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I /s. s: /o
U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
W. B. WILSON, Secretary

WOMEN’S

BUREAU

MARY ANDERSON, Director

BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU,

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION
LIMITING HOURS OF WORK
FOR WOMEN

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

1921




Sl_

[Public—No. 259—66th Congress.]
[H. R. 13229.]
AN ACT To establish in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the
Women’s Bureau.

Be it enacted ly the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be
established in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the
Women’s Bureau.
Sec. 2. That the said bureau shall be in charge of a director, a
woman, to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, who shall receive an annual compensa­
tion of $5,000. It shall be the duty of said bureau to formulate
standards and policies which shall promote the welfare of wage­
earning women, improve their working conditions, increase their
efficiency, and advance their opportunities for profitable employment.
The said bureau shall have authority to investigate and report to
the said department upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of
women in industry. The director of said bureau may from time to
time publish the results of these investigations in such a maimer and
to such extent as the Secretary of Labor may prescribe. .
Sec. 3. That there shall be in said bureau an assistant director, to
be appointed by the Secretary of Labor, who shall receive an annual
compensation of $3,500 and shall perform such duties as shall be
prescribed by the director and approved by the Secretary of Labor.
Sec. 4. That there is hereby authorized to be employed by said
bureau a chief clerk and such special agents, assistants, clerks, and
other employees at such rates of compensation and in such numbers
as Congress may from time to time provide by appropriations.
_
Sec. 5. That the Secretary of Labor is hereby directed to furnish
sufficient quarters, office furniture, and equipment for the work of
this bureau.
Sec. 6. That this act shall take effect and be in force from and
after its passage.
Approved, June 5, 1920.




U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
W. B. WILSON, Secretary

WOMEN’S

BUREAU

MARY ANDERSON, Director

BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU, NO. IS

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION
LIMITING HOURS OF WORK
FOR WOMEN




WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

1921




CONTENTS.
_

Letter of tranamittal..........................................................................................................
Introduction..................................................................
Method and scope of investigation..............................................................................
Reasons for reduction of hours in New Jersey..........................................................
Variation in employment of men and women between April and October, 1919.
Effect on men’s hours of decrease in women’s hours..............................................
Wages and reduction of hours..............................................
Production and reduction of hours..................................j.......................................
Methods of securing reduction of hours.......................................................
Discrimination against women.....................................................................................
Appendix..........................................................................................................................




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25




LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

U. S. Department

of Labor,
Women’s Bureau,

Washington, January 14, 1921.
Sir: Transmitted herewith is a report giving the results of an
investigation of some effects of legislation limiting the hours of work
for women. This investigation was undertaken for the purpose of
finding out to what extent, if any, women’s opportunities had been
limited on account of protective legislation.
A study was made in two States, Massachusetts and New Jersey.
Massachusetts has a 48-hour weekly law for women, which became
effective in 1919. New Jersey has a 60-hour weekly law, which has
been in effect since 1912. The facts were obtained for the year 1919.
The figures of the number of women were taken for one week in
April and one week in October of that year.
Valuable assistance was given by both the Massachusetts Depart­
ment of Labor and Industries and the New Jersey State Department
of Labor. The investigation was made by Mrs. Ethel L. Best and
Miss Helen Bryan. The report was prepared by Miss Mary N. Win­
slow.
Respectfully submitted.
Mary Anderson, Director.
Hon. W. B. Wilson,
Secreta ry of Labor.







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'

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION LIMITING HOURS
OF WORK FOR WOMEN.
INTRODUCTION.
Section 1. No female shall be employed in any manufacturing, mechanical or
mercantile establishment, laundry, hotel, public lodging house, apartment house,
hospital, place of amusement or restaurant or telegraph or telephone establishment or
office or by any express or transportation company in this State, more than eight
hours during any one day or more than forty-eight hours in one week. (California,
acts of 1911, ch. 258 amended acts of 1913, ch. 352.)

Labor laws regulating the employment of women in industry,
such as the one just quoted, are becoming more and more general
in the United States. Only five States—Iowa, New Mexico, Ala­
bama, Florida, and West Virginia—do not regulate in any way the
hours which women may work,1 while the 8-hour day is required for
women in some or all branches of industry in eight States, one
Territory, and the District of Columbia. The steady increase in
legislation of this type has been accompanied by a sudden broadening
of the sphere of women’s activities in industry brought about by
the war. The combination of these two movements, one putting
increased protection about the woman worker, while the other
exposed her presumably to greater risks but at the same time gave
her greater freedom and opportunity, has focused attention upon
the possibilities for adjusting the requirements of industry to conform
with necessary standards of protection for women workers.
It has seemed possible that special legislation regulating their
hours and conditions of work might hamper the free use of women
in industry. Substitution of men or children on work formerly
done by women might accompany legislation reducing women’s hours
or raising their wages, and might result in restricted opportunity
for them. There is also the possibility that industries themselves
might suffer if obliged to operate under shorter hours and higher
wages imposed by law while competing with rivals in other localities
where there are no such restrictions.
On the other hand, the beneficial effect of special legislation for
women has seemed so great that it would be most disastrous to
condemn it without a full and careful examination of the arguments
brought against it. These arguments have seemed logical and have
1 Indiana does not regulate daily hours in any way, but prohibits wort for women in manufacturing
between 10 p. m, and 6 a. m.




7

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

8

been accepted by many persons. There has not been, however, any
extensive collection of facts upon which to base definite conclusions
and form policies regarding such an important matter. It is for
this reason that the Women’s Bureau undertook a brief survey of
the effect of legislation limiting hours of work for women.
The present memorandum deals' primarily with the effect upon
women of legislation limiting their hours of work as observed and
contrasted in two industries in two States. Additional information
which was collected for other industries in either State is presented
also, as any material bearing on the subject seemed too valuable
to discard.
The two States chosen as the field of this investigation each em­
ployed large numbers of women in the same industries and under sim­
ilar labor conditions. In one, New Jersey, a 60-hour weekly law had
been in effect since 1912. The other, Massachusetts, had made effec­
tive a 48-hour law for women in 1919. Facts were obtained for the
year 1919, and figures of numbers employed were taken for one week
in April and one week in October of that year. Two industries were
chosen, rubber manufacturing and the making of electrical appli­
ances (including electric lamps). These industries were selected be­
cause their hours and wages were not affected by organization and
because women were employed in them on several operations where
men and children also worked, thus making possible a substitution
of men or children if desired.
A few textile plants also were visited in Massachusetts and New
Jersey, but conditions in the textile industry have only limited sig­
nificance in relation to legislation, as the industry adjusts the ques­
tions and wages through mutual agreement between employers and
employees, and the change to a 48-hour week had been made by
this means in Massachusetts before the passage of the 48-hour bill.
The survey was begun February 3 and completed May 17, 1920.
METHOD AND SCOPE OF INVESTIGATION.

The number of men, women, and children employed in each estab­
lishment visited in Massachusetts was taken for April, three months
before the law went into effect, and October, three months after it
had become effective. In a few instances some other spring or fall
months were chosen as more significant, being unaffected by local
or seasonal conditions. Numbers employed during the same period,
April and October, 1919, were recorded in New Jersey. The number
of children was so small and the figures as to the extent of their em­
ployment so difficult to secure accurately that it has seemed unnec­
essary to include them in this study.
Statements and opinions were obtained in both States as to general
or local conditions affecting the employment problems. The number



LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

9

of hours of decrease in each plant which shortened hours also was
obtained. Records were made of the firms that increased their time
or piece rates, or both, when hours were shortened, and the number
of women that were affected. Figures and opinions on comparative
output before and after hours were decreased were also obtained when­
ever possible.
Eighteen establishments manufacturing rubber goods and 19 man­
ufacturing electrical appliances were visited in New Jersey, while
records were secured in Massachusetts from 15 establishments manu­
facturing rubber goods and 13 manufacturing electrical appliances.
The significance of the material gathered from these sources de­
pends very largely on the period during which the reduction of hours
was made. If in Massachusetts it was found that factories had re­
duced their hours without waiting for the law to compel this action,
then the results of this reduction could in no way be laid to the opera­
tion of the law. If the plants had always been running on a 48-hour
schedule, making no reductions necessary, there would naturally be
no significant information available. Table I shows the time of the
reduction of hours and the number of plants covered by the investi­
gation in two States.
Table I.—Plants covered by investigation, showing period of reduction of hours and

number ofmen and women employed m October, 1919.
NEW JERSEY.

Number
Fac­
of Women
employed
tories
reporting. in Octo­
ber, 1919.
No decrease in hours reported....
Decrease at some period other than April-Octoher, 1919... .
Decrease between April and October, 1919.......................
Total.........................................................

Number
of men em­
ployed in
October,
1919.

16
13
. 8

11,363
2 2,950
4,058

37

3 8,371

3
25 j

*9
11,998

« 81
31,574

* 12,007

* 31,655

1 4, 379
2 7,280
4,243

MASSACHUSETTS.
No decrease in hours reported..................................................................
Decrease at some period other than April-Octoher, 1919.........................
Decrease between April and October, 1919.........................

28
1 Four plants did not report numbers.
2 Three plants did not report numbers.

* Seven plants did not report numbers.
* Two plants did not report numbers.

In Massachusetts every one of the establishments visited had
reduced its hours at some time, and therefore could give certain
information about the effect of such reduction on numbers of women
employed, rates of pay, and production. The fact that 28 plants
had reduced their hours either immediately before or after the 48hour law went into effect seems to indicate that the law was largely
34573°—21---- 2



SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

10

responsible for tlie reduction and justifies tbe use of material gath­
ered from these plants upon which to base conclusions about the
effect of the law.
The value of the facts gathered in New Jersey for comparison with
the Massachusetts figures is also indicated in this table. Only 8 of
the 37 plants visited changed their hours during the period from
April to October, 1919, when the law was bringing about such whole­
sale reductions in hours in the Massachusetts branches of the same
two industries. Increases or decreases in the number of women em­
ployed during this period can be laid, therefore, chiefly to conditions
in the industry and will serve as a basis against which to balance the
changes in Massachusetts. Twenty-one plants in New Jersey had
reduced hours without legal compulsion and it was possible to secure
from them facts on rates of pay and production, which information
hears directly upon the effect on the labor force of any reduction in
hours, although the effect of a law is not shown.
REASONS FOR REDUCTION OF HOURS IN NEW JERSEY.

The general tendency throughout the country toward shorter
working hours is illustrated very clearly in New Jersey, where more
than half the plants had reduced their hours without legal compul­
sion. There were two main reasons given for making the change
to shorter hours when this change was not brought about by law.
One typical reason was given by the manager who said that he had
reduced his. hours because neighboring plants manufacturing the
same product worked shorter hours and he could not get labor
without having a shorter day. This result of competition between
establishments running short and long hours contradicts the claim
of those who say that a plant which works short hours will be driven
out of business when it must compete with a rival who can operate
more hours a day.
Another reason frequently given by the employers in New Jersey
for shortening their hours was that they “felt it would make the
workers more interested and would not hurt production.” And the
manufacturer was not in the minority who added, “the result has
proved that we were right.” This reaction to the shorter workday
was found in many cases and was illustrated most clearly by one
employer who stated that he believed that by working fewer hours
and paying higher wages he got better and more efficient girls and
his turnover was almost negligible. He said that although it probably
cost him 5 cents an hour more for each girl he made this up easily in
increased production because of greater efficiency, fewer mistakes, a
better ciass of more highly skilled girls, and a lower labor cost because
of the small labor turnover.




LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

H

VARIATION IN EMPLOYMENT OF MEN AND WOMEN BETWEEN
APRIL AND OCTOBER, 1919.

Table II shows the change between April and October in the number
and proportion of men and women employed in all of the establish­
ments visited. The figures in this table assume special significance
when it is remembered that 25 of the 28 factories in Massachusetts,
in contrast to only 8 of the 37 factories in New Jersey, reduced their
hours during this period.
Table

II —Variation between April and October, 1919, in number of men and women
employed m the rubber and electrical industries.
NEW JERSEY.

Number of employees.
Industry.

Men.
April.

Rubber: Number........
Per cent....................
Electrical: Number...
Per cent.....................
Total: Number...........
Per cent..................

6,771
81.2
7,618
51.9
14, 384 i
62.5 j

W omen.

October.

April.

October.

7,493
82.6
8,409
55.3

1,570
18.8
7,068
48.1

1,583
17.4
6,788
44.7

15,902
65.5

8,638
37.5

8,371
34.5

Total.
April.

October.

8,341

9,076

14,681

15,197

23,022

24,273

MASSACHUSETTS.
Rubber: Number...
Per cent...............
Lloctrical. Numbui.....
Per cent...................

68.4
12,295
,5.7

69.2
14, 847
76.4

O,
31.6
3,954
24.3

7,131
30.8
4,576
23.6

Total: Number..........
Per cent....................

26,965
71.6

72.5

28.4

111,707
27.5

21,435

23,139

16,249

19,423

37,684 --------------42,562

--------------------------------------------!is°tabIeCt0ry emp,oying 800 men and 300 women gave no figures for April and therefore is omitted from

In the appendix to this report detailed figures for each plant in
each industry and State are given. Table II is a summary of these
four itemized accounts.
.
The number of women employed in New Jersey decreased
3.1 per cent, while the number in Massachusetts increased 9.2
per cent, between April and October,

The total number of workers increased in both industries in both
States. In New Jersey the total increase amounted to 1,251, or 5.4
per cent of the number hi April ; in Massachusetts the total increase in
numbers was 4,878, an increase of 12.9 per cent. It is a very striking
fact that with conditions in the two industries causing in both States
an increase in the total number of employees, there was a decrease in
the number of women employed in New Jersey, while in Massachu­




12

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

setts there was an increase in the number of women employed almost
proportional to the increase for all employees. In this case in Massa­
chusetts a restriction of the use of women did not accompany a
restriction of their hours.
The figures giving, by industries, the numbers and percentages of
men and women employed show the relative importance of women as
a labor factor in the two States. In Massachusetts women consti­
tuted nearly one-third of the workers in the rubber industry, while
in New Jersey they were less than one-fifth of the total number
employed. On the other hand, 44.4 women in every 100 workers
were employed in the electrical industries investigated to New Jersey,
while in Massachusetts the women hi the electrical industries
amounted to only 23.4 out of every 100 workers.
These differences in the relative importance of women in the two
industries and States, which offset each other in the totals for both
industries in each State, are due mainly to the difference in the
product in the two States. The larger proportion of women in the
Massachusetts rubber factories is explained by the fact that gum
shoes are produced in large quantities in that State, and this work is
chiefly done by women, while the New Jersey factories manufacture
tires, hard rubber, rubber hose, belting, etc., requiring heavy lifting
and molding, on which processes men are employed. The smaller
proportion of women in the Massachusetts than in the New Jersey
electrical appliance factories is chargeable also to the product. In
Massachusetts the factories -visited were chiefly employed in making
electric motors, magnetos for starting and lighting systems, and
rheostats, which is work on which more men than women are used,
while in New Jersey electric lamps, filaments, and small motors were
manufactured to a large extent. This is lighter work and requires
more women. The Massachusetts plants, however, as well as those
in New Jersey, reported a shortage of women workers.
In studying the effect of any outside force on the numbers of women
employed, it is the change in proportion which is of the most real
significance. A change in number's would not necessarily show that
the importance of women in the industry had increased or decreased;
it might only mean that the industry had enlarged or curtailed its
activities as a whole, leaving the status of its women employees
unchanged. A change in the proportion of women employed, how­
ever, is a more reliable indication of a change in their status in the
industry, although it may mean that the product has been changed,
necessitating a greater or less use of women. This fact was taken into
consideration during the investigation, and careful inquiry was made
as to any changes in process or product which would have affected
the proportion of women employed. No such condition was dis­
covered in any of the plants visited.



LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

13

The proportion of women employed decreased 3^ per cent in
New Jersey, but only nine-tenths of 1 per cent in Massachusetts,
between April and October, 1919.
These figures show very conclusively that, in spite of the law regu­
lating their hours of work, the relative importance of women in two
Massachusetts industries was not lessened in anything like the same
degree as it was during the same period in New Jersey when there
was no law to hamper their increase in importance to the industry.
This difference in the change in status of the women in New
Jersey and Massachusetts is all the more arresting when the extent
of the reduction in hours in the factories in the two States is considered.
Table III shows that 11 of the 25 factories (nearly 50 per cent) in
Massachusetts which reduced hours between April and October,
1919, made a reduction of over six hours in the working week, while
in New Jersey, where the proportion of women decreased more than
in Massachusetts, five of the eight factories (or more than 50 per
cent) which reduced hours between April and October mado reduc­
tions of less than six hours. The Massachusetts factories not only
reduced hours hi greater numbers hut also to a greater extent than
the New Jersey factories, while the proportion of women employed
decreased less than one-third as much.
Table

III.—Number offactories which reduced hours between April and October, 1919,
by number of hours reduced per week.
NEW JERSEY
Number of hours reduced.
Industry.
1 and
2 and
3 and
4 and
5 and 6 and
7 and
8 and
under 2. under 3. under 4 under 5. under 6. under 7. under 8. under 9.

Rubber.......................................
Electricai..................................

1

2

Total................................

1

2

Total.

1
2

1

1

8

3

8

3

1

8

MASSACHUSETTS.
Rubber..................................
Electrical............................
Total.................................

3

3
4

1
1

1

1

3

7

2

2

1

10
26

In comparing the conditions in the two States it is not only the
number of factories which reduced hours which is important for
consideration but also the number of women employed in those
factories. A very much larger number of women were employed
in the factories reducing hours in Massachusetts than in New Jersey
and their hours were reduced to a greater extent. Table IV shows
the change in numbers and in proportion of men and women employed



SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

14

in the factories included in the investigation which reduced hours
between April and October, 1919.
IV.—Number and per cent of men and women employed before and after change
of hours in factories which reduced hours between April and October, 1919, by number
of weekly hours reduced.

Table

MASSACHUSETTS.

NEW JERSEY.

Hours reduced.

Number of Number of Increase(+) Number of
persons em­ persons em­ or decrease persons em­
ployed in (—) April to ployed in
ployed in
April:
October.
October.
April.

Number of
persons em­
ployed in
October.

Increase (+)
or decrease
(—) April to
October.

Wom­ Men. Wom­ Men. Wom­ Men.
Men. Wom­ Men. Wom­ Men.
en.
en.
en.
en.
en.
1 hour and under 2:

1,201
62.2

2 hours and under 3:
3 hours and under 4:

15,773
81.1
978
20.0

3,907
80.0

871
21.8

3,122 -106
78.2 +1.8

-785
-1.8

4 hours and under 5:
5 hours and under6:
6 hoursand under 7
7 hours and under 8
8 hours and under 9

2,039
73.7

728 + 838 - 3
26.3 + 11.5 -11.5

3,679 18,217
80.3
18.9

4,470 +2,444 + 791
19.7 — 0.8 + 0.8

731
37.8

224
68.3

104
31.7

213
66.1

+5
109 11
33.9 — 2.2 + 2.2

68
85.0

12
15.0

70
80.5

2 + 5
17 +
19.5 - 4.5 + 4.5

879
76.9

264
23.1

957
77.3

281 + 78
22.7 +0.4

+ 17
-0.4

43
15.9

227
84.1

33
15.5

180 10 - 47
84.5 — 0.4 + 0.4

435
56.9

329
43.1

479
59.4

328 + 44
40.6 +2.5

-1
-2.5

8,899
61.0

5.685
39.0

9,620
61.9

5,911 + 721 + 226
38.1 + 0.9 — 0.9

984
92.0

85
8.0

1,222
93.1

90 +238
6.9 + 1.1

+5
-1.1

672
71.3

270
28.7

582
67.3

283 - 90 + 13
32.7 — 4.0 + 4.0

6.4

94.3

22 -123
5.7 +0.7

11
-0.7

93^6

Per cent.............
Total:

Wom­
en.

3,761
44.9

4,618 i 3,892 i 3,843 + 131
49.7 +b.
50.3
55.1

+3,894 + 990
-771 26,880 10,708 a 30,774 * 11.698
-5.4 71.fi 1 28. 5 72.5 27. +_ 1.0 - 1.0

1 One establishment employing 351 men and 215 women reduced hours during April and October, but
<lid notreoort the extent of the reduction, so is not included in this table.
t One electrical establishment employing 300 women and 800 men reduced hours between April and Oc­
tober, but did not give the number employed in April, so is not mcluded m this table.

Over 5,600 women were employed in April in eight Massachusetts
factories which reduced their hours six but less than seven a week,
but in October the same factories were employing over 5,900 women.
In New Jersey a reduction of between three and four hours a week
affected the largest group of women, 3,907 employed in April in two
electrical factories, and in October these same factories employed
only 3,122 women.
Clearly the Massachusetts law does not seem to have placed the
women of that State in a less desirable relationship to industry than
that held by their sisters working in similar industries in the neigh­
boring State. A greater number of women had their hours reduced
to a greater extent in Massachusetts than in New Jersey, but in spite
of that fact the proportion of Massachusetts women was reduced
only nine-tenths of 1 per cent while the proportion of New Jersey
women dropped more than 3 per cent during the same six months.



LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR AVOMEN.

15

EFFECT ON MEN’S HOURS OF DECREASE IN WOMEN’S
HOURS.

Another very important aspect of the reduction of hours for women
is that it is frequently accompanied by a corresponding shortening of
hours for men. The introduction of women into factory or work­
shop has often resulted, because of legislative requirements surround­
ing the conditions under which women work, in the improvement of
general conditions for all employees, men as well as women. Just as
the polling place has become cleaner and more presentable since
women have started using it, so has the factory in many instances
shown the influence of the higher standards which are imposed where
women work. It is most striking to see in the table next presented
that far from bringing women to work as the unsuccessful competi­
tors of men who could work longer hours, the reduction of hours for
women has in many cases given the men a “free ride” to shorter
working hours for themselves.
.
Table V.—Establishments where hours were reducedfor men as well as women, by num­

ber of men employed in October, 1919, and by number of hours reduced.
NEW JERSEY.

Number -of facto­
ries
reducing
hours—

Number of men
employed in Oc­
tober in factories
reducing hours—

Hours reduced.
During
some During At some
period of At
period of
other
other
investi­
investi­
time.
time.
gation.
gation.
1 and under 2 hours..................................
2 and under 3 hours...........................
3 and under 4 hours.................................
4 and under 5 hours.......................
5 and under 6 hours......................................
6 and under 7 hours...........................
7 and under 8 hours..........................................
8 and under 9 hours...................................
9 and under 10 hours.................................
10 hours and over.............................

2

i1
1
81

4
872
1
23
1

699
479
1,222
362

>2,094
2,623
935
90

1

Total.......................................

6

10

-

3,634

742

MASSACHUSETTS.
1 and under 2 hours..................................................
2 and under 3 hours......................................
3 and under 4 hours...................
4 and under 5 hours...........................
5 and under 6 hours.................................
6 and under 7 hours...............................
7 and under 8 hours....................................

6
2
1
1
68
2

1
1

51
14,238
213
70
33
9,620
319

*

21

3

24,544

Total..........................................................

*1

1

c)

(1
6) 2 * * *
81
81

1 Numbers were not reported in one plant.
2 In one plant hours for men were reduced from 54 to 48, for women from 50£ to 48.
8 When hours for women were reduced from 56 to 48, hours for men were reduced from 57 to 48 per week.
\‘In one of these establishments hours for men were reduced 2 k per week when hours for women were
reduced 7 per week.
® Not reported.
G .Figures taken for November-




SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

16

When hours were reduced for women they were also reduced for
58.9 per cent of the men in New Jersey and for 77.7 per cent of the
men in Massachusetts.
Twenty-four of the 28 factories that reduced hours in Massachu­
setts either during the period from April to October, 1919, or at
some other time had reduced hours for men as well as women, and
in 16 of the 21 factories in New Jersey which had reduced their
hours, men shared with the women in the reduction. No facts were
discovered in this investigation which would explain the larger pro­
portion of men in Massachusetts than in New Jersey who shared in
the reduction of hours. One reason, however, probably is the general
recognition which is coming about that the 8-hour day is not an
abnormal requirement and should be the right of every worker, man
or woman. Naturally this recognition is more general in a State
like Massachusetts where the 8-hour day as a standard is sufficiently
established to have been incorporated in the law for women’s hours
than in New Jersey where the 10-hour day for women is still accepted
as a reasonable basis for work.
Of course many establishments in New Jersey have accepted the
trend of the times and have put their employees in the army of
8-hour-day workers, but a remarkable lack of appreciation of the
advantages of the shorter working day was shown by several of the
managers who were interviewed during the course of the investiga­
tion. It seemed extraordinarily inconsistent, but was unfortunately
not rare, for the office employee who was working 8 hours a day at
clerical work to insist that, for the factory workers in her establish­
ment “10 hours a day and 55 a week is not a bit too long; people
want to get off with nothing these days. Ten hours is only a fair
day’s work.” Ten hours a day, 55 a week—for the other fellow—
was a good idea.
WAGES AND REDUCTION OF HOURS.

Eight-hour shifts are of questionable value to a worker if to obtain
an adequate wage she is obliged to seek supplementary work or to
speed up her work in the factory until, because of her increased
efforts, the sum total of her fatigue is as great as under the longer
hours. The testimony of the manager of one plant running on three
8-hour shifts showed that adequate wages must accompany the 8-hour
day if the benefit of the shorter hours in the plant is not to be can­
celed by supplementary work taken outside to eke out an insufficient
wage. The girls on the 7 a. m. to 3 p. m. shift, he said, were often
found to be working elsewhere at night, while those on the 3 p. m.
to 11 p. m. shift were chiefly young married women who had little
children to look out for, and many of them took in washing besides
working in the factory.



17

LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

If hours are shortened and time rates are not increased, the time
worker’s weekly wage naturally is lessened. If piece rates are not
increased, the worker may earn less or may increase her speed while
at work so that an equal amount is produced during the shorter work
period, thereby maintaining her weekly wage at its previous level.
Table

VI.—Changes in wage rates in establishments reducing hours, by number of weekly
hours reduced.
NEW JERSEY.

Number of establishments
Number of weekly hours reduced.

No in­
crease
in rates.

1
4 and under 5......................................................

Increase Increase
in time in piece
rates
rates
only.
only.

1

which gave—

Increase
in time
and
No report.
piece
rates.

Total.

1
2
1

1
1
2

...........
Total..........................................................

1

5

1

1

l

21

MASSACHUSETTS.

3 and under 4......................................................

2
4
1
1

l
2
1
1
1
2

Total..........................................................

1

7

1

1
1

17

2 i

Table VI shows that more than one-half of the establishments in
each State increased both their time and piece rates when hours were
reduced. Seven of the 28 plants in Massachusetts and 5 of the 21 in
New Jersey increased only their time rates, expecting the piece­
workers to make up the extra wage through an increased hourly
output. In one factory manufacturing rubber goods in Massachu­
setts, when hours were reduced from 54 to 48 an increase of pay was
given equivalent to three hours a week, but the workers were expected
to make up the other three hours’ pay through increased production.
Similar arrangements were found in various other factories, but a
straight increase in time and piece rates was more often the rule
than the exception.
Among the group of employers who increased only the time rates
when hours were decreased there seemed to be a perfect confidence
in the ability of the pieceworker to look out for her own wage in­
crease. “What has increased pay got to do with decreased hours?’




18

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

exclaimed one manager. “My men were told they must keep up
production and turn out the same amount. Our output was not
reduced by our shorter hours.” This point of view, and the fact
that the pieceworkers frequently justified the expectations of their
employers and increased their rate of production, accounts for the
large proportion of the plants (one-fourth) which increased only the
rates of the time workers.
PRODUCTION AND REDUCTION OF HOURS.

To what extent the increases in wages were repaid to the manage­
ment in the form of increased production can be shown in this report
only by an account of the statements made by various managers.
It was impossible to make a study of production under the short and
long hours, but the subject was carefully gone over with the manage­
ment of each plant and any information or opinions vouchsafed were
recorded. Table VII shows the effect of shorter hours on production
as stated by the employers in 14 New Jersey and 21 Massachusetts
establishments.
Table VII.—Effect on production of shortened hours, according w opinion of manage­

ment in establishments which shortened hours, by number of weekly hours reduced.
NEW JERSEY
Number of establishments
where production was—
Total.

Number of hours reduced.
Main­
Increased. tained.

De­
creased.

21
2

32

13
I
12
2
1

3
1
3
4
3

2

9

3

14

1
2
1

2
1

Total..................................................................................................
MASSACHUSETTS.

3 and under 4.............................................................................................

1
41

1
*3
2
Total.................................................................................................

4

8

4'
2
9

1
4
3
1
1
7
4

21

1 In one plant production was maintained in some departments only.
a Decrease not due to change in hours.
3 In one plant production increased in some departments only.
4 Eight per cent additional women workers were employed.
6 In a few departments only, in one plant.

In 12 of the 21 establishments in Massachusetts production was
increased or maintained in spite of the reduction in hours, while
11 of the 14 establishments in New Jersey reported increased or main


LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

19

tamed production. There seems to have been no definite relation­
ship between production and the number of hours decreased. The
plants which maintained or increased production reduced their
hours anywhere from one to eight a week, while the plants which
reported a decrease in production decreased hours from two to eight
a week.
Whether a report would be of decreased or increased production
depended occasionally upon the amount of time which had elapsed
since the reduction in hours. The manager of one electrical plant
in Massachusetts said that when he reduced his hours from 53 to 48
a week some of the operatives came up to their former records for
production within two weeks after hours were shortened, others took
a month to catch up, and he thought a few slow ones would never
equal their former records. The work about which these statements
were made was winding filaments and operating machines for making
and filling electric-fight bulbs,- on both of which processes the human
element and efficiency are great factors.
•
This gradual increase of production after a reduction of hours was
' not a universal experience, however. Many employers reported an
immediate stimulation of production accompanying a reduction of
hours, followed by a decline in production after the workers had
become accustomed to the new schedule.
The variability of the effect of shorter hours when applied to
different processes was strikingly illustrated by accounts from the
textile trade, where the work is so largely governed by machinery
and the quality of material that the efforts of the worker have a
relatively slight effect on the production rate. The opinion given
by one expert on industrial statistics was that in the textile industry
output would probably show a falling off in proportion to the number
ol hours that had been reduced, as the machines were already speeded
up to the limit and any increased speed would simply result in break­
ing threads. In candy or box making he thought the comparative
output between the 54 and 48 hour week would show up better, as in
these industries there are more hand processes and more piecework.
This statement was borne out by several girls who were employed
in cotton mills and who agreed that a weaver could not turn out as
many cuts a week at present as under the old 54-hour week. They
felt, however, that some of this decrease in production was due to a
poorer quality of cotton which was being used. Although the looms
had been speeded up since the reduction in hours, continual break­
ing of threads, caused by the increased speed and poor quality of
cotton, had prevented an increase in production. This constant
breaking of the threads and the more rapid operation of the machinery
made the work much more difficult and fatiguing, so that, in their
opinion, the shorter hours were of hardly any benefit at all. On the




20

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

other hand, a representative of the National Amalgamation of Textile
Workers asserted that for a weaver there was a special advantage
in the shorter work day. Weaving requires daylight, and for that
reason the last hour of work under artificial light amounts to practi­
cally nothing for several months during the winter.
While the production figures for the weaving process seem to
indicate that increased production is more difficult to bring about
where the rate of the machine largely governs the activities of the
worker, figures from the same industry but from other processes in­
dicate that wThen the efficiency of the worker is an important factor
the rate of production is very likely to increase with a decrease of
hours. One process in the textile industry which is dependent wholly
on the deftness of the worker is called “reneedling.” As its name
implies, this process consists of threading a vast number of needles
and requires good eyesight, great concentration, and well coordinated
movements of the hands. One girl reported to the investigator that
she had done this work for six years. She said she could do much
more work under the 48 than she did under the 54 hour week. A
year ago she said she could average about 32,000 needles a day,
while under the 48-hour week she could thread from 39,000 to 41,000
each day.
It is on this kind of work that the most immediate result can be
seen when hours are shortened, and there are more instances of this
sort among the rubber and electrical than among the textile in­
dustries. One very striking statement was made by a New Jersey
manufacturer of electric lamps. He said that during the preceding
summer, when business was slack and they wanted a decrease in
production of 5,000 lamps a week, they decreased their hours from
50 to 44 a week. In spite of the six hours decrease the number of
lamps produced per week remained at the original amount, no loss
of production having occurred at all. Some months later it was
decided to decrease hours permanently from 50 to 48 a week; when
this reduction was made a slight falling off occurred in the machine
departments, but that was made up in the hand departments, so that
the total output of the factory remained the same.
The manager of a plant in New Jersey making rubber belting,
hose, and molded goods reported an increase in output each time
hours were reduced, and gave the following figures covering these
increases of output per month per individual:




Year.

Hours.

Average
pounds
produced
per
month.

57J
55
48

1,014
1,031
1,033

LIMITING HOLES OP WORK FOR WOMEN.

21

Thus with only 2| hours’ decrease in 1918 the average monthly
output per man increased 1.7 per cent. In 1919, when there was a
decrease of 7 hours weekly, the monthly output per man increased
0.2 per cent. It was stated that no special improvements in machin­
ery or organization were instituted during this time.
Throughout this investigation there was found a very general
feeling that it is more difficult to maintain production through rod ucing hours in industries largely dependent upon machinery which has
already been speeded up almost to the limit of efficiency. Speaking
in general terms, it might be stated that where the machine follows
the worker shorter hours will usually result in production being
maintained and occasionally increased; in occupations where the
worker follows the machine, production is more likely to decrease,
sometimes almost in proportion to the number of hours decreased.
In this connection it is interesting to find the following statement in
the report for 1919 of the chief inspector of factories and workshops
in England:
When the production depends almost entirely on the speed of machinery—as in
cotton or woolen spinning—the output is said to be reduced in a proportion nearly, if
not fully, corresponding to the reduction in hours. In other machine operations which
call for constant alertness on the part of the operator (e. g., weaving) output has not
suffered to this extent, and, in exceptional cases, has scarcely been affected at all.
In a third class of process, where output is largely or entirely dependent upon the
exertion of the worker, there is frequently no loss in production; indeed, in one whole­
sale tailoring establishment an increase of 40 per cent is reported (partly due to reor­
ganization); while in a boot factory, where the hours of work were reduced from 52 to
48 per week, there was a considerable increase in output.

In industries where the processes are such that an increased rate of
production is hardly possible, compensation for decreased output
caused by shorter hours of work must be looked for over a consider­
able period in the better health and contentment of the workers,
resulting in less absenteeism, fewer accidents, and a decreased labor
turnover.
Of course the change of hours is not the only element which might
tend to lessen production. Lack of material, or material of inferior
quality as in the cotton mill cited above, frequently hampers the
output of a plant. Several employers felt that increased irregularity
in reporting for work was one important factor in lessened output.
Many of the manufacturers interviewed reported much absenteeism,
due partly to illness but largely, they felt, to the high wages which
enabled the workers to take a day off when they wished. Actual
figures on this subject were difficult to obtain, but in one case the
possibility appears that this “absenteeism,” of which so much has
been heard, may not have increased so alarmingly after all. One
manager who complained bitterly about this condition, which recently
had become so much more serious, was able, at the request of the
Women’s Bureau representative, to get actual figures. He found,
much to his surprise, that absenteeism in his plant amounted in



22

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION

January, 1919, to 4.3 per cent of the total time and in January, 1920,
to 4.4 per cent, an increase of only one-tenth of 1 per cent.
The improvement of working conditions and the installation of
labor-saving devices are very important companions of a reduction
of working hours. It was interesting to hear the reports of careful
surveys of methods of work and arrangement of material which
accompanied the shortening of hours. If the sole result of the shorter
hours were to be stimulation to better and more efficient manage­
ment, it would be sufficient justification for such a measure. The
increased conservation of human energy through careful methods
and arrangements of work and machinery is part of the great future
of industry, and decreasing labor with increasing productivity can
eventually mean only a fuller, freer life for all workers.
“Of course,” said the manager of one plant reporting increased
production and decreased hours, “whenever hours are shortened
every labor-saving device is put in and careful efficiency studies are
made so that much saving is accomplished. When hours were re­
duced from 54 to 50 the same methods were used and there was no
decrease in output.”
The report of another manager in an establishment manufacturing
a rubber product in Massachusetts said that when the shorter week
was put into effect a careful study was made of each process to see if
it was done with as little waste and as much efficiency as possible.
Piece rates were not increased but weekly earnings of pieceworkers
were the same under the shorter hours. During the year this firm
made no change in its selling prices. The cost of labor had been
increased, owing to shorter hours, but it had been compensated for
by better management and more efficient organization in the plant.
The general output of the plant was better under the new week than
under the old, but this manager thought that if the same labor-saving
devices had been installed under the 51-hour week the output would
probably have been greater than under the existing 47-hour regime.
A most striking example of increased output due to the inaugura­
tion of shorter hours and a 10-minute rest period in every hour was
reported in a factory manufacturing rubber hose. A force of six
girls on six machines was turning out an average of 3,000 feet of hose
a week. It became necessary to increase production to 25,000 feet
of hose a week, while it was impossible to obtain any new machines.
At first a night shift of men was put on to operate the six machines,
but this arrangement was not successful, as the men were not so
attentive workers as the girls had been and turned out a defective
product. Another and more successful arrangement was accordingly
inaugurated. Two 8-hour shifts of women were installed, making
a total working day for the plant of 16 hours. Seven women were
employed on each 8-hour shift to attend the six machines which had
formerly been operated by six girls working 10 hours a day. Six
of these seven women were at the machines while the seventh was



LIMITING HOURS OF WORK FOR WOMEN.

23

employed as a relief girl and relieved each of the other girls for 10
minutes out of each hour. The relief did not begin until the last
10 minutes of the first hour, but the relief girl helped the others start
their machines during the first 50 minutes. The average weekly
output under this system was 32,000 feet of hose. The production
per girl per hour under the original 55-hour week was 9.1 feet (3,000
feeth-(6 girlsX 55 hours)). Under the new schedule of two S-hour
shifts a day for six days, 96 hours a week, the production per girl
per hour was 24.2 feet. This was an increase in rate per girl per hour
of 166 per cent. The entire amount of this increase can not, however,
be charged against the shorter hours and provision of relief periods,
for the speed of the machinery was increased from 40 to 74 revolu­
tions a minute. But even if this increase of 85 per cent in the speed
of the machinery had resulted in a proportionally increased rate of
production there would still be left an increased rate of 81 per cent
which can be directly traced to shorter shifts and the relief periods.
A manufacturer of belting in Massachusetts told the investigators
that in 1918 he employed 28 women 52% hours a week. Their pay,
on a time rate, 'was $8.87 a week. In October, 1919, he was employ­
ing 8 women 48 hours a week, at a weekly wage of $14.12. The
rate of pay had increased as soon as the 8-hour law went into effect;
“and now,” he said, “we are doing more business with fewer em­
ployees, and women on shorter hours than ever before.”
METHODS OF SECURING REDUCTION OF HOURS.

On the whole, opinions as well as definite facts given by the mana­
gers of the various factories seemed to show that a reduction of work­
ing hours was a good thing from their point of view. The best
method of obtaining that reduction, whether by law or by arrange­
ment between the workers and the employers, was not so unani­
mously agreed upon. A representative of the Associated Industries
in Massachusetts said he felt that the general sentiment of manufac­
turers was against legislation and more in favor of agreements with
the workers themselves through their organizations. He thought
that the benefit to be derived from legislation depended entirely
upon the way it was administered and that this administration was
often more harmful than helpful. On the other hand, agreements
between employers and employees were, in his opinion, easy to change,
whereas legislation eould not be undone so easily.
The weak point in this statement was strikingly brought out by a
representative of the National Amalgamation of Textile Workers.
In spite of his position in the trade-union movement this man said
that he believed general labor legislation to be a good thing. He
said:
Of course, certain industries need legislation and benefit by it more than others,
but it does not harm any workers in any industry. The textile industry employs so



24

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION LIMITING HOURS.

many women and minors, and the workers represent so many nationalities, that it ia
hard with this conglomerate mass of workers to enforce their demands or agreements
through the organization. For example, the cotton textile workers generally have an
agreement with the manufacturers for a 48-hour week. In Massachusetts,because of
legislation, this 48-hour week is easy to enforce. In Rhode Island there is an agree­
ment between the workers and the manufacturers but no legislation, so enforcement
is very difficult, the agreement is often not lived up to, and there is continuous feeling
and strife about it. Having a 48-hour law doesn’t prevent an organization from trying
for shorter hours, and if there isn't any law.there is nothing to prevent the manu­
facturers from trying to get longer hours, and that means fighting all the time.

By whatever means it was brought about, however, there was
almost no evidence of any desire for a return to longer hours after
the 48-hour week had been given a trial, from the manager, who felt
it was "bound to come” and the one who said "you couldn't get a
manufacturer in Massachusetts to go back to the 54-hour week” to
the girls who said they would even be willing to get less pay to have
the shorter hours.
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN.

In only one case was it found that the restriction of women’s
hours was going to restrict their opportunities. The Massachusetts
manager of an electrical appliance factory told a representative of
the Women’s Bureau that he found the work of women perfectly
satisfactory and would hire more of them if he could work them over­
time. But because under the law he could not do this he would
hire no more women. It would seem that the necessity to forego
the opportunity to “work overtime” would not be an insupportable
hardship for the women employed in this plant, and that the testi­
mony of many other women who had benefited from the shorter day
would offset this one evidence of "discrimination.”
Substitution of men or minors for women because of the difficulty
of arranging women’s hours to conform with the law was not found
to exist in any of the plants visited. On the contrary, the demand
for women workers seemed to exceed the supply in most localities.
One manager reported that he had put boys in the stator core­
winding department, where only women had previously been
employed, but he had done this because he could not get enough
women. He said he had found that women were so much steadier
and more dependable than men on similar work that he preferred to
hire them, even though their hours of work were limited.
None of the many working women interviewed in the course of
this investigation reported any discrimination against them since the
8-hour law went into effect, and the great majority reported that the
increased time for rest and recreation had been of great benefit and
that the decreased working hours had resulted in only a lew instances
in reduced pay.




APPENDIX.
Table 1.—Number and per cent of men and women employed in IS 1 rubber establish­

ments in New Jersey in April and October, 1919.
Per cent of total number
employed.

Number of—
Total number.
Number of estab­
lishment.

Men.

Women.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

10..................................
11..................................
12..................................
13..................................
14..................................
15.................................

290
194
395
2 984
780
702
177
100
963
748
146
8 485
329
393
85

290
212
390
1,222
560
699
258
131
1,551
816
162
8 362
351
399
90

95
20
70
2 85
400
197
67
23
75
46
33
8 33
221
38
167

Total................

6,771

7,493

1,570

1....................................
2....................................
3....................................
4....................................
5....................................
6.................................. .
7....................................
8....................................

Octo­
ber.

Men.

Women.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

101
385
23
214
55
465
90 2 1,069
380
1,180
169
899
112
244
20
123
98
1,038
53
794
23
179
8 22
8 518
215
550
46
431
176
252

391
235
445
1,312
940
868
370
151
1,649
869
185
8 384
566
445
266

75.2
90.6
84.9
2 92.0
66.1
78.1
73.0
81.3
92.8
94.2
82.0
8 93.6
59.8
91.2
34.0

74.2
90.2
87.6
93.0
59.6
80.5
70.0
86.8
95.0
93.9
88.0
8 94.3
62.0
89.7
34.0

24.7
9.4
15.1
28.0
33.9
21.9
27.0
18.7
7.2
5.8
18.0
8 6. 4
40.2
8.8
66.0

25.8
9.8
12.4
7.0
40.4
19.5
30.0
13.2
5.0
6.1
12.0
8 5.7
38.0
10.3
66.0

9,076

81.2

82.6

18.8

17.4

1, 583

8,341

Octo­
ber.

—

1 Of the 18 factories visited 3 gave no figures on numbers employed.
1 Numbers given for March as being more representative than April.
3 Numbers given for January and July as being more representative than April and October.

Table 2.—Number and per cent of men and women employed in 151 electric appliance

manufacturing establishments in New Jersey in April and October, 1919.
Per cent of total number
employed.

Number of—
Total number.
Number of estab­
lishment.

Men.

April.

Total................

Octo­
ber.

Women.

April.

Octo­
ber.

Men.
April.

183
150
365
3 641
185
395
2 337
460
344
1, 232
45
429
435
2,372
40

183
50
218
34
455
90
594 2 2, 562
184
23
395
8
278 2 1,345
670
80
461
91
1, 326
312
100
300
498
731
479
329
2,623
843
45
270

50
233
36
184
120
455
2,012 *3,203
40
208
6
403
1,110 3 1,682
94
540
140
435
247
1,544
480
345
838
1,160
328
764
949
3,216
338
310

7,613

8,409

6,788

7,088

14,681

Octo­
ber.

April.

233
78.5
254
81.5
575
80.2
2,606 220.0
224
88.9
401
98. 0
1,388 2 20.0
664
85.2
601
79.1
1, 573
79.8
580
13.0
1,336
37.0
807
57.0
3,572
73.8
383
12.9
15,197

51.9

Octo­
ber.

Women.

April.

78.5
85.8
79.1
22.0
82.1
98.5
21.0
85.8
76.7
84.3
17.2
37.0
59.0
73.4
11.7

21.5
18.5
19.8
2 80.0
11.1
2.0
2 80.0
14.8
20.9
20.2
87.0
63.0
43.0
26.2
87.1

21. 5
14.. 2
20.9
78.0
17.9
1.5
79.0
14.2
23.3
15.7
82.8
63.0
41.0
26.6
88.3

55.3

48.1

44.7

! 2*19 Stories visited, four gave no figures on numbers employed.
2 JNumbers given for March as being more representative than April.




Octo­
ber.

25

26

SOME EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION LIMITING HOURS.

Table 3.—Number

and per cent of men and women, employed in 15 rubber establishments
in Massachusetts in April and October, 1919.
Per cent of total number
employed.

Number of—
Total number.
Number of estab­
lishment.

Men.

Women.

Men.

Women.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

1...................................
2...................................
3...................................
4..................... -...........
5...................................
6...................................
7...................................
8...................................
9...................................
10...................................
11...................................
12...................................
13...................................
14........................... .
15...................................

787
392
1. 523
894
92
740
82
68
93
4, 055
188
4, 413
385
622
336

834
263
1,338
1,400
106
1 928
94
70
98
4,242
213
4,693
481
860
388

747
28
1,448
150
81
494
81
12
234
567
161
2,434
99
103
126

927
15
1,311
229
102
1 619
90
17
234
601
166
2,438
123
115
144

Total.................

14,670

16,008

6,765

7,131

April.

Octo­
ber.

1,761
1,534
420
278
2,971
2,649
1,044
1,629
173
208
1,234 i 1, 547
163
184
87
80
327
332
4,622
4,843
379
349
6,847
7,131
604
484
725
975
532
462
21,435

23,139

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

51.3
93.3
51.3
85.6
53.2
60.0
50.3
85.0
28.4
47.7
53.9
64.5
79.5
85.8
72.7

47.4
94.6
50.5
85.9
51.0
1 60. 0
51.1
80.5
29.5
87.6
56.2
65.8
79.6
88.2
73.0

48.7
6.7
48.7
14.4
46.8
40.0
49.7
15.0
71.6
12.3
46.1
35.5
20.5
14.2
27.3

52.6
5.4
49.5
14.1
49.0
140.0
48.9
19.5
70.5
12.4
43.8
34.2
20.4
11.8
27.0

68.4

69.2

31.6

30.8

1 Numbers given for November as being more representative than October.

Table 4.—Number

and per cent of mem and women in 101 electric appliance manu­
facturing establishments in Massachusetts in April and October, 1919.
Per cent of total number
employed.

Number of—
Total number.
Number of estab­
lishment.

Men.

Women.

W omen.

Men.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

Octo­
ber.

April.

142
43
7,134
3,383
657
113
493
51
194
85

119
33
8,157
3, 981
1,500
104
483
51
333
81

23
227
1,622
570
400
649
100
231
121
11

19
180
2,204
726
400
559
85
243
151
9

165
270
8,756
3, 953
1,057
762
593
282
315
96

138
213
10, 361
4,707
1, 900
663
573
294
484
90

86.0
15.9
81.5
85.6
62.2
14.8
83.1
18.1
61.6
88.5

86.2
15.5
78.7
84.6
79.0
15.7
85.1
17.3
68.8
90.0

14.0
84.1
18.5
14.4
37.8
85.2
16.9
81.9
38.4
11.5

13.8
84.5
21.3
15.4
21.0
84.3
14.9
82.7
31.2
10.0

Total................. 12, 295

14,847

3, 954

4,576

16, 249

19,423

75.7

76.4

24.3

23.6

1...................................
2...................................
3...................................
4...................................
5...................................
6...................................
7...................................
8...................................
9...................................
10...................................

1 Of the 13 factories visited two gave no figures on numbers employed and one was not running in April.




O

PUBLICATIONS OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU.
BULLETINS.

No. 1. Proposed Employment of Women During the War in the Industries of Niagara
Falls, N. Y. 16 pp. 1918.
No. 2. Labor Laws for Women in Industry in Indiana. 29 pp. 1918.
No. 3. Standards for the Employment of Women in Industry. 7 pp. 1919.
No. 4. Wages of Candy Makers in Philadelphia in 1919. 46 pp. 1919.
No. 5. The Eight-Hour Day in Federal and State Legislation. 19 pp. 1919.
No. 6. The Employment of Women in Hazardous Industries in the United States.
8 pp. 1919.
No. 7. Night-Work Laws in the United States. 4 pp. 1919.
No. 8. Women in the Government Service. 37 pp. 1920.
No. 9. Home Work in Bridgeport, Conn. 35 pp. 1920.
No. 10. Hours and Conditions of Work for Women in Industry in Virginia. 32 pp.
1920.
No. 11. Women Street Car Conductors and Ticket Agents. 90 pp. 1921.
No. 12. The New Position of Women in American Industry. 158 pp. 1920.
No. 13. Industrial Opportunities and Training for Women and Girls. 48 pp. 1920.
No. 14. A Physiological Basis for the Shorter Working Day for Women. 20 pp. 1921.
CHARTS.

No.
I.
No. II.
No. III.
No. IV.
No.
No.

V.
VI.

No. VII.
No. VIII.
No. IX.
No. X.

Eight-Hour and Eight-and-a-Half-Hour Laws for Women Workers.
Nine-Hour Laws for Women Workers.
Ten-Hour-Laws for Women Workers.
Ten-and-a-Quarter-Hour, Ten-and-a-Half-Hour, Eleven-Hour, and TwelveHour Laws for Women Workers.
Weekly Hour Laws for Women Workers.
Laws Providing for a Day of Rest, One Shorter Work Day, Time for
Meals, and Rest Periods for Women Workers.
Night-Work Laws for Women Workers.
Home-Work Laws in the United States.
Minimum Wage Legislation in the United States. 3 sections.
Mothers’ Pension Laws in the United States. 4 sections.