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The Economy in Perspective
Water, water, every where,
And all the boards did shrink;
Water, water, every where,
Nor any drop to drink.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge—
The Rime of the Ancient Mariner

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

Market liquidity dominates the financial news
these days, and for good reason. Liquidity conditions influence the ability to execute financial
transactions quickly and at prices that fairly approximate true value. In illiquid markets, trading
takes more time, involves more risk, and becomes
more expensive. Real economic activity can fall
victim to illiquid financial markets if potential investors fear they will be unable to sell the securities they own at a reasonable price in the future. If
enough investors pull back from a market, its ability to support economic activity is impaired.
How can one gauge the fair price of a financial
instrument at a given moment? After all, isn’t market trading itself a process of price discovery
through which supply and demand conditions
are revealed? In highly liquid markets, small differences between “bid” and “asked” prices attract
additional buyers or sellers, narrowing the price
spread. There is no foolproof way to measure
market liquidity, but many observers contend
that some financial markets have become less liquid during the past few months than in the previous several years.
Why have these markets dried up? Investors’
willingness to take on risk has most likely
changed. Pension fund managers, insurance companies, and households may simply have reined
in their appetite for certain kinds of investments,
even if the riskiness of those projects has not
changed. Moreover, investors who have suffered
a recent loss of wealth have less ability to bear
risk. Another concern is the riskiness of the projects themselves, such as the questionable profitability of building another steel mill in Malaysia.
There is also a micro-market explanation.
Many securities firms make markets in the securities they underwrite. Think of such a firm as a department store, balancing its cost of inventory financing with its desire to carry a wide selection
of merchandise and offer a generous return policy. Large securities firms have likewise become

important dealers in various markets, acting as
both buyers and sellers to keep markets liquid. At
reasonable trading volumes and financing costs,
this activity encourages more trading and leads to
greater overall profit for the firm. But securities
dealers, like department stores, dislike holding
inventory that does not move briskly. In the last
few months, as demand for certain securities has
declined sharply, some dealers apparently have
become less willing to make markets in them or
to hold much inventory. These firms also worry
about their own risk exposure. The resulting reduction in market liquidity further curbs some
customers’ readiness to purchase these instruments in the first place.
Monetary policy operates principally by adjusting the amount of base money available in the
economy; base money consists of cash and bank
reserves. By supplying more base money, the Fed
can push short-term interest rates down and give
banks more leeway to expand their lending. But
short-term U.S. Treasury rates have declined considerably on their own for the past few months, as
investors have shortened the maturity of their
holdings and rushed into assets that they consider
safe. The flight to quality that is so evident in
today’s financial markets does not result from restrictive monetary policy. It is the product of individual decisions made by thousands of businesses
and millions of households in response to their
changing views about risk and reward. The Fed
can enlarge the banking system’s capacity to take
up the slack created by less liquid capital markets,
but it cannot alter the underlying risk profiles of
the real investment activities that capital markets
had previously been funding.
Once people are satisfied that they’ve regained
their ability to appraise the risks associated with
various forms of investment, more markets will
begin operating smoothly again. Of course, the
relative cost of financing could become so great
that certain kinds of projects are no longer profitable, but that would not necessarily be a bad
outcome. In the past, similar projects obtained financing only because of unreasonable risk assessments. Monetary policy must, of course, not
allow credit availability to evaporate unduly. On
the other hand, it would be counterproductive to
pour water on a drowning man.

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Monetary Policy

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Constant maturity.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and the Chicago Board of Trade.

At its September 29 meeting, the
Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) lowered the federal funds
rate target to 5.25%, a decline of 25
basis points. Chairman Greenspan
initiated a further decline of 25 basis
points roughly two weeks later, on
October 15, lowering the target rate
to 5.0%. This second decline in the
federal funds rate target was accompanied by a decrease from 5.0% to
4.75% in the discount rates charged
by Federal Reserve district banks.
These interest-rate declines follow
a period of remarkable stability.
Prior to the September reduction,
the federal funds rate target had
stood at 5.5% since March 1997 and
had remained between 5.25% and

5.75% since July 1995. The discount
rates had held steady at 5.0% since
January 1996.
Such stability in these rates is unprecedented in the period since the
Federal Reserve stopped explicitly
targeting monetary aggregates in the
early 1980s. Between 1983 and 1995,
the federal funds rate target was adjusted 112 times (an average of more
than eight times per year) and typically varied by at least one percentage point during each year. Including the recent pair of adjustments,
the target has moved four times
since the beginning of 1996, falling
from 5.5% to 5.0%. This stability has
been associated with a combination
of sustained economic growth and

low inflation during this period.
Implied yields on federal funds futures fell substantially between the
end of August and the September
FOMC meeting and continued to fall
through mid-October. Fed funds futures allow market participants to
hedge against or speculate on future
changes in the federal funds rate.
These yields provide a measure of
where market participants believe
the federal funds rate will be in the
coming months. As of August 31,
these futures were trading at about
5.3% for January 1999. By the end of
September, the January 1999 futures
rate had declined to about 4.9%, and
by the end of October to 4.8%. Based
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Growth rates are percentage rates calculated on a fourth-quarter over fourth-quarter basis. Annualized growth rates for M2 and MZM in 1998 are calculated
on an estimated October over 1997:IVQ basis; for the sweep-adjusted base, 1998 growth is calculated on a September over 1997:IVQ basis.
b. The sweep-adjusted base includes an estimate of required reserves saved when balances are temporarily shifted from reservable to nonreservable accounts.
NOTE: Data are seasonally adjusted. Last plots for M2 and MZM are estimated for October 1998. Dotted lines for M2 and the monetary base are FOMCdetermined provisional ranges. Dotted lines for MZM represent growth in levels and are for reference only.
SOURCE: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

on these futures yields, the federal
funds rate is now expected to be near
4.5% by March of next year.
It is interesting to note that while
the September 29 decline in the federal funds rate target had little impact
on federal funds futures rates, the
October 15 decrease had a substantial downward effect. This is consistent with the conventional wisdom
that the September decrease was
widely anticipated by financial markets, while the October change was
quite unexpected.
Yields on both short- and longterm Treasury securities have de-

clined substantially since August, although they have rebounded slightly
in recent weeks. As is often pointed
out in these pages, a decline in the
federal funds rate target in an environment of falling interest rates
might not represent an “easing” of
policy in any meaningful sense, but
instead may be viewed as a neutral
policy response to a changing economic environment.
The monetary aggregates continue
to increase at a relatively rapid pace,
and there is little indication that
these growth rates are slowing significantly. Using projections for Octo-

ber, the estimated year-to-date
growth rate for M2 is about 8%, well
above the 5% upper bound of the
provisional target range set by the
FOMC. Since July, M2 is estimated to
have grown at well over 11%. Yearto-date growth in MZM is estimated
to have exceeded 13%. Growth in
the monetary base has also accelerated in recent months. The continued high growth rates of these monetary aggregates, combined with the
recent acceleration of growth rates,
may provide a warning signal of future inflation.

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Interest Rates, Spreads, and Volatility

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. All instruments are constant-maturity series.
b. Estimate of the yield on a recently offered, A-rated utility bond with a maturity of 30 years and call protection of five years.
c. Bond Buyer Index, general obligation, 20 years to maturity, mixed quality.
d. 10-year Treasury bond constant-maturity yield minus the yield quote for the TIPS-adjusted series.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Bloomberg information services.

In the bond market, at least, the last
few months provide strong reasons
for calling 1998 “the year of the
spread.” The big news has not been
in interest rate movements as such
but rather in the breakdown of traditional relationships between bonds
of differing maturity, risk, and issuer.
Such changes in the spreads between bonds have plagued portfolios across the board and have been
blamed for everything from the
downfall of hedge funds to lower
bank profits.
This is not to imply that movements in the rates themselves were

trivial. With the Federal Reserve’s
decreasing the Federal funds rate
and discount rate on October 15,
short rates fell; the yield curve on
Treasuries assumed a more normal
upward slope, though it remains
flatter and less smooth than usual, a
point best appreciated by comparing a yield curve from last year. The
yield-curve inversion has become
more localized at the short end, with
the 3-year, 3-month spread at
–1 basis point, and the 10-year,
3-month spread moving up from
zero to 42 basis points.
Agitation in the financial markets

had two apparent effects, a change
in spreads and an increase in volatility. Investors’ oft-noted “flight to
quality” was apparent in the sharp
increase in the spread between corporate Baa bonds and 10-year Treasuries, and equally so in other markets: The spread between A-rated
utilities and 30-year Treasuries more
than doubled (from 99 to 200 basis
points) from June to September.
This meant a flight toward liquidity
as well as toward low credit risk.
The firmness of yields on the relatively illiquid, but very safe, Treasury
(continued on next page)

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Interest Rates, Spreads, and Volatility (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Underlying instrument is Bloomberg information services’ “generic” 10-year note future.
b. Options contracts on U.S. 10-year note future.
c. Day-to-day changes in the Treasury rate. Scaling compensates for the propensity of volatility to increase and decrease as rates rise and fall, and for the
tendency of this relationship to be nonlinear.
d. Shaded areas indicate recessions.
SOURCE: Bloomberg information services.

Inflation Protected Securities led to a
reduction in the spread between
Treasury bonds and TIPS.
The flight to quality coincided with
increased volatility in the financial
markets. One way to view this is to
look at financial options, which are
of two kinds: A call gives its holder
the right but not the obligation to
purchase a particular security at a
given price (the strike price); a put
confers the right but not the obligation to sell at the strike price. This
structure makes option prices very
sensitive to market volatility.

By using standard methods to
price options, one can find the market’s implied volatility, an estimate of
how changeable participants expect
prices to be in the future. As such, it
is a forward-looking measure and is
distinct from the backward-looking,
historical volatility computed from
actual prices. The jump in volatility
since the collapse of the Russian
ruble in August is readily apparent,
though optimists point to the sharp
decrease since mid-October as a
positive sign. We can also observe
that this pattern holds true for options at many different strike prices.

Statistical measures of volatility are
useful, but the human eye is often
the best judge of underlying patterns. The right perspective is necessary, however. Because interest rates
show larger changes when rates are
high, it helps to scale the changes by
the level of interest rates. Because
rates twice as high show changes
that are more than twice as large, it
also makes sense to scale in a nonlinear fashion. From this perspective,
the recent drop in Treasury rates
looks less frightening than it otherwise might.

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Inflation and Prices
September Price Statistics
Percent change, last:
1 mo.a

3 mo.a 12 mo.

5 yr.

1997
avg.

Consumer prices
All items

0.0

1.5

1.4

2.4

1.7

Less food
and energy

2.1

2.3

2.4

2.7

2.2

Median b

3.2

2.9

2.8

3.0

2.9

Finished goods

3.7

0.6

–0.9

1.0

–1.2

Less food
and energy

5.1

3.0

1.0

1.3

0.0

Producer prices

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Annualized.
b. Calculated by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.
c. Upper and lower bounds for CPI inflation path as implied by the central tendency growth ranges issued by the FOMC and nonvoting Reserve Bank presidents.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; and the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) remained unchanged on average in
September and has increased a
mere 1.4% over the past 12 months.
However, alternative measures
of “core” inflation — the CPI excluding food and energy and the
median CPI—suggest that underlying inflation is currently running a
full percentage point higher than
the CPI including all items. (The
CPI excluding food and energy has
increased 2.4% over the past 12
months, while the median CPI

shows inflation of 2.8% over the
same period.)
If we compare the two inflation
measures published by the Bureau
of Labor Statistics (BLS) — the CPI
and the CPI excluding food and
energy — it becomes clear that the
volatile food and energy components have restrained the overall
CPI. Specifically, the BLS’s energy
index is down 10% for the 12
months ending in September,
mostly as a result of declining petroleum prices. Indeed, the gasoline

component of the CPI has dropped
17.5% over the past 12 months. Import prices, which have fallen 6.5%
over that period, are also subduing
retail price growth. Even when the
energy component is excluded, import prices are down 4.2% over the
12 months ending in September.
Sharp downward pressure on import prices may be having a considerable impact on the measured
inflation rate. One well-known feature of the recent slowing in the
(continued on next page)

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Inflation and Prices (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. From the Producer Price Index.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; and the National Association of Purchasing Management.

CPI is that it has occurred predominantly in goods, which are much
more likely than services to be imported. Over the past 12 months,
retail goods prices have shown no
net increase, while retail service
prices are continuing to rise at a
rate between 2½% and 3%.
Steady goods prices at the retail
level actually mask large declines in
the cost of producing goods. Survey
data show that since the end of last
year, the share of purchasing man-

agers who have seen prices rise has
been smaller than the share who
have seen them fall. Thus, declining
input costs are likely to have been
exerting downward pressure on the
prices of manufactured goods. Indeed, those prices have been on a
downward trajectory all year and
are now about 2½% below their
September 1997 level.
Basic materials lead the list of
manufactured goods whose prices
have fallen. Lumber and wood
prices have dropped about 3% over

the past 12 months, while metals
and metal product prices are down
about 4%. These decreases too may
result from the weakness of foreign
economies, which have flooded
U.S. markets with lumber and steel
in the last year. In fact, recent
months have brought accusations
from domestic steel manufacturers
that imported steel is being
“dumped” on the U.S. economy at
prices that are lower than foreign
firms’ production costs.

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Economic Activity
a

Real GDP and Components, 1998:IIIQ
(Advance estimate)

Percent change, last:
Four
Quarter
quarters

Change,
billions
of 1992 $

Real GDP
Consumer spending
Durables
Nondurables
Services
Business fixed
investment
Equipment
Structures
Residential investment
Government spending
National defense
Net exports
Exports
Imports
Change in
business inventories

60.9
49.1
0.0
8.7
38.6

3.3
3.9
0.0
2.3
5.5

3.4
4.7
7.3
3.6
4.7

– 2.3
2.0
– 3.3
5.2
4.6
3.1
–17.3
–7.1
10.2

–1.0
1.0
– 6.4
6.9
1.4
4.2
—
– 2.9
3.4

8.6
13.3
– 3.2
11.3
0.8
– 2.2
—
– 2.3
8.6

19.0

—

—

a

Actual versus Predicted GDP
Actual
1998:IIIQ

Predicted
1998:IIIQ Difference

GDP

7,559.5

7,536.1

23.4

Personal
consumption
expenditures

5,179.3

5,170.0

9.3

57.2

36.3

20.9

Net exports

– 262.5

– 265.9

3.4

Fixed investment
and government
spending

2,585.5

2,595.7

–10.2

Change in
business inventories

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Chain-weighted data in billions of 1992 dollars.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis and Bureau of the Census; and Blue Chip Economic Indicators, October 10, 1998.

GDP growth was surprisingly strong
in the third quarter of this year, at
least if the 3.3% advance estimate is
compared with the October Blue
Chip consensus forecast of only 2%.
Growth for the entire year still might
meet the 3.4% consensus forecast if
the third-quarter estimate is not revised and fourth-quarter growth is
no less than about 3%. Forecasts of
1999 growth, however, apparently
are not being marked up from the
range of 2% or so.
The unexpected strength of the
economy last quarter was mostly in

consumption spending and inventory accumulation. With relatively
steady growth in real disposable personal income as well as in spending
on services and nondurable goods,
recent variations in the consumption
portion of GDP have reflected
changes in durable goods purchases.
A sharp decline in July, associated
with the General Motors strike, was
offset by increases in the next two
months, with no net growth in the
third quarter.
It is impossible to say whether the
third-quarter spurt in inventory accumulation was intended or unin-

tended. September inventory data
are not yet available, so there is no
reliable basis for judging movements
of inventory components. Preliminary GDP estimates (to be released
in late November) might even tell a
different inventory story on the basis
of September data.
Unexpected strength in consumption and inventories more than offset
some unexpected weakness in the
combination of fixed investment and
government spending. (The further
deterioration in net exports was actually less severe than anticipated.)
(continued on next page)

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Economic Activity (cont.)
Residential Vacancies
(thousands of units)
1997:IIIQ

All nonseasonal
housing units

1998:IIIQ

112,446 114,000

Percent
change

+ 1.4

Vacant

10,013

10,508

+ 5.0

For rent

3,018

3,120

+ 3.8

For sale only

1,062

1,208 +13.7

Other

5,933

6,180

+ 4.2

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted except residential vacancies.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and The Conference Board, Inc.

More troubling is weakness in the
combination of fixed investment and
government spending relative to expectations (not specified in the Blue
Chip quarterly consensus forecast).
Nonresidential fixed investment
dipped slightly. Spending on nonresidential structures declined for the
third consecutive quarter. Expenditures on producers’ durable equipment, which had slowed sharply in
1998:IIQ, dropped even more sharply
in 1998:IIIQ. Residential investment
advanced at less than half the pace
of the year’s first two quarters, though
still at twice the rate of GDP.

Quarterly investment data can be
highly variable, making any conclusion premature, but it is clear that
without a return to a growth trend,
investment spending no longer
would support future economic expansion. Recent patterns of monthly
new and unfilled orders for nondefense capital goods provide no clear
basis for expecting fixed investment
to deviate from recent years’ growth
trend. But the plateau in industrial
production and the more-than-yearlong decline in capacity utilization
might raise doubts about a continuation of the growth trend.

The slowdown in residential investment seems consistent with other
housing market indicators. Vacancies
have been growing faster than the
number of housing units over the
past year. This is especially evident
in the “for sale” market, where vacancies have increased 13.7%. Excess
supply is not yet evident in the number of completed houses standing
vacant, but there has been an increase in the numbers of those under
construction and those not yet started.
Consumer confidence, especially
as measured by expectations for the
future, dropped again in September.

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Labor Markets
Labor Market Conditions
Average monthly change
(thousands of employees)
1998
YTDa Oct.

Employment

1995

1996

1997

Payroll survey
Goods-producing
Manufacturing
Electronic equipment
Motor vehicles
Construction

185
8
–1
4
2
10

233
31
3
2
0
28

282
42
21
4
3
20

218
–1
–16
–4
0
18

116
– 38
– 52
–12
7
19

178
38
–1

202
45
14

240
61
17

219
36
22

154
58
25

Household survey

32

232

240

90

–88

Civilian unemployment

5.6

Service-producing
Business services
FIRE b

Average for period (percent)

5.4

5.0

4.5

4.6

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Year to date.
b. Finance, insurance, and real estate.
c. Vertical line indicates break in data series due to survey redesign.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Most employment indicators held
steady in October, but employment
costs implied labor-market tightness
in the third quarter. The number of
jobs in the economy increased moderately, and the unemployment rate
held constant. Wage and salary rates
grew faster than they have in more
than six years.
Nonfarm payrolls increased 116,000
for the month. This small addition
brings average monthly payroll growth
for the year to a level that is about
64,000 lower than last year’s average.
Employment in the goods-producing
sector, which has been curbed by

manufacturing losses, decreased for
the second consecutive month.
The largest drops were in apparel
(14,000) and electronic equipment
(12,000) manufacturing. The serviceproducing sector added 154,000 jobs.
Employment growth was strong in
business services, especially computer services and engineering and
management services.
The household survey (used to
calculate the unemployment rate)
recorded a drop of 88,000 in October, following an unusually strong
gain of 597,000 the previous month.
The unemployment rate was unmoved at 4.6%, despite large fluctua-

tions in employment. The household
and payroll employment surveys
generally do not diverge for very
long, but October marks the sixth
month in which differences between
the two series exceeded 200,000.
While jobs growth continued to
slow, accelerated growth in the employment cost index suggests tightness in the labor market. In the largest
increase since the current expansion
began (1991:IIQ), the index of straighttime wages and salaries rose 4% in
the year ending this September. Increases in the index of benefits costs,
while lower, are rising rapidly.

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Age and Earnings

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

NOTE: Trend components are calculated using a Hodrick-Prescott filter.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey; and Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

Earnings inequality—both for women
compared to men and for blacks compared to whites—has decreased substantially since the 1960s, but different
age groups have had widely differing
experiences. In the early years of the
1962–98 period, female teens working full time earned roughly 40%
more than their male counterparts.
However, in a slightly older group
(20–25), females earned about 17%
less than males. Over time, the relative earnings of those two age groups

have converged so that females in
both groups now earn approximately
85% as much as males.
Older female workers, in contrast,
still face low earnings relative to
men. In the early 1960s, women in
the 26 – 50 and 51– 65 age groups
earned about 60% as much as men. In
the 26–50 group, women’s earnings
have climbed to just over 70% of
men’s. In the oldest group, however,
there has been virtually no change
in the relative earnings of men and
women in more than 35 years.

A comparison of blacks and whites
in these same age groups also shows
much less earnings inequality for the
young than for the old. In the early
1960s, black teenagers earned about
half as much as their white counterparts; by 1997, their earnings were
approximately equal. The pattern
common to the other three age
groups shows blacks’ earnings starting the period at about 65% of
whites’, then rising close to 90% for
the group aged 20 – 25 and to just
under 85% for the two oldest groups.

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The Business Cycle

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

NOTE: Data are monthly and seasonally adjusted indexes of hours worked. Cyclical components are computed using an approximation to a band pass filter.
For more information on this method, see Christiano and Fitzgerald (1998).
SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics; DRI/McGraw–Hill; and Lawrence J. Christiano and Terry J. Fitzgerald, “The Band Pass Filter: Optimal Approximations,”
1998, manuscript available at http://www.econ.nwu.edu/faculty/christiano/.

It is widely recognized that most sectors of the economy move up and
down together over the business
cycle, a trait known as comovement.
Such diverse economic activities as
aircraft production in Washington
State and rug-making in Dalton,
Georgia typically experience prosperity and recession at the same time.
Comovement is, in fact, central to
the official definition of the business
cycle given by the National Bureau
of Economic Research. According to
this definition, “a recession is a recurring period of decline in total output, income, employment, and trade,

usually lasting from six months to a
year, and marked by widespread
contractions in many sectors of the
economy ” (italics added).
One way to see comovement is to
compare economic activity across
sectors by measuring the number of
hours worked in each. To do this,
we must first separate the businesscycle component of hours worked in
each sector from its underlying longrun trend and from very short-term
fluctuations.
Despite substantial differences
among sectors in the trend growth of
hours, the business-cycle compo-

nents in most sectors move together
closely. To show this, we can compare the fluctuations in the businesscycle component of hours worked in
each sector with the cyclical movements in total hours for all sectors.
Charts of these data illustrate the
striking similarity of the cyclical
movements in each sector with the
fluctuations in total hours.
This similarity between the cyclical movements of hours worked in
broadly defined sectors and total
hours worked continues to hold for
(continued on next page)

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The Business Cycle (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

NOTE: Data are monthly and seasonally adjusted indexes of hours worked. Cyclical components are computed using an approximation to a band pass filter.
For more information on this method, see Christiano and Fitzgerald (1998).
SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics; DRI/McGraw–Hill; and Lawrence J. Christiano and Terry J. Fitzgerald, “The Band Pass Filter: Optimal Approximations,”
1998, manuscript available at http://www.econ.nwu.edu/faculty/christiano/.

more narrowly defined subsectors of
manufacturing. Moreover, cyclical
hours worked in different subsectors
tend to move with one another in
addition to moving with total hours.
As subsectors are more and more
narrowly defined, though, one would
expect to find less comovement. The
reason is that the relative importance
of specific events and shocks increases. For example, while we
would expect that a hurricane hitting
the coast of Florida would have a
major impact on construction jobs in
that area, we would not expect that

change to be closely associated with
manufacturing employment fluctuations in Cleveland.
While the comovement in output
and employment across sectors during the business cycle is widely recognized, this fact alone provides little
guidance either to the current state
of the economy or to the appropriate
conduct of monetary policy. One
problem is that we cannot identify
the business-cycle component of
data clearly until long after a given
business cycle has occurred. A hot
topic of debate today is where we
are in the current business cycle.

But even if we could pinpoint our
present position, there is no clear
consensus on exactly what the best
policy would be.
As knowledge about it improves,
comovement may become more useful to economists in understanding
the workings of the economy and
thereby contribute to the design of
good fiscal and monetary policies.
In particular, the tendency of most
economic sectors to move together
over the business cycle provides a
clue for research into the source of
these fluctuations.

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Earnings Inequality

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

SOURCE: Kelvin R. Utendorf, “Recent Changes in Earnings Distributions in the United States,” Social Security Bulletin, vol. 61, no. 2 (1998), pp. 12–28.

Policymakers are concerned not
only with achieving rapid economic growth but also with how
the fruits of growth are distributed
across the population. The most
commonly used measure of inequality, the Gini coefficient, is
based on a comparison of each individual with every other individual
in the population being studied. In
the case of earnings, a Gini value
of zero indicates perfect equality—
each person has identical earnings — and a value of one indicates
perfect inequality — all earnings in
the economy go to one person.

Earnings inequality shows an upward trend during the early and
mid-1980s for the labor force overall
and for men and women separately.
Some analysts have suggested that
greater earnings inequality was the
result of increasing returns to education and more widespread use of
computers in the workplace. In
1989–92, this trend reversed for the
overall population and for women,
and stabilized for men.
The degree of inequality between
men and women lessened consistently, despite the increase in overall earnings inequality during the
1980s. One reason was women’s

higher relative earnings: Their mean
earnings increased from just over
50% of men’s mean earnings in
1981 to almost 60% in 1993, the
final year for which data were available. This was partly due to a decline in men’s mean earnings after
1988; it may also reflect women’s
shift from part-time to full-time
employment. Moreover, women
made up a larger fraction of the
labor force in 1993 (47.4%) than
in 1981 (44.1%). This resulted from
increased efficiency in homeproduction activities and from a
shift of such activities to the formal
(continued on next page)

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Earnings Inequality (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

SOURCE: Kelvin R. Utendorf, “Recent Changes in Earnings Distributions in the United States,” Social Security Bulletin, vol. 61, no. 2 (1998), pp. 12–28.

sector. As a consequence, the gap
between male and female earnings shrank from 42.2 percentage
points in 1981 to 30.4 percentage points in 1993.
No significant trend is apparent in
the ratio of black Americans’ mean
earnings relative to whites’. The
ratio declined from 71% in 1981 to
69% in 1993, although it did not
go down steadily each year. Most
of the decline occurred because of
more rapid growth in whites’ mean
earnings. The same held for the
mean earnings of the “other” category relative to whites: Between

1981 and 1993, this ratio dropped
from 88% to 84%.
Blacks’ share of the labor force
increased only marginally — from
11% in 1981 to 11.5% in 1993. The
“others’” share increased more —
from 6% to 11% over the same
period. These increases corresponded to a drop in white men’s
share of the labor force.
Blacks’ earnings share remained
stable, the slight increase in their
labor-force share offsetting the
slight decline in their mean
earnings relative to whites. The
earnings share of the “other” category doubled — from 5% in 1981 to

10% in 1993 — despite the small
decline in their mean earnings relative to whites. Whites’ earnings
share, of course, declined in a
compensating manner.
Because mean earnings differ
substantially by race, one might
think that the disparity across racial
categories contributes heavily to
overall earnings inequality, but this
is not the case. If Gini coefficients
are broken down into withinversus between-racial-group components, we find overwhelming
dominance by the within-racialgroup component.

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Housing Finance

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Percent of new conventional mortgage originations with adjustable rates.
b. Secondary-market purchases by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac as a share of all mortgage originations.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of the Treasury, Office of Thrift Supervision; U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development; Federal National Mortgage
Association; Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation; Mortgage Bankers Association of America; and Bank Rate Monitor, various issues.

The recent turmoil set off by uncertainty in world financial markets has
proven a great boon to people seeking to buy homes or refinance their
mortgages. Nevertheless, it has been
a wild ride.
After holding relatively steady
throughout the first half of the year,
long-term mortgage rates fell 45
basis points (bps) between late August and early October. Not surprisingly, mortgage application volumes
for both new purchases and refinancing went through the roof, far

exceeding even those seen in the refinancing boom of 1993. Following
last month’s sharp drop, mortgage
rates rose 44 bps in a single week,
amidst a global flight to quality.
Although short-term interest rates,
like long-term rates, fell between late
August and early October, the overall spread between fixed- and
adjustable-rate mortgages declined
to 125 bps in September, reaching its
nadir for this decade. The small
fixed-/adjustable-rate spread and the
low absolute level of long-term rates

have combined to reduce the fraction of new mortgages with adjustable rates to a decade-long low.
The steady flattening of the yield
curve over the last year and a half
has produced dramatic shifts in
secondary-mortgage-market activity.
Indeed, the ongoing rise in new
originations with fixed rates has
spurred growth in the fraction of
new mortgages funneled through
the secondary market. One important reason is that originators would
(continued on next page)

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Housing Finance (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. Purchase data include conventional and government-insured mortgages.
b. Percent of new conventional mortgage originations with adjustable rates.
c. Median sale price of existing single-family homes.
d. Index of median family income as a percent of the income required to qualify for a 20%-down-payment mortgage on an existing, median-priced, singlefamily home.
e. 12-month moving average.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of the Treasury, Office of Thrift Supervision; U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development; Federal National Mortgage
Association; Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation; and National Association of Realtors.

rather keep adjustable-rate loans on
their books than long-term mortgages, which they prefer to sell on
the secondary market. As a result, by
the end of last year purchases by
both Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac
had reached levels not seen since the
refinancing boom of 1993. This trend
has continued and will probably do
so throughout 1998.
Given the strength of the secondary market, it is not surprising

that the share of total originations
made by mortgage banks has risen
dramatically. Mortgage companies
typically earn their revenues though
origination and servicing fees on
mortgage loans rather than from the
interest income they generate. Thus,
instead of holding loans in their own
portfolios, these institutions choose
to package them in pools for sale to
the secondary market. In contrast,
commercial banks and thrifts have

failed to capture much of the recent
rise in origination volume.
The long-term decline in interest
rates has helped offset the recent robust rise in housing prices. Consequently, the overall affordability of
median-priced homes has remained
relatively stable across the country
over the last two years and has improved in the Midwest and Northeast regions.

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International Trade

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. U.S. forecast is from Blue Chip Economic Indicators; foreign forecast is from various sources.
b. Canada, Japan, Mexico, Germany, U.K., Taiwan, China, South Korea, France, Singapore, Italy, Hong Kong, Netherlands, Belgium, and Malaysia.
c. Trade-weighted dollar index includes the 15 countries listed above.
d. Estimates for 1998 utilize CPI forecasts from various sources and an average of exchange rates through September 1998.
e. October 1998 estimate is the average of daily data through October 23.
f. Standard deviation of daily trade-weighted dollar index each month.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census and Bureau of Economic Analysis;
International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Economic Outlook; DRI/McGraw–Hill;
Blue Chip Economic Indicators, various issues; and The Economist, October 17–23, 1998.

The U.S. posted a record $16.8 billion trade deficit in August. The
imbalance has increased precipitously since July 1997 because U.S.
exports of goods and services have
fallen 5.4%. By most accounts, the
trade deficit will widen still farther—reaching approximately $175
billion to $180 billion this year—as
the effects of the Asian and Russian
economic crises continue to filter
through the world.
In part, larger projected increases in the deficit reflect a

gloomier outlook for foreign
economies. In January, economists
generally expected real growth
among our 15 largest trading partners to average 3.2% this year and
3.3% next year. The current consensus, however, is that these countries’
real growth will be only 1.7% in
1998 and 2.3% in 1999. The outlook
for U.S. growth this year is more
optimistic now than it was in January, but economists have pared
their forecast for 1999. To narrow
our trade deficit, foreign growth

typically must exceed U.S. growth
by about two percentage points.
The sharp rise of the real tradeweighted dollar last year—which
brought its cumulative appreciation
since 1991 to 21.2%—also weakens
our global competitiveness. Thus far
this year, the trade-weighted dollar’s
real appreciation has been subdued,
but higher nominal volatility since
July 1997 suggests that international
commerce has become riskier and
more uncertain.

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The Japanese Economy

FRB Cleveland • November 1998

a. 1998 and 1999 data are forecasts from The Economist, October 17–23, 1998, p. 116.
b. Sales taxes imposed in April 1997 account for the jump in year-over-year price changes between April 1997 and April 1998.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics; The Economist, October 17–23,
1998; Bank of Japan; Statistical Bureau of the Prime Minister (Japan); and DRI/McGraw–Hill.

In its seventh year of economic
malaise, Japan is poised to experience its first annual decline in real
GDP since the 1974 oil crisis.
According to a poll by The Economist, forecasters expect real GDP
to drop 2.3% in 1998 and to fall a
further 0.2% in 1999.
The asset-price deflation of the
early 1990s saddled Japanese banks
with huge portfolios of nonperforming loans and a reluctance to
extend new credit. This situation,
combined with the broader wealth

effects of asset-price declines, has
trimmed the country’s average
annual growth rate to only 1.4%
since 1992, substantially below the
4.1% growth rate of the previous 10
years. To resolve its banking situation, Japan recently adopted measures to guarantee bank deposits,
close numerous insolvent banks,
and help rebuild bank capital.
Many observers have questioned
whether, with a crippled banking
sector and extremely low interest
rates, the Bank of Japan could

stimulate economic growth — even
temporarily. The traditional monetary transmission mechanism relies
on interest-rate reductions and
bank lending, which now seem
unlikely in Japan. Under a floatingexchange-rate regime, however, a
monetary expansion will also promote an exchange-rate depreciation, irrespective of its effect on
interest rates. A further yen depreciation and an expanded trade surplus are likely prerequisites to a
Japanese recovery.