employment. The same tendency for girls to leave school earlier than boys has been shown in other Children’s Bureau studies of working children.14 Girls, as studies of the United States Office of Education show, are somewhat more likely than boys to be in school grades that are normal for their ages and so are more likely to complete the grade requirements for work certificates by the time they are 14.15 The principal reason for the earlier ages at which the girls in Rochester u See V ocational and Educational Guidance, prepared by George E. Hutcherson, p. 15. University o f the State o f New York Bulletin No. 963 (Jan. 1; 1931). Albany, N. Y. 12 Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children of Newark and Paterson, p. 9. 18 Unpublished figures, including only children fo r whom work records were obtained. 14 The W orking Children o f B o sto n ; a study o f child labor under a modern system of legal regulation, by Helen Sumner W oodbury, p. 105 (U. S,. Children’s Bureau Publication No. 89, W ashington, 1922) ; Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 8 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 8. 16 An Age-Grade Study In 900 City School Systems, 1927, by Frank M. Phillips, pp. 2-4 . U. S. Office o f Education Statistical Circular No. 8. W ashington, May, 1927. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 8 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA and Utica left school as compared with the boys appears to be that the boys were more likely than the girls to remain in school to con tinue their education after they had completed the age and grade requirements f o r ' employment certificates. Their continued at tendance does not necessarily mean that the boys were more in terested in education than the girls, but that the boys were usually obliged to stay in school until they had the promise o f regular employment, whereas the girls would more often obtain employment certificates for work in their own homes. (See p. 6.) School grade completed. Children who leave school for work on employment certificates are usually sixth, seventh, or eighth grade graduates.16 More than twothirds of the Rochester boys and girls had completed the seventh or higher grades in academic subjects before they left school; many of them had also completed one or more years o f vocational training in industrial or commercial subjects or household arts. Work in com mercial subjects in the public high schools had the same standing as work in academic subjects, but work in industrial subjects and household arts did not. On the completion o f a 2-year course in in dustrial subjects or household arts the State department of educa tion granted a special vocational diploma. But to transfer to the college-preparatory course a graduate o f the ninth grade industrial or household arts course in the junior high school lost a year and was expected to begin the academic course in the ninth grade. Like graduates of eight academic grades, however, children who had com pleted the seventh grade and had satisfactorily finished one year in nonacademic grades, or who had completed the sixth and two years in nonacademic grades, were regarded as eligible for work certifi cates. Fifty-two per cent of the Rochester boys and 62 per cent of the girls had finished eight or more grades, either in academic sub jects only or in academic and nonacademic subjects combined before they left school. Table 4 shows the last academic grade completed by the boys and girls in the study. Many more o f the girls than of the boys (58 per cent and 43 per cent, respectively) had finished eight or more academic grades, because so many girls had taken the commercial course, which had academic standing, whereas the boys took the industrial-arts course, which did not have the same standing. Four girls and one boy were high-school graduates. Only 36 per cent o f the Utica boys and 45 per cent of the girls had graduated from the elementary grades, a lower proportion than in Rochester even when the academic grade attainment in the latter city only is considered. Only 5 per cent o f the Utica boys and 2 per cent of the girls, compared with 12 per cent of the Rochester boys and 17 per cent of the Rochester girls, had finished one year or more o f high-school work. The number o f Utica boys and girls who had had industrial training after they finished the seventh academic grade was negligible. 16 See Nineteenth Annual Report o f the Chief o f the Children’s Bureau, fiscal year ended June 30. 1931, pp. 2 6 -27 (W ashington, 1931), https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 9 THE WORKING GROUP T able 4.—Attendance at academic and nonacademic classes in regular school and last academic grade completed by employed boys and girls Rochester Last academic frade completed, and sex Total Complet Complet Complet ing aca ing aca ing aca demic and demic and Type of demic grade nonaca short unit grade not only7 demic commercial reported grades course Boys____ ____________ 1,726 1,*252 454 Less than sixth_________ Sixth........... Seventh_________ Eighth................. Ninth or more___ Special or ungraded 3.... ........ Grade not reported........... 36 445 385 535 194 113 18 36 272 202 441 181 113 7 173 183 85 13 1,690 1,415 195 33 323 291 677 277 63 26 33 229 211 598 274 63 7 Girls____ _________ Less than sixth....... ...... Sixth________ Seventh________ Eighth........... ........... Ninth or more__ Special or ungraded *________ Grade not reported..................... Utica 9 Total 11 480 18 517 9 62 94 80 2 1 18 1 Includes commercial courses with equivalent standing. * In Utica special classes only. > The grade attainment o f the continuation-school children in neither city compares favorably with the grade attainment of these children in the State as a whole as reported in a study made by the New York State Department of Education o f approximately 33,000 continuation-school pupils of 14,15,16, and 17 years o f age attending part-time schools throughout the State in 1926. According to the data gathered for this study, approximately two-thirds of the young persons were graduates o f the eighth or a higher grade.17 The differ ences, at least for the Rochester boys and girls, may be due to the fact that in the present study all the information as to the last grade completed was verified from the school records, whereas in the New York State study the continuation-school pupils filled out question naires themselves and may have filled in the grade they had last attended instead of the grade in fact completed. A larger proportion of the girls than o f the boys were eighthgrade graduates, although the girls left school at younger ages than the boys. This has also been found to be true among 14 and 15 year old working children in the country as a whole, according to reports o f a large number of employment certificating offices; 62 per cent of the girls as compared with 57 per cent of the boys receiving work certificates for the first time in 1930 were eighth-grade graduates.18 Completion of legal requirements for leaving school. The tendency for children who go to work under 16 to drop out of school soon after they legally can has been brought out in several 17 Special R eport o f Grade Completed ip Full-Tim e School by Boys and Girls Attend ing Part-Time Schools. U niversity o f the State o f New York, State Department o f Education, Division o f Vocational and Extension Education. Mimeographed. Separate reports fo r boys and girls. 18 Nineteenth Annual Report o f the C hief o f the Children’ s Bureau, fiscal year ended June 30, 1931, p. 26. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis iO EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND TJTIOA studies o f children attending part-time schools in different parts o f the country.19 The present study showed that in Rochester 63 per cent o f the boys and 54 per cent of the girls continued to attend school after completion or the age and grade requirements. On the other hand, in Utica, the tendency was somewhat in the other direc tion, as 49 per cent o f the boys and 58 per cent of the girlstleft school as soon as the law allowed. T o what extent the differences in the proportions o f boys and girls continuing their education may have been due to inability to obtain employment can not o f course be determined. Probably many o f the boys arid girls who did not leave school at once on reaching the legal age continued to attend only until the end o f a school year in order to graduate from the eighth grade or to obtain a promotion in high school. The majority of the Rochester boys and girls who stayed in school after completing the require ments left when 15, and so had not stayed in school much more than an additional year. The children who left school when 14 usually had left as soon as they completed the requirements. (Table 5.) Among the 119 Rochester boys and girls who left school before com pleting the age-grade requirements were 45 who left before they were 14. Possibly some o f these boys and girls had excuses for nonattendance on account of sickness, but probably most of them were out of school illegally. T able 5.—Age at leaving regular school, completion of age and grade require ments, and attenda/nce at school after completing these requirements by employed boys and girls Rochester Completion of age and grade requirements and attendance after completion Total Total____________ 3,416 Utica Age at leaving regular school Age at leaving regular school Under 14 Not Total Under Not 15 16 14 15 16 14 years years re 14 re years years ported years years years years ported 155 1,060 1,829 365 997 * 61 377 511 50 Requirements completed. 3,072 102 989 1,688 293 856 15 320 472 49 Attended after completion................ . 1,869 Not attending after completion_______ 1,203 317 1,270 282 341 67 242 32 102 672 418 11 515 15 253 230 17 119 45 50 23 1 108 36 53 18 1 49 176 8 15 6 12 106 •6 12 21 1 3 4 17 7 Requirements not completed_______________ Not reported as to completion______________ Attended special classes.. g 64 7 8 1 The Utica boys and girls had left school at somewhat earlier ages than those in Rochester, and smaller proportions remained in school 19 Pupil Personnel in Part-Tim e Schools, p. 13 (study made by part-time education subcommittee o f vocational-education committee in the National Council o f Education and presented July, 1926, at Philadelphia meeting o f the National E ducation A ssocia tion) ; The Part-tim e School and the Problem Child, by Emily G. Palm er and Irvin S. Noall, p. 17) (Division o f V ocational E ducation o f the University o f California and o f the State board o f education, Part-Tim e Education Series, No. 4, Divisional Bulletin No. 18, Berkeley, 1923) ; Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 8 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 9. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 11 after they could legally leave. Forty-one per cent of the Utica boys and 30 per cent o f the girls for whom the information was obtained did not leave school at once, but they generally left at some time during the year they were 15. Only 16 pet cent o f those who had left school before they were 15, but 53 per cent o f the boys and 45 per cent of the girls who left school during the year they were 15, had remained in school after completing the requirements. The per centage (11) of Utica boys and girls who left school before complet ing the educational requirements was larger than in Rochester. Among them were 36 who had left school before they were 14. Kind of school training. During the last 10 or 15 years the Rochester public schools have developed varied types of educational training suited to children o f differing mental abilities and aptitudes, training that is being adapted to the needs o f dull and over-age pupils as well as to the needs o f pupils who are successful in tiie academic work of the ordinary school grades. Training in industrial and commercial sub jects and household arts as well as in academic and college prepara tory work is given in the junior and senior high schools. A trade or “ shop ” school gives intensive trade training for boys of 14 or over who are elementary or junior high school graduates. Voca tional and technical courses are offered in the senior high schools. Since the first junior high school was opened, in 1915, these schools have been greatly developed; at the time of this inquiry Rochester had four junior high schools with an enrollment of 6,378 pupils for the term ended June, 1927, which offered courses in academic, indus trial home making, and commercial subjects in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades.20 On entering junior high school the pupils were classified according to their relative abilities, which were partly de termined by the group intelligence tests given the children before they left the sixth grade by the child-study department o f the board of education. Through a system o f school counseling the pupils were directed toward the kind of school work suited to their abilities. In the first year o f the junior high school, considered a try-out period, all pupils usually followed the same general curriculum; in the sec ond and third years they could specialize and elect academic, indus trial, or commercial courses. Commercial courses in typing, stenography, bookkeeping, business arithmetic, office practice, and com mercial art were open to both boys and girls. Boys could specialize in industrial courses in auto-mechanics, cabinetmaking, drafting, electrical construction, pattemmaking, printing, machine shop, and sheet-metal work; girls in home-making courses, in cooking, sewing, and millinery. Industrial courses for boys which met the require ments o f the Smith-Hughes Act for Federal aid for vocational edu cation were open to those of 14 years. H alf the school time was devoted to practical work in well-equipped school “ shops ” ; the other half was given to related academic work. For over-age and dull children the public schools had organized special classes. Ungraded classes had been established for those who demonstrated their in20 The Junior High Schools o f Rochester, N. Y., p. 20 (report of Rochester Boaj-d o f Education, Rochester, 1923) ; The W ork o f the Public Schools, Rochester, N. Y., 1928. p. 579. * 161493°-—33 2 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 12 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA ability to succeed in regular grades. Some , of the older boys in these classes were enrolled in the so-called prevocational classes, in which they spent one-half o f each day in industrial work.21 Two-fifths o f the Rochester boys and girls included in the study had last attended the regular elementary grades of public or diocesan schools; about the same proportion had been enrolled in junior high schools, in which they had the opportunity to elect some type o f vo cational training ; 4 per cent had been enrolled in the trade school ; and 15 per cent had last attended senior high schools. More than one-third (37 per cent) of the boys had taken voca tional-training courses. Most of these had enrolled in the industrialarts course in the junior high schools. (Table 6.) A small number had taken commercial courses in junior or senior public high schools or had enrolled in a commercial course given in one of the private schools. The most popular industrial courses were those in machine shop and sheet-metal work and in electrical construction. Forty per cent of the girls had attended vocational-training courses, of which business or commercial training was the most popular; 27 per cent had enrolled in commercial courses; and 12 per cent had enrolled in household-arts courses, which primarily prepared for home-making rather than for wage earning. Most of the girls who specialized in commercial subjects had been enrolled in junior or senior high school or in other public schools, but a small number had taken the commercial course offered eighth-grade graduates in one of the diocesan schools. T able 6 .— Type of vocational training received "by employed boys and girls; Rochester Type of vocational training Number Girls Boys Total Per cent Per cent Per cent distri distri Number distri Number bution bution bution Total.......................................... ........ 3,416 100 1,726 100 1,690 100 Receiving vocational training----------------- 1,314 38 633 37 681 40 Commercial________________________ 15 16 6 1 67 553 4 36 452 27 More than one kind________________ 519 653 207 35 »207 22 12 1 Not receiving vocational training------- ! — 2,102 62 1,093 1,009 60 13 (>) 63 * Includes 1 girl in commercial-art class. <Less than 1 per cent. The majority of both boys and girls who had taken vocational work had spent at least one school year (10 months) in these courses. The training of only 15 per cent of the boys in industrial courses and of 34 per cent of the girls in commercial courses had extended over a period of two or more school years. Most of the Utica boys and girls before leaving school for work had attended only the regular elementary grades in public or dioca For a description o f the vocational and special training that the Rochester public schools offer see The W ork o f the Public Schools, Rochester, N. Y., pp. 286—290, 352—363, 886-395, 471-478. See also footnote 5, p. 2. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 13 esan schools; 13 per cent had attended high schools. The vocational training o f the Utica working boys and girls was negligible. The only training o f this kind that the Utica public schools offered was in such subjects as bricklaying, carpentry, printing, and applied electricity. These courses were given in the high-school building and were open to sixth-grade graduates. Only 26 of the boys (5 per cent) had taken advantage o f this training, and only 9 had remained in the trade courses for as long as one school year. None of the girls had had commercial or other vocational training in regular school. Training after leaving regular school. Though the majority o f the Rochester and Utica boys and girls, as was found to be true o f the continuation-school children in the State as a whole,22 had received no other formal instruction after leaving regular school, a considerable number (16 per cent in Roches ter and 12 per cent in Utica) had taken advantage of educational opportunities offered by the public and other night schools. In Rochester most o f the 553 boys and girls receiving other instruction either were eighth-grade graduates or had had industrial or com mercial training. The majority of the 265 boys in this group had enrolled in the public night schools, but some of them had attended classes in drafting, mechanical drawing, sign painting, and other subjects offered by the Mechanics Institutej a private technical school. Some o f the 84 boys who had had industrial training in regular school attended the public night schools. Sixty-five enrolled in industrial courses, 40 of them in the same subjects that they had taken in the junior high or in the “ shop ” school, and 8 in academic or commercial classes. Attendance at night school usually extended over a period of at least four months, rarely longer than eight months. The 288 girls who had had some training after leaving regular school usually enrolled in night schools, public or private, but 53 c f them had taken a commercial course in day schools. About threefifths o f the girls in night schools and nine-tenths of the girls in day commercial classes had attended for four months or more. Most of the girls in night schools, as well as those in day schools, studied commercial subjects—typing, shorthand, and bookkeeping. Many o f them formerly had been enrolled in ordinary academic grades, but 65 o f 87 girls who had taken commercial courses in regular schools continued their education in the same subject; 8 of the remainder attended sewing classes, and 4 attended classes in academic subjects. In Utica 122 o f those studied, including relatively more girls than boys, had enrolled in some class after leaving school, most o f them in the public night-school classes; few were in private schools in either night or day classes. The Utica, like the Rochester, girls were usually eighth-grade graduates and had enrolled in typing, shorthand, and bookkeeping classes; the 36 boys who were enrolled in night-school classes as a rule took courses in industrial subjects— 2 See Special R eport as to Other Forms o f Instruction Taken by Girls Attending PartTime School, and Special Report as to Other Form s o f Instruction Taken by Boys Attend ing Part-Tim e School. University o f the State o f New York, State Department o f Educa tion, Division o f V ocational and Extension Education. Mimeographed. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 14 E M P L O Y E D B O Y S A N D G IR L S I N BO C H E S T E R A N D U T IC A as carpentry, electricity, printing, painting, and decorating. took courses in typing, shorthand, and bookkeeping. A few Vocational training in the part-tim e school. All the boys and girls who attended continuation school had some form o f instruction for at least four hours weekly. Two hours were given to industrial, home-making, or commercial subjects and the remaining two hours to academic work. The training in practical work that the continuation schools offer is designed to give the young workers an opportunity to obtain occupational skills which may be useful to them later or helpful to them in the jobs they are holding. . The Rochester continuation school, housed in a building formerly used for a factory, has equipment for industrial work similar to that in the junior high school “ shops.” Most of the boys included in the study, both those who had previously taken vocational work in regular school and those who had not, were enrolled in industrial courses; that is, in machine shop, sheet-metal work, electrical work, printing, or drafting. The remainder were taking commercial art or retail selling, music, or bookkeeping, and other commercial sub jects. The commercial classes usually accepted only pupils who either had completed the eighth grade or had had training in com mercial subjects. One-half the girls were in the home-making classes, one-third were in the commercial classes, and most o f the remainder had had both kinds of training. A few girls were enrolled in music and commercial-art classes. Practically all the boys in Utica part-time school were also enrolled in industrial courses in subjects similar though not quite as varied as those given in the larger Rochester school, namely, in woodworking, machine shop, sheet metal, electricity, plumbing, and printing. Most of the Utica girls were in home-making classes. Only 10 boys and 5 girls, all but 1 of whom were eighth-grade graduates, were studying typing, stenography, or other commercial subjects. School progress. According to the conservative standards adopted by the United States Office o f Education and used for purposes of this study, a child is not considered as over age for his grade (that is, as retarded) unless he fails to complete the seventh grade by the time he is 14 and the eighth grade by the time he is 15.23 As the school standing of the Rochester boys and girls who had last attended industrial and household-arts classes was not equivalent to that o f children in the academic grades, the figures for their school progress were based on the last grades thev had completed in academic subjects, and their ages at the time of completion of these grades. Some of the boys and girls who had taken vocational training had finished their last academic grade at the age of 13 or 14, two or three years before they had left school, hence the figures for the school progress o f those with vocational training are based on younger ages than in the case o f those without vocational training. Older boys and girls are more likely to be retarded in school than younger, as figures 28 For computing school progress the age o f a child completing an academ ic grade in June was taken as o f the follow ing Septem ber; fo r a child completing an academic grade in January the age taken was as o f the preceding September. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 15 from the Office o f Education show, so that comparisons for those with and without vocational training are valid only for the same age groups. In considering the school progress o f these boys and girls, it should also be remembered that those who took vocational training were a selected group as far as their grade attainment was concerned, only those who had finished at least the sixth grade bemg eligible. The boys and girls without vocational training, on the other hand, ranged from those who had had less than a sixthgrsxlc education to those who were accelerated and had completed high school. * O f the 825 boys without vocational training whose progress in regular school was based on their grades at 14 and 15 years of age 43 per cent were retarded. Ten per cent o f the boys o f 14 and 15 years o f age without vocational training had last been enrolled in special or ungraded classes and were probably over age for their grades. The 371 boys in the corresponding age group with voca tional training were apparently but little more likely to be behind m their ordinary school work at the ages of 14 or 15 than the boys without vocational training; 46 per cent o f those with training had been over age in their last academic grades. Evidently many o f the boys who were unsuccessful in their school work remained in the regular school grades either because they were unable to reach the sixth grade or because they attended schools in districts in which no vocational training was available. The retardation among the Rochester girls can not be compared readily with that among the boys because of the large number of girls in the group of those with vocational training who had taken the commercial course, a subject that apparently attracts girls who are successful in their school work. The girls with commercial or business training were seldom over age for their grades, not nearly so frequently as girls who had been enrolled last in the grades in ordinary academic subjects. The girls enrolled in the householdarts course were the most retarded. Eight per cent of the girls with commercial training whose school progress was calculated at the age o f 14 or 15 were retarded in school, as compared with 70 per cent of those last enrolled in household-arts courses. Forty-one per cent o f the girls with no vocational training were also over age for their grades at 14 and 15 years. Six per cent o f the girls of these ages with no vocational training were last enrolled in special or ungraded classes and were also probablv over age for their grades. The number o f Rochester boys and girls who had been advanced for their grades was small, both among those who had had and among those who had not had vocational training. Only 33 o f the boys, and 70 o f the girls, in the 14 and 15 year group had been advanced m their school work. The girls in this group had been enrolled last in the commercial course or in the regular academic grades; none in the household-arts course was accelerated in school work. In Rochester retardation among the working children when 14 and 15 years of age, either with or without vocational training, did not appear to be unusual. This finding does not correspond with that o f the Children’s Bureau study in New Jersey, which indicated that working children, at least in Newark, were more retarded than https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 16 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA school children in general.*4 In Milwaukee the information ob tained with regard to school progress was inconclusive. According to figures from the United States Office of Education 40 per cent o f the 14 and 15 year old boys and 32 per cent o f the girls of these ages in 900 city school systems throughout the country were retarded.25 This proportion for the boys is little smaller than the proportion of Rochester working boys who were retarded (44 per cent) at the same ages (combining the boys with and without vocational training), and for the girls also it is slightly smaller than for all the Rochester girls combined (34 per cent). The Utica boys and girls, however, were considerably more re tarded than regular school children in the country as a whole. The progress in school of most o f the Utica boys and girls was based on their grades at 14 or 15 years of age; 60 per cent o f the boys in this age group and 50 per cent o f the girls were over age for their grades. More of the boys and girls whose school progress was computed when they were 15 were retarded than those in the younger age group. The number of boys and girls in special classes in Utica was small, only 2 per cent; apparently most o f those who were over age were enrolled in the regular grades. Only 5 Utica children were ad vanced in their school work when 14 or 15. Thirty-nine o f the 74 children whose progress in school was calculated before they were 14 were, in advanced grades for their ages. Intelligence levels. As a result of studies o f the intelligence o f working children that boards o f education and other organizations have made, it is gener ally agreed that on the whole the intelligence of children who leave school for work does not compare favorably with that of children who continue in school. The range of intelligence among children of both groups is wide, however, and a considerable number o f children o f superior mentality are found among the working as well as among the school groups.28 The results o f the group tests 27 given the working boys and girls attending the Rochester continuation school, as compared with the results of those given children attending the sixth grade of the reg ular schools o f the city, also indicate, so far as mental ability can be measured by such methods, that the mental ability of working boys and girls as a group does not compare favorably with the mental ability of the public-school population. Although the findings o f group tests do not serve as a wholly reliable measure of the intelli gence of the individual, they can be used to show the relative intel ligence of groups o f children. They are also closely correlated with 24 Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, pp. 11 and 51. * Calculated from An Age-Grade Study in 900 City School Systems, p. 2. 26 W oolley, Helen Thompson : An Experimental Study o f Children at W ork and in School Between the Ages o f 14 and 18 Years, p. 328 (M acmillan Co., New York, 1926) ; Hopkins, L. Thomgs : The Intelligence o f Continuation-School Children in Massachusetts, pp. 117—119 (H arvard University Press, Cambridge, 1924) ; Stine, J. Ray : A Comparative Study o f Part-Tim e and Full-Time Students in the Public Schools o f Toledo, Lima, and Fremont, Ohio, pp. 44 -45 (Ohio State Board o f V ocational Education, Columbus, 1927) ; Palmer, Em ily G. : Pupils W ho Leave School, pp. 42-45, 68 (Division of V ocational Education o f the University o f California and o f the State Department o f Education, Berkeley, 1930) : Plenzke, O. H . : A Study o f the Abilities o f Vocational School Pupils (Journal o f Educational Research, vol. 10, No. 1 /J u n e , 1924), pp. 4 2 -4 8 ) ; Sudweeks, Joseph ; In telligence o f Continuation-School Pupils o f W isconsin (Journal o f Educational Psychology, vol. 18, No. 9 (December, 1927), pp. 601-611) ; Beeley, Arthur L . : Boys and Girls in Salt Lake City, pp. 55—56 (U niversity o f Utah. Salt Lake City, 1929). 21 The Terman group te sts 'o f mental ability. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 17 THE WORKING GROUP the child’s capacity to do school work and with his progress in school, and are used by the schools as a basis for classification o f children o f different mental abilities. 4Test results were available for 2,800 of the 3,362 working boys and girls enrolled in the Rochester continuation school the weelc the tests were given, and were representative o f the whole working group in cluded in the study, so far as ages at leaving school, school grades, and progress in school are concerned. The results o f similar group tests, which were given to 1,488 children in grade 6A of the regular public schools in June, 1927, were also available for comparisons.28 These sixth-grade children comprised a group of children too young to leave school and not a selected group, such as would be found in a senior high-school class or in the continuation school. Except for children o f decidedly inferior mentality who can not do the regu lar school work, all the children of the community are required %y law to complete the work o f the sixth grade. The intelligence quotients 29 o f the working boys and girls as well as those of the sixth-grade children varied greatly, ranging from less than 75 to 130 and more.30 On the whole, however, the intelli gence quotients o f the working boys and girls were considerably below those of the regular school children, 66 per cent o f the former and 51 per cent of the latter having intelligence quotients o f less than 100. Five per cent of the working boys and girls and 10 per cent of the school children had intelligence quotients o f 120 or more. Only 15 working boys and girls (less than 1 per cent) and 60 school children (4 per cent) had intelligence quotients of 130 or more. (Table 7.) Intelligence quotient, based on H years as an adult age, of employed boy8 and girls a and of boys and girls enrolled in Grade-A ; 6 Rochester T ables 7. Employed boys and girls Intelligence quotient based on 14 years as an adult age Total _______________ Intelligence quotient reported____ Less than 80____ ______ 80, less than 90_________ _ 90, less than 100____________ 100, less than 110................ 110, less than 120.................... 120, less than 130....... ......... 130 and more________ Intelligence quotient not reported___ . . . . Boys and girls in Grade 6-A Per cent Per cent Number distribu Number distribu tion tion 3,416 1,438 2,800 100 268 756 823 503 312 123 15 27 29 18 11 87 616 • Given Terman group test in continuation school. hGiven Terman group test in public school. 28 Unpublished material. ^ • in ^ r d e r to facilitate comparisons with other data compiled by the Rochester childstudy department, intelligence quotients (that is, the ratio between mental and chronologi cal ages) were calculated by using the age o f 14 as the adult age level fo r children who were beyond this age, in accordance with the practice o f this department. In a study o f the intelligence o f continuation-school children in Massachusetts D octor Hopkins used 14% years as the adult age fo r calculating intelligence quotients. (See Intelligence o f Continuation-School Children in Massachusetts, pp. 19-20.) Because the age at which m ental growth ceases is unknown, psychologists differ as to the adult age level to be used a .oasis fo r calculating intelligence quotients fo r individuals beyond the age o f 14. (See Mental Tests, by Frank Freeman, p. 358 (H oughton Mifflin Co., Cambridge, 1926), b r i d g i m f f T 6 TeStS’ by W alter I)earborn> PP- 290-306 (H oughton Mifflin Co.. Cam»« The children whose intelligence quotients were less than 75 on the basis o f a 14-year adult age level are regarded as too low grade m entally to test by the Terman group test. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 18 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND IJTICA The reliability of these test results for the Rochester part-time school pupils is supported by a comparison with the results of similar tests given to such pupils by the Rochester child-study department three years earlier. The intelligence quotients of the pupils enrolled in continuation school in 1924 and 1927 were very similar, although in 1927 a slightly larger proportion had intelligence quotients of less than 80 than in 1924, 11 per cent in 1927 and 7 per cent in 1924. This slight difference was, in the opinion of the Rochester Board of Education, probably due to the more strict enforcement of the compulsory school attendance law in 1927 as compared with 1924.81 The working children who had attended the Rochester vocational training classes, as their grade attainment and the amount o f re tardation among them indicate, were not dull. Boys and girls of the higher intelligence levels—those with intelligence quotients o f 110 or more—were just as likely to be found among the boys and girls who had taken vocational training as among those without such training, with the exception of the girls in the home-making classes who were, on the whole, on the lower intelligence level. On the other hand, practically all those whose intelligence quotients were less than 80 had last attended either the regular academic grades or special ungraded classes. Reasons for leaving school. How far lack o f mental ability, retardation, and maladjustment in school and how far economic pressure cause early school leaving are questions that have been discussed widely in studies of children who leave school for work. Some studies have emphasized the child’s dislike o f school and the close relationship of mental ability and school progress with the age of leaving school, and other studies have brought out the influence of economic need. On the basis o f the experience of earlier investigations, the boys and girls in this series of .studies were not asked why they had left school, because the reasons for leaving school have been found to be so complex that the child himself can not be expected to analyze them and give the true causes.82 Indirectly, however, the information obtained as to the intelligence levels of the boys and girls and the ages and grades at which they left school throw some light on this question. The effect o f the provisions o f the New York State education law on the ages at which children leave school somewhat obscures the relation between the age o f leaving school and the child’s mental ability. The law holds dull and over-age pupils in school until they are 15 and very dull children who have not completed the sixth grade in school until they are 16, but allows children o f normal or superior mentality who have completed the eighth grade to leave school at 14. Consequently a larger proportion o f the Rochester children who left school at 14 had relatively higher intelligence quo tients than those who left school at 15. A greater tendency on the part of brighter children to remain in school after they could legally leave is indicated, however, by a comparison of the proportion of the children with the higher intelligence quotients who left school at 15 with the proportion leaving at 16; 28 per cent of those leaving « The Work o f the Public Schools, Rochester, N. Y., pp. 460-461. * , „ « Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 12, https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 19 school at 15 and 42 per cent o f those leaving at 16 had intelligence quotients of 100 or more. A correlation of the working boys’ and girls’ school progress and attendance after completing the age and grade requirements reveals that a slightly larger proportion of those in normal or advanced grades for their ages than o f those who were retarded remained in school after they could legally leave. For example, o f the Rochester boys and girls who had completed the educational requirements and had some form o f vocational training, 79 per cent (about equal pro portions o f each sex) in normal or advanced grades for their ages, and 66 per cent in over-age grades, continued to attend school after they had fulfilled the educational requirements. In Utica, where children on the whole did not remain in school so long as in Rochester, 48 per cent of the boys and girls in normal or advanced grades for their ages, compared with 33 per cent o f the retarded boys and girls, remained in school after completing the requirements. Financial pressure is an important cause o f early school leaving. Although no specific information was obtained as to the economic status o f the families o f the boys and girls included in the present study, this may be indicated indirectly by information obtained regarding the occupations of the fathers or other male heads of families. In Rochester information was obtained for the heads of households o f 2,780 employed minors. Sixty-seven per cent were employed in manufacturing and mechanical occupations, as compared with a considerably smaller proportion— 58 per cent in 1920 and 50 per cent in 1930— of the employed adult male population of the city as a whole.83 Thirty-seven per cent of these were classified as semi skilled workers or as unskilled laborers in manufacturing and mechanical industries; 28 per cent were regarded as “ skilled ” workers. The latter were carpenters, plumbers, painters, or other skilled workers, and a few (2 per cent) were proprietors or officials. Ten per cent o f all the fathers were engaged in the occupations classi fied as trade and 10 per cent in transportation, and 3 per cent, com pared with 12 per cent o f the adult males employed in the city, were in clerical or professional occupations. In Utica information was obtained for the fathers or other male heads of household of 801 employed minors. Sixty-two per cent were engaged in manufacturing and mechanical occupations, includ ing 40 per cent who were semiskilled workers or laborers, 20 per cent who were skilled industrial workers, and 2 per cent who were proprietors or officials. In the city as a whole 54 per cent o f the employed males were engaged in manufacturing and mechanical occupations.34 The remaining fathers of the employed minors were distributed in other occupations in trade or transportation and in domestic and personal service. Two per cent, compared with 11 per cent of all the employed men in the city, were clerical or pro fessional workers. ** Fourteenth Census o f the United States, vol. 4, Population, Occupations, pp. 1212— 1214 (W ashington, 1923) ; Fifteenth Census o f the United States, Occupations, New York, p. 71 (W ashington, 1932). ** Fourteenth Census o f the United States, vol. 4, Population, Occupations, pp. 325-329. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 20 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA Economic necessity due to the loss of the f ather by death or other cause did not appear to be an important factor in the early with drawals from school o f the young workers in the two blew York cities. Four-fifths of the Rochester boys and girls lived in families in which their own father was present, most of these with both their own parents. Five per cent lived in families in which the father’s place had been taken by a stepfather or some other male bread winner, and 14 per cent lived in families in which there was no father and no one taking the father’s place. The latter boys and girls had not gone to work at appreciably younger ages than those living with their own fathers. The same proportion (about four-fifths) of the Utica as o f the Rochester boys and girls lived in families in which their own father was present; 14 per cent also were living in families in which no father or other male breadwinner was present, and 4 per cent were living with stepfather or other male breadwinner. The great ma jority were with both their own parents. Twenty-seven per cent of the boys and girls living with their own fathers or with step or foster fathers, and only 21 per cent o f the children from families in which there was no father and no one taking his place, began work when they were 14 years or before, the reverse o f what might be expected. Differences in social customs and educational standards among families of different economic groups and o f different nationalities are other factors believed likely to influence the age o f leaving school. For example, among certain groups of the wage-earning population graduation from elementary schools is still, though decreasingly, re garded as an adequate education. Early withdrawals from school are also sometimes influenced by the nationalities o f the children’s families. Almost nine-tenths o f the boys and girls in Rochester were native born, but the fathers of 64 per cent were foreign born. Thirty-two per cent of the fathers were born in Italy; the others who were foreign born came from many different countries, includ ing Germany, Poland, Russia, Great Britain, and Canada. The children whose fathers were Italian were little more likely than the children of the native born to leave school during the year they were 14, but many more of the children whose fathers were German or Polish left school earlier than children of the native bom. The number in each other nationality group was small. Ninety-four per cent of the Utica boys and girls were native bom; but 78 per cent had foreign-born fathers, including nearly one-half whose fathers were from Italy. Most of the remaining foreignborn fathers were born in Poland. As in Rochester, the boys and girls whose fathers were born in Italy showed no more tendency to leave school at 14 than the boys and girls whose fathers were native born. Both boys and girls in Polish families, however, were some what more likely to leave school earlier than children whose fathers were Italian. The nationality of the father appeared to have a direct bearing on the children’s school attainment and so indirectly influenced the age at which they left school. In each city the group whose fathers were foreign born, particularly those whose fathers were born in Italy, showed a much lower proportion of eighth-grade graduates than the group whose fathers were native born. The reason, there https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE W O R K IN G G R O U P 21 fore, that children from Italian families did not leave school earlier than children o f the native born was doubtless in many instances because they were obliged to remain in school at least until they were 15 years of age in order to fulfill the legal grade requirements. Difficulty in getting work is another important factor in keeping children in school after the completion of the educational require ments o f the law. But differences in the employment situation in Rochester and Utica during the 2-year period in which the children included in the study were leaving school and going to work do not explain the relatively early withdrawals from the Utica schools. The Utica textile industry, as has been said, had been undergoing a period of depression, and probably for this reason the Utica boys and girls had more unemployment, both at the date of the study and during their working lives, than the Rochester boys and girls. This situation should have tended to keep them in school longer than in Rochester rather than the reverse. The school training in vocational subjects available fo r Rochester boys and girls was no doubt one reason why the continuation-school pupils who had left school early for work did not leave immediately after they had fulfilled the educational requirements of the com pulsory school law. It should be noted, however, that in Rochester, as elsewhere, a very large part of the child population between 14 and 17 does not leave school for work, but continues in school; the number o f children o f these ages enrolled in secondary and higher schools in 1928 was larger than the number enrolled in continuation school.86 The facts obtained for the group of Rochester boys and girls who left school before they were 17 show that more of those enrolled in vocational courses (75 per cent) than o f those in aca demic courses (58 per cent) stayed in school after completing the legal requirements. BEGINNING OF WAGE EARNING Vacation employment. Considerable numbers o f the boys and girls had been employed in school vacations before leaving school for regular employment. Six hundred and eighty-three (40 per cent) of the Rochester boys and 216 (13 per cent) of the girls had been so employed. One-half of the boys reporting vacation work had begun before they were 14 years of age, including more than one-fourth who had begun work at 12 or earlier. A great many of the boys and some of the girls had worked on farms in summer vacations harvesting vegeta bles and fruits, especially picking cherries, strawberries, beans, and peas. Others, both boys and girls, had done errand or messenger work. Some of the boys had been caddies on golf courses, and some of the girls had been domestic workers in private families or in res taurants. Employment in factories was not usual, chiefly no doubt because the child labor law forbade employment of children under 14 in manufacturing establishments. In Utica 35 per cent of the boys and 17 per cent of the girls in cluded in the study also had been employed in school vacations before leaving full-time school. They started vacation work at younger ® The W ork o f the Public Schools, Rochester, N. T. Education, pp. 569-580. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Report o f Rochester Board o f 22 E M P L O Y E D B O Y S A N D G IR L S I N R O C H E S T E R A N D U T IC A ages than the Rochester boys and girls; more than two-thirds o f each sex reporting vacation work had first been employed before they were 14 years, including about two-fifths who had been employed at the age o f 12 or earlier. A considerable proportion had worked in vaca tions for two years or more. They reported much the same kind of work as the Rochester children. More than half, a larger propor tion of the girls than of the boys, who had worked during vacations had been employed on farms in their last vacation job. A g e at beginning regular work. More than four-fifths of the Rochester group had left school and begun regular work before they were 16. Although the girls left school at slightly younger ages than the boys, they lost more time between school and work than the boys and so entered regular em ployment when not much younger. Twenty-four per cent of the boys and 28 per cent o f the girls started work either during or before the year they were 14. About nine-tenths of the Utica group began work before they were 16. On leaving school the Utica boys and girls were slightly younger than those m Rochester, but they lost more time between school and work. For this reason they were not much younger than the Rochester boys and girls when they went to work. Twenty-three per cent of the hoys and 30 per cent of the girls started work when under 15 years. Interval between leaving regular school and beginning w ork and entering part-tim e school. The Rochester boys and girls, especially the boys, went to work almost as soon as they left school, in compliance with the legal requirement that while school is in session children under 16 should be either in school or legally employed. In New York State school authorities issue the employment certificates, and in Rochester the regular school principals, the employment-certificate office, and the continuation-school officials all cooperate closely, so that at least the children who leave school during the school term obtain their employment certificates and enroll at the continuation school with little delay. Delays between the time o f leaving school and the time o f beginning work occur more frequently, therefore, when a child goes to work during the school vacation or when he comes from an out-of-town school. Delays occur also when a child from the Roches ter schools has left school for work but has been temporarily refused a certificate because of his physical condition. Two-thirds of the Rochester boys and girls entered regular employ ment during the school year and the remaining third during the summer vacation. Very likely many children who leave school in June can not find or do not wish to find work in the summer, but get it in September after school opens. According to the records of the Rochester employment-certificate office for several years preceding the date of the study more first regular certificates are issued in September and in October than in any other month.36 More of the Rochester boys than of the girls went to work immedi ately on leaving school. Eighty-one per cent of the boys who first entered regular employment during the school year and 55 per cent “ Unpublished figures. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE 23 W O R K IN G G R O U P o f the girls began work within two school weeks o f the date when they left school (not counting vacation periods). (See table 8.) The practice o f temporarily refusing children an employment certificate until they had their tonsils or adenoids removed or necessary dental work done but o f allowing them to register at part-time school during the period in which these physical defects were being corrected, accounts for the time that some of these children lost between school and work. T able 8.—Interval during school period "between leaving regular school and beginning first regular job by employed boys and girls Rochester Utica Total Interval during school period between leaving regular school and beginning first regular job, and sex Be Be Total Be Be gin gin gin gin ning ning ning ning . first first Period first first Period Per regular regular not Per regular regular not job cent job re job cent re job Num dis dur ported Num dis dur ported ber tribu dur ber tribu dur ing ing ing ing tion school vaca tion school vaca period tion period tion Boys_________________ 1,726 1 1,118 607 312 158 1,723 100 1,116 607 467 100 309 158 No interval_____________ 1,026 Less than 2 weeks............. 465 2 weeks, less than 1month. 114 1 month, less than 2_____ 66 2 months, less than 4. . . . 27 4 months, less than 6____ 12 6 months or more_______ 13 60 27 7 4 2 1 1 511 393 107 61 27 9 8 515 72 7 5 216 115 34 46 25 15 16 46 25 7 10 5 3 3 77 113 30 42 22 12 13 139 2 4 4 3 3 3 Interval reported___________ Interval not reported............ 3 2 Girls.............................. 1,690 1,138 Interval reported .... 3 5 551 480 1 13 3 1 517 355 10 153 1,685 100 1,134 551 507 100 354 153 No interval_____________ Less than 2 weeks_______ 2 weeks, less than 1 month. 1 month, less than 2_____ 2 months, less than 4 .___ 4 months, less than 6 ___ 6 months or more_______ 694 428 143 147 125 69 79 41 25 8 9 7 4 5 275 349 135 140 117 61 57 419 79 8 7 8 8 22 179 81 65 52 55 34 41 35 16 13 10 11 7 8 49 81 60 50 53 26 35 130 Interval not reported________ 5 4 1 10 1 10 5 2 2 g 6 9 Two-thirds o f the Utica boys and girls, the same proportion as in Rochester, went to work during the school year, and the remaining third went to work in the summer vacation. The proportions of children going to work during the school year who entered employ ment within two weeks after leaving full-time school (62 per cent o f . the boys and 3T per cent o f the girls) was smaller than in Rochester. Enrollment at the Rochester part-time school is a matter of routine for young persons obtaining employment certificates. A large num ber o f both the boys and the girls from the city schools, both public and diocesan, had enrolled at the part-time school within two school weeks (not counting vacation periods) after leaving full-time regular school.87 Fifty-seven (2 per cent) o f the part-time school pupils *7 The sessions o f the part-tim e school and regular school correspond ; in calculating the time elapsing between leaving regular school and enrolling at part-time school, vaca tion periods have been omitted. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 24 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA (exclusive o f children who last attended regular school out o f the city) had not enrolled at this school for six or more school months after leaving the full-time schools. In addition, 54 (2 per cent) had not enrolled up to the date o f the study. Most of the latter group had obtained work within a few weeks after leaving school or m the summer vacation, but some o f them (24 of the 54) had begun work at least six months before the date o f the study and at the end of that time had not complied with the part-time school law. Only 28 per cent o f the 884 Utica part-time school pupils last at tending regular school for whom the information was reported had enrolled in part-time school within two weeks after leaving full-time school; the majority, however, were in school before two months of the school session had elapsed. Some Utica boys and girls (5 per cent) delayed for six months or more before entering the part-time school. In addition, 72 who had left full-time school and gone to work had not registered at part-time school up to the date of the study and were apparently violating the school attendance law. Among the group who had not registered were 29 who had begun work at least six months before the date o f the inquiry. Certification for employment. A system of employment certification, such as the New York labor and education laws provide (see p. 6), is essential if the require ments that a child must meet as a prerequisite to going to work and the legal regulations that affect him while at work are to be properly enforced. Such a system is also an aid to inspection for viola tions. The extent to which the young workers in this study ob tained employment certificates for work, therefore, is significant. A search of the Rochester employment-certificate files showed that among the 1,118 boys who went to work during the school year, 145 (18 per cent) had no employment certificates for their first regular jobs. (Table 9.) Similarly, 278 (24 per cent) of the 1,138 girls going to work during the school year had no employment certificates for their first regular jobs, although 167 o f these had previously received cer tificates allowing them to work at home. Under the child labor law in effect from 1925 to 1927, when the children included in this study first went to work, minors between 14 (the minimum age for work) and 17 years of age were required to have regular employment certificates for employment during the school session and to obtain new certificates for each job,88 so that all those without certificates were employed in violation of the law. 88 New York Labor Law, 1921, ch. 50, art. 4, pars. 130, 1 3 1 ; also Compulsory Education Law, art. 23, par. 626, as amended by Laws o f 1921, cb. 386. In 1928 the workcertificate regulations exempted m inors o f 16 years o f age in farm service and limited the exemptions allowed during vacation to farm and certain other outdoor work performed by children o f 12 or over for their own parents (Law s o f 1928, ch. 6 4 6 ). https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE 25 W O R K IN G G R O U P T able 9.—Period of beginning and issuance of certificates for first regular job / employed boys and girls of Rochester Employed boys and girls Period of beginning first regular job, and sex Total Certificate issued for first regular job Certificate not is sued for first reg ular job Number Per cent Number Per cent Boys__________ ________ During school year...... .................................. During summer vacation....... .......... Not reported__________ _______ Girls__________________ During school year...................................... During summer vacation________________ Not reported..................................... 1,726 1,340 78 386 22 1,118 607 1 973 367 87 60 146 240 1 13 40 1,690 1,263 76 427 26 1,138 661 1 860 403 76 73 278 148 1 24 27 While school is not in session boys and girls under IT in factories are required to have regular employment certificates, and those em ployed in connection with mercantile establishments, business offices, and many other specified establishments39 are required to have vaca tion certificates. Boys and girls in domestic service in private fami lies arid in agricultural work were exempted from the vacation work certificate requirements at the time the study was made. O f the 60T boys and 551 girls who went to work in the summer vacation 240 boys (40 per cent) and 148 girls (27 per cent) had no employment certificates. More than half of the boys starting regular work with out certificates in the summer vacation (that is, those who were em ployed as factory operatives, laborers, or errand boys in factories or in other manufacturing and mechanical occupations; as sales, stock, or errand boys in stores; as telegraph messengers or other messengers; as drivers or helpers to drivers ; as clerical workers ; or as hotel or in stitution employees) were also doubtless employed in violation of the employment certificate law. About one-third o f the boys without certificates entering regular employment in summer vacation were employed in outdoor work, chiefly on farms but a few as caddy boys; these were legally employed, as the minimum age for such employment was 12 years of age40 and certificates were not required.41 O f the 148 girls who went to work during summer vacation without certificates only 19 were employed in domestic service in private families and 4 in agricultural work (that is, in occupations for which certificates were not required) ; the majority, who were in factories, laundries, stores, hotels, or restaurants, had not complied with the employment certificate law. * iSi1! establishments specified in the labor law are as fo llo w s : Factories, m ercantile establishments, business offices, telegraph offices, restaurants, hotel or apartment houses, theaters or other places o f amusement, bowling alleys, barber shops, shoe-polishing establishments, or the distribution or transmission o f merchandise, articles, or messages or the sale o f articles. . ’ 6 40 All these boys were over 12 years o f age. " A l l outdoor work not connected with the establishments specified in the labor law P* 2^) was exempted from the certificate requirement at the time the children included in this study went to w o r k ; by an amendment passed in 1928 (N Y Laws o f 1928, ch. 6<6) this exemption was limited to work fo r parents. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 26 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA Most of the boys and girls who had no employment certificates for their first jobs had in fact reached the legal age and fulfilled the grade requirements for such certificates, but a small number were under age or had not finished the required grades. O f the 54 not registered at continuation school, 29 had no certificates for their first jobs. The files of the Utica employment-certificating office were also searched. Information was obtained as to whether or not the child had an employment certificate for some job during his work history, but it did not always prove possible to find out whether the child had been issued a certificate for his first regular job. About four-fifths o f the Utica boys and girls who had been employed had been issued at least one certificate; this number included girls to whom certificates for work at home had been issued. But 100 boys (21 per cent) and 83 girls (16 per cent) who had been employed, a much larger pro portion than in Rochester, had not had an employment certificate for any job nor a certificate allowing the child to leave school for work at home. Only 9 boys and 15 girls who had been employed without certificates had left school before completing the educational require ments. Fifty-five of the boys and girls without certificates had not registered at part-time school and possibly for that reason had not come to the attention of the employment-certificate officials. Method of obtaining employment. All but a small number o f the Rochester boys and girls stated that they had obtained their first jobs through their own efforts or the efforts o f their friends or relatives without the assistance of an organized employment service, in spite of the fact that a juvenileplacement branch o f the State public employment office in Rochester had been organized some years before the children included in the study left school. At the time of the study the worker in charge of juvenile placement had office hours at the continuation school and advised and helped pupils who wanted work. The State employ ment office, however, had placed relatively few in their first jobs. Ninety-three boys and girls (3 per cent) said that they had obtained their first jobs through this office; a few others stated that other employment offices had placed them. The number o f boys and girls whom the State employment office had placed in the jobs held at the time of the study was about as small as the number placed in their first jobs. Utica had no special juvenile-placement office, and only one child in that city, a girl, had been placed in her first job through an em ployment office. According to figures from the New Jersey Council of Education for cities in that State, young workers generally state that they have found their first jobs without the advice or aid of placement offices.42 OCCUPATIONS The Rochester boys and girls under 1Y years o f age, like the boys and girls o f the same ages in other cities in which the Children’s Bureau and other organizations have made similar studies, were employed chiefly in errand work, simple clerical work, or unskilled u Child Labor in New Jersey— pt. 3, The W orking Children in Newark and Paterson, pp. 17 and 94. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 27 work in factories and stores. Studies of working children have re peatedly shown that as a rule children are employed in a great variety o f jobs that have no educational value and require little skill or training.48 First jobs. The occupational distribution o f boys and girls in any city is, of course, chiefly dependent on the kinds of manufacturing industries and other business establishments that are located in the cities in which they live. When they began work, 30 per cent o f the Roch ester boys of 14 and under, 36 per cent of the boys of 15, and 44 per cent of the boys of 16 were employed in various occupations (includ ing those classed by the census as operatives—both machine and hand work— and laborers and helpers) in manufacturing and mechanical industries; most of them were factory operatives. (Table 10.) Only 5 per cent o f the boys under 16 and 9 per cent of the older boys entered occupations that seemed to offer the oppor tunity of learning a skilled trade (see p. 30). The boys were chiefly employed in shoe, metal-products, and furniture factories; the boys of 15 and 16, but rarely those o f 14, were also employed in the manu facture of optical goods and electrical supplies. For the boys em ployed in nonmanufacturing occupations, errand and messenger work, including delivering telegrams, was most important, espe cially for boys who began work before they were 16. The remaining boys in nonmanufacturing occupations, including both those who went to work before they were 16 and those who went to work at 16, were chiefly stock and salesboys in stores, helpers to deliverymen and to truck drivers, helpers to peddlers and hucksters, or helpers in restaurants, hotels, barber shops, and shoe-shine stands. Some of the boys who began work at 14 and a few of the older boys started employment in farm work. For the Rochester girls between 14 and 17 the factories also offered opportunities for employment. On beginning work more than onethird o f the girls, about the same proportion in each age group, were employed in manufacturing industries, chiefly in shoe, clothing, paper-box, and button factories. Fourteen per cent o f the girls under 16 and 6 per cent of those of 16 started work as messenger and errand girls, usually bundle and cash girls in department stores. The re mainder in each age group were sales or stock girls or clerical work ers in stores, factories, or other places, domestic workers in private families, or waitresses in restaurants. Forty-one (2 per cent) were telephone operators; most of these did not start work until they were 16. ia For a review o f such studies see Child L a b o r ; Report o f the Subcommittee on Child Labor o f the W hite House Conference on Child Health and Protection, pp. 34—36 (Century Co., New York, 1932) ; Type o f Jobs Held by a Group o f Continuation-School Children (Industrial Bulletin, issued by the Industrial Commission o f New York State, voL 11 No. 3 (December, 1931), p. 7 0 ). See also L ist o f References, p. 73. 161498°— 83------- 8 , https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 28 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND IJTIOA T a r t in 10.— Industry and occupation of first regular job and age at beginning this job of employed boys and girls; Rochester Girls Boys Age at beginning first regular job Age at beginning first regular job Industry and occupation Total Total. Agriculture__________________ Manufacturing and mechan! cal Learners_________________________ Helpers and laborers________ _____ Operatives (except floor boys and girls)............... .............................. Floor boys and girls______________ Other occupation_________________ Professional service.. .................... Domestic and personal service— Other industries and occupations. Sales and stock boys and girls-------Teamsters, drivers, and helpers-----Telegraph messengers-------------------Telephone operators______________ Messenger and errand boys and girls................................................ Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers_____ ______________ Other clerical workers_____________ Others__________________________ 1,726 115 622 14 14 Not Not Total years years 15 re 16 15 16 and years and years years port years port un un ed ed der der 403 1,018 303 1,690 469 950 52 369 12 4 624 172 3 356 572 28 154 13 328 14 13 236 809 3 63 229 7 147 437 5Q 121 26 17 109 103 358 51 206 27 80 15 56 522 3 13 141 1 21 84 873 157 88 140 132 270 8 1 3 26 142 38 21 10 1 43 41 211 113 118 15 Industry and occupation not reported *_ 1 Includes 3 boys and 2 girls whose first job was out of the country. The opportunity for young workers in Utica, especially for chil dren starting work at 14, appeared more limited than in Rochester. More than one-fourth of the Utica boys under 16 (23 per cent of the boys of 14 and under and 32 per cent of the boys of 15) worked in the manufacturing and mechanical industries. (Table 11.) Only 11 per cent of the 14-year-old boys and 20 per cent o f the 15-year-old boys in these industries were factory operatives; the remainder were helpers and laborers or were learners in the building and other skilled trades. The number o f Utica boys who started work at 16 ( 43 ) was too small to indicate the kind of work open to boys starting work at this age. The knitting mills did not employ many boys, but some were employed in cutlery, automobile-cushion, and trunk and bag factories. The boys in nonmanufacturing occupations did a variety of kinds of work. Some were employed in stores and restau rants; others were errand boys, delivery boys, pin boys in bowling alleys, or bootblacks. A small proportion of the 14-year-old boys started in farm work as their first regular employment. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 29 THE WORKING GROUP T able 11.— Industry and occupation o f first regular job and age at beginning this job of employed boys and girls; TJtica Boys Girls Age at beginning first regular job Age at beginning first regular job Industry and occupation Total 14 Not Total 14 Not years 15 years 15 16 re re and years years and years 16 port years port •un un ed ed der der Total__________________________ 480 106 321 43 10 517 151 308 51 7 Agriculture ________________________ Manufacturing and mechanical________ 37 151 17 24 14 10? 3 22 3 3 19 292 14 67 5 191 33 1 Learners___________ _____________ Operatives_______________________ Others___________________________ 26 80 36 4 12 8 19 61 22 3 14 5 2 1 278 U) 58 7 187 32 1 I Professional service___________________ Domestic and personal service_________ Other industries and occupations______ 3 60 225 2 10 53 1 43 158 4 14 3 3 74 128 1 27 42 2 38 71 4 14 5 1 Sales and stock boys and girls in stores__________________________ Teamsters, drivers, and helpers____ Telegraph messengers....................... Messenger and errand boys and girls. Other clerical workers_____________ Others___________________________ 48 24 21 80 10 42 7 8 5 19 3 11 38 16 16 56 6 26 3 92 27 54 11 5 1 5 25 7 4 9 4 13 2 1 Industry and occupation not reported... 4 3 1 1 1 1 The Utica girls, much more frequently than the boys, entered manufacturing industries, especially the knitting mills. About half the girls beginning work at less than 16 years of age (38 per cent of the girls beginning work at 14 or under and 61 per cent beginning at 15) were factory operatives. The remainder were employed chiefly in nonmanufacturing industries, in stores, errand work, or in do mestic service in private families, in restaurants, or in laundries. Only 2 per cent, as compared with 13 per cent of the girls under 16 in Rochester, did clerical work. All jobs .44 The Rochester boys and girls usually had been employed in more than one occupation in the part o f their working lives covered by the study, a period that for most o f them was at least six months and for one-third was at least one year. Those who had changed their occupations had been employed on an average o f three different jobs during their work history. About one-third (31 per cent o f the boys and 39 per cent o f the girls), however, had had only one job. The Utica boys and girls also had usually been employed in more than one occupation during their work histories, only about onethird (31 per cent of the boys and 38 per cent of the girls) having been in but one. The average number of jobs o f those who had changed their occupations during their work histories was three, the same as in Rochester. The length o f their work histories was also about the same as that of the Rochester boys and girls. 44 A “ jo b ” in th is r e p o rt is defined as co n tin u ou s em p loy m e n t a t on e o ccu p a tio n w ith A ch ild m ay th u s h a ve severa l jo b s in su ccession w ith a sin gle em p loy er. one e m p loy er. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 30 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND T7TIOA In Rochester about two-fifths of all the jobs that the boys and the girls had begun before they were 16 years o f age, and one-half of all the jobs o f the older boys and girls, were in manufacturing and me chanical occupations. Most of the boys’ jobs and practically all the girls’ jobs in this occupational group were as factory operatives. A small proportion of the boys’ jobs, however, were as laborers or helpers. Almost three-fifth o f the jobs o f the children under 16, and one-half of those o f the boys and girls of 16, were in nonmanufactur ing occupations, such as sales and stock clerks in stores, messenger and errand work, clerical work, and domestic and personal service, and other miscellaneous work. (Table I, p. 69.) In Utica a smaller proportion of the boys’ jobs, both first and sub sequent jobs, than of the girls’ were in manufacturing and mechan ical occupations. Thirty-seven per cent of the jobs in which the boys reported employment before they were 16, but 65 per cent o f the jobs o f girls in this age group, were in manufacturing and mechanical occupations. A t 16 years of age 48 per cent o f the boys’ jobs, com pared with 73 per cent of the girls’ jobs, were in this occupational group. The remaining girls’ jobs were chiefly in messenger and er rand, store, and domestic and personal service occupations. (See Table II, p. 71.) Learning a trade. Opportunities for boys and girls under 18 to enter occupations in which they may learn a trade and acquire valuable skill1are greatly restricted, on the one hand by present-day industrial methods and on the other hand by trade customs and rules. In Rochester, in the printing and sheet-metal trades, boys of 16 were accepted as ap prentices, but the usual minimum age in trades having apprentice ship regulations was 17 or 18. Few Rochester boys, either in their first or later jobs, claimed that they were regular apprentices; others, however, who were working for skilled mechanics and were performing several processes peculiar to the trade, have been classified as learners to distinguish them from boys who merely acted as helpers or laborers. The chance to find a learner’s job seemed to be little greater for boys of 16 than for the younger ooys; 5 per cent of the jobs that the boys entered at 14 years, 6 per cent of those begun at 15 years, and 8 per cent of those begun at 16 years were classified as learners’ jobs in the manufactur ing and mecnanical group. More than half of these were in connec tion with the building trades, helping carpenters, bricklayers, painters, plumbers, and electricians; the remainder were in miscel laneous trades, including sheet-metal and tinsmith work, tool mak ing, auto repairing, shoe repairing, printing, baking, engraving, and upholstering. The number of girls’ jobs as learners in the manufac turing and mercantile industries was very small. The chief open ings were in the dressmaking and millinery trades. (See Table I, p. 69.) A few additional boys’ occupations, classified as learners’ jobs, were in barber, florist, and butcher shops or in connection with win dow trimming or cooking (in restaurants). A few girls were learn ing floral decorating, cooking, and hairdressing. Still other children were working in drafting rooms, detailing or tracing, or in photog- https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 31 raphers’ establishments, developing and printing. One boy played a saxaphone in a band; a few girls reported work as teachers’ helpers, and one girl said she was an exhibition dancer and also a dancing teacher. All these jobs classified as learners in nonmechanical occu pations combined, however, did not amount to more than 1 per cent of the total number of the boys’ jobs, and even less o f the girls’ jobs. The proportion of Rochester boys, 10 per cent, who might be re garded as learning a trade in their last job was smaller than that reported in a study of continuation-school boys in the State as a whole, made by the State department of education in 1926. No definition of what constituted an “ apprentice ” is given in the report, however, and a difference in definition may be the reason for the higher proportion of apprentices in the state-wide study than in the Rochester study. In spite o f the waning of the apprenticeship sys tem due to changing methods, the report states, more than one-filth of the 18,335 part-time school boys were apprenticed in more than 50 trades, including barbers, butchers, and florists as well as building and other mechanical trades. The proportion of jobs held by the Utica boys as learners or apprentices was about as small as in Rochester. Some of the Utica local unions had agreements with the employers relating to appren tices. In the carpenters’, plumbers’, and printing trades, boys as young as 16 could become apprentices. The opportunities, however, for learning these trades were limited. According to statements of union officials there were but five union apprentice carpenters under IT in the city at the time of the study, and one apprentice plumber. No printer’s apprentice was as young as IT; one mason’s apprentice was not yet 18. However, several boys under IT included in this study had at some time had jobs in connection with these trades and were classified as learners. Others were employed in connec tion with the electrician, painter, toolmaker, auto mechanic, and other trades. In addition to the trades classified as mechanical and manufacturing, a few boys were learning the barbers’ trade. The number of girls who were learning any kind o f a trade was negli gible. (Table II, p. Tl.) Factory employment. One-third of all the boys’ and two-fifths o f the girls’ jobs in Rochester were as factory operatives. The children under 16 were generally employed in simple hand occupations and infrequently on power machines, except in the shoe and clothing factories; the boys of 16 more commonly than the younger boys were engaged in machine operations. Twenty-seven per cent o f the jobs as factory operatives that the boys began before they were 16 and 38 per cent of those that they began at 16 years were in connection witn power machines; the corresponding percentages for the girls were 16 and 18. The provisions of the New York child labor law, which prohibit the employment o f minors under 16 on many types o f power machines,45 no doubt lessened the number of children o f these ages employed in connection with such machines, not only on those in which their employment is specifically prohibited but on other power machines as well. 48 N. Y., Labor Law, art. 4, par. 146, amended to Aug. 1, 1927. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 32 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA In Utica the proportion of girls who were factory operatives was larger than that of the boys, (66 per cent as compared with 39 per cent), chiefly because of the opportunity offered girls for work in the knitting mills. As in Rochester, the young workers were em ployed in both hand and machine work. About 20 per cent of the jobs the boys reported before they were 16 and also at 16, were on power machines; 20 per cent and 49 per cent, respectively, of the jobs in which girls of corresponding ages were employed were machine operations. S h o e fa c to r ie s ( R o c h e s t e r ).— The highly subdivided processes of work in the Rochester shoe factories offered numerous j'obs for chil dren of 14 and 15 as well as for those of 16. About one-fourth of the jobs that the boys and girls had as factory operatives were in shoe factories, although this industry was not so important from the point of view o f the total number ox wage earners in the city as the men’s clothing industry or as the foundry, machine shop, and other metal industries.46 So varied was the children’s work in shoe fac tories that it is not possible to describe in detail all the operations in which they were engaged, but as a rule they performed simple repetitive operations which required little training. The majority o f the boys’ jobs in shoe factories were hand opera tions. The cementing, pasting, and the parts of the lasting and finishing processes which they did were usually simple, though some o f the assembling, sorting, and stamping processes in which they were engaged required care. A few of the boys’ jobs were to cut linings or small leather parts, work that might lead to learning something o f the shoe-cutters’ trade; but these were not classified as apprenticeships or learning jobs, as they consisted of but one small operation. More than one-third of the jobs that boys reported be ginning before they were 16 in shoe factories and more than twofifths o f the jobs they began at 16 were power-machine operations. Some boys were employed in machine-lasting processes, such as pull ing tacks from the soles and trimming linings, in machine-finishing processes, brushing, dusting, or smoothing soles or heels, stamping by machine, and in other machine processes, including feeding nails to the heeling machine, cementing, or operating channeling machines. Some of the machine operations enumerated, such as tack pulling and feeding the heeler, according to the factory officials who were interviewed, were beginners’ jobs and required practically no time to learn; others required more care and training. More than four-fifths of the shoe-factory occupations that the girls reported during their work histories were hand operations. Usu ally both the girls under 16 and over this age did various kinds o f “ table work,” cementing and reinforcing (that is, pasting together parts of leather or linings), trimming threads after the shoe was stitched, fancy marking (that is, tracing patterns on the leather for perforating or stitching), and various finishing processes, such as inking soles and heels, buttoning and lacing shoes, and sewing on bows and buckles. Some were employed to sort and assemble parts o f the shoes for the stitchers or to stamp sizes on the soles and linings. Fifteen per cent of the girls’ jobs, about the same proportion that 49 Biennial Census o f Manufactures, 1927, p. 1480. Census. W ashington, 1930. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis United States Bureau o f the THE WORKING GROUP 33 they entered before they were 16 and while 16, were machine opera tions, such as stitching linings, sewing the tongues onto the shoes, folding bindings, rubbing and flattening seams, and numerous other simple machine processes, which, however, possibly offered chances for promotion to more skilled stitching and other machine operations» M e ta l-m a n u fa c tu r in g in d u s tr y ( R o c h e s t e r ).—The Rochester iron, steel, and other metal industries, making such widely different ar ticles as locks and keys, ash cans, tools, machinery, and jewelry, and the foundries, together employed more boys than any other group o f manufacturing industries except the shoe industry. Although much of the work in metal manufacturing is suited only to adults and employment o f children under 16 on some types of metal-work ing machines is prohibited by law, boys under 16 as. well as older boys were employed. More than one-tenth o f all the factory occu pations that the boys under 16 entered, and about the same propor tion that the boys began at 16, were in some type of metal manu facturing. The boys reported a great variety of hand operations, the most common of which were assembling, soldering, riveting, packing, wrapping, and labeling, core pasting, and core making. One-fourth o f the jobs of boys under 16 in this industry, and onehalf of those of the 16-year-old boys, were on machines. Six of the jobs that boys began under 16 were on punch and drill presses and six others on polishing and buffing machines, the latter usually the polishing of small pieces o f metal in iewlery, auto accessories, and other metal products, work that may nave been in violation of the labor law. Girls were not often employed in these industries, and none reported machine work. C lo th in g fa c to r ie s ( R o c h e s t e r ).—The highly specialized and mi nute subdivisions of work in the Rochester men’s clothing factories offered employment to many of the girls of 14 and 15 as well as to the older girls. Jobs in clothing factories comprised 25 per cent o f the factory occupations that girls began under 16 and 17 per cent o f those that they began at 16. A small additional number o f jobs in clothing factories were in the manufacture of cotton dresses and other women’s wear. The majority o f the occupations that the girls reported were hand processes. Numerically the most important operations were hand sewing, pulling bastings and trim ming threads, and matching and marking parts of garments— opera tions that generally required little time to learn. According to statements o f some factory officials, 16 years was the usual age for beginning work on power sewing machines in the clothing industry. However, about one-fourth o f the jobs in this industry that the girls reported beginning before they were 16 and about the same proportion o f the jobs reported at 16 were on ma chines. Many of the machine operations, such as tacking belt loops, sewing tickets, serging (that is overcasting), sewing linings, and sewing on buttons, were said to require several weeks or a month to learn, and to offer opportunity to progress to more skilled power sewing. . . . The boys did not work to any extent as clothing operatives, al though a few reported jobs at pressing, both by hand and by ma chine, and others reported matching and marking and miscellaneous jobs. Seven boys at the time of the study were employed in minor https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 34 EMPLOYED BOYS AND OlBLS IN ROCHESTER AND TJTIOA cutting operations and although not said to be learning the cutter’s trade, probably had some chance to advance to more skilled cutting operations. O th e r m a n u fa c tu r in g in d u s tr ie s ( R o c h e s t e r ) . —Electrical-supply manufacture, one of the most important industries in Rochester, employed relatively few junior workers. The boys and girls were seldom employed in this industry before they were 15, and infre quently on machines before they were 16. Usually they did hand work; that is, assembling parts or insulating, soldering, and wedg ing—operations connected with coil and armature winding. More than one-fourth of the girls’ jobs were machine operations, including coil winding. About two-fifths o f the boys’ occupations were also machine jobs, on drill presses, kick presses, and other machines. Six boys reported burring, or polishing metal parts by machine. The manufacture of cameras, eyeglasses, and other optical goods employed a small number o f young workers of 15 and 16, but few children of 14. Both boys and girls did assembly work; they also cleaned and inspected lenses. Only 3 of the girls but 18 boys of 15 and 16 did machine work, such as pressing, grinding, and polish ing lenses on machines, the latter operation one that requires con siderable training. The paper-box industry employed more girls of part-time school age than any other manufacturing industry except clothing and shoe manufacturing. About one-tenth o f the factory jobs that girls began both before and while they were 16 were in this industry. Usually the girls did the simple hand processes of bending in or turning the edges o f pasteboard boxes after men had cut and scored them; “ closing ” (putting on covers), tying boxes in bundles, past ing labels, and packing were other common operations. Few of the girls had machine jobs. One paper-box factory superintendent said that 18 was the minimum age for machine operating in that establishment. Button manufacturing likewise employed a number of girls, both 16 years of age and under, but practically no boys. Most o f the girls in this industry carded buttons (sewed them on cards) or shaded them (matched buttons of varying shades), easy work to learn, or laid buttons on boards ready to be sprayed, another hand operation for which, however, experience was required to acquire speed. Chair and other furniture manufacturing employed boys of each age group but few girls. The boys were chiefly working in finishing processes, sandpapering, staining or varnishing, assembling, and glueing, or in simple upholstery processes, such as placing springs m the webbing o f chair seats. Only four boys under 16 were em ployed on any kind o f woodworking machines. (The labor law prohibits employment of children under 16 on many types of wood working machinery.) Bakeries, canneries, candy, printing, trunk and bag, thermometer, textile, mattress, art-glass, belt and buckle, cigar, and bottling estab lishments all employed some children. The principal manufacturing industries usually employed some junior workers between 14 and 17 in “ floor ” w ork; that is, in carry ing supplies to and from the operatives. In the shoe factories “ back shoe boys ” carried defective shoes to the operators for repairs; in https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP « 35 the clothing factories girls and in the optical-goods factories boys were employed to distribute work to the operatives. Work of this kind, it was said, frequently led to transfers or promotions to betterpaid factory occupations. T e x t i l e m il l s { U t i c a ).—The Utica knitting mills that manufacture cotton and rayon underwear furnished employment for girls, but less commonly for boys. The other textile mills of this city, which manufacture cotton, woolen, and silk goods, offered little employment for junior workers. Less than one-fourth of the jobs as factory operatives that the boys reported during their work histories, but three-fourths o f the girls’ jobs, were in the knitting mills. Boys seldom started work in the knitting mills or in other factories until they were at least 15, but the girls frequently began at 14 in the knitting mills. The most common occupation open to the girls in the knitting mills, to those o f 14 as well as to the older ones, was inspecting fin ished garments for imperfections, buttoning and folding them and cutting threads, work that one o f the factory officials said could be learned in a day. The girls also performed other simple hand processes, such as cutting labels, stringing elastic in the tops and bottoms of garments, laying them out for marking pockets, “ paper ing ” them (that is, folding the garments over heavy cardboards for packing), and marking and stamping sizes. The girls o f 14 seldom operated power machines; about one-fourth of the jobs that the girls began at 15 and almost one-half of the jobs that the 16-year-old girls began were in machine processes. They varied from rela tively simple operations like stitching on tape, to which buttons are sewed later, to the more difficult work o f seaming together parts of the garments. Occasionally, also, the girls were cone and bobbin winders and operators of the cuff and collarette cutting machines. Boys in the knitting mills were employed, as a rule, at simple hand jobs. Some of them were “ turners ” (that is, they turned knitted tubing right side out), packers, labelers, or stampers, or needle boys (that is, they put broken needles in molds and poured hot lead over them to repair them), a job that required but a few days to learn. A few were engaged in simple machine operations on box tieing, eyeleting, and other machines; two operated knitting machines, a skilled operation. In addition to jobs as operatives, both boys and girls were em ployed in so-called “ floor work,” carrying supplies to and from the operatives. The “ mending carriers,” usually girls, did lighter work, taking imperfect garments from the inspectors to the menders. Sometimes the same girl inspected and carried mending alternately. O th e r m a n u fa c tu r in g in d u s tr ie s { U t i c a ).—The other factory in dustries of Utica— cutlery, automobile seats and cushions, men’s clothing, trunks and bags, and other products— furnished employ ment to workers of 15 and 16, seldom to those of 14. The boys did various kinds of work in connection with cutlery manufacturing, such as assembling parts o f knives and stringing knife blades on wire ready for heating and polishing. They were also employed in auto mobile-seat manufacturing and in trunk and bag manufacturing in various hand and machine operations. Four boys of 15 operated punch and drill presses. The girls of 15 and 16 inspected, packed, https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 36 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA and wrapped knives and worked in other occupations in the cutlery industry. They also assembled and sewed springs for automobile seats and were employed in the boys’ clothing industry in occupa tions similar to those that the Rochester girls reported in clothing factories. Girls of 15 and 16 occasionally reported machine work in the cutlery and automobile-seat factories. One girl o f 15 operated a drill press and another a buffing machine. Nonfactory employment. In Rochester the most numerous jobs for the boys in the nonmanu facturing group o f occupations were jobs in errand and messenger service, which were chiefly available for the younger boys. Running errands for factories, both inside and outside the plants, bundle and wrapping work for stores, outside errands, and delivering telegrams were the most common kinds o f errand jobs. A relatively small number of the jobs were as office or mail boys in factories, occupa tions that involved some clerical work and possibly offered a chance for promotion. Twenty-seven per cent o f the jobs that boys began before they were 16 years and 14 per cent of those that they entered at 16 years were in some kind of errand or messenger work (includ ing delivering telegrams). Another important kind of work, both for the younger and older boys, was sales and stock work in stores. Jobs as drivers’ helpers on delivery trucks or wagons were also com mon ; they were supposed to lead to jobs as truck drivers and team sters. A number of boys, including some under 16, said that they themselves did the driving, although such work has not been legal for boys under 18, under the motor vehicle licensing law of New York, since 1925. Clerical occupations, including shipping-room work, filing, answering the telephone, and general office work were not numerically important for boys, constituting only 5 per cent o f all the jobs that boys had before they were 16, and 6 per cent of their jobs at 16. Most of the boys in clerical work were employed in fac tory offices. About 5 per cent of all the jobs the boys reported were classified as domestic and personal occupations, and included work in hotels and restaurants. The Rochester girls not in factories reported chiefly sales or stock work in stores, domestic and personal service, errand work, and clerical work. A small percentage were telephone operators. Tele phone workers were generally 16 years of age. Jobs as salesgirls were about as likely to be held at the ages of 14 and 15 as at the age of 16. O f all the jobs that the girls had held, 15 per cent of those that they had begun before they were 16 years and 14 per cent of those they began at 16 years were as sales or stock persons. Bundle and cash and check work in stores, in which some o f the girls under 16, but not many of the older girls, were employed, was said to lead to promotions to stock and sales work. O f the jobs in which the girls were employed before they were 16, 15 per cent, and of the jobs in which they were employed at 16 years, 18 per cent, were in some kind of clerical work, such as typing, stenography, billing, filing, operating office machines, and other miscellaneous work. Employment in clerical or sales work does not, of course, necessarily mean that the girl had obtained a type of work in which there were opportunities for advancement. In a study of working children in Philadelphia, it was shown that 80 per cent o f the chil https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 37 dren in commercial occupations included in that study had oppor tunities for training but no more than half of these had opportunities for advancement.47 About one-tenth of all the jobs the Kochester girls had held (13 per cent of the jobs that they began under 16 and 10 per cent of those they began at 16 years) were in domestic and personal service, either in private families or in restaurants, hotels, or hospitals. A small number of the girls’ jobs were in power laundries. The jobs in the so-called professional group, other than as learners (see p. 30), were chiefly as attendants in doctors and dentists’ offices or as theater ushers. Most of the Utica boys in nonmanufacturing occupations did the same kinds of work as the Rochester boys—errand work, sales work, and helping drivers and hucksters. Perhaps because of the lack of openings in factories, domestic and personal service furnished employment to relatively more of the Utica than of the Rochester boys, comprising 14 per cent of the jobs the Utica boys reported during their work histories. These jobs—bus boys, dishwashing, and other restaurant and hotel work, pin boys in bowling alleys, and shoe shining—afforded no opportunity for learning a skilled occupation and were frequently undesirable for other reasons. In Utica, the girls’ jobs outside of factories were principally mer cantile, errand, and domestic occupations. No girl had been a tele phone operator. Only 2 per cent of the jobs that the Utica girls had at 16 were clerical as compared with 17 per cent of those in Rochester. The lack of employment in clerical work in Utica is not in agree ment with the findings of studies of working girls in other cities. On the other hand, the proportion of Rochester girls o f 16 years o f age who were clerical workers in their last jobs (25 per cent) was higher than that in Milwaukee (14 per cent) .48 Occupational change. As boys and girls grow older and have a longer work experience they tend to drift out of errand and messenger work and into factory work. The second and third and later jobs that the Rochester boys and girls reported were more likely to be in factory and less likely to be in errand work than their first jobs. When the boys and girls changed jobs the new occupation wras generally somewhat different from the previous, both when they were transferred or promoted to another job in the same establishment and when they changed from one employer to another. A comparison of the boys’ and girls’ occupational distribution on beginning work and on the date of the study reveals some changes. More pronounced changes would be evident no doubt had their work experience been longer. On beginning work 36 per cent of the Rochester boys, most of whom were under 16, compared with 52 per cent of those employed at the time o f the study, the majority of whom were 16, were in factories or in other work classified as manufacturing or mechanical. (Table 12.) Twenty-eight per cent were errand boys and telegraph messengers on beginning work, but only 17 per cent were so employed at the date of the study. The 47 Griscom, Anna B a ss e tt: The W orking Children o f Philadelphia, p. 11. The W hiteW illiams Foundation and the Junior Employment Service o f the Board o f Education, Philadelphia, Bulletin Series No. 3 (September, 1924). 48 Unpublished material. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 38 E M P L O Y E D B O Y S A N D G IR L S I N R O C H E S T E R A N D U T IC A proportion who were sales or stock boys in stores in their first jobs and at the date of the study was about the same. Five per cent in their first jobs and 8 per cent in their last jobs did some kind of clerical work, including shipping room occupations. T able 12.—Industry and occupation of first and last regular jobs of boys and girls employed on date of study Rochester Industry and occupation and sex First regular job Utica Last regular job First regular job Last regular job Per Per Per Per Num cent Num cent Num cent Num cent ber distri ber distri ber distri ber distri bution bution bution bution 1,525 Industry and occupation reported_________ 1,525 356 356 1,516 100 1,521 100- 354 100 354 100 Agriculture.__________________________ Manufacturing and mechanical________ 95 544 6 36 13 786 1 52 27 114 8 32 13 164 4 46 Learners............................... ............. Helpers and laborers_______________ Operatives (except floor boys)______ Floor boys____________ ______ _____ Others___________________________ 103 86 305 49 1 7 6 20 3 (l) 155 80 489 59 3 10 5 32 4 (!) 25 23 64 2 7 6 18 1 34 28 99 3 10 8 28 1 18 76 783 1 5 52 20 52 650 1 3 43 3 39 171 1 11 48 1 39 137 153 75 118 310 67 60 10 5 8 20 4 4 153 61 41 215 120 60 10 4 3 14 8 4 37 20 16 61 7 30 10 6 5 17 2 8 29 13 12 42 18 23 Professional service___________________ Domestic and personal service_________ Other industries and occupations______ Sales and stock boys_______________ Teamsters, drivers, and helpers____ Telegraph messengers........................ Messenger and errand boys____ ____ Other clerical workers_______ ______ Others___________________________ Industry and occupation not reported______ 29 4 2 2 Girls___ ___________________________ 1,365 1,365 409 409 Industry and occupation reported_________ 1,362 100 Agriculture._______ __________________ Manufacturing and mechanical________ 2 507 (i) 37 Learners............................................. Operatives (except floor girls)............ Helpers and laborers and floor girls.. Others................................................. 14 461 30 2 1 34 2 (l) Professional service................. .................. Domestic and personal service_________ Other industries and occupations....... . 9 177 667 Sales and stock girls....... ................... Messenger and errand girls_____ . . . Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers__________________ _ Telephone operators_______________ Other clerical workers_____________ Others_____ ______________________ Industry and occupation not reported........... 23 1,365 (i) 11 39 8 4 3 12 6 6 100 409 100 409 581 43 13 240 3 59 304 9 545 27 1 40 2 4 227 9 1 56 2 1 283 20 1 13 49 17 139 628 1 10 46 3 61 92 1 15 22 3 46 56 1 11 14 247 181 18 13 207 85 15 6 62 19 15 ' 5 36 12 9 3 100 36 88 15 7 3 6 1 134 67 118 17 10 5 9 1 3 6 2 (!) 1 1 1 3 4 100 74 (i) 69 5 (>) i 1 1Less than 1per cent. * Includes 2 boys and 2 girls whose first job was out of the country. The difference in the occupational distribution o f the Rochester girls on beginning work and on the date of the study was not so great as in the case of the boys. Although more girls, as well as more https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE W O R K IN G G R O U P 39 boys, were employed as factory operatives in their last jobs than in their first, the percentage difference was less than that o f the boys. Sixteen per cent in their first jobs and 23 per cent in their last jobs were clerical or telephone workers. Except that a smaller proportion of the Utica boys were employed as clerical workers in both their first and their last jobs, and a larger proportion were employed in domestic and personal service, the d if ferences in their first and last jobs were similar to those noted for the Rochester boys. The proportion of the Utica girls employed in factories was considerably smaller on beginning work than on the date of the study, 59 per cent and 74 per cent, respectively, and the proportion o f girls in store, errand, and domestic work was corre spondingly larger on beginning work than on the date of the study. Special training and occupations. The value o f industrial training for the school child who does not become adjusted to the work o f the ordinary academic grades is gen erally recognized. How far it is possible for the pupil to make direct use of such training after he goes to work is difficult to determine. The more training he has in the use of machines and in the handling of tools, however, the better fitted he should be to meet the require ments of any mechanical jobs in which he may afterwards find em ployment even if he does not take up the kind of work for which he received specific training. On the other hand, the industrial training that the schools offered boys (p. 11 ) was principally for the various building trades or for skilled occupations in the metal-manufacturing industries, such as tool making, pattern making, and drafting, in which workers under 17 were seldom employed. No doubt chiefly for this reason, only a small number of the Rochester boys and girls who had taken industrial courses actually found employment, during that brief part o f their working lives that is covered in the present study, in the kind o f work for which they had been trained, in any o f the jobs in which they were employed. O f the 471 boys employed at the date of the study who had taken industrial training in regular school, only 10 per cent were learners in some skilled trade in manufacturing and mechanical industries, 88 per cent were factory operatives, 5 per cent were laborers, and the remainder were employed in errand work and other nonmanu facturing and nonmechanical occupations. Approximately the same proportions o f boys without industrial training were learners in skilled trades in manufacturing and mechanical industries, were fac tory operatives, or were in nonmanufacturing occupations. Few had found, while still under 17, jobs in occupations in which they had had instruction. For example, o f 117 boys employed on the date o f interview who had some training in machine-shop and pat tern-making courses, 2 were learning the toolmaker’s trade at the time of the study and 5 others who were operatives in metal-manu facturing establishments may have found their training useful; of 56 boys who had taken the sheet-metal work course, 4 were reported to be learning the trade and 5 others were employed in other kinds o f metal-manufacturing operations ; and o f 32 boys who had studied printing, 5 were apprenticed in the trade and 4 others were press feeders or other operatives in printing establishments. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 40 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN' ROCHESTER AND UTIOA Included in the group o f boys with industrial training were 71 boys who had attended the Rochester Shop School (the boys’ trade school conducted by the board of education), 67 o f whom were em ployed at the time the study was made. Although some o f the boys had previously had industrial training in other schools, none of them had completed the three years’ training in the shop school and only 19 had finished as much as one year’s work .49 Only 4 boys among those with this trade training had held any job in a skilled occupa tion similar to that for which they had taken some training. Six others had occupations in which their training might have been useful. On the other hand, the commercial training that the Rochester girls had had in regular school often prepared them directly for the work which they undertook later, although by no means had all the girls who took commercial courses been able to make use of their school training. Forty-one per cent of them entered clerical occu pations when they first went to work; the same percentage of the girls with this type of training had clerical jobs at the time o f the study. The demand for girls under 17 for typing, stenographic, and bookkeeping work is doubtless insufficient to absorb all the girls who take courses in these subjects and who regard clerical as preferable to factory work in social standing and working conditions. About one-fourth of the girls with commercial training, however, obtained sales, stock, or errand work in stores, and in telephone exchanges; approximately one-fourth of them were factory operatives, and the remainder were employed in a variety of miscellaneous jobs. A considerable number of the girls who did clerical work had not taken a commercial course in regular school. About one-third of the 134 girls employed as bookkeepers, stenographers, typists, or cash iers at th^ time o f the study and about three-fifths of the girls in miscellaneous clerical work had had no commercial training before they left regular school. Training in household arts had no especial relation to the work the Rochester girls did afterwards. About one-seventh o f the do mestic workers and about the same proportion of the factory workers, but smaller proportions o f the store and clerical workers, had been enrolled in household-arts courses in school. Two of 10 girls who were learning the dressmaking or millinery trade had taken the household-arts course, which offers some practice in home dress making and millinery. Few o f the Utica boys and girls included in the study had had vocational training in regular school (p. 13). The negligible num ber o f Utica girls in clerical occupations is doubtless partly due to the lack o f facilities for commercial training in the schools as well as to the relatively low grade accomplishment of the Utica children, but it may be partly due to lack of opportunity in the city for office work for such young persons. 49 Doubtless the boys who do not go to work until they are 17 or 18 and who stay In this school long enough to complete the 3-year course are able to make more use o f their training. According to a report o f the New York State Education Department nearly three-fourths o f the 2,360 graduates in 1929 from day trade schools in the State as a whole entered the trades fo r which they had received instruction. Trade School Students Cling Closely to Trades Studied in School. New York State E ducation Department. (M im eographed.) https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 41 The officials o f the continuation schools in both cities try as far as possible to make the special training offered in the school fit the needs of the individual child, either by giving him trade preparatory work that may be useful to him later or by coordinating the practi cal work in the school with the actual work the child is doing. O f course, intensive trade training in the two hours a week available for vocational work is not possible. The Eochester continuation school offers industrial courses in much the same subjects as the regular schools, and coordination be tween the boys’ work and these industrial training courses is difficult because so much o f the work available for junior workers is o f a kind for which little training is needed. In 1928 it was reported that considerable proportions o f the boys enrolled in the continuation school in the retail selling, commercial, sheet-metal, machine-shop, and cabinet-making courses, smaller proportions enrolled in masonry, printing, electrical, and commercialart courses, and a very small proportion enrolled in drafting were actually employed in related occupations.50 Most o f the boys in cluded in this study were enrolled m the industrial courses, but 121 were enrolled in commercial courses at the time they were inter viewed ; nearly half of these were employed in related occupations— 31 in some kind of clerical work, 24 in sales and stock work, and the remainder chiefly in errand or messenger work or in factories. Coordination between the training in the part-time school and the actual job is easier to work out for girls who do clerical or store work. Nearly three-fifths of the Eochester girls who were employed in some kind o f clerical work at the time o f the study and more than two-fifths o f the sales and stock girls were enrolled in commercial courses, including the retail-selling course. One-fifth o f the factory workers were also enrolled in these courses. For the large number o f girls who were operatives in men’s clothing, shoe, paper-box, but ton, electrical-supply, and other factories, the vocational classes, most o f which train for homemaking only, offered little related train ing, except possibly for girls in the clothing factories. The industrial training for boys in the Utica part-time school is chiefly for trades in which, as in Eochester, few o f the boys included in the study were employed as learners. For girls the only vocational classes are those in homemaking subjects, so that for the great ma jority of girls who are operatives in textile mills and other factories, the part-time school classes are not closely related to the work in which they are employed. Only a dozen pupils o f either sex in the Utica continuation school were studying or had studied commercial subjects in continuation school; three of these, all boys, were em ployed in clerical work. Grade attainment and occupations. There appeared to be no minimum educational standard, other than that set by the labor law, in either city for the occupations en tered by children under 16, except for clerical work for which an eighth-grade education at least was usual and for telephone work for which completion o f the eighth grade was usually required. In ••The W ork o f th e P u b lic S ch ools, R och ester, N . Y ., 1928, p. 422. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 42 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND TJTIOA only one o f the manufacturing establishments visited (in the camera manufacturing industry) was an eighth-grade education said to be regarded as desirable for work in the production department. Boys or girls who had no more than a sixth-grade education or who had come from special or ungraded classes reported employment in each o f the principal manufacturing industries. Similarly, children under 16 with no more than a sixth-grade education were employed in sales and stock work, errand and messenger work for factories, stores, and telegraph companies, and other miscellaneous work. On beginning work the relationship between the school attainment o f the Rochester boys and girls and the type of occupation, especially for the boys, was not as marked as it was in connection with later jobs. The effect of school attainment on occupation was most evi dent in the last jobs held by young workers who had reached 16 years, no doubt because some occupations are open to the older boys and girls that are not available for the younger children. The boys of 16 who were employed on the date of the inquiry and had had one, two, or more years’ work in academic high schools were more likely than the boys from the elementary grades to be clerical workers, salespersons, or errand or office boys in factories, and not so likely to be factory operatives or laborers. The proportion of boys of 16 years with high-school training who were learning a trade (9 per cent) was nearly as large as that o f the boys (11 per cent) from the elementary-school grades. The Rochester girls from grades lower than the eighth more com monly entered factories and domestic and personal service than girls from the upper grades, especially those who had completed one or more years o f high-school work. Contrasted with 54 per cent o f the girls o f 16 years from grades lower than the eighth and 57 per cent from nonacademic grades, only 19 per cent o f the girls from the ninth and higher grades were in manufacturing and mechanical in dustries at the time of the inquiry. The girls from the high-school grades were clerical workers, telephone operators, salesgirls, and errand girls. Considerable numbers of eighth-grade graduates of 16 also were clerical workers and telephone operators although not as frequently as girls from the ninth and higher grades. The girls from the seventh and lower grades seldom did any kind of clerical w ork; only two were typists at the time the study was made. Those not in factories were usually employed in domestic service or in errand and sales work. In Utica, where but few boys and girls had finished as much as a year of high-school work and where the opportunities in offices and stores appeared limited, factory, mechanical, and domestic and per sonal occupations absorbed the majority of the eighth-grade grad uates as well as the boys and girls from the lower grades. Little association was found between school accomplishment and type o f work undertaken. According to the findings of other studies of working children, the kind of employment that young workers get is at least partly de pendent on their school attainment. The study of New York work ing boys made in 1919 showed that the boys with high-school training were more likely than boys with an elementary-school education to be employed in office and commercial occupations as distinguished https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 43 from manual occupations.61 Similarly, the Cincinnati study of works,c^?°l children,62 as well as the several former studies of the Children s Bureau,68 have shown that, as in Rochester, children from higher school grades tend to go into office work and children from the lower grades into factories. Mental ability and occupations. A definite relationship was found between the mental ability of the Rochester boys and girls and the type o f work they did, a rela tionship that was more marked for the girls than for the boys. The girls in clerical work, especially those who did stenography, typing, or bookkeeping, were much more likely to be o f higher intelligence than those in factories, sales, and domestic work. In their last jobs 68 per cent o f the bookkeepers, cashiers, typists, and stenographers, 48 per cent o f the miscellaneous clerical workers, 27 per cent o f the salesgirls, 23 per cent o f the factory operatives, and 22 per cent o f the domestic workers had intelligence quotients o f 100 or more. The simple repetitive work that young girls do in factories does not require a high level o f intelligence, and probably for this reason little difference was noted in the intelligence levels of the girls employed in the different kinds o f manufacturing establishments. The boys in factory occupations were o f somewhat lower intelli gence than the boys in clerical and errand jobs. The Rochester boys who were classified as learners were not much above the factory oper atives in mental ability 5 40 per cent of the boys employed as learners in skilled trades in their last jobs and 31 per cent o f the factory oper atives, but 45 per cent of the errand workers and 69 per cent of the clerical workers, had intelligence quotients o f 100 or more. The relation o f mental ability and the occupations o f the Rochester boys and girls corresponds on the whole to the findings o f the inten sive study o f Cincinnati school and working children previously mentioned. Approximately 750 working children, whose employ ment histories covered a 4-year period and who were given a series of mental tests, were included in that study. The mentally superior girls were employed far more frequently than the inferior in clerical positions, and the mentally inferior predominated in factory work. The boys of good mental status tended to get employment in the superior trades and in the better types o f factory work and also in • office work .54 In Utica, where comparable information was not available as to the mental ability o f the boys and girls studied, some idea o f the relation between this factor and the kind of work they did may be obtained from a study o f their school progress in relation to occupa tion. Contrary to the findings o f the studies in Newark and Pater son and in Boston ,55 school progress did not appear to be related to any extent to the kind o f work the Utica children did. This lack o f association between their school progress and occupations supports o f * N ew ” Y o r t f * & o | id y ° f ^ 2 4 5,00 0 16, 1 7 ’ an d 18 y ear « id em ployed boy s o f th e S ta te “ A n E x p erim en ta l S tu d y o f C h ild ren , p. 733. m C hild L a b or in N ew J ersey— p t. 3, T h e W o rk in g C h ild ren o f N ew ark and P a te rso n , P; th e W ork in g C h ild ren o f B o sto n , p. 2 4 6 ; E m p loy ed B o y s and G irls in M ilw aukee, “ A n E x p erim en ta l S tu d y o f C h ild ren , pp. 645, 658. “ C h i’ d L a b or in N ew Jersey — pt. 3, T h e W o rk in g C h ild ren in N ew ark a n d P a te rso n , p. 7 1 ; T h e W ork in g C h ild ren o f B o s to n , p. 24 5. ^ 161493°— 83------ 4 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 44 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND T7TIOA the conclusion that their grade accomplishment made little difference in their occupations. WAGES Beginners’ wages. The young persons for whom information was obtained in this study first went to work in 1923 and 1924. On beginning work the earnings o f the Rochester boys under 16 varied widely; wages re ported 66 varying from less than $5 a week to $32 a week. O f those receiving cash wages only, the median wage was $10.29 weekly for boys o f 14 years and under, $10.92 for boys of 15, and $12.26 for boys of 16. The girls’ wages also covered a wide range, from less than $5 a week to $20.77. Their median wage was $9.59 for the i4 and under group, $10.12 for the 15-year-old group, and $11.65 for the 16-yearold group. In addition to the boys and girls who earned cash wages, 5 per cent o f the boys and 11 per cent o f the girls also received some form o f maintenance. Most o f these children worked in restaurants, hotels, or private families. An additional 4 per cent o f the boys and 3 per cent of the girls received no wage. Most o f these helped their parents in work other than housework, and are not included among those for whom median cash wages are given. The beginning wages o f the Utica children under 16 years, espe cially those o f the girls, were somewhat lower than those o f the Rochester children. For the boys o f 14 and under the median weekly wage was $10 and for boys o f 15 even less, $9. The median wage for the girls of 14 and 15 years was the same, about $7. Nine per cent of the boys under 16 and 18 per cent of the girls who reported cash wages only earned less than $5 a week as compared with only about 2 per cent o f the Rochester workers of each sex. Many o f the Utica girls who earned less than $5 a week were knitting-mill workers who were paid on a piece basis. The number of boys and girls who began work at 16 years in Utica was too small to serve as a satisfactory basis for comparisons of their wages with those o f the younger children. Wages at date of inquiry. Both the ages of the boys and girls and the length o f time since they had started work were important factors in determining the amount of wages that they were receiving at the time of the study. For the Rochester boys of 15 years who had begun work less than a year before the date o f the study the median wage was $ 12, as com pared with $13 for the boys o f 16 whose work experience was o f the same length. The median wage of the girls of 15 whose work history was less than a year was $11, about $1 less than that o f girls a year older whose work histories were o f corresponding length. The importance of work experience as a factor in wages may be shown by comparing the wages o f the Rochester boys and girls o f 16 whose employment histories were less than one year with the wages o f those whose employment histories were longer. The median wage of the boys of 16 years with an employment history of less than 66 The inform ation concerning wages was based on the boys’ and girls’ statement. M ost o f the Rochester boys and girls were paid on a time basis and reported their weekly wage rate ; those children who were paid on a piece basis estimated their usual weekly earnings. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE 45 W O R K IN G G R O U P one year was $2 below that of boys of the same age with a longer work experience. Wages of at least $16 weekly were reported for 23 per cent of the boys o f 16 with the shorter work histories and for 38 per cent o f the boys with the longer work histories. (Table 13.) The length of the girls’ work experience also influenced their wages, but the effect was not as marked as for the boys. T able 13.— W eekly wage of last regular job and length of work history of boys and girls 16 years of age who icere employed on date of study Rochester Utica Length of work history Less than 1 year Weekly wage of last regu lar Job and sex Total Length of work history 1 year or more Less than lyear Not Per re Per cent ported cent Num distri Num distri ber bu ber bu tion tion Total 1 year or more Not Per Per re cent cent ported Num Num distri ber distri ber bu bu tion tion Boys____ __________ 986 557 427 2 216 100 114 Cash wage only__________ 929 527 400 2 182 85 96 Amount reported_____ 914 516 100 396 100 2 181 84 100 96 loo i Less than $8______ $8, less than $10___ $10, less than $12... $12, less than $14... $14, less than $16... $16, less than $18... $18, less than $20—. $20 or more....... . 17 40 173 218 197 101 64 104 12 35 123 132 96 46 25 47 2 7 24 26 19 9 5 9 5 5 50 85 101 55 39 56 1 1 13 21 26 14 10 14 11 11 22 18 12 6 1 8 13 13 26 21 14 7 1 4 2 u ii 31 17 6 10 8 2 ii u 32 18 6 10 8 1 1 14 22 33 49 29 12 11 11 Amount not reported.. 15 11 4 1 1 Cash plus other or other only___________________ No wage____ . . . , ________ Wage not reported_______ 28 29 12 18 16 11 22 11 1 7 8 15 3 Girls____ __________ 885 444 441 249 85 161 1 2 i 1 3 1 805 400 224 73 Amount reported......... 798 398 100 400 100 216 71 100 144 100 i Less than $8______ $8, less than $10___ $10, less than $12__ $12, less than $14... $14, less than $16. . $16, less than $18... $18, less than $20... 30 83 219 211 173 43 21 18 23 48 112 108 78 20 4 5 6 12 28 27 20 5 1 2 7 35 107 103 95 23 17 13 2 9 27 26 24 6 4 4 31 51 54 45 22 9 3 1 16 22 12 13 5 1 1 1 22 31 17 18 7 1 1 1 15 29 42 31 17 8 2 10 20 29 22 12 6 1 i Amount not reported.. 7 2 5 8 2 6 62 16 2 31 12 1 31 4 1 19 6 9 3 9 2 Cash plus other or other 405 150 i i For the great majority of the Rochester boys and girls employed at the time of the study, the earnings reported were for a full work ing week; that is, for 40 hours or more, not counting the 4 hours spent at continuation school. A minority of the children, 215 boys (15 per cent) and 209 girls (IT per cent) receiving cash wages, https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 46 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND TJTIOA however, had been employed less than 40 hours in the week for which wages were reported. Short hours partly accounted for the unusually low wages o f some children; 16 of 85 girls and 14 o f 41 boys who had wages o f less than $8 a week had been employed foi less than 40 hours. * ,” •! l The wages of 85 per cent of the boys and 80 per cent of the girls in Rochester receiving cash wages only who were 16 years of age at the date of the inquiry and had had at least one year s employment history had been increased since they began work. O f the ¿ 5 2 Rochester boys of this age reporting cash wage increases, more than one-half were earning at least $5 a week more at the time of the study than they had earned on beginning work a year or more earlier. The wage increases since beginning work of two-hfths of the 332 girls in this group also amounted to at least $5 a week. The wages of the Utica ooys and girls also depended both on their age and on their work experience. The boys and girls of 15 years earned considerably less than those of 16 years who had employment histories o f corresponding length, as the median wages for each group shows. The median wage of the boys o f 16 who had begun work less than one year prior to the date of the studv was $11.65, compared with $13.35 for the boys with longer work experience. The girls, whose wages were unusually low on beginning work, were still low at the time of the study; the median wage for the girls o f 16 whose employment history was less than one year was' only $9.80. For the girls o f the same age, however, who had been em ployed longer, wages were considerably higher. The median wage was $11, about $2 less than that of the Rochester girls with the same length of work experience. Wages of $14 or more a week were reported by 16 per cent of the Utica girls o f 16 and by 32 per cent of the Rochester girls of the same age. ' . For all but 45 (15 per cent) of the Utica boys the cash earnings reported were for a working week of 40 hours or more. On the other hand, the Utica girls, many of whom were in the knitting mills on less than full time, had been employed shorter hours ;^129 (36 per cent) had worked less than 40 hours in the week for which they reported earnings. Low earnings on the part of the Utica boys can not be accounted for to any extent by short hours of work. But one-half of the Utica girls whose wages were less than $10 had worked less than a 40-hour week, as compared with 22 per cent of the girls whose wages were more than this. The Utica boys and girls o f 16 who had started work at least one year prior to the date of the study, like the Rochester boys and girls, frequently had had substantial wage increases since beginning work. The wages of 84 per cent o f the boys and of 78 per cent of the girls receiving cash wages only had been increased. Nearly two-thirds of the 86 boys who reported increases in cash wage and almost onehalf of the 115 girls were earning at least $5 a week more at the date of the inquiry than they had received on beginning work. The wages of the Rochester boys and girls in their last .regular jobs corresponded fairly closely to those of young persons of the same ages in other localities. The median wage of the Rochester boys of 15 years o f age was approximately the same ($ 12 ) as that o f the Newark boys who were of the same age, according to https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 47 the study made in that city two years before; for the girls the median was slightly higher in Rochester ($11) than in Newark ($10.50).67 In Milwaukee the median wages o f the boys and girls o f 15 included in that study in 1925 were lower than in Newark and in Rochester. The median wages o f the 16-year-olds included in the Milwaukee study were also slightly lower than the wages o f the Rochester minors o f this age— for the Milwaukee boys of 16 at work less than one year it was $12, compared with $14 for the Rochester boys; for the Milwaukee girls o f 16 the median wage was $11, com pared with $12.50 for the Rochester girls .68 In Rochester the boys employed in manufacturing and mechanical occupations tended to get higher wages than those employed in other occupations, both when they began work and at the time of the study. In the jobs held at the time of the study the median weekly wages of the boys o f 16 who. were factory operatives and learners in skilled trades was about the same, $14.80 and $14.90, respectively; for clerical workers the median was $14.20; for salesboys, $13.60; for errand boys, $11.75. The boys of 16 years employed as operatives in the manufacture of optical goods, electrical supplies, and metal products reported especially high wages; 44 per cent of the boys in these three industries, 27 per cent of the boys in shoe factories, and 28 per cent of the clerical workers (including shipping clerks), but practically none o f the errand boys, were earning $16 or more a week. The girls who were factory operatives and office workers had better wages than girls in other occupations, in both first and last jobs. Among girls of 16 the median wage for telephone operators was $15.20; for bookkeepers, cashiers, typists, and stenographers, $13.60; for miscellaneous clerical workers, $12.30; for factory work ers, $12.70; and for sales and stock workers in stores only $11.25; few girls o f this age were bundle and cash workers. Wages in the shoe factories were lower than in the clothing factories; only 16 per cent of the shoe-factory operatives, compared with 43 per cent of the clothing-factory operatives, were earning $14 or more a week. Similarly, in Utica the boys and girls in factories received higher wages than the children in errand and store work. The wage level of the Utica girls who began work when less than 16 was low both in the textile mills and in the stores, which together employed the great majority of the girls in this city who reported cash wages. Wages were especially low in the knitting mills. O f 66 Utica girls whose weekly earnings were less than $5 on beginning work, 47 were em ployed in these mills, generally as inspectors paid on a piece basis. Many of them reported weekly earnings o f $3 or less. No informa tion was obtained as to the amount of part-time employment. A t the time of the study the wages of the girls of 16 in the textile mills had increased considerably; only a small proportion were earning less than $8 ; 60 per cent were earning $10 or more weekly. Education and mental ability and w ages. To what extent the wages of young workers are influenced by the amount and kind o f education that they have received is a question on which the evidence obtained in this and other studies is incon clusive. According to the Cincinnati study o f working children, a 57 C h ild L a b o r in N ew J ersey — P a r t 3, T h e W o rk in g C h ild ren o f N ew ark a n d P a terson , p. 80. ** E m p loyed B o y s a n d G irls In M ilw au kee, p. 31. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 48 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIBLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTIOA difference in educational attainment of three school grades made no difference in earning capacity during the first four years of their working lives.59 On the other hand, the Children’s Bureau study of working children in Newark indicated that to some extent at least the children’s wages did depend on the amount of education which they, had had. In Milwaukee the girls with the higher educational attainment received the higher wages, but education apparently had no influence on the boys’ wages.60 Similarly, in Rochester the girls from the eighth or high-school grades who were employed on the date of the study reported higher wages than girls who had not completed the elementary grades and girls from the nonacademic or vocational grades. The boys, however, from the eighth and highschool grades earned no more than the boys from the lower grades. In Utica little relationship was found between education and wages for either sex. One reason for the lack o f a definite and consistent relationship be tween the education and the wages of young workers is o f course the fact that differences are slight in the educational attainments of boys and girls who go to work between the ages o f 14 and 17. Few in Rochester and still fewer in Utica had completed more than one year of high school. Practically all the rest had at least finished the sixth grade. No doubt if the wages of children who had gone no further than the eighth grade could be compared with the wages of high-school graduates of the same ages after both groups had been at work for several years, the advantage o f additional schooling would be more evident. Another reason that studies of working children in different cities do not show a consistent relationship ben. tween education and wages is because of the varying wages paid workers for work in factories, offices, and stores. In some cities children’s wages are higher in factories than in offices and stores; in other cities the reverse has been found to be true. The special training o f the Rochester boys in industrial and other vocational subjects in school had apparently not affected their wages up to the time of the study. (Seep. 11.) Very low wages—less than $10 a week— and relatively high wages—$16 or more a week—were about as usual for boys of 16 years with industrial training as for boys o f the same age with no industrial or other vocational training. The girls in Rochester, however, who had commercial training did receive slightly higher wages than the girls with hofne-making train ing or with only academic training. The reason that special training influenced the girls’ wages was no doubt because the girls with com mercial training were much more likely than the other girls to be employed as clerical workers and telephone operators, occupations in which the compensation for girls was relatively high. The relation of commercial training to wages was evident in the initial wages of the girls who began work before they were 16 and somewhat more evident in the wages o f the girls o f 16 who were employed at the time o f the inquiry. Wages o f $14 or more were reported by 39 per cent o f the girls o f 16 with commercial training, by 29 per cent of the girls with academic training only, and by 30 per cent o f the girls with training in household arts. p. “ A n E x p erim en ta l S tu d y o f C hild ren, p. 735. 60 C hild L a b o r in N ew J ersey— P a r t 3, T h e W o rk in g -C hildren o f N ew ark and P a te rso n , 7 2 ; E m p loy ed B o y s a n d G irls in M ilw au k ee, p. 4 2 . https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 49 In Utica the differences in the wages of retarded and nonretarded boys and girls were slight and were not consistently maintained throughout the period of the child’s employment. That school re tardation appeared not to have an unfavorable effect on wages o f em ployed children under 16 was the conclusion reached also in the study o f Newark and Paterson children.61 Mental ability, as measured by the group intelligence tests given the Rochester boys and girls, apparently made little difference in the wages received by the boys on the date o f the inquiry, but did affect the wages received by the girls. As has been shown, the girls whose intelligence quotients were relatively high, who were at least eighthgrade graduates, and who had had some kind of special training for the job entered clerical occupations, which in Rochester were rela tively well paid. Part-time school attendance and wages. One o f the drawbacks to part-time school attendance for the young worker is the loss in wages due to the loss in working time. The New York part-time school law requires employers in cities in which part-time schools have been established to permit their em ployees under 17 to attend school four hours a week between 8 a. m. and 5 p. m. on school days or between 8 a. m. and 12 noon on Satur days.62 The girls in the Rochester telephone exchanges and the boys and girls who had part-time jobs were able to attend continuation school outside their working hours. A small proportion o f the young workers also were paid on a piecework basis, so o f course received no compensation for the time they spent in school. The great majority, however, were paid on a time basis, by the hour, day, or week, and were attending school during the hours they would otherwise have been at work. These boys and girls were asked if the employers deducted from their wages payment for the four hours they spent in continuation school. H alf of the 1,085 boys and of the 804 girls so employed in Rochester at the time of the interview, and half of the 192 boys and about one-third of the 128 girls in Utica reported that they received compensation for the time they attended school; HOURS OF WORK According to the law in effect in New York State in 1927 the hours o f work of children under 16 were restricted to 44 a week 68 in a comprehensive list o f establishments,64 including factories, stores, and restaurants. No legal limitation, however, was placed on hours of work in domestic service in private families or in farm work. 41 Child Labor in New Jersey— P art 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 72. 82 N. Y., Education Law, sec. 622, pars. D and E. 68 According to an opinion o f the attorney general o f New York State given in 1929 (after this study was made) part-time instruction hours do not count as a part o f the legal 44-hour work week fo r children under 1 6 ; in other words the 4 hours’ attendance may be additional to the 44 hours o f actual employment. This differs from the provisions o f the continuation school laws in many States where the hours o f attendance must be included in the legal working hours. I f the hours at continuation school are added to the hours at work, weekly hours fo r children in excess o f 48 would be illegal in the occupation specified in the law. I f the hour law for minors between 16 and 18 is interpreted in the same way, total weekly hours in excess o f 58 would have been illegal for them at the time the inquiry was made. (Annual Report o f the Industrial Commis sion for 1930. New York State Department o f Labor, p. 142, Albany, 1931.) 64 In or in connection with factories, mercantile establishments, business offices, tele graph offices, restaurants, hotels, apartment houses, theaters or other places o f amuse ment, bowling alleys, barber shops, shoe-polishing establishments, or in the distribution o f merchandise, articles, or messages, or in the sale o f articles. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 50 EM PLOYED BOYS AND G IR L S IN ROCHESTER AND U T IC A Boys between 16 and 18 were limited to 54 hours’ work a week in factories and stores and in the distribution o f merchandise or articles; girls between 16 and 18, to 54 hours a week in factories, stores, and restaurants.65 The boys and girls who were employed at the time of the study were questioned concerning the number of hours they had worked the preceding week. In Rochester regular weekly hours of boys and girls employed in factories not operating full time were re ported; in Utica, however, where some of the textile mills had been operating on short time for a considerable period, the usual weekly hours the boys and girls worked were given. One-half of the Rochester boys and girls under 16 reported hours of 44 or less a week, including both the hours at regular work and at continuation school; nearly three-fourths had total hours of 48 or less. (Table 14.) The remainder (28 per cent) had a working week in excess o f 48 hours. Thirty-one boys (6 per cent) and 29 girls (5 per cent) had worked 54 hours a week or more. T able 14.— W eekly hours of last regular job (including hours in part-time school) of boys and girls employed on date of study Utica Rochester Age at date of study Age at date of study Weekly hours of last regular job Under 16 years Under 16 years 16 years 16 years Total Total Per Per Num cent Num cent distri ber distri ber bution bution Per Per Num cent Num cent ber distri ber distil bution bution 465 300 2,890 1,019 Hours reported------- ------------ 2,832 998 100 1,834 1,871 100 730 282 100 448 Less than 44____________ 44 even............... ............ More than 44, less than 48. 48 even................. - ........... More than 48, less than 50. 50, less than 54................. 54, less than 58................. 58, less than 62__________ 62 or more..... ................... 470 587 767 160 473 190 92 29 64 218 283 169 49 164 55 29 10 21 22 28 17 5 16 6 3 1 2 252 304 598 111 309 135 63 19 43 14 17 33 6 17 7 3 1 2 188 94 136 58 77 76 46 23 32 115 44 34 41 16 73 50 12 102 Irregular hours-------------------- 39 19 16 6 2 23 14 1 25 10 12 14 20 21 4 5 7 7 3 5 46 63 56 25 15 18 100 16 11 23 10 14 13 6 3 4 12 5 In many of the Rochester factories at the time of the inquiry, continuation-school hours were regarded as part of the 44-hour week for children under 16. Seventy-one per cent o f the children under 16 reporting regular hours who were employed as factory operatives had a work week of 44 hours or less, including continuation-school hours; 16 (10 per cent) of the boys and 9 (5 per cent) o f the girls employed as factory operatives, however, had a work week of more than 48 hours, including 1 girl and 1 boy o f this age who had worked 58 hours or more a week. Store hours were much longer than factory hours for children under 16, the 4 hours’ attendance at continuation school not being regarded as a part of the work week in the mer cantile establishments in which the children were employed. Only « N. Y., Labor Law, arts. 171, 172, 180, amended by ch. 622, Session Laws 1925, arts. 180a, 1 8 i, 182. A law reducing hours fo r females over 16 to 4 8 and 4 9 % a week was passed in 1927 but did not take effect until January, 1928. (Session Laws 1927, ch. 453.) https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 51 THE WORKING GROUP a small number of the children in this age group employed as sales, stock, or errand workers in stores had had a 44-hour week or less; 69 per cent reported total weekly hours of more than 48. In the large department stores of the city the actual hours of employment were usually between 45 and 46 and the total hours (including continua tion-school hours) between 49 and 50. Sixteen (9 per cent) of the children in stores had worked 58 hours or more a week. Boys em ployed in miscellaneous kinds of errand work (other than in factories and stores and in delivering telegrams) also frequently worked more than 48 hours. (Table 15.) T able 15.—Industry and occupation and weekly hours of last regular jo t ( in cluding 4 hours in part-time school) of toys and girls under 16 years of age on date of study who were employed on that date Rochester Weekly hours of last job Industry and occupation, and sex Total 539 Manufacturing and mechanical indus- Utica Weekly hours of last job Ir Not re Total 48 or More Ir 48 or More regu regu Not re less than less than lar ported 48 48 lar ported 398 3 132 7 140 77 57 2 1 2 6 2 3 3 3 1 244 216 24 4 59 43 13 1 2 168 76 152 64 10 8 4 38 21 27 16 9 4 1 1 1 Professional service.............................. Domestic and personal service______ 10 16 8 6 2 9 1 1 18 4 i 14 Other industries and occupations____ 263 165 95 1 55 27 26 Sales and stock boys in stores....... Messenger and errand boys in stores...................................... . Messenger, errand, and stock boys in factories______________ Telegraph messengers____ ______ Other messenger and errand boys. Teamsters, drivers, and helpers... Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers______________ Others_________________________ 46 15 31 11 2 9 15 4 11 2 2 60 29 37 16 54 18 20 10 6 11 17 5 1 9 4 10 4 5 2 2 3 4 2 7 1 3 57 2 42 14 1 1 14 11 1 2 1 Not reported................. ...................... 3 3 1 .1 321 147 160 128 20 10 2 2 I 1 3 Girls........... ............ ................... 480 Manufacturing and mechanical in dustries___ _____ ________________ 205 191 13 1 107 106 1 Operatives...................................... Others___ ____________________ 199 6 189 2 9 4 1 107 106 1 9 2 1 • Professional service.......................... . 7 6 1 3 3 Domestio and personal service______ 60 25 28 5 2 21 8 7 4 2 Private families___________ _____ Other............. ......... .................... . 40 20 14 11 19 9 5 2 13 8 4 4 6 1 2 2 1 1 Other industries and occupations....... 208 99 105 3 1 29 11 12 6 Sales and stock girls in stores____ Messenger and errand girls in 82 32 47 2 1 18 5 7 6 38 4 34 7 3 4 1 3 1 2 1 Messenger, errand, and stock girls in factories____ __________ Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers.... . . . . Others...........I_________________ https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 11 9 2 35 42 31 23 3 19 1 52 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTIOA Most o f the Rochester children under 16 whose total hours ex ceeded 48 a week were employed in violation o f the State law in occupations to which the hours law applied, that is, in stores, fac tories, business offices, restaurants, hotels, institutions, and in mes senger and delivery service. O f the 147 girls under 16 who reported hours exceeding 48, only 19 were domestic workers in private fami lies, an occupation not covered by the law relating to hours of labor. About two-thirds o f the Rochester boys and girls of 16 years had a work week o f 48 hours or less. The proportion who had been em ployed for more than 48 hours was but little greater than that of the younger children; 29 per cent of the boys and 34 per cent of the girls reporting worked more than 48 hours. Forty-one (4 per cent) of the boys and 21 (2 per cent) of the girls of this age had been employed for a 58-hour week or longer; that is, for as much as the 54-hour legal maximum plus 4 hours at part-time school. For the boys and girls o f 16, as well as for the younger children, store hours were much longer than factory hours, 77 per cent of those employed as sales, stock, and errand workers in stores having a work week in excess of 48 hours as compared with only 17 per cent of those em ployed as factory operatives. Among the 26 boys o f 16 years who had worked 58 hours or more the week before the study were 7 salesboys and 6 hotel or restaurant workers, the remainder being in scattered occupations. O f the 11 girls who had worked 58 hours or more 8 were domestic workers in private families and 3 were store or restaurant workers. The hours of the Utica girls under 16, but not o f the boys in this age group, were considerably shorter than the hours of the Rochester, children under 16. Forty-one per cent o f the boys under 16 and 70 per cent o f the girls had a work week o f 44 hours or less; 42 per cent of the boys and 14 per cent of the girls had worked more than 48 hours in the week before they were interviewed, including 12 boys (9 per cent) and 10 girls (7 per cent) who had been employed for 58 hours or more. The reason fo r the shorter hours o f Utica girls as compared with boys was due to the fact that relatively more o f the girls were em ployed in factories in which hours were generally shorter than in other occupations. For children under 16 in factories the work week was usually 44 hours, including the 4 hours spent in continua tion school. O f the 143 boys and girls who were factory operatives and reported their hours, 82 per cent had a work week of 44 hours or less; 7 per cent, however, had been employed in excess of 48 hours. The hours in nonfactory occupations were likely to be much longer. O f 119 boys and girls reporting hours who were store or errand workers or employed in other nonmanufacturing and non mechanical occupations, only 27 per cent had a work week of 44 hours or less; 55 per cent worked at least 48 hours, and 53 per cent worked more than 48 hours. Most of the Utica boys and girls whose weekly hours exceeded 48 were employed in violation of the hour law. Among 57 boys under 16 who had worked more than 48 hours, 13 were in manufacturing and mechanical occupations; 14 were employed in various kinds of personal service, in hotels, in bowling alleys, and at shoe-shine stands (occupations specifically mentioned in the la w ); the others were https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 53 store workers, telegraph messenger and errand boys, a driver’s helper, and a clerical worker. Three were farm workers to whom the law did not apply. Among the 20 girls under 16 who had worked more than 48 hours, 6 were in domestic service in private families so that the law did not apply to them, 11 were sales and errand girls in stores, 1 was a factory worker, 1 a waitress in a restaurant, and 1 a learner in a store, all occupations covered by the hours of labor law. The Utica boys and girls of 16 reported considerably longer hours than the younger children; 51 per cent o f the boys and 30 per cent o f the girls had worked more than 48 hours, but only 24 boys and 9 girls of this age had been employed for 58 hours or more. The great majority of the boys and girls of 16 in Utica factories, as in other occupations, were employed for more than 44 hours a week. The factory workers frequently reported between 44 and 48 hours. Twenty-nine per cent of the 259 employed as factory oper atives for whom hours were reported and 62 per cent of the 146 in nonmanufacturing and nonmechanical occupations had a working week of more than 48 hours the week preceding the date they were interviewed. Fourteen of the 24 boys of 16 years who had worked for 58 hours or more were either employed in stores or in hotels or restaurants; 6 of the 9 girls were domestic workers in private fam ilies and were, therefore, not covered by the hour law. REGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT To find out to what extent the boys and girls included in this study were stable workers, an attempt was made to measure stability by the amount of time the children had been unemployed, by the duration of the positions they had held, and by the number of times they had changed positions after they left school for work. Only the first year or two of the industrial lives o f most o f these young workers, as has been explained, was covered by the present study. About one-fourth o f the Rochester boys and girls had worked less than six months, and about one-third had worked one year or longer. Only 3 per cent of the boys and 5 per cent o f the girls had worked two years. The median length of their work his tories was 9y 2 months for the boys and about 9 months for the girls. The children who had begun work at 14, of course, had had an op portunity to work longer than those who bad begun work at 15 or 16. The work histories o f the Utica boys and girls were little longer than those o f the Rochester boys and girls, although the latter had started work at slightly earlier ages. The median length of their work histories was 10 months for both boys and girls. About onehalf of the Utica children of each sex who had started work at 14 and about two-fifths who had started at 15 had work histories of at least a year. Amount of unemployment. According to the findings o f the Children’s Bureau in Newark and Paterson, N. J., and in Milwaukee, as well as in the earlier studies in Boston and Connecticut, young city workers have fairly steady employment during periods o f ordinary business activity .66 The 88 Child Labor in New Jersey— P art 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 3 7 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 45 ; The W orking Children o f Boston, p. 4 2 ; Industrial Instability o f Child W orkers in Connecticut, p. 84. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 54 EMPLOYED BOYS AND OIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND tTTlCA contrary idea sometimes expressed that beginners have long periods o f idleness has not been confirmed either by these studies or by sim ilar studies made by other agencies. Little unemployment was found among working children eitner in the Cincinnati study made during the four years following 191167 or in a more recent study (1927) made by the National Child Labor Committee of working children in two Connecticut cities.68 The findings of the Rochester and Utica studies present additional evidence that children who enter industry before they are 16 work most o f the time, though not necessarily in the same jobs, at least during the early part o f their working lives. The boys and girls included in the present study had been em ployed in the year or two prior to the spring of 1927, when the in quiry was made, before the period of general business depression. In Rochester the total number o f factory employees in April, 1927, was greater than in the same month of the preceding year; in Utica at this time, however, the textile mills, the principal manufacturing industry of the city, had not been running to full capacity for some months.69 Eighty-five per cent o f the Rochester boys and girls were em ployed- on the date the inquiry was made. Most of the unemploy ment of the young workers included in this study was no doubt temporary; nearly three-fourths o f the Rochester boys and nearly three-fiftns of the girls who were not working at the time o f the study had been unemployed less than three months. No doubt be cause o f the situation in the Utica textile industry a larger propor tion o f the boys and girls in that city than of those in Rochester (26 per cent of the boys and 21 per cent of the girls) were temporarily^ out of work at the date o f the inquiry. The proportion o f boys and girls in Rochester and even in Utica who were out o f work when the study was made was not dissimilar to that reported in other cities. In Milwaukee, about four-fifths of the young workers between 14 and 18 were employed in January, 1925.70 In three Ohio cities about three-fourths of 3,710 minors between 14 and 18 years o f age who had left school for work were employed in 1929 before the present industrial depression became marked.71 In order to measure the length o f time that the boys and girls had been out of work, the percentage of unemployed time was calculated for those whose employment history was a year or more in length, all o f whom were under 16 when they began work. Figures for the un employment o f boys and girls whose work histories were less than a year would have been of less significance as they had had so short a time to work and to change their jobs. The Rochester boys and girls, whether or not they were working on the exact date tne inquiry was made, had been employed most of the time covered by the inquiry. (Table 16.) Twenty-nine per cent of the boys and 32 per cent o f the girls had had no unemployn An Experim ental Study o f Children, p. 562. 68 Robinson, Claude E . : Child W orkers in Tw o Connecticut Towns, New Britain and Norwich, p. 33. National Child Labor Committee. New York, 1929. 68 Industrial Bulletin, vol. 6, no. 5 (February, 1927), pp. 134 and 136, and vol. 6, no. 8 (May, 1927), pp. 222-224. 70 Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 45. u Gibbons, Charles E., and Chester T. Stansbury: A dm inistration o f the Child Labor Law in O h io ; a study o f children employed in M iddletown, Toledo, and Youngstown, p. 18. National Child Labor Committee. New York, 1931. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis i 55 THE WORKING GROUP ment since beginning work. Many of these workers had held the same positions throughout their work histories, but some o f them had changed one or more times and had lost no time between ending one job and beginning the next. The boys who had been out o f work for one or more weeks of their work histories had been unemployed for 11 per cent, and the girls for 14 per cent, of their em ployment histories. This percentage of unemployment is like that reported for the working children o f Boston in the earlier study made by the Children’s Bureau in that city.Ta T able 16.— Percentage of time unemployed during work history of boys and girls who began work under 16 years of age and who were employed one year or more Rochester Boys Percentage of time unemployed during work history and sex Utica Girls Boys Per Per Num cent Num cent dis dis ber tribu ber tribu tion tion Girls Per Per Num cent Num cent dis dis ber tribu ber tribu tion tion T o ta l..._________________ __________ 640 Unemployment reported__________________ 641 100 599 100 150 100 207 100 None_____________ ___________________ Less than 5 per cent___________________ 5. per cent, less than 10_________________ 10"per cent, less than 20............................ 20 per cent, less than 30________________ 30 per cent, less than 40________________ 40 per cent, less than 50________________ 60 per cent or more____________________ 160 127 07 78 50 23 11 20 20 23 12 14 0 4 2 5 103 113 03 85 47 20 21 51 32 10 11 14 8 4 4 0 25 27 10 23 20 17 11 17 10 17 10 15 13 11 7 11 05 29 21 25 10 13 13 25 31 14 10 12 8 6 0 12 Unemployment not reported______________ 5 590 104 8 211 4 About one-fourth o f the Utica workers (16 per cent of the boys and 31 per cent of the girls) whose work histories were at least one year in length had been employed for the whole of the period covered by the study. Most o f those who had had no unemployment had had but one position. For the boys reporting at least one week of unemployment, the percentage o f unemployed time during their work histories was 19, and for the girls it was 17. How much of the young workers’ unemployment in this or indeed in any city is due to 4he difficulty of getting work and how much to personal causes, such as their family situation or to their own personalities, can not be estimated. Doubtless, however, the depression in the tex tile industry and the apparently limited opportunities for work for boys contributed to the relatively greater amount o f unemployment in Utica as compared with Rochester. The continuity o f the work o f most o f these Rochester boys and girls is also clearly shown by the fact that nearly two-thirds o f the Rochester boys and nearly as large a proportion of the girls had been out o f work either not at all or less than 10 per cent of their work histories; only slightly more than one-tenth o f the boys and about one-sixth of the girls had been out of work 30 per cent or 72 The W orking Children o f Boston, p. 191. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 56 EMPLOYED BOYS. AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTIOA more, and few had been out of work as much as 50 per cent o f the time. In Utica, however, less than half the boys and more than half the girls either had had no unemployment or had been out of work less than 10 per cent of the time since they first started work. Twenty-nine per cent of the boys and 24 per cent of the girls had been out of work for at least 30 per cent and about one-tenth of each sex for 50 per cent or more o f the time. Data are available for Newark and Milwaukee children who began work before they were 16 and whose employment histories were some what shorter; that is, between one and two years as compared to between one and three years for the New York children.73 Seventy per cent o f the Newark boys, 62 per cent of the Milwaukee boys, 64 per cent of the Rochester boys, but only 43 per cent of the Utica boys, had been out of work less than one-tenth of their work histories. Corresponding figures for the girls were 67 per cent in Newark, 58 per cent in Milwaukee, 62 per cent in Rochester, and 55 per cent in Utica. In other cities in which studies have been made girls were unem ployed either more than the boys or for about the same amount of time. In New York State, as a whole, according to the study of the continuation-school pupils made by the State department or educa tion in 1926, the girls were employed much more irregularly than the boys.74 It would be expected in New York that girls would not be employed outside the home so steadily as boys and that a larger amount of their unemployment would be voluntary, as work permits are issued to them for work in their own homes. Thus a much larger proportion of girls than of boys in both cities who had left regular school and registered at continuation school had never been employed except in their own homes. (See p. 64.) - No doubt other girls who had given up or lost their first or other positions also remained at home for a while to help with the housework or for other reasons and did not try to get work outside. Age and unemployment. . No evidence was obtained in this study that the boy or girl who begins work at 14 has more unemployment than the boy or girl who begins at 15 or 16. Sixty-nine per cent of the Rochester boys em ployed one year or more who started work at 14 or under and 62 per cent who started work at 15 were unemployed less than onetenth o f their working periods, not an appreciable difference where relatively small numbers are concerned. Similarly about the same proportions o f boys o f 14 as o f 15 had been out o f work the longer periods. The girls starting in industry at 14 likewise were out o f work about the same percentage o f the time since beginning work as girls starting work at 15, except that the latter were more likely than the younger girls to report the longer periods o f unemploy ment; 18 per cent o f the girls beginning work at 14 and 29 per cent of those beginning at 15 had been out o f work one-fifth or more of the time, the reverse o f what might be expected. T* Child Labor in New Jersey— Part 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson p. 8 3 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 47. 74 Special Report on Unemployment Among Boys A ttending Part-Tim e School, p 2 and Special Report as to Number o f Weeks Girls Attending Part-Tim e School Have Been W ithout Employment, p. 2. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 57 No significant differences in the amount of unemployment o f Utica children beginning work at 14 and at 15 were apparent, but the number of children starting work at the age of 14 was too small to be a basis for definite conclusions. Education and unemployment. It might be expected that boys and girls from the upper grades would be more successful in the work they undertake than those whose school accomplishment is low, and that, therefore, they would have less unemployment. Some evidence has been presented in other Children’s Bureau studies of this series and in the Cincinnati study o f working children indicating that children who have completed the eighth or higher grades have somewhat less unemployment than children from the lower grades.76 In none o f these studies, however, was the difference in the amount o f unemployment appreciable. In Rochester 75 per cent o f the boys beginning work under 16 from the eighth and higher academic grades employed 1 year or more compared with 60 per cent of those from the lower academic grades had been out of work less than one-tenth o f the time. Cor respondingly smaller percentages of boys from the eighth and higher grades than from the lower grades had been out of work the longer periods. The boys from the nonacademic grades reported propor tions o f unemployment similar to those of the boys from academic grades below the eighth. The grade completed, however, did not appear to affect the percentage of time the Rochester girls had been out o f work, those from the eighth and higher academic grades having had about the same amount o f unemployment as those from the lower and from the nonacademic grades. The lack of associa tion between school grade and unemployment for the girls may be due to the difference in the kind o f work that the girls from the upper and lower grades enter. The girls from the eighth and highschool grades preferred clerical to factory work, and apparently the demand for clerical workers was less than for factory workers, so that they had more difficulty in getting clerical work and, therefore, had more unemployment. In Utica the number of boys and girls with employment histories o f at least a year was too small to permit of detailed analysis with reference to the influence o f educational attainment on unemploy ment for each sex. Considering the young workers of both sexes to gether, it appeared that those who had completed the eighth and higher school grades tended to have less unemployment than the young workers from the lower grades, 59 per cent of the former as compared with 46 per cent of the latter having been out of work less than one-tenth of the time or not at all ; and 23 per cent of the former and 30 per cent of the latter had been out o f work threetenths or more of tneir time. The Utica boys and girls who were retarded in school had a little more unemployment than children who had made average or better school progress, a tendency that supports the conclusion reached with reference to the Rochester boys and girls that school grade was asso ciated with unemployment. Forty-three per cent of the Utica boys 75 ChiM Labor in New Jersey— P art 3, The W orking Children of Newark and Paterson, p. 7 3 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 4 7 ; An Experim ental Study o f Children, p. 60 2. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 58 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA and girls with work histories of at least a year who were retarded in school compared with 59 per cent who were not retarded had been out of work either not at all or less than one-tenth of the time; correspondingly larger percentages of the retarded than of the nonretarded boys and girls had been out of work larger proportions of the time. Mental ability and unemployment. Mental ability as measured by the group intelligence tests given the Rochester boys and girls was found to be related to the percentage o f time the boys had been out of work, but apparently it was not related to the girls’ unemployment. Although the boys employed for one year or more whose intelligence quotients were less than 100 had been employed for a large part of their employment histories, they had been out of work to a somewhat greater extent than the boys whose intelligence quotients were higher. Thirteen per cent o f the boys with intelligence quotients o f less than 100 and only 4 per cent o f those with intelligence quotients of 100 or more had been out of work 30 per cent or more of the time; on the other hand, 63 per cent of the boys with intelligence quotients of less than 100 and 73 per cent of those with intelligence quotients of at least 100 had been out o f work either not at all or less than one-tenth of their work histories. Little association was found between the mental ability of the girls and their unemployment. The findings of the Cincinnati study of working children whose mental ability was intensively studied were similar to those of the Rochester study; the mentally superior boys of Cincinnati were em ployed a somewhat greater proportion of the year than the mentally inferior, a fact not true o f the girls.” The results o f a Children’s Bureau study of the employment histories of young workers o f sub normal mentality are also o f interest in this connection. The boys included in that study, although employed a large part of their work ing lives and considerably more than the girls, experienced relatively more unemployment than the boys included in the Rochester and Utica studies or than boys of unselected mentality included in the Milwaukee study.” Duration of positions. The children included in the present study kept their first posi tions ” but a short time, frequently less than one month. Two-thirds o f the Rochester boys and girls beginning work under 16 had ended their first positions before the date of the present inquiry. (Table 17.) Thirty per cent of these had held them less than one month and 65 per cent less than three months. The length of the position o f boys and girls was about the same. The boys and girls m this age roup who were still in their first positions at the date o f the study, owever, had been holding them for considerable periods o f time, 66 g 79 An Experimental Study o f Children, p. 659. 77 Employment o f M entally Deficient Boys and Girls, p. 1 8 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 46. 78 F or convenience in this discussion the term “ position ” has been used to indicate the period the child worked continuously with one- employer as distinguished from the term “ job,” the period in which he was employed in one occupation with the same employer. A very small percentage o f the hoys and girls whose first positions were ended had been employed in more than one occupation or kind o f work for their first employer, so that the length o f their first jobs was almost always the same as that o f their first positions. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 59 THE WORKING GROUP per cent of them for six months or more. Because of the unequal lengths o f the employment histories of the workers of different ages included in this study it was impossible to determine whether boys and girls who begin work at 16 hold their positions longer than those who start work younger. T a b l e 17.—Duration of first terminated position held "by employed boys and ffirls beginning work under 16 years of age Rochester • Duration of first terminated position Number Utica Per cent distri bution Number Per cent distri bution Total....... ....................................................... ..................... 2,840 Position terminated___ ______ _______________ _____ ___ ____ 1,886 Duration reported.............. ......... .......................................... 1,881 100 638 100 Less than 1 month____________________ ____ ________ 1 month, less than 2 .______ __________________ _____ _ 2 months, less than 3.......................... ............................. 8 months, less than 6 ............ .......................................... 6 months, less than 12..................................................... 12 months or more_________________________________ 571 370 281 357 217 85 30 20 15 19 12 5 224 132 96 101 66 19 35 21 15 16 10 3 Duration not reported_____________ ____ _______________ Position not terminated....... _ __ ........................ 886 651 5 13 954 235 In Utica almost three-fourths o f the boys and girls beginning work under 16 had ended their first positions at the time o f the inquiry. O f these, 35 per cent had held them less than one month and 71 per cent less than three months. The proportion of boys holding their positions for six months or longer (14 per cent) was about the same as in Rochester, but the proportion of Utica girls (12 per cent) with positions lasting six months or longer was smaller than in Rochester. As in Rochester, the boys and girls who were still em ployed in their first position at the time o f the study had held them for considerable lengths o f time. The length of time that the Rochester and Utica children under 16 whose first positions were ended at the time o f the study had held them corresponds on the whole with the findings o f other studies of young workers. The Children’s Bureau studies in Newark and Pat erson and in Milwaukee and the earlier studies made in Boston and Connecticut have also shown that beginners in industry do not hold their first positions for more than a few months.70 A recent study made by the division of women in industry of the New York Depart ment o f Labor included a selected group o f 100 children under 16 who had had at least two jobs and had received work certificates in 1928 and 1929 before the general business depression. More than one-third of these children had received second work certificates in less than one month after the issuance of the first work certificates, and less than 10 per cent received second certificates six months or 79 C hild L a b or in N ew Jersey — P a rt 3, T h e W o rk in g C h ild ren o f N ew ark and P a te rso n , p. 3 9 ; E m p loy ed B oy s and G irls in M ilw aukee, p. 4 9 ; T h e W o rk in g C hild ren o f B o sto n , p. 2 6 3 ; In d u s tria l I n s ta b ility o f C hild W ork ers, p. 18. 1 6 1 4 9 3 °— 83------- 5 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 60 EM PLOYED BOYS AND G IR L S IN ROCHESTER AND U T IO A more after the first one.80 The duration of the first positions of about the same proportion o f these New York City children as of the Rochester and Utica children had been less than one month. The positions in which the young workers in both cities were employed on the date of the inquiry had lasted much longer than the terminated first positions. The comparatively long duration of the positions that the boys and girls were holding when the study was made indicates that when children have had sbme time to make adjustments to working life they tend to remain steadily in one position. Fifty-seven per cent of the Rochester boys and 62 per cent o f the girls who had begun work in these positions before they were 16 had held them for six months or more at the time o f the study. The boys and girls who started work in their positions at the age of 16 had not held them as long as the younger children be cause their employment histories had been comparatively short. Relation of occupation to duration of position. The duration o f the child’s position depended somewhat on the kind o f work he did. In the group that at the time o f the study had ter minated their first jobs, which in general had lasted less than three months, the Rochester boys who were telegraph messengers and those who were employed in restaurants and in other forms o f domestic and personal service had stayed in their first occupations an even shorter time than bo vs employed in miscellaneous kinds of errand work or in factories. Similarly, a duration of six months in the first occupation, although unusual for any o f this group, was least common for tele graph messengers and domestic workers. Girls employed in sales, domestic, and clerical work kept their first occupations a somewhat shorter time than girls employed as bundle and cash workers in stores or as factory operatives. Apparently a great many of the jobs offered young girls in sales work are very temporary (that is, for some special sale or for the Christmas or other busy seasons), whereas the jobs of bundle and cash girls in department stores are more permanent. Changes in position. It is often said that the turnover o f positions among young workers is high. It should be remembered, however, that some positions o f fered young workers, such as certain kinds of sales and office work, are known in advance to be only temporary. Short-time positions and changes in position do not necessarily mean that the child is an unstable worker. Long periods of work in one position and infre quent or no changing may mean merely lack of initiative or oppor tunity, whereas changing may mean getting a better-paid posi tion or one in which the chances of advancement are better or one bet ter suited to the special abilities or tastes o f the individual. Only when shifting from position to position is repeated and involves ex cessive unemployment should it be assumed that the young worker is unstable. The number o f positions that the Rochester boys reported ranged from 1 to 14; no girls reported more than 9 positions. Only 8 per cent of the boys and 4 per cent of the girls held as many as 5 posi tions. The number o f positions held depended largely on the length o f the period in which employment was possible. “ In d u s tria l B u lletin , v o l. 11 , n o. 3 (D ecem ber, 1 9 3 1 ), p. 71. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 61 THE WORKING GROUP The employment histories of boys and girls who had begun work less than one year before the date o f the study were too short to permit many changes in position, and the changes that they did make within such a short period would not necessarily indicate their steadiness as workers, so that the following analysis o f stability of employment has been based on the children who began work under 16 whose work histories were one or more years in length; most of these children had worked between one and two years, as few children with employment histories o f more than two years were included in the study. Because o f the variations in the length of time worked by individual children selected, a classification was made for the purpose of relating the number o f positions to the number of months of possible employment since beginning work. The children were grouped, therefore, according to the average number o f positions they held in 12 months of their employment histories, a classification also used in the other studies in this series.81 Fifty-nine per cent of the boys were in Classes A or B, 35 per cent were in Class C, and 6 per cent were in Class D. (Table 18.) The girls had made fewer changes than the boys. 76 per cent of them having made no change or only one change within 12 months. Few girls had changed as frequently as four times in a year. T 18.— Average number of positions per year during work history for boys and girls who began work under 16 years of age and who were employed one year or more able Boys and girls who began work under 16 years of age em ployed 1 year or more Rochester Average number of positions per year Boys Utica Girls Boys Girls Per Per Per Per Num cent Num cent Num cent Num cent ber distri ber distri ber distri ber distri bution bution bution bution Total____________ ________ _____ ____ Class A, Class B, Class C, Class D, less than 1 position per year_______ 1, less than 2 per year........ ........... . 2, less than 4 per year_____________ 4 or more per year________________ 546 100 599 100 164 100 211 100 115 208 190 33 21 38 35 6 208 245 132 14 35 41 22 2 28 59 66 11 17 36 40 7 66 85 59 1 31 40 28 (>) i Less than 1 per cent. The Utica children had shifted positions but little more than the Rochester children of corresponding sex, 53 per cent of the boys and 72 per cent of the girls having made no change or only one change within a 12-month period; only 7 per cent ox the boys and only 1 girl had averaged four or more changes within 12 months. The children who changed positions infrequently also had little unemployment. Infrequent changes in position do not necessarily mean that the child has worked steadily, however, for he may have ®- E m p loy ed B o y s an d G irls in M ilw aukee, p. 5 4 ; C h ild L a b o r in N ew J e rse y — P a r t 3, T h e W o rk in g C h ild ren o f N ew ark an d P a terson , p. 4 0 ; W o rk in g C h ild ren o f B oston ,, p p . 1 8 6 - 1 8 7 ; In d u s tria l In s ta b ility o f C hild W ork ers I n C on n ecticu t, p. 25. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 62 EM PLOYED BOYS AND G IR L S IN ROCH ESTER AND U T IO A held but one position for a few days or weeks only and have been unemployed the rest o f the time. The Rochester boys in Class A had been out o f work only 2 per cent and the girls in Class A only 7 per cent of the time.82 The boys in Class B can also be regarded as fairly steady workers, for they had been out of work only 8 per cent of their work histories. The boys in this group evidently had lost little time between ending one position and beginning the next. The girls in Class B had not worked as steadily as the boys; they had been unemployed for IT per cent of their work histories, about as much as the girls and boys who had made more frequent changes in position. The Utica boys in Class A had been unemployed 8 per cent and the girls 11 per cent of their time. The majority of the Utica chil dren, however, had made some change in position within a 12-month period, and these children, both boys and girls, whether their changes had been frequent or infrequent, had experienced more unemploy ment than the Rochester children. Apparently once they lost or gave up their first or succeeding positions they were idle for con siderably longer periods than the Rochester children before obtain ing new positions. (See p. 55.) For example, the Utica boys in Class B had been out of work 17 per cent of the time as compared with 24 and 25 per cent of the time out of work reported by the boys in Classes C and D. The children included in the Children’s Bureau study in Newark who had employment histories of at least a year and the children included in the earlier Connecticut study, all of whom had work* histories of between 21 and 24 months (that is, working periods com-f parable to those of children in the present study), had changed positions a little less frequently than either the Rochester or the Utica children.83 The shifting in positions among the boys included in the Milwaukee study whose work histories were between one and two years in length, was about the same as among the Rochester boys and a little less than among the Utica boys.84 In each o f these cities (Milwaukee, Rochester, and Utica) the girls had shifted positions somewhat less than the boys. That girls change positions less than boys has also been shown in other studies o f young workers, including the Children’s Bureau studies in Newark and Paterson, N. J., the earlier study made in Connecticut, and in several other studies o f young workers made by other agencies.85 A tendency for children to become steadier workers the longer they remain in industry was noted in the Milwaukee study, which included a group of boys and girls with work histories o f as long as two and three years; the same tendency was revealed in the study o f working children made in Cincinnati, all of whom had work his tories of exactly four years.86 The work histories of the Rochester and Utica children were too short to be significant in this connection. 82 Children who were out o f work less than a week in all during their work histories were not counted as unemployed fo r this computation. 83 Child Labor in New Jersey— Part 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p. 4 2 ; Industrial Instability o f Child W orkers, p. 25. 84 Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 53. “ Child Labor in New Jersey— P art 3, The W orking Children o f Newark and Paterson, p 4 1 : Industrial Instability o f Child W orkers, n. 2 5 ; An Experim ental Study o f Children, p. 603 ; The Product o f the M inneapolis Public Schools, Report of Superintendent o f Schools to the Board o f Education, January, 1931, p. 25. " A n Experimental Study o f Children, pp. 565 and 568. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE WORKING GROUP 63 The findings o f the Cincinnati study, and also of the Children’s Bureau study in Milwaukee,87 revealed that the boys and girls from the upper scnool grades had a somewhat better record for steadiness o f employment than the children from the lower grades. Similarly, in Rochester the boys and girls from the eighth and higher aca demic grades had made somewhat fewer changes in position than those from the lower academic grades and nonacademic grades and vocational classes. Twenty-nine per cent of the boys from the eighth and higher grades, compared with 18 per cent of the boys from grades lower than the eighth and 16 per cent from nonacademic grades, had changed positions less than once within a 12-month period. On the other hand, 27 per cent of the boys from the upper grades, compared with 49 per cent from the lower aca demic grades and 50 per cent of those from nonacademic grades, had changed positions two or more times a year. The girls also from the higher grades changed positions less often than those from the lower grades, showing a relationship between grade attain ment and stability that might not be expected in view of the fact that the grade accomplishment o f the girls and the amount o f time they had been out of work were not related. The group of Utica boys and girls with work histories of one or more years was too small to make a satisfactory analysis of the relation of their grade accomplishment to the average number of changes in their positions. The figures available show the same tendency as in Rochester; that is, that children who were eighthgrade graduates averaged fewer changes in position than children who had not completed the elementary school grades. 87 An Experimental Study o f Children, pp. 602, 6 0 3 ; Employed Boys and Girls in Milwaukee, p. 56. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis THE NONWORKING GROUP Among the boys and girls between 14 and IT years o f age who had left regular school, and so were included in the study, were a small number, principally girls, who had not been employed out side their own homes—in Rochester 311 (8 per cent) and in Utica 128 (11 per cent). Included in this nonworking group in Rochester were 283 girls and 28 boys. The predominance o f girls was due no doubt to the fact that girls who desired to leave school were able to get employment certificates for domestic work at home, whereas only in exceptional cases were certificates for such work issued to boys. Most of these young persons, both boys and girls, had com pleted the legal age and grade requirements for leaving school for work; more than four-fifths o f the girls but only 6 of the 28 boys had received employment certificates. In general, this group of young persons, both boys and girls, had been out of school a suf ficiently long time prior to the date of the study to have had an opportunity to find regular employment if they had made an effort to do so ; about one-half of them had left school at least six months before the date of the study. They differed little from the working boys and girls in the ages at which they had left school, in their school training, and in their grade attainment. The Utica boys and girls who had not been employed included 9T girls and 31 boys. Most o f them had completed the required age and grade before leaving school and so were eligible for workcertificates when they obtained the promise of a job. But nearly three-fourths (69 of the 97 girls and 25 o f the 31 boys) were with out employment certificates or permits for work at home. Like the Rochester boys and girls, they had been out of school a considerable period, nearly one-half at least six months, so that they had had time to look for work. Like the nonworking group in Rochester, they were not appreciably different from the working boys and girls in the ages at which they had left school, in grade attainment, and in school progress. A 64 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The 3,416 employed boys and girls in Rochester, N. Y., and the 997 in Utica, between the ages of 14 and 17, included in the study are believed to constitute most of the minors of these ages in each city in the spring o f 1927 who had been employed since leaving the regu lar day schools. This number includes all the boys and girls who were enrolled in the part-time schools of the two cities on the date the study was made and also a small number who had left full-time day schools but had not enrolled in the part-time schools in com pliance with the school attendance laws. In addition to the em ployed boys and girls, the study included 311 Rochester and 128 Utica young persons, chiefly girls, who had left the regular full-time schools but had not been employed outside their own homes. About two-thirds o f the employed boys and girls in Rochester and three-fifths in Utica were 16 years of age on the date the study was made; m ost-of the remainder were 15 years; only 3 per cent in Rochester and 4 per cent in Utica were 14 years o f age. The legal regulations o f New York State were one of the princi pal factors in the school-leaving age of the working boys and girls o f Rochester and Utica, but they were by no means the only factors, as the differences in the ages at leaving school o f the boys and girls in the two cities indicate. Differences in the nationalities of the families, in the opportunities for employment, and in the educa tional facilities for vocational training available were among the other factors involved. More than one-third of the Rochester boys and girls and more than two-fifths o f those in Utica had left school at the age of 14 or earlier, and most of the remainder in each city had left at 15. (See footnote 10, p. 6.) Among the working boys and girls in both cities were many, especially in Rochester, who had continued to attend school after they had completed the age and grade requirements for work certificates. The grade attainment of the Rochester boys and girls can not be readily compared with that of the Utica boys and girls, as about twofifths of the former had had vocational work in industrial and com mercial subjects in addition to work in academic subjects. In Utica very few had been enrolled in vocational training classes. Fiftytwo per cent of the Rochester boys and 62 per cent o f the girls had completed eight grades either in academic work only or in academic and vocational work. Thirty-six per cent o f the Utica boys and 45 per cent o f the girls had finished eight grades in academic subjects. The amount o f school retardation found among the working boys and girls o f Rochester at the ages of 14 and 15 did not appear to be unusual, either among children with or without vocational training, compared with that among children of the same ages throughout the country as a whole. A relatively large proportion o f the Utica working children, 60 pep cent o f the boys and 50 per cent o f the,girls o f 14 and 15, were re65 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 66 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIRLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTIOA tarded as compared with 40 per cent of the boys and 32 per cent o f the girls o f the same ages attending schools in the country. This retardation may be due in part to the large proportion o f Utica boys and girls who came from families in which the father at least was foreign born. The group intelligence tests given the employed boys and girls in Rochester showed that their mental ability did not equal that of the children of the sixth grade of the public schools o f the city. These findings concerning the relative mental ability o f working and of school boys and girls correspond with those o f other studies. Such studies have also shown, as does this one, that mentally superior children are to be found among the working children as among the general school population, although they are fewer in proportion to the total number concerned. The length of time that the boys and girls had had an opportunity to work (that is,.the length of time between beginning work and the date o f the study) varied from a few days to nearly three years; the average period was about 10 months in each city. The occupations o f the boys and girls in these two cities when all jobs are considered were chiefly factory, store, and errand occu pations, for which little skill or special training is generally required, as in other cities where studies of working children havfe been made. About two-fifths of the jobs that the Rochester boys and girls entered before they were 16 and about one-half of the jobs entered by those o f 16 were in manufacturing and mechanical industries, chiefly as factory operatives. Only a small percentage of the boys, jobs were as learners or apprentices in a skilled trade. The boys in nonmanufacturing industries were chiefly errand workers or salesboys and helpers in restaurants; the girls were bundle and cash workers in stores, salesgirls, telephone, clerical, or domestic workers. The kinds o f work the Utica boys and girls did was much the same as in Rochester, except that many more o f the girls were factory operatives and very few were clerical workers. On the whole, as would be expected, the boys and girls o f 16 in each city had a wider and better choice of work than the younger children. Factory occupations, which were more common for the boys and girls of 16 years in each city, frequently offer an oppor tunity for advancement to better-paid work. Errand work, on the other hand, in which relatively fewer of the older than o f the younger children were employed, offers little opportunity. The school work in industrial subjects that the Rochester boys had in regular school apparently did not influence the kind of work in which they actually found employment, doubtless chiefly because they had too short a period o f training or because they had gone to work too young to enter the occupations to which their courses were related. The girls who had had commercial training, on the other hand, often succeeded in getting clerical work. The young persons’ wages depended partly on their ages and on the length o f time they had been at work and were slightly higher in Rochester than in Utica. The wages varied in each city with •the kind of work the children did, especially in the case o f boys and girls o f 16 years. In Rochester the wages of the boys o f 16 em ployed as factory operatives and clerical workers at the time o f https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis SU M M ARY AND C O N C L U S IO N S 67 the study were higher than in other occupations; the wages o f the girls who were telephone operators and clerical workers were highest, the wages of factory workers somewhat lower, and the wages o f sales and errand girls lowest o f all. In Utica factory operatives o f both sexes received better wages than store and errand workers. In Rochester the wages that the boys received were about the same for those with or without vocational training; the girls, however, with commercial training received, on the whole, somewhat higher wages than the girls without such training. That boys and girls who begin work under 16 have little unem ployment was found to be true o f the working children included m the Children’s Bureau studies in Newark, Paterson, and Mil waukee as well as in other studies o f young workers. The boys and girls of both New York cities also had been employed for the greater part of the time since they first began work, the Rochester workers somewhat more continuously than those in Utica. A de pression in the Utica textile industry no doubt accounted for part of the unemployment of boys and girls in that city. The Rochester boys with work histories o f at least a year had been unemployed for 11 per cent and the girls for 14 per cent o f the time since beginning work. The Utica boys had been unemployed for 19 per cent and the girls for IT per cent o f the time. The number o f different positions that the children had held ranged from 1 to 14, depending on the length o f their work histories. About two-thirds of the children in each city had been employed in two or more positions. The majority o f those who began work under 16 and had worked 1 year or more had made few changes in position within a 12-month period; 59 per cent of the Rochester boys and 76 per cent of the girls had made no change or only one change in position in the year. Most of the Rochester boys and irls who had seldom changed positions had also been unemployed ut little, so they may be considered stable workers. A small group in each city had changed positions repeatedly and had also expe rienced a great deal of unemployment. School attainment was associated to some extent with the amount of unemployment the young workers reported. The Rochester boys and the Utica boys and girls who had completed eight grades or more tended to have a little less unemployment than those from the lower grades. Grade attainment and superior mental ability was definitely related to the kind o f work of the Rochester boys and girls. Those from high-school grades and with relatively good mental ability (intelligence quotients o f 100 or more) were likely to be employed in clerical work rather than in factory and store work. In Utica, where the young workers were seldom from grades higher than the eighth and had not had commercial training, school progress and grade attainment did not appear to influence the chil dren’s occupations. In neither city was there a clear relationship between school progress and grade attainment and wages. One o f the recommendations o f the recent White House Confer ence on Child Health and Protection, held in Washington in No vember, 1930, as o f the Child Welfare Conference o f 1919, was an age minimum o f 16 years for regular employment. In connection with this recommendation and with the proposals that have been f https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 6 8 EM PLOYED BOYS AND G IR L S IN ROCHESTER AND U T IC A made to raise the age minimum for employment in New York State, certain facts brought out in this study of the working boys and girls o f Rochester and Utica should again be noted; such as the small proportion o f the employed children who were 14 years o f age and the tendency, at least in Rochester, for even those children who utlimately go to work before they are 17 to remain in school longer than is required under the law. The lack o f educational content in much o f the work in which the children under 16 years o f age were employed indicates that employment before that age is o f little value to the children industrially. Furthermore, the lack of rela tionship between the vocational training received while in regular school by the Rochester boys and girls and the kinds o f work avail able to them when they entered industry suggests the need for a resurvey o f the vocational courses offered, in the light of the oppor tunities for future employment for boys and girls. A recognition of this need by the Rochester school authorities is indicated by changes that have been made in vocational training since the time o f this study. The intensive vocational courses are now limited to the senior high schools and the work in the junior high schools has been placed upon an industrial and practical arts basis, giving the younger student work with a variety o f materials and a broader experience in different individual processes. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Appendix A.— TABLES SHOWING ALL OCCUPATIONS T a b l e I .— Industry and occupation of each regular job and age at beginning each jo b ; Rochester Regular jobs Total Age at beginning each job Industry and occupation of each regular job Per 14 Num cent years 15 dis ber tribu and years under tion 16 Not re years ported 645. 2,523 1,182 15 Industry and occupation reported........................................... 4,346 100 640 2,512 1,179 15 194 1,980 4 46 •57 214 96 1,102 40 655 1 9 271 Learners......... .............. ............................................... 274 Helpers and laborers................. - ................... ............. Operatives (except floor boys)_____________ ____ —. 1,279 6 6 29 29 29 129 147 166 703 92 78 442 3 1 10 3 22 9 5 1 54 25 6 31 60 94 63 28 14 232 175 1 22 83 50 37 41 5 101 102 1 1 3 26 1 84 2 40 3 1 6 24 6 1 3 3 1 4,365 Agriculture...................................................................... Manufacturing and mechanical______________________ Other factories______________________ ________ 7 63 146 167 110 74 20 387 305 Iron, steel, and metal factories________________ Furniture and woodworking factories__________ Other occupations________________________- ........_. 150 6 Professional service__________________________________ 37 Learners___________________________ _____________ Other occupations_______________________________ 7 30 (1) (i) 1 3 4 3 2 9 7 C1) (l) 1 6 4 20 198 5 26 129 43 Waiters and servants in restaurants and hotels_____ Other occupations___ ___________________________ 33 89 76 1 2 2 2 15 9 26 58 45 5 16 22 Other industries or occupations......................................... 1,937 45 337 1,161 435 Learners__ "________________________ ____ ________ Sales and stock boys in stores.................... ............... Stock boys in factories..._____ __________________ _ Teamsters, drivers, and helpers_________________ Telegraph messengers....... _______________________ Messenger and errand boys_____ ______________ __ 11 302 32 173 268 744 7 1 4 6 17 2 44 5 15 54 168 5 174 20 100 175 447 4 83 7 58 38 129 Office and mail boys in factories_______________ Other_______________________________________ 61 683 1 16 11 157 33 414 17 112 Shipping clerks______ ____ _______________________ Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers__ Other clerical workers____________________________ Others_________________________________________ 67 16 159 165 2 10 1 17 21 40 9 92 99 16 6 49 45 5 11 3 In d u stry and occupation n o t reported ._ __ _ * 19 (l) <*) 4 4 1Less than 1 per cent. 6d https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 5 3 4 1 1 l 1 70 T EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIELS IN ROCHESTER AND UTICA able I .—Industry and occupation of each regular job and age at beginning each jo b ; Rochester — Continued Regular jobs Total# Age at beginning each job Industry and occupation of each regular Job N um ber Per 14 cent years dis and tribu tion under Girls................................................................................. 3,591 15 years 16 N ot re years ported 706 1,957 924 Industry and occupation reported________________________ 3,586 100 704 1,956 922 Agriculture_________________________________________ 8 Manufacturing and mechanical......................................... 1,502 <>) 42 3 266 4 836 1 400 1 4 2 243 15 8 777 4 4 384 Learners..................................... .......... ......... ............ 23 Helpers and laborers____________________________ 14 Operatives (except floor girls)..................................... 1,404 Button factories...........................—...................... Clothing factories, men’s_____________________ Electrical-supply factories____. _______________ Iron, steel, and metal factories________________ Furniture and woodworking factories_________ Optical-supply factories_________ ____ ________ Paper-box factories___________________________ Shoe factories______ _________________________ Other factories______________________________ 103 327 91 34 19 37 140 340 313 Floor girls............... ............................................. ........ Other occupations_______________________________ 55 36 Professional service__________________________________ 37 Learners________________________________________ Other occupations_______________________________ 4 33 Domestic and personal service_______________________ 434 f 1) 39 3 9 3 1 1 1 4 9 9 31 60 9 9 7 55 200 21 12 22 66 39 16 75 197 192 17 67 61 13 3 21 43 77 82 2 17 32 4 6 2 1 11 18 8 1 11 4 14 8 12 101 240 90 3 8 2 2 1 74 17 9 7 149 45 39 2 49 26 13 3 1 (i) 9 (‘) •Learners in skilled occupations_________________ Servants in private families______ ____ ___________ Waiters and servants in restaurants and hotels_____ Other occupations_______________________________ 10 275 88 61 Other industries or occupations___________ _____ _____ 1,605 45 323 858 423 Learners________________________________________ Sales and stock girls in stores_____________________ Stock girls in factories______. _______ _____________ Telephone operators— ___________________________ Messenger and errand girls.......................................... 4 539 25 99 341 («) 15 1 3 10 103 4 1 113 2 309 12 23 189 2 126 9 75 39 Office and mail girls in factories.......................... Other_______________________________________ 24 317 1 9 6 107 9 180 9 30 Shipping clerks............................................................. Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers... Other clerical workers____________________________ Others...__________________ ____________________ 2 262 309 24 7 9 1 47 53 2 1 135 174 13 1 80 82 9 Industry and occupation not reported___ _________________ 5 2 1 2 i Less than 1 per cent. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 4 (*) (») • 1 71 A P P E N D IX E S T able I I .—Industry and occupation of each regular job and age at beginning each jo b ; Utica Regular jobs Total Age at beginning each job Industry and occupation of each regular job Per 14 15 Num cent years dis ber tribu and years tion under 16 Not re years ported 148 749 244 33 Industry and occupation reported---------- --------------------------- 1,166 100 148 744 244 30 83 453 7 39 18 43 44 283 14 118 7 9 Alley boys............ - ..................................................... Operatives (except floor boys)____________________ 65 43 46 291 6 4 4 25 6 4 6 27 43 26 29 179 16 13 10 78 1 7 77 9 15 66 45 89 7 1 1 5 4 8 6 Clothing factories, men’s................. . ................... Iron, steel, and metal factories. . ....................... . . Furniture and woodworking factories........ ........ Other factories....................................................... 48 6 10 35 24 56 23 3 1 16 13 22 3 1 2 1 1 1,174 Agriculture........................ - .............. ................................ 8 1 6 1 3 3 i (‘) (1) 1 4 6 10 6 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 169 14 16 104 38 11 Waiters and servants in*restaurants and hotels_____ Other occupations....................................................... 13 83 73 1 7 6 1 6 9 7 51 46 5 19 14 7 4 Other industries or occupations---------------------------------- 455 39 69 311 72 3 3 58 3 35 35 97 7 3 24 1 1 3 94 24 1 Domestic and personal service...................................... . (>) Telegraph ’messengers____.*........................................ Messenger and errand boys---------------------------------- 4 83 4 52 46 145 4 4 12 1 9 1 10 7 23 Other........................... .......................................... 3 142 (0 12. 23 7 1 21 92 1 2 2 8 2 14 Sales and stock boys in stores____ ____ ___________ Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers----- Industry and occupation not reported____________________ i Less than 1 per cent. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 8 (i) (») 7 4 1 13 62 5 15 1 1 6 16 3 72 EMPLOYED BOYS AND GIBLS IN ROCHESTER AND UTlOA T a b l e I I .—Industry and occupation of each regular job and age at beginning each jo b ; Utica— Continued Regular jobs Total Age at beginning each job Industry and occupation of each regular job Num ber Per 14 cent 15 dis years and tribu under years tion 16 Not re years ported Girls............................................................................. . 1,148 220 698 212 18 Industry and occupation reported................... . ........... ....... 1,147 100 220 697 212 18 Agriculture_________ ______________________________ Manufacturing and mechanical____________________ 26 764 2 66 15 117 11 476 155 6 Learners______________________________________ Alley girls.................................................................. Operatives (except floor girls).................................. 5 2 706 (») (1) 62 3 1 102 2 1 452 146 6 Knitting mills_____________________________ Other textile mills_________________________ Clothing factories, men’s__________ ____ ____ Iron, steel, and metal factories....... .................. Furniture and woodworking factories________ Other factories.............. ..................................... 537 19 61 40 23 26 47 2 5 3 2 2 86 3 5 3 2 3 343 7 46 23 15 18 103 9 10 13 6 5 5 4 9 1 Floor girls___________________ _________________ 41 11 21 Professional service___________ ____________________ 4 (>j 1 3 Learners______________ ;_______________________ Other occupations_____________________________ 1 3 (») (») 1 1 2 32 83 21 !°j 9 2 1 28 2 2 2 53 18 10 1 15 2 3 6 2 2 124 36 2 86 28 1 2 3 4 2 23 5 1 1 3 1 Domestic and personal service___________________ _ 146 13 Learners in skilled occupations_________________ Servants in private families.._____________ _____ Waiters and servants in restaurants and hotels___ Other occupations_______ ; ___ _________________ 3 102 24 17 Other industries or occupations_____________________ 217 19 55 Learners_____________________ ________________ Sales and stock girls in stores_____________ ■._____ Messenger and errand girls_____________________ Shipping clerks_____________ ........... ................... . Typists, stenographers, cashiers, and bookkeepers. Other clerical workers__________________________ Others__________________________________ _____ 3 145 46 2 4 9 8 (1) 13 4 (1) (•) 1 1 1 35 12 Industry and occupation not reported___________ ____ _ 1 Less than 1 per cent. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 1 (I) 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 Appendix B.— LIST OF REFERENCES The follow ing is a list, arranged chronologically, o f studies and articles that take up the industrial histories o f boys and girls o f continuation-school age. Our B o y s ; A S tu d y o f 24 5 ,0 0 0 Sixteen, Seventeen* and E igh teen Y e a r Old E m ployed B oys o f the State o f N ew Y o r k , by H ow ard C. Burdge. State o f New York M ilitary Training Commission, Bureau o f Vocational Training. Albany, 1921. 345 pp. O ccupations o f Ju n ior W ork ers in D etroit. Vocational Education Department, School o f Education, University o f Michigan, Special Studies No. 1. Ann Arbor, 1923. 76 pp. The H ealth o f the W o r k in g Child. New York State Department o f Labor Special Bulletin No. 134, prepared by Bureau o f Women in Industry. Albany, 1924. 91 pp. H opkin s, L. T h om as: The In telligen ce o f C ontinuation-School Children in M assachusetts. H arvard University Press, Cambridge, 1924. 132 pp. The W o r k in g Children o f P h ila delph ia; a survey o f the work and working conditions o f 3,300 continuation-school children, by Anna Bassett Griscom, W hite-W illiams Foundation and the Junior Employment Service o f the Board, o f Public Education, Philadelphia, Bulletin Series, No. 3, September, 1924. 45 pp. A S tud y o f F iv e H u ndred E m ployed P u pils, by Helen M. McClure and Mar garet G. W oodside. Pittsburgh Public Schools, Department o f Vocational Guidance. Pittsburgh, 1925. 12 pp. C hildren A tte n d in g P art-T im e S ch ool in th e State o f N ew Y o r k , 1926. University o f the State o f New York, State Department o f Education, D ivi sion o f Vocational Extension Education. (M imeographed.) The P art-T im e S ch ool and th e P roblem Child, by Emily G. Palm er and Irvin S. Noall. Division o f Vocational Education o f the University o f California and o f the State B oard o f Education, Part-Time Education Series, No. 14, Division Bulletin No. 18. Berkeley, 1926. 72 pp. P u p il Personnel in P art-T im e Sch ools; a study o f the social composition, educa tional status, and current working conditions o f part-time school pupils. Made by the part-time education subcommittee o f vocational-education com mittee in the National Council o f Education. 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