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The Economy in Perspective

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

Two thumbs up … Judging by the pandemonium
breaking loose in financial markets and the headline coverage it is receiving, one would think the
world as we knew it had come to an end. Well, in
a way it has, because the world as we knew it
had come to be regarded as one of infallible
progress and unbounded prosperity. The world
as we knew it had become an economic utopia,
the promised land where debtors never default,
recessions no longer happen, and nations can
expand output at high rates forever. World economic prowess had become a tale of epic proportions, a story never before told, a fasten-yourseat-belt blockbuster.
There is little question that profound scientific,
industrial, and political forces are at work around
the globe, creating the elements of large-scale
drama. The silicon chip is to today’s economy
what the combustion engine and electric motor
were to previous epochs. With Europe uniting,
the Soviet Union disintegrating, Southeast Asia
transforming, and China emerging, it is undeniable that the future of human civilization around
the globe offers many intriguing plot lines.
Among these, of course, is the happy prospect of
unprecedented global prosperity.
Now here is a heartwarming script if ever
there was one, and very marketable too. After
decades of Cold War espionage thrillers, atrocity
chillers, and New Age terrorist dramas, the time
had come for a feel-good story. What could appeal more to the “me generation” than a plot that
makes this global rags-to-riches tale come true
within our lifetime, before our very eyes? Not
only that, but how about making the world safe
for democracy by transforming the whole world
into a democracy? What an image: Developing
nations tumbling to free-market economics as
easily as we once imagined them falling like
dominos to Communism!
The economic world as it had come to be imagined made for good box office, but its run has
ended. The world economy as it actually exists is
a far less predictable and comfortable place than
that dreamy celluloid depiction. What made that
show such a hit was people’s very human tendency to fantasize about life, confounding what

we wish reality to be with reality itself, forgetting
that movies regularly rely on stunt doubles and
special effects. Economic booms and busts arise
mostly from human fallibility, which creates
scenes that cannot simply be re-shot when the action disappoints the director’s vision.
Monetary policymakers, like everyone else,
would prefer light-hearted scripts and happy endings. But while others have license to suspend
disbelief and reach for the popcorn as the lights
dim, policymakers do not. They can’t get so comfortable in their seats that they forget to be skeptical about what they are viewing. Americans sometimes regard this skepticism warily, as one might
look askance at the fellow who doesn’t cheer with
the rest of the audience. And, yes, central bankers
can become so self-conscious about not enjoying
the show that they lose their objectivity and succumb to human error, too.
The Federal Reserve has not been following the
script consistently throughout this economic expansion. Early on, the Fed fostered monetary conditions that were initially thought to be too easy
for an inflation fighter. During 1994, according to
those in the mainstream, it tightened too much
and too quickly. Yet, the expansion unfolded and
inflation did not accelerate. According to conventional wisdom, the Fed should have tightened
policy throughout 1996 to head off inflationary
pressures. But the Fed did not follow conventional wisdom, the expansion’s tempo quickened,
and the expected pressures failed to materialize.
When the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board
spoke of irrational exuberance in the stock market, he was “shushed” for talking too loudly just
as the action was reaching fever pitch.
Right now, according to the script, the Federal
Reserve should be easing monetary policy aggressively to combat a global economic Armageddon.
The next scene calls for our central-bank action
heroes to bring law and order to Russia, reinvigorate Asia, and protect Latin America, all without letting the U.S. economy miss a beat. That’s a tall
order for any movie star. Come to think of it,
though, people have gotten used to seeing a few
villains left standing when the picture ends; they
know that a sequel is already on the way.

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Monetary Policy

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Growth rates are percentage rates calculated on a fourth-quarter over fourth-quarter basis. Annualized growth rate for M2 and MZM in 1998 is calculated on
an estimated September over 1997:IVQ basis; for the sweep-adjusted base, 1998 growth is calculated on a July over 1997:IVQ basis.
b. The sweep-adjusted base includes an estimate of required reserves saved when balances are temporarily shifted from reservable to nonreservable accounts.
NOTE: Data are seasonally adjusted. Last plots for M2 and MZM are estimated for September 1998. Dotted lines for M2 and the monetary base are FOMCdetermined provisional ranges. Dotted lines for MZM represent growth in levels and are for reference only.
SOURCE: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

The monetary base continues to
grow at a rate slightly higher than
its FOMC-determined provisional
growth range of 5%. When adjusted for sweep accounts, which
move balances automatically into
money market deposit accounts
(MMDAs) to avoid reserve requirements on transactions deposits,
the base has grown at a 6.5% annual rate through July (the most
recent month for which sweepaccount data are available). No
provisional range is set for this
measure of the base, but its growth
rate is slightly lower than the 7.6%

growth of 1997.
M2 growth continues to outstrip
the upper bound of its 1% to 5%
provisional range, having grown
year-to-date (using its September
estimated value) at a 7.75% annualized rate.
MZM has grown at a rate exceeding 12% year-to-date through September; it has also approached
growth of more than 17% (annualized rate) from August to September, after growing at a 14% annual
rate from July to August. MZM’s
rapid growth from August to September is attributable to increases in

savings deposits and money market
mutual funds. Increased savings deposits, in turn, may result from the
high volatility and precipitous fall of
equity prices in recent months. Savings deposits are certainly a more
stable short-term location for one’s
money than the stock market. Similar justification could be given for
the rise in money market mutual
funds. These funds have been
called a parking lot for money taken
out of the stock market. It can also
be argued that an increase in
money market accounts has been
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Constant maturity.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Chicago Board of Trade.

required to provide the necessary
liquidity for the higher volume of
equity trading.
The federal funds rate has remained relatively stable around the
target effective rate of 5.5% set in
March 1997. However, the notion
that a funds rate drop will be enacted in the foreseeable future
seems to be widespread. Implied
yields on federal funds futures indicate that traders in that market
anticipate a softening of policy on
the order of 50 basis points by the
end of the calendar year and more
than 75 basis points before the end
of 1999:IQ.
Both long- and short-term inter-

est rates have fallen off recently.
During the week of August 18, the
weekly average interest rate on the
30-year Treasury bond (constant
maturity) fell below 5.5% for
the first time since the constant
maturity measure’s inception in
1977. In that same week, conventional mortgage rates dropped beneath their previous low of 6.74%,
which was reached the week of
October 22, 1993.
Although they are not approaching such record-low levels, shortterm interest rates have been falling
quickly as well. The constant maturity rates on the 1-year and 3-month
Treasury bills converged at a level

of about 4.75%. This represents a
drop-off in the weekly average of
over 60 basis points in seven weeks
for the constant-maturity, 1-year
T-bill rates, and a fall of almost
35 basis points in the same period
for the weekly average of constantmaturity, 3-month T-bill rates.
Some observers claim that over
the past year or so, the Federal Reserve has effectively tightened
monetary policy by leaving the federal funds rate unchanged in the
face of a drop in inflation. That is,
the Fed has allowed an increase in
the real interest rate — the nominal
interest rate less inflation. It is cer(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

Comparison of Real 3-Month T-Bill Yields
(Percent, monthly averages)

Average for

Corea

Trimmedb

Medianc

1998

2.73

2.96

2.15

1968–98

1.31

1.54

1.43

1988–98

1.77

1.97

1.80

1968–98

1.42

1.42

0.72

1988–98

0.96

0.99

0.35

Difference, 1998 versus

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. CPI less food and energy.
b. 16% trimmed mean CPI.
c. Weighted median CPI.
SOURCE: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

tainly clear that the real interest rate
tends to be low during periods of
loose monetary policy (for example, the mid- to late 1970s) and
high when policy is tight (the early
to mid-1980s).
However, using the real interest
rate to argue that the Fed has
recently tightened policy depends
crucially on how inflation is measured. For example, using the core
CPI (CPI excluding food and
energy) to measure inflation shows
a run-up in the real interest rate following the last federal funds rate
increase in March 1997. For 1998,
this measure of the real interest rate

is 1.42 percentage points higher
than its average value for the
1968 – 98 period and 0.96 percentage point above its average for the
10 years ending August 1998.
Like the core CPI, the 16%
trimmed mean CPI excludes the
CPI’s more volatile components.
Again, the increase in the real interest rate following the federal funds
rate increase in March 1997 can be
readily seen. The behavior of this
real interest rate is generally similar
to that of the core CPI.
Research at the Cleveland Fed
indicates that the median CPI is a
better measure of the underlying

inflationary process than either the
core CPI or the 16% trimmed mean
CPI. Since March 1997, this measure
of the real interest rate has been relatively unchanged. Furthermore, its
average value for 1998 is 0.72 percentage point higher than its average for 1968–98 (half that of the
other measures) and only 0.35 percentage point higher than its average for the past 10 years (roughly
one-third of the other measures).
On the basis of the median CPI, it
would be difficult to argue that policy has tightened over the past year
and a half.

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Interest Rates

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. All instruments are constant-maturity series.
b. 10-year Treasury constant-maturity bond yield minus market yield on 10-year TIPS bond.
c. The real interest rate and the expected inflation rate, from the Survey of Professional Forecasters, are calculated using the 30-day T-bill rate.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia,
Survey of Professional Forecasters; Bloomberg information services; and Wall Street Journal, various issues.

The yield curve has continued to
move down and flatten, showing an
inversion at some rates. The shift is
quite noticeable in comparison to
the yield curve of one year ago,
which was itself slightly flat by historical standards. The closely
watched 3-year, 3-month and 10year, 3-month spreads stand at –16
and zero basis points. Such a flat
yield curve traditionally has indicated either slow economic growth
or low expectations of inflation. Certainly in the 1990–92 period, real
factors proved more important, and

the spread widened despite a sustained fall in inflation. Inflation has
dominated more recently, although
in 1998 inflation and the spread have
again moved in opposite directions.
The spread between nominal 10year Treasury bonds and 10-year
Treasury inflation-protection securities (TIPS) provides a more direct
measure of inflationary expectations
than does the yield spread. TIPS
yields have declined slightly in September, but the steeper drop in
Treasuries has decreased the spread
from 175 basis points in July to 101

basis points in late September. This
may indicate a reduced fear of inflation, but it may also reflect a flight to
quality in safe, liquid Treasuries,
which do not include the relatively
illiquid TIPS.
A shorter-term measure of real
rates and expected inflation can be
uncovered by combining nominal
rates with professional forecasts of
inflation. Such results (which must
be used cautiously) show a steady
decline in expected inflation since
early 1997, with a barely noticeable
upturn in the most recent month.

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Home Ownership: The American Dream

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

SOURCES: Freddie Mac; and DRI/McGraw–Hill.

Despite recent setbacks in the stock
market, low mortgage rates and
high consumer demand continue to
make 1998 a banner year for home
sales. Early this summer, the National Association of Home Builders
announced that new home sales
had reached the highest point in
more than 20 years. Sales of previously owned homes have been especially strong, with a projected
volume of 4.77 million units. If the
current rate continues, total home
sales for 1998 are projected to reach

5.65 million, higher than any year
on record.
The interest rate on a 30-year,
fixed-rate mortgage has declined
dramatically since the early 1980s,
and the average rate is now 6.66%.
Comparatively low rates and a
strong employment market have
made homes affordable for more
Americans, and intense demand is
driving up home prices; in some
areas, such as Florida’s western
coast, they have risen as much as
20% over last year’s levels. Even in
the staid Midwest, 9% increases

over 1997 prices have occurred in
cities like Detroit.
Low mortgage rates, gains from
stock market investments, and a
general perception of economic
well-being have also redesigned
homes. Today’s dream house differs
substantially from 1975’s and costs
much more, partly because added
amenities are now considered
“basic.” More bedrooms and bathrooms, gourmet kitchens, and other
luxuries have raised the average
price of a new home to more than
$175,000 in current dollars.

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Inflation and Prices
August Price Statistics
Annualized percent
change, last:
5 yr.

1997
avg.

1.7

2.5

1.7

2.1

2.4

2.6

2.2

2.6

2.7

3.0

2.9

–0.9

–0.8

1.0

–1.2

1.1

0.9

1.2

0.0

Commodity futures
pricesc
–0.4 –19.4 –16.6

–1.2

–3.5

1 mo.

3 mo.

All items

2.2

1.7

Less food
and energy

2.8

Mediana,b

2.6

Finished goods –4.5

12 mo.

Consumer prices

Producer prices
Less food
and energy

–0.8

FRB Cleveland •October 1998

a. Calculated by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.
b. In May 1998, the median CPI component structure and market basket were updated, and the weighting scheme was revised.
c. As measured by the KR–CRB composite futures index, all commodities. Data reprinted with permission of the Commodity Research Bureau, a Knight–Ridder
Business Information Service.
d. Upper and lower bounds for CPI inflation path as implied by the central tendency growth ranges issued by the FOMC and nonvoting Reserve Bank presidents.
e. Blue Chip panel of economists.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland; Commodity Research Bureau; and Blue Chip Economic
Indicators, March 10 and September 10, 1998.

Consumer prices increased an annualized 2.2% in August, yielding a 12month percent change that continues
to hover just under the lower bound
of the Federal Open Market Committee’s (FOMC) central tendency range
for the year (1.75%). The median
CPI, an alternative measure of inflation, increased an annualized 2.6% in
August. Price declines outweighed
price increases as the Producer Price
Index (PPI) fell an annualized 4.5%
for the month. Food and energy

prices continued their slide, but the
PPI excluding these volatile components also dropped an annualized
0.8%. Commodity futures prices held
steady in August, after falling 36.5%
(annualized) in July.
Economists responding to September’s Blue Chip Survey forecast that
the consumer price trend will increase significantly from its current
mark. The CPI is running close to the
consensus forecast for the beginning
of 1999, but is expected to be rising

at a 2.1% annualized rate by 1999:IIQ
and at a 2.4% pace by the end of the
year. However, the distribution of responses to the most recent Blue Chip
CPI forecast shows over 70% predicting that consumer prices will increase between 2.2% and 2.7% in
1999. This is a substantial shift from
the March 10 survey, in which far
more forecasts called for inflation in
excess of 2.7%.
(continued on next page)

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Inflation and Prices (cont.)

Accounting of Large Median CPI Gapsa
Inflation
at gap

Inflation
at close

Peak
date

Gap

CPI

1/74

–3.3

9.6

6.3

5/76

–1.2

6.1

5.1

4 mo.

5.5

5.3

4/78

1.2

6.5

7.7

5 mo.

8.5

8.7

3/80

–1.6

14.6

13.0

23 mo.

7.6

7.6

11/86

2.7

1.3

4.0

5 mo.

3.8

3.9

11/90 –1.5

6.3

4.7

4 mo.

4.9

4.8

3/98

1.4

2.9

5 mo.b 1.7

2.8

1.5

Gap
Median closed

CPI

13 mo. 11.2

Median

11.0

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. All data are based on 12-month percent changes.
b. Through August 1998.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; and Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

Over the 12 months ending in August, consumer prices have varied
substantially. Forty percent of the
component consumer price indexes
have increased outside a relatively
wide range of 0 – 5%. Interestingly,
30% of consumer prices have fallen.
Energy prices have exhibited an especially large decline over the past
12 months; motor fuel prices have
fallen 14.8% since August 1997.
The CPI has reported low inflation
rates since early 1997 and is currently

running significantly below its fiveyear trend. The issue is whether
these declines reflect the onset of
a lower inflation trend or merely a
transitory disturbance. Historical data
show that since 1968, the CPI and
median CPI have followed the same
trend. Currently, however, the median CPI is running about 1.1 percentage points higher than the CPI. A
closer look shows that the median
CPI tends to be relatively stable
while the CPI shows more overall

variation. Once the difference becomes as large as or larger than the
current one (which has happened
six times since 1968), it is usually the
CPI that adjusts to close the gap. One
notable exception is the January
1974 gap: Both the median CPI and
the CPI rose, but the greater increase
came from the median CPI. Responses to the September 10 Blue
Chip Survey suggest that this most
recent gap may be closed by increases in the CPI.

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Economic Activity
a

Real GDP and Components, 1998:IIQ
(Final estimate)
Change,
billions
of 1992 $

Real GDP
Consumer spending
Durables
Nondurables
Services
Business fixed
investment
Equipment
Structures
Residential investment
Government spending
National defense
Net exports
Exports
Imports
Change in business
inventories

Percent change, last:
Four
Quarter
quarters

33.9
75.1
19.1
19.7
37.5

1.8
6.1
11.2
5.3
5.4

3.6
5.3
11.6
4.3
4.5

28.5
32.5
–1.2
10.6
11.8
7.0
–46.7
–19.8
26.9

12.8
18.8
–2.3
15.0
3.7
9.9
—
–7.7
9.4

13.2
18.0
1.3
9.4
0.8
–3.7
—
0.9
11.1

–53.2

—

—

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Chain-weighted data in billions of 1992 dollars.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis; The Conference Board, Inc.; National Association of Purchasing Management; and
Blue Chip Economic Indicators, September 10, 1998.

The revised estimate of real gross
domestic product (GDP) for the second quarter was only 0.2 percentage
point higher than last month’s preliminary estimate. The resulting annualized growth rates of GDP (1.8%)
and real final sales (4.6%) contained
no surprises.
Forecasters expect growth in future quarters to be somewhat higher,
but below the 30-year average. For
1998 as a whole, however, they anticipate that real GDP will be almost
3.5% above last year’s level. Their estimates of 1998 growth have increased almost continuously over the
past two years to a level that is cur-

rently more than 60% higher than it
was at the beginning of last year. In
contrast, the forecast of nominal GDP
growth is exactly the same as it was
then. The entire difference is accounted for by forecasters’ recognition of the surprising slowdown in
the measured rate of inflation. Downward pressure on prices also shows
up in persistent reductions in the
forecast growth rate of corporate
profits, now expected to be less than
1% above last year’s level.
Deterioration of economic and financial conditions abroad has led to
concern for the continuation of economic expansion at home, especially

in the wake of the August break in
stock prices and the subsequent
exposure of financial difficulties at
a huge eastern investment fund. Indexes of producer and consumer sentiment might provide the most timely,
though probably not the most reliable, indications of movements in the
economy, but they send no clear
message. What is plain is that consumers are becoming more worried
about the future. The expectations
portion of the September consumer
confidence index dropped sharply
and at an even faster rate than in the
(continued on next page)

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Economic Activity (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis and Bureau of the Census; and Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

previous two months. Worries are not
apparent, however, in the presentconditions portion of the index,
which declined only slightly. A more
positive view of the situation came
from the purchasing managers’ index,
which stabilized in August after declining throughout most of the year.
No slowing is evident in consumers’ incomes. Real disposable
personal income grew at a 4.3% annualized rate in August, above its 3.1%
rate for the most recent 12 months.
Consumption growth has receded
from the high rates seen earlier in
1998, but consumers continue to in-

crease spending by more than the increase in their real disposable personal incomes, a pattern that has
prevailed for over a decade.
Housing permits increased sharply
over July and August, with the number of permits only 3,000 lower than
the number of starts in the latter
month. Over the past five years, starts
typically have exceeded permits, suggesting a gradual reduction in the
backlog of intended construction. So
far in 1998, however, the number of
new housing starts has been only
7,000 above the number of new
housing permits. This may indicate
stabilization of the backlog and por-

tend increased sensitivity of housing
starts and construction activity to the
number of new permits.
Retail sales moved up in August
toward their previous peak. Nonautomotive retail sales have maintained a steady pace of growth, unlike the automotive-related sector,
where sales have rebounded slowly
since the General Motors strike.
Industrial production increased
sharply in September from its low August level, as settlement of the GM
strike renewed automotive activity.
Growth of nonautomotive production, however, continued to moderate.

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Labor Markets
Labor Market Conditionsa
Average monthly change
(thousands of employees)
1998
YTDb
Sept.

1995

1996

1997

Payroll employment
185
Goods-producing
8
Manufacturing
–1
Electronic equipment 4
Industrial machinery
7
Construction
10

233
31
3
2
2
28

282
42
21
4
6
20

218
3
–13
–3
–2
18

69
–36
–16
–7
–8
–20

Service-producing
Services
Personnel supply
services

178
112

202
117

240
142

215
102

105
24

10

19

28

3

–37

Average for period

Civilian unemployment
rate (%)
5.6
Household employment 32

5.4
232

5.0
240

4.5
110

4.6
579

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Seasonally adjusted.
b. Year to date.
c. Vertical line indicates break in data series due to survey redesign.
d. Production and nonsupervisory workers on private nonfarm payrolls.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Evidence of a moderating labor
market continued to mount in September. Job growth was at its lowest
level since January 1996. The unemployment rate crept upward, while
weekly hours worked declined.
Nonfarm payroll employment increased just 69,000. Average
monthly job growth for the year to
date is off last year’s pace by about
65,000 jobs. Increases in the serviceproducing sector did little to offset
declines in the goods-producing
sector. Service-sector payrolls rose
just 105,000 for September, com-

pared to an average monthly increase of 228,000 for the first eight
months of 1998. In the goods sector, employment declined in both
manufacturing and construction.
Two trade-sensitive manufacturing
industries, electronic equipment
and industrial machinery, reduced
their workforces.
The unemployment rate inched
up one-tenth of a percentage point
to 4.6%, a level not seen for six
months. The rate has been increasing gradually since hitting a 28-year
low of 4.3% in April and May. The

share of the population employed
grew to 64.1%, nearing the expansion high of 64.2% reached earlier
this year.
The average workweek shortened to 34.4 hours from 34.6 hours
in August. Even with this most recent decline, hours per week are
hovering around their expansion
average of 34.5. Average hourly
earnings increased 1 cent to $12.86,
the smallest monthly increase in 2½
years. Even with last month’s slight
decrease, earnings are 4% above
last year’s level.

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Job Tenure

Tenure and Education
Education

Years with Current Employer
Years

Less than a high school diploma

4.0

High school graduate, no college

4.9

Some college, no degree

4.6

Associate degree

4.6

College graduate

4.8

Bachelor's degree

4.4

Master's degree

6.0

Doctoral or professional degree

5.3

Occupation

1983

1987

Managerial and professional
specialty
4.8
5.0
Technical, sales, and
administrative
support
3.1
2.9
Service
occupations 2.2
2.0
Precision production, craft,
and repair
4.8
4.7
Operators, fabricators,
and laborers 3.9
3.4
Farming, forestry,
and fishing 2.3
2.4

1991

1996

1998

5.2

5.1

4.8

3.2

3.4

3.2

2.3

2.4

2.4

4.8

4.9

4.6

3.5

3.2

3.2

2.7

3.7

2.8

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

NOTE: All tenure data are median.
a. Data are available only for the years shown.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

During an economic expansion,
new job opportunities appear, not
only for the unemployed but also
for those who already have jobs.
This means that workers might seek
alternative employment, but it also
means that businesses might try
harder to keep their current workforces as the pool of available labor
begins to run dry.
During a recession, as jobs become hard to find, workers tend to

stay in their current jobs, but firms
seek to reduce their workforces.
Therefore, during both expansions and contractions, forces are at
work pushing the job tenure rate in
opposite directions. While the
tenure rate does, in fact, move over
the cycle, it does not appear to have
any clear business-cycle pattern.
However, the pattern of tenure
rates across different groups is quite
revealing. Older workers have longer tenure because they have more

labor market experience and have
been able to settle into a job after a
youthful period of searching. People
who have more education and occupations with higher skill requirements, such as professional workers,
also have longer tenure.
Service-sector jobs turn over
rapidly, as shown by their very low
median tenure: only 2.4 years compared to 4.8 years for professional
and managerial jobs.

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Banking and the Stock Market

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

SOURCES: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, 1987:IIQ and 1998:IQ; New York Stock Exchange, http://www.nyse.com/
public/market/2c/2cix.htm; and Standard and Poor’s Corporation.

The Dow industrial average
dropped 512.61 points on August 31
and has been volatile since then.
Setting aside speculation regarding
motivations for the sell-off, people
quickly drew comparisons between
this episode and the stock-market
crash of October 19, 1987, when the
Standard and Poor’s (S&P) 500 composite index dropped 25%, and the
New York Stock Exchange (NYSE)
reported roughly triple the usual
daily trade volume.
This time around, the same measures show a somewhat less severe
drop. On August 31, the S&P 500

composite index fell 15%, while the
NYSE reported about double the
usual daily trade volume.
One difference between the two
market breaks is that healthier conditions prevail in the banking sector
now than in 1987. The earlier break
occurred in a banking environment
that may have contributed to a more
general nervousness about whether
financial stability could be sustained.
For example, there were almost
three times as many unprofitable
banks in 1987 as there are today,
and more than 12 times as many
problem banks. Banks’ capital ratios

were more than two percentage
points lower than now. Questions
were being raised about the condition of several large money-center
banks. In fact, over 65% of banks
with more than $1 billion in assets
were unprofitable.
Today, however, far fewer unprofitable institutions can be found
in every asset class than in 1987. The
current health of financial institutions may have prevented a more
serious erosion of confidence in the
equities market.

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The Federal Budget

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

NOTE: Data are for fiscal years.
SOURCES: Congressional Budget Office; and Social Security Administration.

In his State of the Union address,
President Clinton urged that prospective budget surpluses be reserved for rescuing Social Security.
At that time, the projected cumulative surplus for 1999–2008 was $660
billion. The latest Congressional
Budget Office projections show a
cumulative surplus of $1.6 trillion
over the same period. One might
be tempted to conclude that budget
surpluses and the President’s exhortation to devote them to restoring Social Security’s solvency herald
a more responsible fiscal policy.
Unfortunately, such a conclusion
would be premature.

The latest budget projections assume that caps will be extended
through 2008 to keep federal discretionary spending constant in real
terms. However, the 1997 amendment to the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985 extends these limits only
through 2002. The post-2002 unspecified reductions built into the
projections are quite large relative to
the surpluses. For example, excluding the unspecified reductions drops
the year-2008 unified surplus from
$251 billion to only $160 billion.
Separating Social Security’s budget from the rest-of-government account shows that Social Security it-

self supplies more than the entire
unified budget surplus. This surplus
was designed to fund future Social
Security benefits. If we exclude unspecified reductions after the year
2002, the rest-of-government account remains in deficit. According
to the projections, there is no budget
surplus exceeding that already reserved for funding future Social Security benefits. Unless discretionary
spending limits are extended beyond 2002, the rest-of-government
account will continue to siphon off
part of Social Security’s annual surplus to finance its own shortfall
through the next decade.

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National Saving and International Trade

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis.

The pattern of capital flows and
international asset ownership is intimately related to international saving patterns and investment opportunities. In the face of low national
saving, domestic investment can be
maintained only by reliance on additional foreign borrowing. The
U.S. is a case in point. As its national saving declined in the 1980s,
this country became a net importer
of goods and services. A negative
trade balance ultimately resulted in
the U.S. becoming a debtor nation.
Since the mid-1980s, foreign claims
on assets in this country have ex-

ceeded U.S. residents’ claims on assets located abroad.
Trade deficits and the associated
capital inflow increase the share of
domestic capital owned by foreigners, but also help maintain workers’
productivity by equipping them with
more machines, tools, and skills.
This keeps domestic incomes at
higher levels than would be possible
without the imported capital. Nevertheless, as our debt expands, so
does the service charge — dollar
payments of income to foreigners.
Foreigners are willing to invest in
the U.S., probably because it offers
them better investment opportuni-

ties than those available in other
countries and because they have
confidence in the stability of the dollar’s international value. As long as
foreigners’ investments in the U.S.
continue to exceed their investment
income on assets held here, domestic investment will continue to outstrip U.S. national saving. However,
a capital inflow cannot persist indefinitely because the rate of return on
investment in the U.S. must eventually fall. When this happens, Americans will have to service the debt by
running a trade surplus—that is, by
exporting more than they import.

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Banking Conditions

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Less than $50 million in annual sales.
b. $50 million or more in annual sales.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices, August 1998; and Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, various issues.

Commercial banks continued to post
strong performances in 1998:IIQ as
earnings rose for the eighth consecutive quarter, topping $16 billion
and setting their sixth consecutive
quarterly record. What’s more important for shareholders, commercial banks’ profitability continued to
be high, with return on equity running at 14.8%. As the economic environment becomes more volatile,
banking regulators can take some
comfort from the continued high
ratio of equity capital to assets.
Income rose and profitability remained high, even though net interest margins declined slightly. The

yield on earning assets held steady,
but the cost of funding earning assets rose two basis points. One reason for banks’ continued strong performance is that noninterest income
rose sharply — up 21.3% over the
last year — and now accounts for a
record 40.2% of banks’ net operating revenue.
Growth in bank assets slowed
from 1.9% to 1.4% between the first
and second quarters, although commercial and industrial (C&I) loans
and other loans and leases continued their recent strong growth rates.
Most other asset categories saw a
decline in growth rates. Banks’ secu-

rities holdings actually declined
1.2% after growing strongly over the
previous three quarters.
For the most part, the industry
benefited from slower growth in domestic credit-loss provisions, even
though new accounting rules expanded the coverage of this expense item in 1998. Credit card
charge-offs accounted for over 60%
of the $5.3 billion in loss provisions
during the second quarter. While
noncurrent credit card loans declined for banks overall, they rose
sharply for institutions with fewer
than $100 million in assets.
(continued on next page)

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Banking Conditions (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Through 1998:IIQ.
SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, 1998:IIQ.

Standards for C&I loans, an important category, remained relatively unchanged last quarter as the spreads
of loan rates over banks’ cost of
funds continued to narrow. A possible sign of weakening in the economy is that the net percentage
of domestic respondents reporting
stronger demand for C&I loans declined for the first time since 1996.
Last quarter saw the earliest indication that the decline in the number
of FDIC-insured commercial banks
may be slowing. Their numbers have
fallen by about 500 institutions every

year since 1986, but fell by only 40
institutions in 1998:IIQ. Merger activity absorbed 91 banks, the lowest
number since the most recent peak in
1997:IIQ. The recent general decline
in stock prices may further dampen
merger activities. New charters continued to be issued at a relatively
brisk rate (49 in the last quarter).
Only one institution failed.
Interstate branching has led to
very different effects across states, as
measured by interstate branches’
share of total offices. The Southeast
and the Pacific West (except for

California) have the highest share
of interstate offices. The District of
Columbia (90.2%), Idaho (80.6%),
and Oregon (70.5%) have the highest degree of interstate branch penetration, while Montana (0.6%), Hawaii
(0.5%), and Minnesota (0.1%) have
the lowest. Within the Fourth District, Kentucky (12.8%), Pennsylvania
(12.4%), and West Virginia (10.9%)
all have similar shares of interstate
branches. Ohio’s share, 3.1%, is significantly lower than that of other
states in the District.

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Foreign Lending Exposure

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Total amount owed by borrower country after adjustments for guarantees and external borrowings (except derivative products).
b. Commitments of cross-border and nonlocal-currency contingent claims after adjustment for guarantees.
c. The ratio between a country's public and other nonbank borrowers' guarantees of third-country borrowing from U.S. banks and the total exposure of U.S.
banks to that country's borrowers and guarantors.
d. The ratio between a country's banks' guarantees of third-country borrowing from U.S. banks and the total exposure of U.S. banks to that country's borrowers and guarantors.
e. Share of the total amounts owed U.S. banks after adjustments for guarantees and external borrowing (except derivative products).
SOURCE: Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council, Country Exposure Lending Survey, various issues.

Economic and financial distress
abroad raise questions about foreign exposure of U.S. banks. The
most recent data, for March, show
either an increase or no clear decline in exposure to Argentina,
Brazil, and Russia. Exposure to
Indonesia, Korea, and Mexico
began declining around the time of
last summer’s financial crises. The
extent to which U.S. banks reduce
their exposure to South America
and Russia may depend on the particulars of proposed reforms.
A key provision of economic
reform packages is the degree of

reliance on private-sector rather
than official initiatives. One aspect
of private initiatives is the development and use of contingent claims,
whose profitability might be stimulated by a riskier environment. Markets, however, must be large
enough to provide sufficient liquidity. The use of such instruments
has been trending upward, despite
having fallen since mid-1997 as
part of a general pullback in
foreign lending.
Official initiatives include providing various guarantees, although
private parties also offer guarantees

and insurance. March data show
that guarantees of third-country
borrowing amounted to about 36%
of U.S. banks’ exposure to the G10
countries and Switzerland. Such
guarantees are less prominent in
South American countries and Russia. Nonbank guarantees are more
extensive in Indonesia and Korea,
a difference consistent with the perception of greater government
involvement in those economies.
Reliance on money-center banks
is relatively uniform across the
economies of established — as well
as developing—countries.

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Latin American Economies

FRB Cleveland • October 1998

a. Federal funds rate.
b. Interbank interest rate.
c. Call money, private banks.
d. Data include only exports to each of the other two countries shown in the chart.
NOTE: Different end dates reflect differences in data availability among countries.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; Banco Central de la Republica Argentina; Banco Central do Brasil; Banco de Mexico; and
International Monetary Fund, Direction of Trade Statistics and International Financial Statistics, various issues.

Successive Asian and Russian crises
have focused attention on the
economies of Latin America. Brazil,
the largest of these, has experienced
capital outflows that reached almost
$2 billion (U.S.) on September 11.
To some extent, this represents
“contagion” — investors’ presumption that all emerging markets are
shaky. However, recent data have
revealed that Brazil’s public-sector
deficit is larger than previously
thought.
The impact of having a centralgovernment deficit depends partly
on the exchange-rate regime. Brazil
utilizes a “crawling peg” that allows

the dollar value of its currency, the
real, to decline gradually (at 7% per
year); Argentina has adopted a currency board that fixes the dollar
value of its peso; and Mexico has allowed its currency to float, albeit
with occasional interventions.
Although Brazil’s decision to
adopt a crawling peg against the
dollar initially reduced its inflation
rate, lack of progress in reducing
the public-sector deficit has hurt investors’ confidence in the real, necessitating higher domestic interest
rates to defend the peg. This in
turn has raised the cost of financing the deficit and increased the
stock of government debt. The im-

mediate alternative to higher rates
is devaluation.
The three economies are linked
financially because the U.S. dollar is
used as an alternative to the currency of each. Even in Argentina’s
banking system, which permits
clients to use either dollars or pesos,
interest rates on pesos have recently
risen along with Brazilian rates. Export dependence among the three
countries appears limited. Trade between Brazil and Argentina constitutes a significant proportion of
each country’s exports, but not of
their GDPs. Mexican trade is heavily
weighted toward the U.S.