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FRB Cleveland • March 1999

The Economy in Perspective
Keep on truckin’ … If the Dow Jones index accurately forecasts future economic conditions, its
surge past 9700 in early March signals a continuation of the U.S. boom. And why not be optimistic? The pace of aggregate activity continues
to exceed the nation’s long-term average—and
estimates of the threshold beyond which inflation
should accelerate. No wonder forecasters of all
stripes are confused.
U.S. production of goods and services expanded more than 4% in real terms last year for
the second year in a row, once more outstripping
private forecasters’ average projections by a wide
margin. Indeed, as late as January 1999, analysts’
average prediction of last year’s fourth-quarter
growth tallied 3%; now, as the Commerce Department’s official estimates become available, it
appears that last year’s real growth rate ended at
a 6% annual rate. It turns out that U.S. exports,
which declined in each of the first three quarters
of 1998, rebounded so strongly in the final quarter that exports actually increased for the year as
a whole. This welcome turn of events for U.S.
producers had not generally been anticipated.
Partly because of the improved trade picture, private forecasters have boosted their 1999 growth
predictions from an average of 2% to 2.5% (even
so, these figures remain far below the pace of the
last two years).
Nor did forecasters anticipate the strength
of consumer demand. Household purchases of
goods and services expanded more vigorously
than did real GDP last year, by nearly a full percentage point. Although the first quarter of 1999
seems to have made a slow start, the Conference
Board’s Present Situation Index rose sharply in
February and now stands at the highest level
recorded since the survey began 32 years ago.
The continued brisk pace of business fixed investment has also caught forecasters by surprise.
Investment spending has been a driving force
throughout the expansion, registering real gains
in the 10–15% range for many years. Last year’s
pace was no different, and 1998 ended with a
solid 16% annual rate gain in the fourth quarter.
Businesses continue to see opportunities for improving productivity through capital investments.
Last year, productivity in the nonfarm business
sector increased nearly 2.5%, while manufacturing productivity expanded about 4%.
Elevated productivity growth means that the
economy can translate a given amount of laborforce growth into more output (and income) than
it otherwise could. When sustained for several

decades, seemingly small increments in productivity growth can amount to significant increases
in living standards. For example, the difference
between 2% and 3% productivity growth rates
over a 20-year period cumulates into a 30% difference in real income levels.
Perhaps the most startling aspect of U.S. economic performance has been the price level: The
Consumer Price Index rose a mere 1.6% in 1998.
With the unemployment rate holding at levels not
seen for nearly 30 years and the share of the
working-age population actually employed hitting record highs, one might have expected that
labor-market tightness would propel inflation forward. Although many analysts think that strong
productivity growth accounts for inflation’s present quiescence, the longer-term relationship is
not obvious. Improved labor productivity makes
each labor hour more valuable, which means that
productivity gains should eventually translate into
rising real wages and profits, not necessarily
into lower-than-otherwise output prices. Prevailing inflation rates result from short-term productivity dynamics, falling import prices, and worldwide weakness in commodity and manufactured
goods prices. It’s likely that these conditions are
already in the process of unwinding, but not so
far as to push the U.S. inflation rate into the danger zone this year.
To be sure, there are risks to both the expansion’s pace and the expansion itself. It is still possible that poor economic conditions in other
parts of the world will damage the U.S. economy
substantially. Already, certain industries such as
steel, petrochemicals, and agriculture are suffering badly. In the past year, for example, soybean
prices fell 25% and steel prices 40%. As for other
risks, the phrase “equity markets” speaks volumes. Yet, despite widespread belief that these
industry- and market-specific gales would tatter
the economy’s mainsails, the ship has held its
course and maintained its speed.
Forecasting is an uncertain business for both
private practitioners and central bankers. During
such exceptionally good times as these, the
downside potential appears so much greater than
further upside gains. Monetary policymakers can
take satisfaction from knowing that price stability
can indeed be sought without compromising improvements in living standards. Indeed, the next
time they are called upon to defend actions
aimed at achieving price stability, central bankers
can draw strength from that knowledge.

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Monetary Policy

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Constant maturity.
b. Bond Buyer Index, general obligation, 20 years to maturity, mixed quality.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and the Chicago Board of Trade.

On February 23 and 24, Federal
Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
testified before Congress as part of
the Federal Reserve’s semiannual
report on monetary policy. This
testimony, along with a written
report, summarizes the central
bank’s view of current economic
conditions, monetary policy, and
the economic outlook through
1999.
In his testimony, Chairman
Greenspan lauded the economy’s
performance over the past year but
warned of “considerable upside and
downside risks to the economic

outlook.” He noted that “in light of
all these risks, monetary policy must
be ready to move quickly in either
direction should we perceive
imbalances and distortions developing that could undermine the
economic expansion.” He also
restated the Federal Reserve’s commitment to maintaining price stability, saying, “We perceive stable
prices as optimum for economic
growth. Both inflation and deflation
raise volatility and risks that thwart
maximum economic growth.”
As for 1999, most members of the
Board of Governors and the Federal

Reserve Bank presidents expect that
the economy will continue expanding moderately, with inflation
increasing slightly over its 1998 rate.
The central tendency of the forecasts for real GDP growth (from
1998:IVQ to 1999:IVQ) is 2½% to
3%, while the central tendency for
inflation as measured by the Consumer Price Index is 2% to 2½%.
The unemployment rate is expected
to remain around 4¼% to 4½%.
The intended federal funds rate
was unchanged at the February
meeting of the Federal Open Market
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Growth rates are percentage rates calculated on a fourth-quarter over fourth-quarter basis. The 1999 growth rates for MZM and M2 are calculated on an
estimated February over 1998:IVQ basis.
b. The sweep-adjusted base includes an estimate of required reserves saved when balances are temporarily shifted from reservable to nonreservable accounts.
c. Sweep-adjusted M1 includes an estimate of balances temporarily shifted from M1 to non-M1 accounts.
d. MZM is an alternative measure of money that is equal to M2 plus institutional money market mutual funds less small time deposits.
NOTE: Data are seasonally adjusted. Last plots for M1, M2, and MZM are estimated for February 1999. Dotted lines for M2 are FOMC-determined provisional
ranges. All other dotted lines represent growth in levels and are for reference only.
SOURCE: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

Committee (FOMC), remaining at
4¾%. Since then, market interest
rates have increased somewhat,
most notably long-term rates. The
implied yield on federal funds
futures has recently begun to tilt
upward, indicating that anticipation
of forthcoming decreases in the federal funds rate has largely diminished and that expectations now
lean toward a rate increase as the
next Fed move. In part, this may be
a response to the Chairman’s state-

ment that “[t]he Federal Reserve
must continue to evaluate, among
other issues, whether the full extent
of the policy easings undertaken last
fall to address the seizing-up of
financial markets remains appropriate as those disturbances abate.”
Growth in monetary aggregates
remains strong, with year-to-date M2
and M3 growth well above the target
range set by the FOMC. The Committee reaffirmed the 1999 monetary
growth ranges that were set last July:

1% – 5% for M2 and 2% – 6% for
M3. The report to Congress noted
that “[g]iven continued uncertainties
about movements in the velocities
of M2 and M3 (the ratios of nominal
GDP to the aggregates), the Committee would have little confidence
that money growth within any particular range selected for the year
would be associated with the
economic performance it expected
or desired.” However, the report
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

2001

2001

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. As measured by the Consumer Price Index.
NOTE: Data are monthly and seasonally adjusted. Data are filtered using a band-pass filter.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Lawrence J. Christiano and Terry
Fitzgerald, “The Band-Pass Filter,” February 1999 (unpublished).

also states that “money growth still
has some value as an economic
indicator,” and that “the Committee
will continue to monitor the monetary aggregates as well as a wide
variety of other economic and
financial data to inform its policy
deliberations.”
As evidenced by comments in the
report, the view that monetary
aggregates are a valuable policy
tool has largely diminished in
recent years. This is a response to
a well-documented breakdown
in the short-run relationship between money, prices, and output

that occurred in the early 1990s. In
contrast, there is a relatively close
relationship between money growth
and inflation over long-term horizons, giving credence to the view
that inflation is, in fact, a monetary
phenomenon.
This contrast in the statistical relationship between money and inflation over short- and long-term horizons leads one to question the
length of the long-term horizon at
which money growth and inflation
are closely associated. If “long”
means three or four years, then one
could argue that the monetary

aggregates provide clear guidelines
for policy, despite the lack of a clear
relationship over a month or quarter. However, if long is 40 years, it is
less clear that the aggregates are
useful for policy decisions that are
made at roughly six-week intervals.
One strategy for addressing this
question is to first break down the
inflation and money-growth data
into a set of components containing
the variations in each series at
different frequencies, as shown in
the charts. The raw data on
monthly inflation can be broken
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

2001

2001

2001

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

NOTE: Data are monthly and seasonally adjusted. Data are filtered using a band-pass filter.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Lawrence J. Christiano and Terry
Fitzgerald, “The Band-Pass Filter,” February 1999 (unpublished).

down into a component that
captures high-frequency movements in the data, a component that
captures business-cycle movements, and components that capture slower-moving aspects of the
data. The same can be done for
money growth. After doing this, we
can look at the relationship
between money growth and inflation for the different frequency
components.
Not surprisingly, there is little correlation between inflation and the
high-frequency components of
money growth. Furthermore, the

observation that money growth and
inflation are closely associated over
long horizons is dramatically
demonstrated by the data component associated with 20- to 40-year
fluctuations. The correlation between these series is almost one.
However, this relationship does not
hold up when we look at the business-cycle component of the data,
or even the component that captures fluctuations of eight to 20
years. For these components, the
correlation between money growth
and inflation is slightly negative.
Of course, money growth today
is thought to influence inflation in

the future, so the fact that these
variables do not move contemporaneously is not so surprising. In fact,
the correlation between money
growth and future inflation is somewhat positive in all four components. However, as the charts
indicate, there is no clear,
consistent relationship between
money growth and future inflation
in the business-cycle and mediumfrequency components of the data.
That is, the correlation between current money growth and future inflation is not particularly strong for any
lag length in these components.

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Interest Rates

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. The expected inflation rate and the estimated real rate are calculated using the Pennacchi model of inflation estimation and the median forecast for the GDP
implicit price deflator from the Survey of Professional Forecasters.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Selected Interest Rates,” Federal Reserve Statistical Releases, H.15; Federal Reserve Bank of
Philadelphia, Survey of Professional Forecasters; and Dow Jones Capital Markets Report.

Interest rates at all maturities have
moved up sharply since last month.
Some of the increase can be traced
to speculation that the Federal Reserve will increase the federal funds
rate. If the market expects such an
increase to be delayed several
months, this may explain the pronounced steepening at the short end
of the yield curve — the 3-year,
3-month spread increased from
11 to 44 basis points. But such shortterm expectations about policy
should not have a pronounced effect on longer rates, which also increased substantially. A greater

worry might be the possibility of
higher inflation. One admittedly
short-term measure, however, which
combines nominal rates with professional forecasts of inflation, indicates
only a minuscule upturn in inflationary expectations.
The market for repurchase agreements (“repos” or RPs) is an important arena for short-term borrowing
and lending. It is also the market
most frequently used by the Open
Market Desk of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York to implement
monetary policy directives from the
FOMC. A bank will borrow money

by selling a Treasury security and
agreeing to repurchase it later, usually the next day, at a given rate.
This rate closely tracks the federal
funds rate. The exact Treasury security that is repurchased generally
doesn’t matter, but often certain securities are in greater demand (or
lesser supply) than the general collateral. This leads the repo to go “on
special,” allowing anyone owning
such collateral to borrow at relatively low rates. Recently, both the
30-year and the 10-year bond have
been on special by substantial
amounts.

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Inflation and Prices
January Price Statistics
Percent change, last:
1 mo.a 3 mo.a

12 mo. 5 yr.a

1998
avg.

Consumer Prices
All items

1.5

1.7

1.6

2.4

1.6

Less food
and energy

0.7

2.1

2.3

2.6

2.5

Medianb

1.3

2.2

2.8

3.0

2.9

6.6

2.8

0.9

1.1

–0.2

–0.8

4.5

2.3

1.4

2.4

Producer Prices
Finished goods
Less food
and energy

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Annualized.
b. Calculated by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.
c. Upper and lower bounds for CPI inflation path as implied by the central tendency growth ranges issued by the FOMC and nonvoting Reserve Bank presidents.
d. As measured by the KR–CRB composite futures index, all commodities. Data reprinted with permission of the Commodity Research Bureau, a Knight–Ridder
Business Information Service.
e. February 1998–February 1999.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland; the Commodity Research Bureau; and DRI/McGraw–Hill.

Consumer prices showed little
movement in January, as the Consumer Price Index (CPI) inched up
an annualized 1.5%, with much of
the increase caused by higher food
prices. After exclusion of the
volatile food and energy components, the CPI showed even less
movement, rising a mere 0.7% (annualized). The median CPI, an alternative measure of inflation, showed
little change in January, rising an
annualized 1.3%.
At its February meeting, the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) left the central tendency

projection for the CPI unchanged
at 2% – 2.5% for 1999. The CPI is
currently tracking nearly ½ percentage point under the lower bound
of the central tendency, an indication that the FOMC expects consumer price pressure to increase
significantly this year.
The futures price index of the
Commodity Research Bureau (CRB)
recently hit lows not seen since February 1975; the 12-month percent
change in the index has been negative since November 1996, and its
downward trend has accelerated
during the past several years.

Economic weakness in Asia and
Russia has reduced foreign demand
for U.S. products while also creating fierce competition for the U.S.
market. Since February 1998, the
bushel spot price of soybeans has
fallen 25%. Other agricultural products whose prices have dropped include corn (down more than 20%)
and wheat (down 15%). Steel spot
prices have been hit the hardest, as
a flood of imported steel has driven
the price down more than 40% in
12 months.
(continued on next page)

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Inflation and Prices (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Blue Chip panel of economists.
b. Forecast data represent annualized quarterly percent change.
c. December 10 forecast.
d. Top 10 forecast minus bottom 10 forecast, divided by the consensus forecast.
e. Standard deviation of monthly responses divided by the response mean.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Blue Chip Economic Indicators, various issues; and the University of Michigan’s Survey
Research Center.

Although the growth trend of the
CPI has moderated rather sharply in
the past two years, economists are
calling for a pickup in CPI increases
this year and next. The consensus
forecast calls for consumer price
increases of 2.2% by the end of 1999
and around 2½% by the middle
of 2000.
However, economists have overpredicted the rise in consumer
prices a disproportionate number of
times in the past six years, and their
inflation projections were especially
far off the mark for the past two

years. In fact, economists’ current inflation projections cover a wide
range of opinions, with optimists
seeing inflation holding around its
current modest level and pessimists
anticipating an inflation resurgence
above 3% late next year.
The maintenance of price stability
requires the central bank to provide
for a stable price level and the
expectation of its continued stability
in the future. Economists’ uncertainty over the price level has grown
in the past year or so, presumably as
they attempt to ascertain the staying

power of the recently improved
inflation trend.
In contrast to economists’ uncertainty, households’ expectations
about future inflation appear to be
narrowing—a positive sign for policymakers. The amplitude of variation in households’ inflation expectations (relative to the mean) has
decreased markedly with their inflation projections since 1996, indicating that households have increased
confidence in the persistence of a
moderate inflation trend.

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Economic Activity
a,b

Real GDP and Components, 1998:IVQ
(Preliminary estimate)
Change,
billions
of 1992 $

Real GDP
Consumer spending
Durables
Nondurables
Services
Business fixed
investment
Equipment
Structures
Residential investment
Government spending
National defense
Net exports
Exports
Imports
Change in
business inventories

Percent change, last:
Quarter,
Four
annual rate quarters

112.0
57.7
34.3
15.4
12.5

6.1
4.5
20.1
4.0
1.7

4.3
5.2
12.1
4.7
4.0

36.1
34.5
3.7
8.0
12.1
1.0
8.5
45.3
36.8

15.9
19.2
7.5
10.5
3.8
1.3
—
20.1
12.6

12.3
17.1
0
12.7
1.7
– 1.4
—
1.2
9.9

–7.9

—

—

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Chain-weighted data in billions of 1992 dollars.
b. Components of real GDP need not add to totals because current dollar values are deflated at the most detailed level for which all required data are available.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis and Bureau of Labor Statistics; and Blue Chip Economic Indicators, January 10 and
February 10, 1999.

In early January, the Blue Chip consensus forecast of GDP for 1998:IVQ
was a solid annualized growth rate
of 3.1%. The advance estimate, released soon after, more than exceeded that expectation with a remarkably strong 5.6% growth rate,
which may be one reason for February’s upward revision in the Blue
Chip consensus forecasts of GDP for
every quarter of 1999.
By February, the preliminary estimate of GDP growth in 1998:IVQ
was an even higher 6.1%, largely because of a much lower trade-deficit
estimate. While the level of imports

was revised downward only slightly,
a surprising uptick in exports far surpassed expectations. U.S. exports declined in each of the first three quarters of 1998; however, that entire
3.4% drop was erased in 1998:IVQ,
when exports reached a height that
exceeded their 1997:IVQ level by
1.2%. Moreover, most of the jump in
exports came from nonautomotive
capital goods, which were 5.6%
higher than the previous year’s level.
It remains to be seen whether this
increased demand for U.S.-made
equipment reflects an improvement
in economic conditions abroad or a
depreciation of the dollar in 1998.

Another highlight of the economy’s performance in 1998:IVQ was
a 3.7% increase in productivity. As
compensation levels have risen more
rapidly, faster productivity growth
has allowed the economy to motor
along at a brisk pace with minimal
inflation — the deflator increased at
an annual rate of only 0.7%. Productivity gains occur when output increases faster than hours worked.
Through the 1990s’ expansion, annual productivity growth rates have
varied from 0.1% (1993) to a strong
3.4% (1992). In 1998, nonfarm business productivity grew at a rate of
(continued on next page)

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Economic Activity (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; National Assocation of Purchasing
Management; and The Conference Board, Inc.

2.3%, while manufacturing productivity grew at 4.3%.
The important question is whether
the GDP strength shown late in 1998
was merely ephemeral or was sustained by strong monthly data early
in 1999. Preliminary measures of the
current dollar value of January retail
sales seemed weak. Their increase of
only 0.2% from December lagged
1998’s 0.5% average monthly increase. Substantial outright declines
were registered at both food stores
and gasoline service stations, where
weak prices may have compounded
any drop in sales volume. However,
these declines were offset by very
strong increases at general merchan-

dise, apparel, and drug stores. Industrial production was unchanged from
December to January, below the
0.2% average monthly increases of
the past year. Small increases in manufacturing and utilities production
were offset by another substantial
decline in mining output.
On the other hand, durable goods
orders rose 3.9% in January, the seventh increase in the last eight months
and the biggest jump since November 1997’s 4.4% increase. Nondefense
capital goods orders, which might
serve as an indicator of investment
spending, rose 11.2% in January.
February polls of consumer confidence also seemed to reflect economic strength. The Present Situation

Index (from surveys of consumer
sentiment about present economic
conditions) rose 5.5 points to reach
the highest level observed since the
Conference Board began its survey
32 years ago. The Expectations Index
(from surveys of sentiment about future conditions) rose 1.6 points, continuing the recovery from last year’s
precipitous decline. Similarly, the
February composite Purchasing Managers’ Index of new orders, production, supplier deliveries, inventories,
and employment rose 2.9 points.
This raised its level to 52.4, breaking
50 for the first time since May 1998
and signaling a general expansion in
manufacturing.

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Labor Markets
Labor Market Conditions
Average monthly change
(thousands of employees)
1999
YTDa Feb.

1996

1997

1998

Payroll employment
233
Goods-producing
31
Mining
1
Construction
28
Manufacturing
3
Durable goods
10
Nondurable goods –7

282
42
1
20
21
22
–1

234
6
–3
29
–19
–10
–9

246
–1
–10
43
–34
–17
–17

275
12
–10
72
–50
–24
–26

Service-producing
Retail trade
FIREb
Services
Household
employment

202
42
14
117

240
34
17
142

229
39
22
113

247
80
15
94

263
123
7
87

228

235

157

309

–252

Average for period (percent)

Civilian unemployment

5.4

4.9

4.5

4.4

4.4

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Year to date.
b. Finance, insurance, and real estate.
c. Vertical line indicates break in data series due to survey redesign.
d. Earnings data for production and nonsupervisory workers on private nonfarm payrolls (approximately four-fifths of total private nonfarm employees).
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Labor markets’ vigorous growth
showed no sign of abating in February. Nonfarm payrolls grew at a
better-than-average rate, with industry gains and losses that reflected
strong consumer spending, a
healthy building market, favorable
weather, and international economic turmoil. The unemployment
rate rose slightly amid moderate
growth in average hourly earnings.
Nonfarm payrolls increased
275,000 for the month. With January’s downward revision (217,000
instead of 245,000), the year-to-date

average is little changed at 246,000.
Payrolls in service-producing industries expanded by 263,000, led by
employment increases in restaurants, department stores, and miscellaneous retail establishments.
The pace of jobs growth in the construction industry surged as 72,000
jobs were added to payrolls. Manufacturing lost 50,000 jobs in its sixth
consecutive month of contraction,
bringing the number of jobs lost in
the past six months to 201,000.
A decrease in household employment slightly outweighed a de-

crease in the labor force, causing
the unemployment rate to creep up
one-tenth of a percent to 4.4%. The
employment-to-population ratio fell
to 64.4%.
Since February 1998, hourly earnings have risen 3.6%, slightly more
than the current expansion’s yearover-year average growth rate of
3.1%. Total earnings growth has recently been tempered by slowerthan-average growth in goods-sector
wages. Wages for service-sector jobs
increased a solid 4.1%.

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Social Security

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

SOURCE: Steven Caldwell, Melissa Favreault, Alla Gantman, Jagadeesh Gokhale, Thomas Johnson, and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, “Social Security’s Treatment of
Postwar Americans,” in James Poterba, ed., Tax Policy and the Economy, vol. 13. Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research (forthcoming).

The tax treatment of different demographic groups varies considerably under Social Security, also
called Old Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI). The lifetime net tax
rates (LNTR), rates of return (RR),
and age-65 net payment (NP-65)
charted above are based on the assumption that current tax and benefit rules will prevail throughout the
lifetimes of postwar generations —
those born after 1945. The calculations draw on a large-scale simulation of the U.S. economy and a
sophisticated Social Security benefit
calculator.
LNTRs show the number of cents
paid per dollar of lifetime earnings

through participation in OASI. Generations with the lowest lifetime
earnings receive more benefits in
present value than they contribute
in payroll taxes. Those in the middle quintile face LNTRs of almost
6 cents in present value, while those
in the highest quintile surrender just
over 5 cents per dollar of their lifetime earnings.
Women have smaller LNTRs than
men because of Social Security’s
progressive benefit structure (on average, women receive lower paychecks). They also are the majority
recipients of dependent and survivor benefits because of their
lower earnings and greater long-

evity. These benefits are Social Security’s insurance against dependency, widowhood, and poverty at
very old ages.
In some instances, Social Security
is kinder to better-off groups:
Whites and the college-educated,
for example, face lower LNTRs than
do nonwhites and those without a
college education. Despite the fact
that better-off groups earn more,
they collect more benefits because
they live longer.
If we view payroll contributions
as “investments” that generate a
return in the form of future OASI
benefits, we can evaluate the rate of
(continued on next page)

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Social Security (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

SOURCE: Steven Caldwell, Melissa Favreault, Alla Gantman, Jagadeesh Gokhale, Thomas Johnson, and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, “Social Security’s Treatment of
Postwar Americans,” in James Poterba, ed., Tax Policy and the Economy, vol. 13. Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research (forthcoming).

return (RR) that is implicit in this
transaction. Under current rules, all
postwar generations receive RRs of
just under 2%. These rates are risky
because participants do not know
how or when taxes or benefits will
be altered to correct OASI’s longterm insolvency. These RRs compare unfavorably with returns on
10-year Treasury inflation-protection
securities (TIPS), which yield much
higher returns (greater than 3.5%)
and are considered to be almost
perfectly safe. OASI participants
forgo investment in much safer and
higher-yielding assets.
By one estimate, restoring OASI

to long-term solvency would require
an immediate, permanent hike of
about four percentage points in the
payroll tax rate (currently at 10.6%).
Alternatively, OASI benefit levels
would have to be reduced 25% immediately and permanently. Under
the payroll-tax-hike option, generations born earlier would see only
slight drops in RR, but those born
later would suffer larger declines because most of their tax-paying years
would occur after the tax hike. Cutting OASI benefits would impose a
uniform reduction in the RRs of
postwar generations. This option,
however, would be likely to impose

significant burdens on today’s retirees and pre-retirees — those born
before 1945.
For those born soon after World
War II, participating in OASI means
having $200,000 less, on average, at
age 65 than they would have gained
from contributions placed in private
capital markets and earning a 5%
rate of return. For those born in the
late 1970s and early 1980s, the sacrifice amounts to $270,000. These
burdens would be even higher
under the tax-hike and benefit-cut
options for restoring OASI’s longterm financial health.

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The Federal Budget

Summary Budget Proposals
(Trillions of dollars, fiscal year 2000)
Onbudget

Offbudget

Sources of funds
Own surplus
Grant from on-budgeta

2.1

2.7
2.8

Total sources

2.1

5.5

Uses of funds
Grant to off-budgeta
Pay off debt held by
the public
Spending and
financing costs
Medicare spending
Total uses
Sources less uses

2.8
2.7
1.4
0.7
4.9

2.7

–2.8

2.8

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Grant in the form of IOUs from the Treasury to the Social Security trust fund.
NOTE: All data are for fiscal years.
SOURCES: Congressional Budget Office; and Majority Staff, Senate Budget Committee.

At the end of fiscal year 1998, there
was a surplus on the books of the
federal government—the first in 28
years. The latest Congressional
Budget Office projections indicate
that federal surpluses will accumulate during the next decade to the
tune of $2.7 trillion. Over the short
term, most of the surplus is expected to occur on the off-budget
side of the ledger—in the Social Security plus Postal Service account.
The on-budget side will not register
a surplus until 2001. As a percent of
GDP, revenues are at a postwar

high of 20.9%, while outlays have
hit a 25-year low of 19.6%. If discretionary spending after 2002 adheres
to the real level set for that year,
outlays are expected to reach a low
point of 17.3% of GDP by 2009.
The Clinton Administration projects a total surplus of $4.8 trillion
over the next 15 years, of which
$2.1 trillion emerges on-budget.
Contingent on “saving” Social Security, the President’s proposal sets
aside $1.4 trillion for additional discretionary spending, establishing
Universal Saving Accounts, and

meeting the associated financing
charges. In addition, $0.7 trillion is
allocated to bolstering the Medicare
trust fund. The off-budget surplus of
$2.7 trillion would be used to pay
down part of the debt held by the
public. The proposal “saves” Social
Security by having the Treasury
issue additional nonmarketable securities to the Social Security trust
fund in the amount of $2.8 trillion.
This manner of saving Social Security seems to involve committing
on-budget revenues beyond a 15year horizon.

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Banking Conditions

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Data are through 1998:IIIQ.
NOTE: All data are for FDIC-insured commercial banks.
SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, September 1998.

Commercial banks’ balance sheets
showed continued signs of health
through the third quarter of 1998.
Despite a slowdown in profits relative to 1997, earnings remained
strong, with the net interest margin
remaining above 4%. Return on equity for the first nine months
of 1998 was 14.3%. Moreover,
nearly 95% of all commercial banks
posted positive profits through the
third quarter of 1998.
Strong bank balance sheets are

reflected in core bank capital,
which is at 7.7% of assets, its highest level in 47 years. Asset-quality
problems are not yet evident, as
nonperforming assets fell to 0.65%
of assets. One sign of potential
weakness is the increased level of
net charge-offs to 0.66% of loans.
However, while net charge-offs
have reached their highest level in
five years, they remain well below
1% of total loans and do not merit
concern at this time.

Finally, the banking sector’s
growth showed signs of a moderate
slowdown during the first nine
months of 1998. Net operating income growth fell below 5%, its lowest level in five years. Bank asset
growth, however, remained above
8% through the third quarter of
1998. Overall, the banking sector
could continue to grow at current
rates without compromising the recent trend in profitability or, more
importantly, the quality of its assets.
(continued on next page)

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Banking Conditions (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. Data are through 1998:IIIQ.
b. The sharp decline in operating income growth in 1996 was driven, in part, by a special insurance assessment on the deposits of savings associations.
NOTE: All data are for FDIC-insured savings associations.
SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, September 1998.

Savings associations’ performance
continued to be strong during the
first nine months of 1998. A return
on equity of 12.3% was the highest
level since 1985. However, unlike
that of 1985, this return on equity
was generated by a return on assets
of 1.1% — the highest level since
1955 — and a steady net interest
margin of 3.13%. Moreover, less than
5% of savings associations reported
losses through the third quarter
of 1998.

Savings associations’ balancesheet strength improved, with core
capital exceeding 8% of total assets
at the end of the third quarter. Asset
quality continues to improve, as
nonperforming assets fell to 0.75%
of total assets and net charge-offs
fell to 0.21% of loans.
While the industry shrank slightly
in 1997, it rebounded in 1998, its
assets growing at a rate of 3.42%
through the end of the third quarter. This asset growth was accom-

panied by growth in operating
income of nearly 13%, suggesting
that asset growth in 1998 did not
come at the expense of profit margins. Overall, recent industry performance suggests that savings associations will continue to play an
important role in the economy,
albeit a smaller one than they have
played in the past.

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Federal Deposit Insurance

FRB Cleveland •March 1999

a. Data are through 1998:IIIQ.
NOTE: All data are for FDIC-insured banks and savings associations.
SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, September 1998.

Buoyed by the strong performance
of the depository institutions sector
in the mid-to-late 1990s, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation’s bank insurance fund (BIF)
and savings association insurance
fund (SAIF) continued to grow during the first nine months of 1998.
At the end of the third quarter,
reserves of the BIF and SAIF stood
at 1.41% and 1.39% of insured
deposits, respectively, well in
excess of the 1.25% target fund

ratio mandated by the Financial
Institutions Reform, Recovery, and
Enforcement Act of 1989.
The high reserves in BIF and SAIF
mean that well-capitalized banks
and savings associations with satisfactory examination ratings will not
be assessed deposit insurance premiums for 1998. This group
of institutions includes nearly 95% of
BIF members and more than 92% of
SAIF members. Despite this, the
funds are likely to grow as the in-

vestment income from the reserves
of BIF and SAIF is likely to exceed
expenses for the next several years.
Given the small and declining
number of problem banks and savings associations, the number of depository institution failures is likely
to remain low in the foreseeable
future. Moreover, the relatively small
asset size of these problem institutions suggests that any failures that
do arise will cause only modest
losses to the funds.

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The Rising Yen

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. The real exchange rate adjusts the nominal exchange rate for inflation in both countries. A decline (rise) represents a real appreciation (depreciation) of the
yen against the dollar.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics.

The U.S. dollar has depreciated 18%
against the Japanese yen since August 1998. More than half of the decline occurred in late October, as
hedge funds and other international
investors scrambled to stop losses
on short yen positions. Investors’
swift actions, while increasing market volatility, were a response to
emerging news of changes in Japanese fiscal policy.
Last summer, as its economy
slipped deeper into recession, Japan

announced a series of fiscal initiatives. The market, however, was not
impressed with the initiatives’ overall
size or the lack of permanent tax
cuts, and remained unconvinced of
Japan’s willingness to tolerate large
budget deficits. An additional installment in November seemed to add
credibility, and yields on long-term
government bonds rose sharply. In
contrast, U.S. long-term bond yields
fell. The narrowing rate differential
seems to explain the yen’s appreciation since August.

Dollar movements against the yen
since 1995 — its initial appreciation
and its more recent depreciation —
have tended to offset inflation differentials between the two countries.
Upward and downward movements
in the real exchange rate confer a
competitive advantage on Japan and
the U.S., respectively — especially
deviations from an index value of
100, which is consistent with purchasing power parity. Opposite
movements eliminate these gains.

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Dollarizing Argentina

FRB Cleveland • March 1999

a. The real exchange rate adjusts the nominal exchange rate for inflation in both countries. A decline (rise) represents a real appreciation (depreciation) of the
peso against the dollar resulting from higher (lower) inflation in Argentina than in the U.S.
SOURCE: International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics.

In April 1991, Argentina established
a currency board to cure its chronic
inflation. Because the currency
board issues only pesos for dollars
at a fixed rate of one-for-one, dollar
reserves back Argentina’s monetary
base. The currency board cannot
undertake open-market operations
or make loans. Tying the peso to the
dollar protects the peso’s purchasing
power by linking Argentina’s monetary policy to the U.S. Since 1994,

Argentina has maintained an inflation rate similar to that of the U.S.
With the peso fixed to the dollar,
however, Argentina’s exchange rate
cannot act as a buffer against economic shocks. Adjustments, which
rely on domestic price movements,
often entail unemployment and lost
output. Argentina’s growth rate fell
in 1995 after the Mexican crisis; it
will probably slow this year because
of Brazil’s predicament.

The credibility of the peso–dollar
peg rests on Argentina’s ability to
ride out these adjustments. A recent
rise in the differential between peso
and dollar loan rates in Argentina
suggests that confidence ebbed following the Brazilian real’s depreciation. Calls for complete dollarization
in Argentina seem to have alleviated
these concerns somewhat; dollarization would prevent Argentine policymakers from breaking the peg and
returning to their inflationary past.