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The Economy in Perspective

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

About that NAIRU jacket … The Bureau of Labor
Statistics’ just-released May labor report failed to
settle differences of opinion about labor market
tightness. The unemployment rate declined to
4.2%, equaling March’s 30-year low. For those
who regard the non-accelerating inflation rate of
unemployment (NAIRU) to be 5% or greater,
May’s report brought disquieting news about future inflation prospects. At the same time, however, net new job creation for the month slowed
to only 11,000, a dramatic reduction from the
pace of the last 12 months. For those who expect
economic activity to slow in the coming months,
May’s report could be a long-awaited harbinger.
Thus the labor market continues to be an
enigma. When the expansion continued its
progress into 1996, many mainstream forecasters
expected inflation to accelerate as the unemployment rate fell below the NAIRU, then estimated to
be 6%. Despite economic growth strong enough
to push the unemployment rate ever lower, many
analysts clung to their belief that inflation would
accelerate. The NAIRU concept, after all, had
served inflation forecasting well for several
decades. Surely, the thinking went, if unemployment has dropped below 5%, accelerating inflation must be just around the corner.
The idea of the NAIRU comes from a view of
price-setting behavior which supposes that businesses tack a markup onto their unit labor costs.
As business cycles lengthen, productivity growth
typically slows. Moreover, as labor markets
tighten, firms often must bid up wage rates to
compete for the available labor supply. The combination of these two trends normally raises unit
labor costs and with them product prices. In this
view, accelerating inflation results when the
process becomes persistent and is generalized
throughout the economy.
Most people who don the NAIRU garb think
that persistent increases in the price level—inflation—stem from excessive money growth. Gauging money demand can be difficult, so the NAIRU
appeals to those who think labor market relationships better reveal the balancing point between
money supply and demand. But the NAIRU is
more than just a model of how strengthening
economic activity translates into accelerating inflation; it also presumes an exact estimate of the

unemployment rate at which labor markets
become so tight that they set off inflation. This estimate is not obtained from economic theory so
much as it is gleaned from earlier business-cycle
experiences. So current NAIRU estimates derive
from circumstances that prevailed in the last 40
years, including the ways businesses, employees,
and policymakers responded to rising inflation.
NAIRU estimates can fall wide of the mark for
several reasons. Referring to the markup-over-cost
notion of product pricing, it should be plain that
misperceptions about productivity growth can derail pricing projections. Changes in trend productivity growth are notoriously difficult to forecast
because productivity’s quarterly movements fluctuate widely, masking its evolving trend growth
rate. High rates of business fixed investment
throughout this expansion seem to be driving productivity’s growth rate trend upward, but the size
of the adjustment is unclear. Some analysts conjecture that the trend rate has shifted from just
under 1% to 2%, while others are hopeful that 3%
will prove a better estimate. With productivity
growth averaging 2¾% in the past four quarters,
the correct number is anyone’s guess.
Stronger productivity growth, however, should
only depress the NAIRU temporarily. Eventually,
employees should expect their pay to capture
some of the newfound wealth. At this point in
the expansion, wages’ inexplicable moderation
in the face of tight labor markets contributes to
inflation forecasting errors. It is possible that official statistics fail to include some forms of compensation, notably stock options, but the underrecording is probably not meaningful. Besides,
there is another mystery to solve: Why have labor
force participation rates risen to record levels
without registering a strong gravitational pull from
sharply rising labor compensation?
One needn’t believe in an estimable NAIRU to
think that tight labor markets lead to accelerating
inflation. Some have given up on the NAIRU but
not on the notion that “low” unemployment rates
foreshadow inflation. Such a position raises two
questions. How does one judge just when labor
market conditions signal trouble? More importantly, given that inflation is a monetary phenomenon, why dress inflation in labor market clothing at a time when the pattern no longer fits?

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Monetary Policy

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. All dates except May 27, 1999 are one day prior to FOMC meetings.
b. Constant maturity.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and the Chicago Board of Trade.

At its May 18 meeting, the Federal
Open Market Committee (FOMC)
opted to leave the federal funds rate
target unchanged at 4.75%. The discount rate (which the Federal Reserve charges on overnight loans to
banks) was also left unchanged at
4.5%. At the meeting, however, the
FOMC “adopted a directive that is
tilted toward the possibility of a
firming in the stance of monetary
policy,” fueling expectations that it
may raise rates in the near future.

This announcement came on the
heels of the largest uptick in CPI inflation to occur in more than eight
years. Clearly, the average participant in the market for federal funds
futures expects the target rate to increase in the coming months. The
implied yields on fed funds futures
the day before the May FOMC meeting indicate that it was the only one
of the last four meetings when the
market foresaw a significant possibility of a rate target increase. Since

the meeting, implied yields have
climbed slightly, a sign of market expectations that the target may go to
5.0% or higher by early fall.
Long-term interest rates have
drifted upward in recent weeks.
From the week ending April 30 to
the one ending May 21, the average
of conventional mortgage rates increased 30 basis points. In the same
period, the weekly averages of the
constant maturity measures for
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Growth rates are percentage rates calculated on a fourth-quarter over fourth-quarter basis. The 1999 growth rates for adjusted M1 and the base are calculated on a March over 1998:IVQ basis. The 1999 growth rate for M2 is calculated on an estimated May over 1998:IVQ basis.
b. The sweep-adjusted base includes an estimate of required reserves saved when balances are temporarily shifted from reservable to nonreservable accounts.
c. Sweep-adjusted M1 includes an estimate of balances temporarily shifted from M1 to non-M1 accounts.
NOTE: Data are seasonally adjusted. Last plots for M1 and M2 are estimated for May 1999. Dotted lines for M2 are FOMC-determined provisional ranges. All
other dotted lines represent growth in levels and are for reference only.
SOURCE: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

10- and 30-year Treasuries increased
35 and 27 basis points, respectively.
Recent short-term rates have
followed similar patterns, but these
patterns are less distinct for the
constant-maturity measures of both
the 3-month and 1-year T-bills. The
weekly averages for these two
short-term interest rates have increased only 13 and 16 basis points
from the week ending April 30 to
the one ending May 21.
Annualized growth of the sweep-

adjusted base through March of this
year has outpaced its 1998 growth
by more than 1%. Although it is dangerous to rely on nonadjusted base
data, it is noteworthy that this year’s
base growth has remained quite
rapid, being well above 5% and indeed near 1998’s 7% growth rate.
Similarly, sweepadjusted M1 growth
thus far in 1999 is on a par with last
year’s rate.
The annualized M2 growth of
6.5% through May has slowed since

1998, when the rate averaged nearly
8.5%, but is still outside the 1% to 5%
provisional range set by the FOMC.
The components that have contributed to M2’s recent, relatively
rapid growth are retail moneymarket mutual funds and savings deposits. The increase in retail money
funds is not surprising, given the rise
in household holdings of mutual
funds of all types. The increase in
savings deposits, however, may have
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

NOTE: Changes in the effective federal funds rate and inflation are the differences between quarterly average rates. Inflation is the annualized change in quarterly average CPI–all items. Data are filtered using a band-pass filter.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Lawrence Christiano and Terry
Fitzgerald, “The Band-Pass Filter,” February 1999 (unpublished).

more to do with sweep accounts
than with greater savings by households. Sweep accounts move funds
from checkable deposits —which
have reserve requirements — to
money market deposit accounts offered by banks—which have none.
The increase in sweep accounts from
March 1998 to March 1999 contributed more than four percentage
points to the 13.6% growth in savings
deposits in that period.
It is generally accepted that lowering inflation requires raising the
federal funds rate. But how can this

be, given that the correlation between the two is clearly positive?
The answer hinges on the difference between their short-run and
long-run movements. One strategy
for analyzing this difference is to
break down both the fed funds rate
and the inflation rate into two sets
of components: variations in each
series at lower (longer-term) frequencies and at higher (shorterterm) frequencies.
If we concentrate on low frequencies like those associated with movements exceeding two years, the posi-

tive relationship noted above becomes even clearer. But if we look
only at high-frequency movements
(less than two years) we see that a
higher funds rate portends lower inflation. This suggests that at least in
the short run, increasing the fed
funds rate may indeed lower inflation within a couple of quarters. But
why should these correlations differ
between low and high frequencies?
Like all nominal interest rates, the
federal funds rate consists of both a
(continued on next page)

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Monetary Policy (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

NOTE: Change in the effective federal funds rate is calculated as the difference between quarterly average rates. Inflation and M2 growth are annualized
changes in quarterly average CPI–all items and M2, respectively. Data are filtered using a band-pass filter.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; and Lawrence Christiano and Terry
Fitzgerald, “The Band-Pass Filter,” February 1999 (unpublished).

real rate and an expected inflation
component. In the short term, expectations are largely fixed, and the
monetary authority controls the
funds rate by changing the real rate.
To lower the real (and hence nominal) interest rate, money growth expands. Given the well-documented
positive relationship between money
growth and inflation, this expansion
tends to increase inflation in the following year.
Yet in the long term, everything
is reversed. Since the monetary

authority affects only real variables
(like the real funds rate) over the
short term, ultimately the only way it
can control the nominal funds rate is
by changing expected inflation.
Over the long term, a lower funds
rate can be maintained only if
money growth is lowered. This is
apparent in the relationship between
money growth and the fed funds
rate at lower frequencies. The correlation that was negative in the short
term is now moderately positive.
Where does this leave the policymakers who wish to lower both

short-term and long-term inflation?
This analysis suggests a paradox: increasing the federal funds rate today
may sow the seeds of future inflation. For the monetary authority, the
solution is to follow the initial round
of tightening with reductions in the
funds rate when inflation starts to
fall. The credibility of the monetary
authority depends crucially on its following through with these reductions. Otherwise, money growth will
increase, undermining policymakers’
anti-inflation efforts.

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Interest Rates

10-YEAR, 3-MONTH TREASURY
YIELD SPREAD, MAY 18, 1999 e

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. All yields are from the constant-maturity series.
b. Weekly averages for the week of May 28, 1999.
c. Monthly averages.
d. Real rates and expected inflation are estimated from 30-day market yields and the Survey of Professional Forecasters’ inflation projections using a Kalman filter model.
e. The dotted lines mark the time of the FOMC announcement on May 18 (2:11 p.m., Eastern Daylight Time).
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Selected Interest Rates,” Federal Reserve Statistical Releases, H.15; Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Survey of Professional Forecasters; and Bloomberg information services.

Since April, the yield curve has
shifted upward and steepened, but
it remains fairly flat by historical
standards. The 3-year, 3-month
spread increased from 62 to 78 basis
points, and the 10-year, 3-month
spread from 77 to 91. These remain
below the historical averages of
about 80 and 120 basis points.
Across the board, rates have
moved higher since the turn of the
year. A model that uses 30-day rates
and professional forecasts attributes
much of that change to increases in
the real rate of interest. The model’s
estimate of expected inflation
shows a decrease since January and

only a small increase (5 basis
points) in recent months. A measure of longer-term inflationary expectations— the spread between
yields on 10-year nominal Treasury
bonds and Treasury inflationprotection securities — has shown
larger gains, moving from 86 basis
points in January to 191 on June 1.
On May 18, shortly after 2:00 p.m.
(Eastern Daylight Time), the Federal
Open Market Committee issued a
statement that it had “adopted a directive that is tilted toward the possibility of a firming in the stance of
monetary policy.” Changes in the
bond yields at five-minute intervals

show that this announcement had
an immediate impact on bond markets. Yields made a noticeable, if
not dramatic, increase at the time of
the announcement; the 10-year,
3-month yield spread also jumped.
It seems a stretch to attribute this
effect solely to expectations of Fed
tightening, which should have a
larger impact on the shorter rates.
Perhaps the announcement created
longer-run uncertainty about Fed
policy or indicated to the market
that the Fed has adverse information about longer-term risks, such
as inflation.

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Inflation and Prices
April Price Statistics
Percent change, last:
1 mo.a

3 mo.a 12 mo.

5 yr.a

1998
avg.

Consumer prices
All items

9.1

3.9

2.3

2.4

1.6

Less food
and energy

4.9

2.3

2.2

2.5

2.5

Median b

3.6

2.4

2.7

2.9

2.9

Finished goods

5.6

1.2

1.2

1.1

–0.1

Less food
and energy

0.8

0.3

1.7

1.3

2.5

Producer prices

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Annualized.
b. Calculated by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.
c. Upper and lower bounds for CPI inflation path as implied by the central tendency growth ranges issued by the FOMC and nonvoting Reserve Bank presidents.
d. Median expected change in consumer prices as measured by the University of Michigan’s Survey of Consumers.
e. As measured by the KR–CRB composite futures index, all commodities. Data reprinted with permission of the Commodity Research Bureau, a Knight–Ridder
Business Information Service.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland; the University of Michigan; and the Commodity Research
Bureau.

Retail price growth accelerated in
April, as the Consumer Price Index
(CPI) surged 9.1% (annualized)—its
largest monthly increase since October 1990. Although announced
OPEC production cutbacks played a
role in pushing up the index, the CPI
excluding food and energy increased
a sizeable 4.9% (annualized) in April,
an indication that the upward price
pressures were broad-based. This
impression was also supported by
the median CPI (an alternative mea-

sure of inflation), which rose an annualized 3.6% in April.
The relatively large jump in retail
prices between March and April
pushed the 12-month CPI trend
back into the middle of the Federal
Open Market Committee’s (FOMC)
central tendency for this year. Results of the latest Michigan Survey
indicate that households are expecting retail prices to grow at about
2¾% this year and beyond.
It is too early to judge whether last
month’s retail price jump is the

beginning of a higher inflation trend
(which economists have been anticipating for more than a year) or a
one-month aberration. Further down
the production chain, the price data
remain flat or are falling. The PPI excluding food and energy items increased a mere 0.8% (annualized) in
April, slightly under its recent trend.
There are signs, however, that
such favorable trends may be coming to an end. Commodity futures
(continued on next page)

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Inflation and Prices (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Data are from a poll reported in The Economist.
b. Calculated by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.
SOURCES: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland; International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics; and The Economist, May 29, 1999.

prices, which include a variety of
raw materials used in manufacturing, have halted their two-year
downward slide.
Another related issue in the nearterm outlook for domestic prices is
the direction of import prices. Readily available foreign production,
attributable mostly to slack economies abroad, has added substantially to the world’s excess productive capacity. This excess capacity
has put downward pressure on domestic prices, either through trade
with foreigners or through added
competitive pressures on domestic
producers.

While U.S. inflation performance
in the past few years has been remarkable, some of our major trading
partners have experienced even less
price pressure. Japan, Canada, Germany, France, and Switzerland all experienced average real price increases of less than 1% per year in
the past two years—and these trends
are expected to continue. Economists seem to agree that U.S. inflation
(around 2% per year) will be among
the highest of our major trading partners over the next two years.
The “cost” of this inflation performance has been a widening U.S.
trade gap. And there is a limit to how
long and how far this trade deficit

can be sustained. Trade account
deficits add to net foreign claims on
the U.S. and, at some point, they
begin to put downward pressure on
the exchange value of the dollar. As
the dollar falls in value, U.S. consumers of foreign goods should
begin to see their prices rise. In fact,
such trends may already be under
way. After its peak last summer, the
dollar has fallen, thereby slowing the
rate at which import prices are
falling. Some economists expect
these trends to continue this year and
beyond, as the foreign sector ceases
to moderate U.S. retail prices and begins to aggravate them instead.

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Economic Activity
a

Real GDP and Components, 1999:IQ
(Preliminary estimate)
Change,
billions
of 1992 $

Real GDP
Consumer spending
Durables
Nondurables
Services
Business fixed
investment
Equipment
Structures
Residential investment
Government spending
National defense
Net exports
Exports
Imports
Change in
business inventories

Percent change, last:
Four
Quarter
quarters

77.0
87.1
23.8
35.5
31.0

4.1
6.8
12.9
9.4
4.3

3.9
5.5
12.5
5.2
4.2

18.9
18.8
1.4
11.8
13.9
–5.2
–60.1
–17.6
42.5

7.8
9.7
2.8
15.4
4.3
–6.7
—
–6.8
14.2

8.5
11.0
1.6
12.5
3.2
2.1
—
00
9.4

–5.2

—

—

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Chain-weighted data in billions of 1992 dollars. Components of real GDP need not add to totals because current dollar values are deflated at the most
detailed level for which all required data are available.
b. Corporate profits data are profits after tax with inventory valuation and capital consumption allowances.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis and Bureau of the Census; and Blue Chip Economic Indicators, January 10 and
May 10, 1999.

The 4.1% preliminary (second) estimate of real GDP growth in 1999:IQ
was only slightly lower than the 4.5%
advance (first) estimate released in
April. A revision of 0.4 is not unusual. Past experience suggests that
90% of the time the revision is between –0.9 and +1.4 of the advance
estimate. Factors contributing to the
downward revision included a
stronger drag from increased net imports (–0.12), and slightly lower estimates of consumption spending
(–0.1) and inventory investment

(– 0.16). The Blue Chip consensus
forecast of GDP for the rest of 1999
increased once again, and now indicates an expectation of aboveaverage growth for the year.
Preliminary GDP data included the
first estimates of 1999:IQ corporate
profits, which showed a 3.7% annualized increase over 1998:IVQ and a
3.1% gain over the same period last
year. These increases, however, were
not sufficient to raise the level of
profits to the peak reached in 1997.
Data showing a sharp increase in

the March current dollar value of
business inventories were released
after the advance GDP estimates
were prepared. This led some analysts to expect an increase in the preliminary GDP estimate rather than
the slight decrease actually observed.
Just as the March inventory-to-sales
ratio declined because sales grew
faster than inventories, so too the actual ratio of inventories to GDP fell
short of the level implicit in the advance GDP release.
(continued on next page)

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Economic Activity (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; The Conference Board, Inc.; and the
National Association of Purchasing Management.

Nondefense capital goods orders
are sometimes cited as an indicator of
future business fixed investment in
equipment. Total capital goods orders
dropped sharply in April, as the
volatile defense component declined
by more than one-third. Nondefense
orders also declined sharply, reflecting a substantial reduction in the aircraft component that was sensitive to
a cutback in orders at a single manufacturer of large airplanes. A comparison of nondefense orders with and
without the private aircraft component shows that a single firm in a single industry may have a substantial

impact on this indicator. Growth rates
of the two series typically move in the
same direction, but have been close
together only for a few months at a
time, and then only intermittently.
Continued above-average growth
of real GDP and reductions in the unemployment rate without inflation
are attributed at least partly to significant productivity increases. Nowhere
is this more evident than in the
manufacturing sector of the economy. Manufacturing output has been
growing almost without interruption
since 1992, although the growth rate
has slowed over the past two years.
Manufacturing employment, how-

ever, has declined over the same two
years. In fact, manufacturing employment in April 1999 was identical to
that in October 1994. Thus, the same
level of employment now produces
23.6% more output than in 1994.
A hint that economic growth may
be cooling comes from the housing
market, where annual growth rates
of housing starts and housing permits, two volatile data series, have
plummeted in recent months. However, more subjective measures of
consumer and business sentiment
betray no signs of doubt that economic expansion will continue.

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Labor Markets
Labor Market Conditions
Average monthly change
(thousands of employees)
1999
1996
1997 1998 YTDa
May

Payroll employment
234
Goods-producing
32
Mining
1
Construction
28
Manufacturing
3
Durable goods
10
Nondurable goods –7

281
48
2
21
25
27
–2

244
8
–3
30
–19
–9
–10

196
–31
–7
13
–36
–21
–15

11
–92
–7
–40
–45
–26
–19

202
8
43
14
117

233
16
24
20
141

235
18
32
26
119

228
16
46
17
113

103
13
17
12
71

Household employment 228

235

157

140

155

Service-producing
TPUb
Retail trade
FIREc
Services

Average for period (percent)

Civilian unemployment

5.4

4.9

4.5

4.3

4.2

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Year to date.
b. Transportation and public utilities.
c. Finance, insurance, and real estate.
d. Vertical line indicates break in data series due to survey redesign.
NOTE: All data are seasonally adjusted. Payroll data reflect the annual rebenchmarking by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Key measures of labor market activity were mixed in May. The pace
of job creation for the month was
well below average for the current
expansion. The unemployment rate
fell back to the record low of 4.2%
reached earlier this year.
Nonfarm payrolls, measured by
the establishment survey, increased
only 11,000 in May following an exceptionally large increase of 343,000
(revised) in April. Job losses occurred consistently in various

goods-producing sectors. Construction and manufacturing jobs decreased 40,000 and 45,000, respectively. Construction losses were
partly attributable to unusual winter
weather patterns and adjustment for
seasonal variations in hiring. Manufacturing has lost a total of 453,000
in the last 14 months. Indeed, for
the three months ending April 1999,
only about 30% of surveyed manufacturing companies reported payroll increases.

The service-producing sector was
not immune to weakness in May.
Noticeably, a weak overall gain in
retail-sector employment reflected
job losses in many specific retail industries, including food stores and
materials and garden supplies. Of
the 349 private, nonfarm industries
surveyed, less than half reported
adding jobs in the three months
ending April 1999.

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Cross-Generation Wealth Transfers

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Probabilities after age 85 are assumed to be the same as for age 85.
SOURCES: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census; Social Security Administration; and Economic Report of the President, 1999, Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1999.

Faced with uncertain prospects for
Social Security and Medicare, can
baby boomers rely on large transfers from their parents and grandparents to finance their retirement?
Although economists generally
agree that a major fraction of the existing stock of wealth can be traced
to gifts and bequests, there is little
direct evidence on the size of these
cross-generation transfers. There are
two main reasons to doubt that the
boomers will receive much larger
bequests than their counterparts did
30 years ago or will be able to rely
on such bequests for financing
retirement consumption.

First, although the population’s
structure has shifted dramatically in
the past three decades, so far the
shift has been concentrated at
younger ages. During the early
1960s, there were fewer workingage individuals relative to the elderly
population. The baby boom was still
in progress, and the boomers were
young dependants. Today, however,
there are many more young workers
relative to retirees. Hence, even if
bequests are larger than they were
35 years ago, boomers must share
them with more siblings.
Second, although their numbers
have increased, the elderly are living

longer today than they did 50 years
ago. A longer lifetime implies more
years of retirement consumption
and, consequently, smaller bequests
upon death. Third, per capita medical costs have accelerated much
faster than the general price level,
meaning that older individuals’
wealth holdings are depleted much
more rapidly because of greater
spending on medical care.
The charts show smoothed profiles of net worth and term life insurance holdings by age and sex
for 1962 and 1994. The net-worth
profiles have several interesting
(continued on next page)

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Cross-Generation Wealth Transfers (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Survey of Financial Characteristics of Consumers, 1962–63 and Survey of Consumer
Finances, 1994; and Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

characteristics. For both years they
are hump-shaped, indicating a significant life-cycle pattern—wealth
accumulation until retirement and
wealth decumulation thereafter.
The peak levels of the profiles are
roughly 10 times higher in 1994
than in 1962.
The net-worth profiles are higher
initially for young women than
young men in both years, perhaps
because men on average spend
more time acquiring education and
training and enter the labor force
later than women. But men, because they earn more than women,
accumulate more wealth by the time

they retire. The 1994 profiles suggest
that while the rate of wealth decumulation after retirement has slowed
for men, the slowdown has been
more pronounced for women. The
explanation may lie in the greater
increase in female longevity over the
last several decades.
The life insurance profiles have
similar characteristics. The value of
term life insurance outstanding
peaks during the early working
years. Like the net-worth peak, the
insurance peak is roughly 10 times
higher in 1994 than in 1962. Men’s
life insurance holdings exceed
women’s during most of the work-

ing lifetime. These features are as
expected, since the purpose of life
insurance is to protect against loss
of future earnings. The male lifeinsurance profile declines more
steeply with age in 1994, perhaps
suggesting that the very old now are
finding it more difficult to buy life
insurance than did their counterparts 35 years ago.
Direct, reliable evidence on inheritances and bequests is not available; indeed, it may be uncollectable. But we can calculate annual
bequest flows indirectly as the sum
of deaths per year by age and sex
(continued on next page)

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Cross-Generation Wealth Transfers (cont.)
Bequeathable Wealth and Cross-Generation
Bequests, 1962 and 1994
Labor
compensation

Net worth
plus term life
insurance

Crossgeneration
bequests

1,767.2
4,412.6

13,693.8
38,854.6

53.1
145.1

Ratio:
1994/1962

2.5

2.8

2.7

Annual
growth
rate
(percent)

2.9

3.3

3.2

1962a
1994a

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Trillions of 1998 dollars.
SOURCES: Social Security Administration; and Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.

times bequeathable wealth by age
and sex. Annual deaths for males
and females over 50 are estimated
using population and mortality data.
Bequeathable wealth is the sum of
net worth and term life insurance.
Under reasonable assumptions about
the fraction of wealth transferred to
the next generation, bequests are estimated to have grown just a little
faster than labor compensation. That
is, baby boomers are not receiving
substantially larger bequests relative
to their labor compensation than did
their counterparts in the 1960s.

The population structure will
evolve, and mortality is expected to
improve in the future—changes that
will affect bequest flows between
generations. For example, in another three decades, the elderly
population is expected to balloon
relative to the number of workers,
and mortality rates are projected to
decline for all age groups. If economic growth is projected at 0.9%
per year, cross-generation bequests
are expected to rise from just under
4% of labor compensation today to
more than 6% by the middle of the

next century. It is the offspring of
the baby boomers who can expect
to have a bequest bonanza. Their
windfall will be even larger if mortality improvements occur at
slower-than-projected rates. In that
case, boomers would die earlier —
before further depleting their bequeathable wealth. In the extreme
case — if mortality remains constant
through 2070 — cross-generation
bequests would be even larger relative to labor compensation during
the coming decades.

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Banking Conditions

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, December 1998.

Commercial banks’ balance sheets
showed continued signs of health
through the fourth quarter of 1998.
Despite a slowdown in profits relative to 1997, earnings were still
strong, with the net interest margin
remaining above 4%. Return on equity for the 1998 calendar year was
13.95%. Moreover, nearly 95% of all
commercial banks posted positive
profits for all of 1998.
Strong bank balance sheets are
reflected in core bank capital
which, at 7.54% of assets, is high

by historical standards. In addition,
asset-quality problems are not yet
evident, as nonperforming assets
fell to 0.65% of total assets.
One sign of potential weakness
is the increased level of net chargeoffs (0.67% of total loans). However,
while net charge-offs have reached
their highest level in five years, they
remain well below 1% of total loans;
hence, from a historical perspective,
the current charge-off rate still
appears favorable.

The formerly brisk pace of
growth in the banking sector slowed
substantially in 1998. Net operating
income growth fell below 5% to
2.39%, its lowest level in six years.
Bank asset growth, however, remained strong at levels above 8%.
Taken together, despite recent signs
of a slowdown, the banking sector
should continue to grow steadily
without compromising profitability
or, more importantly, the quality
of its assets.
(continued on next page)

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Banking Conditions (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. A sharp decline in operating income growth in 1996 was partly due to a special deposit insurance assessment on the deposits of savings associations.
NOTE: All data are for FDIC-insured savings associations.
SOURCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Quarterly Banking Profile, December 1998.

The performance of savings associations continued to be strong
throughout 1998, with full-year
earnings for the industry reaching a
record $10.2 billion. Despite some
unexpected weakness in the fourth
quarter of 1998, return on assets for
the full year stood at its highest
level since 1946 (higher than 1%).
Furthermore, at 11.36%, return on
equity was at its highest level since
1985. Unlike 1985, however, 1998’s
return on equity was generated by
the robust return on assets and by a
steady net interest margin of 3.1%.

Finally, savings associations’ balance sheets strengthened, with
fewer than 5½% reporting losses
through 1998:IVQ.
Asset quality also continued to
improve, as nonperforming assets
fell to 0.72% of total assets and net
charge-offs fell to 0.21% of total
loans. Core capital in 1998 remained a healthy 7.85% of total assets, a small decrease from the previous year. The decline in this
financial ratio was driven by strong
asset growth (nearly 6%) in 1998.
This contrasts sharply with recent

trends, in which savings associations’ assets were either flat or declining. The year’s strong asset
growth was accompanied by an increase in operating income of just
under 8%, suggesting that growth
did not come at the expense of
profit margins.
Overall, recent industry performance suggests that savings associations will continue to play an important role in the economy,
though perhaps a smaller one than
in the past.
(continued on next page)

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Banking Conditions (cont.)

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

SOURCE: National Credit Union Administration.

Federally insured credit unions
showed some weakness through
the end of 1998. Profitability continued its steady decline over the latter half of the decade, as the return
on assets (ROA) for the industry
dropped to 0.95%. Falling ROA,
coupled with an increase in core
capital from 9.56% in 1994 to 10.92%
in 1998, led to a sharp decline in return on equity (from 13.09% to
8.61%) over the same period.
A closer look at the components
of earnings suggests that the deterioration of industry profits has

resulted from shifting asset allocation rather than shrinking margins.
While the industry’s net interest
margin has remained relatively flat,
hovering around 2%, credit unions
have nonetheless increased the proportion of their assets in investments
other than higher-yielding loans.
Even as profitability has slipped,
however, the overall condition of
credit unions’ balance sheets appears unchanged. The core capital
ratio declined somewhat between
1997 and 1998, but it remains high
relative to the previous few years at

a healthy 10.92%. The percentage
of the industry’s problem assets relative to total assets has remained
relatively flat since 1994, though
the percent of unprofitable institutions has risen from nearly 5% in
1994 to nearly 8% today. Despite
this, however, the number of credit
unions assigned unsatisfactory ratings by their regulator fell slightly
in 1998 (to 2.72%). While credit
unions’ present condition is mixed,
over the long term there seems to
be little cause for concern.

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International Developments

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Exports of goods and services and receipts of factor income from the rest of the world.
b. Exports of goods and services and receipts of factor income deflated by the implicit price deflator for imports of goods and services and payments of factor income.
c. Ratio of the implicit price deflator for exports of goods and services and receipts of factor income to the corresponding implicit price deflator for imports (with the
decimal point shifted two places to the right).
d. Implicit price deflator for exports of goods and services and receipts of factor income.
e. Implicit price deflator for imports of goods and services and payments of factor income.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis and Bureau of the Census.

Command-basis GNP measures
the U.S. economy’s real output by
valuing its exports of goods and services and its receipts of factor income at the prices they would command as imports to the U.S. This
contrasts with GNP itself, which
measures real output by valuing exports of goods and services at the
prices actually received for them
and factor services at the prices of
final sales to U.S. purchasers.
Data for 1998:IIQ show a widening gap between command-basis

GNP and real GNP, implying that the
purchasing power of U.S. production grew even further than the
more familiar measure suggests.
With nominal U.S. exports flat, the
increased difference between the
two measures must result from a
wider divergence between export
and import prices
Terms of trade, a related concept,
is the ratio of the price deflator for
the sum of exported goods and
services plus receipts of factor
income to the deflator for the sum

of imported goods and services
plus payments of factor income.
The terms of trade have been improving since 1996:IVQ because
import prices have fallen faster than
export prices.
Neither the widening gap between command-basis and real GNP
nor the improved terms of trade is
likely to last. Economic weakness in
developed and developing economies temporarily has dampened
both demand for U.S. exports and
prices of imports.

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The Yen Exchange Rate

FRB Cleveland • June 1999

a. Ten-year constant-maturity U.S. Treasury bond and 10-year Japanese government bond.
b. Three-month CD rate for U.S. and 3-month interbank loan rate for Japan.
SOURCES: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System; Federal Reserve Bank of New York; and DRI/McGraw–Hill.

The dollar strengthened against
the yen in the past month, continuing a trend that began early this
year. The yield on Japan’s 10-year
government bonds declined as the
country’s prospects for recovery remained dim. The Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development has lowered its forecasts of
Japanese growth for 1999 and 2000.
In contrast, long-term yields in the
U.S. have been increasing since last
fall, as the economy’s continued
strength became apparent. April’s

record net capital outflow from
Japan is consistent with the increased relative attractiveness of U.S.
assets.
Although long-term yields are
much lower in Japan than in the
U.S., the 10-year, 3-month spread is
higher. However, that spread has
decreased recently as long-term
yields declined relative to short-term
rates that already were close to zero.
In the U.S., on the other hand, the
spread has increased, consistent
with anticipated higher U.S. short-

term rates.
In March, the surplus in Japan’s
trade balance on goods and services
continued to grow, while the U.S.
balance plummeted. The weakening
gives Japan’s economy a boost; for a
more sustained recovery, however,
additional stimulus measures from
its government might be needed. In
the U.S., a stronger dollar dampens
domestic price pressures, but a
worsening trade balance with Japan
always threatens to bring political
pressure to moderate the weakening
of the yen.