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FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
OF SAN FRANCISCO

ECONOMIC REVIEW

\\
\\
power ~
tunnel-r
(under
rock)

level
output
opening

STUDIES IN LABOR
MARKETS AND
UTILITY PRICING
\/\lINTER 1980

The Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco’s Economic Review is published quarterly by the
Bank’s Research and Public Information Department under the supervision of Michael W. Reran,
Senior Vice President. The publication is edited by William Burke, with the assistance of Karen
Rusk (editorial) and William Rosenthal (graphics). Opinions expressed in the Economic Review
do not necessarily reflect the views of the management of the Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco, nor of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
For free copies of this and other Federal Reserve publications, write or phone the Public
Information Section, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702, San Francisco,
California 94120. Phone (415) 544-2184.

2

Studies in Labor Markets
and Utility Pricing
I. Introduction and Summary

5

II. Should Discouraged Workers Be Counted in the
Labor Force? A Job-Search Approach
Rose McElhattan

7

. . . Discouraged workers should not be counted, because large numbers of such

workers remain outside the labor force even in tight labor markets, when
major shortages of workers exist amid rising inflationary pressures.

III. Welfare and Youth Unemployment: Evidence From
A Controlled Experiment
Randall Pozdena

26

Welfare programs tend to boost jobless rates, because they tend to reduce
young people’s willingness to accept or keep available jobs, even while
those workers continue to report interest in finding work.

IV. Pricing Federal Power in the Pacific Northwest:
An Efficiency Approach
Yvonne Levy

40

. . . In order to conserve energy, utilities must price their product at the margin
instead of on the basis of average cost.
Editorial committee for this issue:
Larry Butler, John Judd, Charles Pigott

3

In today's uncertain inflationary environment, when the state of macro-economic forecasting appears to be in a shambles, it's important to remember that economics can still
generate powerful insights into the workings
of individual markets. This can be seen from
the answers to several policy questions posed
in this issue of the Economic Review. Should
"discouraged workers" be counted in the labor
force and therefore in the official measure of
unemployment? What role does family welfare
assistance play in the high rate of unemployment among young workers? And in another
field, should the pricing policies of Pacific
Northwest utilities be changed to forestall future shortages of electrical power?

for 70 or 80 percent of all discouraged workers.
That approach suggests that the individual job
seeker responds not only to the availability of
jobs--eonventionally considered the major determinant-but also to other factors affecting
job-search decisions, such as unemploymentinsurance benefit payments and expected
short-run changes in real wage payments. Male
workers appear to be sensitive only to changes
in their unemployment rates, but female workers-who account for two-thirds of all those
discouraged for job-market reasons-appear
to be responsive to other factors as well.
The job-search approach also helps explain
why the number of discouraged workers, contrary to common belief, does not decline substantially under high-employment conditions.
(At full employment, the discouragement rate
for job-market reasons actually tends to remain at about 85 percent of its average level.)
Workers with relatively short work horizons
generally find it profitable to limit the amount
of job search, which is a costly undertaking. If
not finding work within that relatively short
time period, they may drop out of the labor
force. "Many discouraged workers thus would
expect to hold jobs, once found, for relatively
short durations. Or workers may search the
best-paying jobs first, and not finding employment, would choose to wait for normal job
turnover-because that is the most profitable
choice for them to make-rather than accept
lower-paying jobs."
In a second study of labor-market problems,
Randall Pozdena attempts to identify the
origins of the high and growing rates of youth
unemployment that the nation has experienced
in recent years. (In 1978, teenagers alone were
responsible for more than one-fourth of total

In response to the first question, Rose
McElhattan notes that discouraged workers,
by reporting that they are not looking for
work, are by definition left uncounted in the
labor force. But some analysts claim that they
should be counted because they represent a
labor-force reserve-that is, individuals who
are willing and available for work when they
are needed. McElhattan concludes, however,
that they should continue to be excluded, because large numbers of discouraged workers
remain so even during periods of tight labor
markets, when substantial shortages of workers exist amid rising inflationary pressures.
Moreover, discouraged workers represent only
a small percentage of the cyclical movement in
the labor force, so that their inclusion would
mean very little correction of distortions in
official labor-force measures.
McElhattan follows a "job search" approach
in analyzing the phenomenon of discouragement for job-market reasons, which accounts
5

U.S. unemployment-and those under 25 accounted for roughly one-half of all jobless
workers, but for less than one-third of the entire labor force.) Pozdena notes several studies
which attribute youth unemployment to developments adversely affecting labor demand; for
example, minimum-wage legislation, which
tends to raise the cost of unskilled labor and
thereby reduces the demand for such labor.
But Pozdena also notes the importance of supply-side factors; for example, family welfare
programs, which tend to reduce young people's willingness to accept or keep available
jobs even though they continue to report an
interest in finding work.
Analyzing the results of a controlled experiment involving welfare families in Seattle and
Denver, Pozdena reaches the conclusion that
youths tend to respond to welfare programs by
reducing labor-market activity. "Thus, young
people do not appear to be insulated from the
work-retarding effects of welfare programs."
Secondly, the results are consistent with the
argument that family welfare support contributes to measured youth unemployment. Pozdena finds that the welfare experiment had the
effect on youth of delaying their employment
without delaying their entry into the labor
force.
Most importantly, the study highlights the
relevance of considering supply as well as demand factors. "There may be considerably
more volition in the pattern of youth unemployment than is generally assumed. Although
it is very difficult to determine precisely the
effect of supply-side factors-such as attitudes,
tastes, family structure, and family economic
status-those factors may contribute significantly to the trends that have been observed
in youth unemployment. Policy prescriptions
thus can differ considerably, depending upon
whether the problem has a demand-side or
supply-side genesis. The results of this study
suggest that a policy to eradicate youth unemployment by making jobs more availablethrough public-employment programs, for example-may not be completely successful in
reducing unemployment among youths from
welfare families."

Turning to another subject, Yvonne Levy
warns of the danger of electric-power shortages in the Pacific Northwest during the 1980's,
and adds that shortages are already a reality
to aluminum producers and other major industrial customers in that area. Congress is
now considering new institutional arrangements to balance demand and supply. "But by
failing to address the fundamental cause of the
disequilibrium-namely, the present inefficient pricing policies followed by the Bonneville Power Administration and other regional
utilities-this Congressional approach is unlikely to provide a permanent solution to the
region's electrical-supply problems." Bonneville's role is critical, because that agency is
the wholesale supplier of over one-half of the
total electricity consumed in the Pacific Northwest.
Levy argues that Bonneville should base its
power rates not on average cost, but rather on
long-run incremental cost. (The former is total
cost divided by the number of units to be sold;
the latter is the cost of producing additional
electricity, taking into account the need to add
more fixed factors, namely plant facilities.)
"This pricing approach would result in a more
efficient allocation of resources, because rates
would reflect the true cost of the resources expended to provide consumers with each additional block of power. It would significantly
lower the future demand for Bonneville power
because its price would be much higher than
under the current average-cost pricing method.
As a result, substantially less new generating
capacity would be required than is currently
forecast. "
Levy adds that the arguments advanced in
favor of incremental-cost pricing apply to the
entire electric-utility industry, and not simply
to the Pacific Northwest market. "To various
degrees, the wide-spread use of average-cost
pricing methods is holding electric-utility rates
everywhere below those that would prevail under long-run incremental-cost pricing, spurring
the growth of electrical consumption and causing too many resources to be devoted to power
generation. "

6

Rose McElhattan*
In the early 1960's, labor-market economists
began to focus our attention on the historical
correlation between movements in economic
activity and the size of the labor force. They
found that during economic downturns, sizable
numbers of individuals either left the labor
force or postponed entering the market, while
during the initial phases of business recovery,
unusual amounts of workers joined the labor
force. These cyclical movements showed the
existence of a sizable labor-force reserve, a
group of workers willing and available for
work according to the state of the economy.
This labor-force reserve posed a special
problem for policymakers. During recessionary periods, with some individuals leaving the
labor force, the official unemployment rate
would not reflect the "true" cyclical amount of
unemployment. During the recovery period,
in contrast, greater than average increases in
the labor force would produce a stickiness in
the unemployment rate, preventing it from signaling an improvement in employment and
business activity. Consequently, policymakers
eventually tried to get better estimates of the
size of this labor-force reserve, to determine
whether the reserve should be included as part
of the official labor force. In 1967, the Census
Bureau added a list of questions to the monthly
Current Population Survey, to estimate the
size of this reserve of "discouraged workers."
The survey counts as discouraged those who
say they want a job but haven't looked recently
because they believe they could not find work
even after a job search. On this basis, the
availability of a person for work distinguishes

those in the labor-force reserve from other
labor market non-participants.
Published analyses of discouraged worker
survey data, however, do not provide an unequivocal answer to the question of including
such workers in the official labor-force count.
For instance, many workers who give personal
reasons for their discouragement with jobmarket prospects appear insensitive to changes
in the availability of jobs, and thus do not
appear to represent a ready labor-force reserve. A recent study by the National Commission for Employment and Unemployment
Statistics recommended that discouraged
workers be counted outside the labor force
until more could be learned about their availability and commitment to the job market.
The resolution of this issue has major publicpolicy implications. If discouraged workers
were added to the labor force, they would significantly increase the official unemployment
rate-from 6.0 percent to 6.8 percent in 1978,
for example. Under existing laws, such as the
Comprehensive Employment and Training
Act (CETA), more Federal funds hence would
be allocated to states and localities, as a means
of meeting the government's full-employment
objectives.
The purpose of this paper is to study discouraged-worker behavior within the framework provided by job-search theory, to shed
some light on the job-market availability and
commitment of discouraged workers. In its
study, the National Commission applied a conventional unemployment model, relating discouragement to changes in the unemployment
rate-a proxy for overall labor-market conditions-and a time trend, which proxies for the

'Economist, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.

7

Section I provides a brief discussion of the
survey data and characteristics of discouraged
workers. This is followed in Section II by a
discussion of the conventional unemployment
and job-search models. Section III presents
empirical results, and the final section discusses the conclusions of the study.

many other economic and social factors that
affect workers' decisions. A job-search model
also focuses upon general labor-market conditions (because they are associated with the
cost of finding work), but in addition, it focuses
on unemployment-insurance benefit payments
and on the real wages the individual expects
to receive in the market.

I. Characteristics of Discouraged Workers
Discouraged workers are persons who want
jobs, but who have not looked for work recently because they believe they would be unsuccessful even if they looked for jobs. These
people are not counted as part of the labor
force nor of the officially unemployed, because
they do not meet the necessary criterion of
having actively searched for work in the last
four weeks. The U.S. Department of Labor
defines "actively searching" rather liberally; it
includes registering for work when one collects
unemployment-insurance benefits, talking to
neighbors about job opportunities, and actually being interviewed.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics has been collecting data on discouraged workers since
1967, through a set of supplementary questions
on the monthly Current Population Surveythe source of the basic employment and unemployment data. Questions regarding laborforce non-participation, however, are asked
each month of only one-fourth of the sample,
and the data are published only as quarterly
averages.
For each individual who is not in the labor
force during the week the Current Population
Survey is taken, two key questions differentiate discouraged workers from others:
1. Does... want a regular job now, either
full or part-time?
2. What are the reasons.. .is not looking
for work?
A person is classified as a discouraged
worker if he/she answers yes or maybe to the
first question, if his/her major activity during
the survey week was not attending school, and
if he/she did not seek work because of one of
the following reasons:

1. Believes no work available III line of
work or area;
2. Could not find any work;
3. Lacks necessary schooling, training,
skills, or experience;
4. Employers think too young or too old; or
5. Other personal handicaps (such as discrimination by employers) in finding a
job.
No questions are asked regarding the type
of work or the pay the individual has in mind.
Since these issues are important to a job
seeker, analysts generally interpret an individual's belief that no work is available as meaning a belief that no "suitable" work is available.
Other reasons non-participants give for not
looking for work-although wanting work-include school attendance, ill health and home
responsibilities. A person will be classified as
not discouraged, even if giving reasons for discouragement, when other explanations such as
home responsibilities or ill health are also
given. The object of the classification scheme
is to separate those workers who are available
for work from those who supposedly are not,
since these others have responsibilities or
physical handicaps that would keep them from
accepting work even if it were available. This
availability is at the heart of the contention
that discouraged workers should be included
in the official labor force.
Most people not in the labor force during
the typical survey week in 1978 did not want
a job at that time (Table 1). About 5.3 million
people reported wanting a job-but only a portion of these, 845,000 persons, offered reasons
related to discouragement over job prospects
8

Table 1
Civilian Employment, Unemployment and
Persons Not in the Labor Force, 1978
(thousands of persons)

for not seeking work. Discouraged workers
represented 0.5 percent of the population in
1978, and if included in the labor force would
have increased the official unemployment rate
from 6.0 percent to 6.8 percent.
Discouraged workers who believed that no
work was available, or who could not find any
work, were classified as discouraged for jobmarket reasons. The others were classified as
discouraged for personal reasons. The number
of people giving job-market reasons for discouragement has exceeded those citing personal factors ever since the survey began, except in the very first quarter of 1967 (Chart 1).
The number of discouraged for job-market
reasons (but not for personal reasons) has generally reflected cyclical movements in labormarket conditions. Since the early 1970's, discouragement for job-market reasons has accounted for between 70 and 80 percent of the
total.
Most discouraged workers are female; their
share of that total has remained close to twothirds over the past decade regardless of over-

Noninstitutional population. aged 16 and over
Total labor force
Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
Not in labor force
Do not want job now
Want job now, by reason for not seeking work:
School attendance
III health, disability
Home responsibilities
Think cannot get job
All other reasons

161,058
102,537
100,420
94.373
6,047
58,521
53,193
5,328
1,374
720

1,226
845
1.163

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and
Earnings, January 1979, Tables 1 and 39, annual averages.

all market conditions (Table 2). Between 35
and 40 percent of all discouraged workers are
females between the ages of 25 and 59 years.
The relative number of older discouraged
workers, aged 60 and over, has fallen for both
sexes since 1968, while the proportion of
younger workers (16 to 24) has increased.

Chart 1

Percentage of Discouraged Workers to
Noninstitutional Working-Age Population
1967.1-1979.1
Percent
0.8

0.7
0.6

Total Discouraged Workers
~

0.5
0.4
0.3

...
for Job-Market Reasons

0.2
0.1

o 1967

for Personal Reasons

1969

1971

1973
9

1975

1977

1979

a plant shutdown which provides the major
source of employment in a small community.)
Adding together those reporting either recent
work or search experience in the 1978 survey,
62 percent of the discouraged workers (and 70
percent of those discouraged for job-market
reasons) had some form of labor-market commitment-were either employed or officially
unemployed-during the prior twelve months.
The evidence of labor-market attachment,
coupled with the National Commission's evidence that nearly 80 percent of the discouraged contemplate searching for work in the
next twelve months,l suggests that the duration
of discouragement for many of these workers
may be relatively short-lived.

How serious are these workers about wanting a job? If, for instance, an individual has
not searched for work in over a year, we could
ask whether he/she actually wanted or was
available for employment. The Current Population Survey does not regularly collect data
which could help answer that question, except
for a special list of questions added to the
survey in September and October 1978. 4 This
inquiry found that 44 percent of discouraged
workers (and 50 percent of those discouraged
for job-market reasons) had looked for work
during the previous twelve months. For some
people, however, the absence of recent search
did not mean lack of labor-market commitment. (Some individuals go directly from employment to discouragement, as in the case of

Table 2
Discouraged Workers, by Age and Sex
Thousands of Persons

All Discouraged
Workers
Males, 16 and over
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over
Females, 16 and over
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over

Percent Distribution

1968

1973

1975

1978

1968

1973

1975

1978

667
213
42
10
53
107
455
67
47
240
lOI

679
225
58
23
67
77
454
75
75
251
54

1,082
359

845
305
72
43
110
79
540
60
75
305
lOl

100.0
31.9
6.3
1.5
7.9
16.0
68.2
10.0
7.0
36.0
15.1

100.0
33.1
8.5
3.4
9.9
11.3
66.9
11.0
11.0
37.0
7.9

100.0
33.2
8.1
5.3
9.8
10.1
66.7
8.3
10.2
40.0
8.1

100.0
36.1
8.5
5.1
13.0
9.3
64.0
7.1
8.9
36.1
11.9

57
lO6
lO9
722
90
110
433
88

Souree: Employment & Earnings, seleeted issues.

10

II. Unemployment and Job-Search Models
any individual employer. Searching for work
is costly. We assume that search costs include
such direct expenses as transportation and the
mailing of resumes, and that those costs are
duplicated for each additional job contact. In
this simplified model, wages and costs incurred
should be interpreted as discounted present
values, and the individual is assumed to be risk
neutral.
Since the job seeker has knowledge of the
market distribution of wage offers and the corresponding costs of generating those offers, an
estimate can be made of the maximum expected return from search-the "reservation
wage." The individual's optimal search strategy, then, simply is to accept any wage offer
which is equal to or greater than the reservation wage, and to reject all other offers (i.e.,
continue to search).
The job-search procedure alternatively can
be described in terms of an optimal stopping
rule. If the job seeker refuses a job offer,
he/she will incur additional search costs. At the
same time, the individual has an expectation
of additional gains from further search; that is,
an expectation of being offered a wage greater
than the current offer. If the expected wage
gain is greater than the marginal cost, the job

The conventional framework for analyzing
discouraged-worker behavior is an unemployment model, l.2 which relates discouragement
to the unemployment rate and time-trend variables. The unemployment rate reflects the relative availability of jobs, so that an increase
(decrease) in joblessness is expected to increase (decrease) the number of discouraged
workers in the population. The time-trend variable represents other economic and social determinants of discouragement about which not
enough is known to explain the trends. The
unemployment model has been criticized for
assuming that labor-supply behavior is unresponsive to wages, and in general for not being
based on principles of rational economic behavior. 9 As an alternative, we turn to a model
based upon microeconomic theory, in which
expected real wages and job-search costs influence job-market participation decisions.
Job-search models are simplified descriptions of how rational individuals who are seeking to maximize utility go about looking for
work and accepting job offers. 5 ,6,8 The general
framework is applicable to the issue of whether
to participate in the labor market, and may be
employed to study discouraged-worker or nonparticipant behavior in general. 13 •14 At the
heart of the search model is the notion that
job-market decisions must be made in the face
of uncertainty, especially uncertainty about the
wage that will be offered when a particular
employer is contacted. This uncertainty leads
the job seeker to devise an "optimal search
strategy"-a search procedure designed to ensure that the individual accepts only the job
offer which provides the maximum expected
return (see Appendix 2 for a presentation of
the model).
In constructing our job-search model, we
begin with an individual who has entered the
labor force, knowing that a search for work
must be conducted before any offer can be
expected. The job seeker presumably has accurate information about the average wage
and dispersion of wages in the market for a
person with similar qualifications, but is uncertain about the wage that may be offered by

Figure 1
$
Marginal Revenue
Marginal Costs

Co

H(w)

11

W*

Wage Rate

seeker will refuse the current job offer and
continue to search. Similarly, if the expected
wage gain is just equal to, or less than, the
marginal cost, the current wage offer will be
accepted and search terminated. In this manner, the optimal time to stop search and accept
employment occurs when the expected wage
gain is just equal to the marginal cost of continuing to search. At that point, the individual
has been offered the maximum expected return-the reservation wage-from the job
market (Figure 1).
Each point on the locus, H(w), in Figure 1
gives the expected return an individual can
anticipate from further search if the reservation wage corresponding to that point is
adopted. At the reservation wage, W*, the
expected marginal return from search is just
matched by the marginal search costs. Consequently, no further gains from search are expected, and the wage, W*, represents the reservation wage the individual adopts in his/her
job search.
H(w) slopes downward because the probability of being offered a wage equal to or
greater than w declines the higher the current
wage offer. 5 Thus these jobs will be pursued
only if the marginal search cost is low.
If search costs are increased sufficiently, the
individual would drop out of the labor market,
because the marginal costs of finding a job are
greater than the expected gains offered in the
market. This occurs at a cost equal to or
greater than Co in Figure 1. Therefore, when
relatively high search costs exist, or when they
increase, some individuals can be expected to
leave the market before finding suitable employment.
Unemployment insurance benefits (UIE)
will help to cover the direct costs of search for
those individuals eligible to collect such benefits. By lowering the net costs of search, UIE
can be expected to keep people in the labor
force who might otherwise have dropped out
because of high search costs (Figure 2). With
search costs relatively high at cp for instance,
the individual will find searching for work unprofitable. The payment of unemployment-insurance benefits, however, reduces search

Figure 2
$
Marginal Revenue
Marginal Costs

C1

---H(w)

W*
Wage Rate
costs, depicted as the difference (c j - UIE). At
such a level, an individual will search for employment and accept a job offer equal to or
greater than W*.
Finally, an increase in the mean expected
real wage (current wages adjusted for expected
inflation) would tend to decrease non-participation and vice versa. An increase in the average market wage, with costs constant, shifts
the H(w) line upward and to the right as in
Figure 3. This shift leads to decreased discouragement, since the wage of W* now represents a net gain from additional job search.
Several qualifications should be noted, however. First, we have assumed that the individual places no value on his/her non-market
time; that is, time spent in leisure, child care,
home maintenance, and any other activity outside the labor force. For some individuals, nonmarket time carries a relatively high value,
while for others the reverse is true. A meaningful solution to the labor-market participation decision exists if, and only if, the reservation wage (the maximum expected return
from market work) exceeds the value the individual places on his/her non-market time. 13
According to our search model, labor-force
participation is influenced by real wages. However, the model makes no distinction between

12

Figure 3

that an individual would have no motivation
to drop out of the labor force once he/she made
the initial decision to look for work. This was
because we placed no limit on the amount of
time the individual would search for employment, and assumed that the individual had no
prior information to differentiate among prospective employers. If either of these assumptions is relaxed, we find that the individual
may indeed drop out, even in the absence of
any changes in search costs or expected real
wages.
If a person sets a limit on the amount of
time to search for a job, then as time goes on,
the chances of finding suitable employment
decline. As a result, the individual will tend to
lower his/her reservation wage. Since search
costs are positive, and the reservation wage
falls over time, a point can be reached when
continued search becomes unprofitable and the
person drops out fo the market. It may be
argued that a person's retirement age sets an
effective upper limit on the search horizon, so
that senior workers are more likely to drop
out of the labor market than younger people.!3
In addition, an individual may have some
information about wages that are likely to be
offered by particular employers. For instance,
help-wanted ads regularly indicate which firms
are most likely to have vacancies. Consequently, even before contacting an employer,
a job searcher may possess information which
permits him/her to distinguish among firms.
Under these circumstances, an optimal search
strategy involves sampling specific firms in a
systematic fashion, rather than randomly, as
assumed above. IS The individual first searches
the firm with the highest expected return, and
so on down the list, sampling his/her best opportunities first and poorer ones later. In the
search process, the reservation wage declines
over time, and with positive search costs, the
individual may thus find at some point that
additional search is no longer profitable. The
person drops out of the market, discouraged
with having received no suitable job offer.
Finally, income from other sources-such as
the wage income of other family members-is
likely to affect an individual's labor-force par-

$
Marginal Revenue
Marginal Costs

c

H(w')
H(w)

w
Wage Rate
permanent and temporary (or transitory) real
wages, although recent theory and empirical
results suggest that that distinction is important in labor-supply behavior. Milton Friedman has suggested that the supply of labor
may respond differently to a wage change expected to be temporary than to one expected
to be permanent, i.e., expected to continue. 3
According to this view, workers plan their time
to take advantage of a temporary opportunity
to earn higher-than-normal wages, and take
more leisure or non-market time later. Therefore, an expected temporary change in wages
is likely to have a greater absolute impact upon
labor supply than a wage change regarded as
permanent. Empirical results have found the
distinction between temporary and permanent
wages relevant in the labor-supply behavior of
married women. l1 Other studies have found
temporary wages to be statistically significant
in explaining aggregate labor-supply participation and the labor-market decisions of major
age-sex groupS.7,17 Our job-search model may
be amended, then, to consider the reactions of
individuals to both transitory and permanent
components of real market wages.
Another question is whether a job seeker
will later drop out and become discouraged if
there are no changes in search costs or expected market wages. Previously we assumed
13

ticipation decision. All other things being
equal, an increase in real wage income of other
family members allows that family to have
more leisure (non-market time) and more
goods. In fact, a change in the average wage
paid in the market reflects changes in both the
individual's expected wage and the wage of
other family members. In the market, then,
we might observe two opposing labor flows in
response to a change in average real wages.
As wages increase, some individuals may leave
the labor market due to the higher family income (income effect), and others will enter the
market enticed by the higher salaries they can
command (substitution effect). Which effect
predominates will have to be answered empirically, since economic theory provides no answer to this issue. Also, in light of our previous
discussion, these income and substitution effects may differ in magnitude, according to
whether the individual regards the change in
real wages as transitory or permanent.
The job-search model may be summarized
as follows:

where

and the signs over the variables indicate the
direction of expected impact upon the proportion of discouraged workers in the population.
The higher costs of search will lead to higher
rates of discouragement, while unemployment
benefits act to decrease the net costs of search
and the amount of discouragement. Wages,
whether permanent or temporary, should work
in the same direction although with different
strengths. An increase in wage levels should
lead to a decline in the discouragement rate as
individuals 1) enter the labor market in expectation of higher wages, or 2) decide that they
do not want a job because the consequent increase in family income enables them to engage in more non-market activities. In this latter case, a person remains a non-participant,
but leaves the ranks of the discouraged for
another non-participant group.

+
DW

DW = proportion of discouraged
workers in the population
c = direct costs of search
uib = unemployment-insurance
benefit payments
wP = permanent wages
wt = transitory wages

f(c, uib, wP , wt )

III. Empirical Results
We are now ready to apply statistical tests to
estimate the influence of the variables suggested
by search theory on the number of discouraged
workers in the population. Previous studies, as
well as our initial work, suggested little connection between changes in economic conditions and the number of workers discouraged
for personal reasons. 1 ,2 Therefore, we have
concentrated on those discouraged for jobmarket reasons, who have accounted for 70 to
80 percent of the total number of discouraged
workers over the past decade.
According to search theory, discouragement
is likely to be related to a measure of the direct
costs of search, to unemployment-insurance
benefit payments, and to real wages. After
some experimenting, equation (1) was chosen
on the basis of best fit, as measured by the
higest correlation among variables. The equa-

tion was estimated not only for the total number discouraged for job-market reasons, but
also for age and sex groups within that total.
Finally, the equation was estimated for "other
non-participants"-the total number of nonparticipants in the population less all discouraged workers-as a means of comparing the
behavior of various classes of non-participants.

The "a's" are constants estimated by ordinary least-square regression techniques. The
subscripts refer to the current quarter "t" and
the previous quarter "t-1." The data sources
are detailed in Appendix 1, and the variables
are defined as follows:
14

we dropped the permanent wage measure and
included only the transitory component of real
wages as a determinant of labor supply.
The two equations in Table 3 show the results of estimating equation (1) separately for
the percentage of females in the working-age
population who are discouraged for job-market reasons (OJOBF), and similarly for males
(OJOBM). In neither case is the search framework entirely successful in explaining the discouragement rate over the past decade. For
males, the unemployment rate-the proxy for
overall job availability and direct costs of
search-is the only statistically significant determinant of their discouragement rate. (The
statistical F test also indicated that as a group
the other variables did not add significantly to
the determination of the male discouragement
rate.) In contrast, the net cost of search-as
captured by both the unemployment rate and
relative unemployment-insurance benefits-is
a statistically significant determinant of female
discouragement. Real transitory wages, both
current and lagged one quarter, are also statistically significant factors determining female
discouragement. According to search theory,
the level of real wages should affect the discouragement rate over time, but our estimates
instead find that the change in transitory real

OW/Pop = proportion of discouraged workers for job-market reasons in the civilian population, sixteen years and over. Separate
regressions were estimated for the total, and
for major age and sex classifications, divided
by their respective populations.
V = unemployment rate. The unemployment rate of each age-sex category was used
in the equation for the corresponding cohort
of discouraged worker. In the aggregate equation, for both discouraged workers and other
non-partcipants, the unemployment rate of
males aged 25 to 54 was used as an indicator
of overall labor-market tightness.
VIE = the ratio of maximum weekly unemployment-insurance benefits to spendable
average weekly earnings of a production
worker with three dependents. In estimating
the net cost of job search, we assume that an
individual compares unemployment-insurance
benefit payments to net after-tax potential
earnings, as measured by VIB.
W = measure of temporary real wages,
equal to the difference between current real
wages and permanent real wages (see Appendix 1). In line with previous time-series studies, we uncovered no statistically significant
association between permanent wages and the
incidence of discouragement. 7 . 17 Consequently,

Table 3
Equations Estimating Percentage of Female and Male Workers Discouraged for Job
Market Reasons*
(Sample Period 1969.1-1978.2)
DJOBF =
1.02 W,
l.14 W,_)
.009 UIB,_)
.286
.102 U,.)
+
+
(6.45)

( l.OO)

DJOBM

=

.228
( 1.59)

+

(

.032 U,.)
(4.76)

2.28)
( 2.17)
Mean dependent variable
R2 , corrected correlation
Durban-Watson statistic

.00l UIB'_l
.026 W,
(- .799)
(- .110)
Mean dependent variable
R,2, corrected correlation
Durban-Watson statistic

(2.17)
.50

.66
1.56
.123 W,_)
(- .46)
.25
.67
1.90

DJOBF

number of female discouraged workers as a percentage of total female population, 16 years and over.

DJOBM

number of male discouraged workers as a percentage of total male population, 16 and over.

U

unemployment rate of the respective cohort

UIB

maximum unemployment-insurance benefit payments as a percentage of spendable average-weekly earnings
of a production worker with three dependents.

w

Current real hourly compensation less permanent real hourly wages.

*t-statistics = statistics in parentheses.

15

wages over a six-month period-rather than
the level-is the significant determinant among
females. The estimated coefficients associated
with the real wage terms are of opposite signs
and are not much different from each other,
and their sum is not different from zero. This
means that any given level of real. transitory
wages that has persisted for at least two quarters will have no net impact, and only a change
in real transitory wages remains as a determinant of the female discouragement rate.
The results suggest that the availability of
work may be the sole factor influencing male
discouragement with job-market conditions.
Additional factors, however, are important in
the participation decision of the much larger
group of females, who comprise two-thirds of
discouraged workers. In particular, both the
liberality of unemployment-insurance benefits
and the change in real transitory wages have

been found to have significant effects on female discouragement decisions.
As the earlier discussion suggests, discouraged males have not been as responsive as
females Over the past decade to changes in
labor-market conditions. Males, on average,
place a relatively low value on their non-market time since, as a group, they constitute the
primary source of family income. Consequently, they are more likely than females to
be labor-market participants, and are less
likely to leave the job market after encounteringchanges in real wages Or net search costs.
For instance, a one-percentage-point change in
their own unemployment rate led to an average change of only .032 percentage points in
the male discouragement rate, and to more
than three times that amount (.102) in the
female discouragement rate (Table 3). Other
factors than relatively high non-market value

Table 4
Discouragement Rates 1 of Female and Male Discouraged Workers
for Job Market Reasons, by Age;
(Sample Period 1969.1-1978.2)
T

TSQ

Mean
Discouragement . 2
Rate
R

Females

Constant

U(t-1)

UIB(t-1) W(t)

16-19

.532
(.614)

.080
(2.87)

.018
( - 1.65)

.64

.21

20-24

.938
(1.11)

.090
(2.58)

- .017
-3.16
2.95
( - 1.49) ( 2.27) (1.89)

.68

.23

2.50

25-59

.400
(1.21 )

.134
(6.80)

-.009
(2.06)

.55

.69

1.99

60 and
over

.53
(4.13)

.035
(2.37)

.21

29

1.09

16-19

.586
(1.04)

.029
(2.14)

.56

.27

2.06

20-24

.428
(1.10)

.037
(4.05)

.36

.52

1.88

25-29

.058
(.540)

.022
(3.54)

.15

.52

2.10

60 and
over

.41
(1.12)

.049
(1.78)

.29

.29

2.34

Males
-

.997
( -1.78)

W(t-1)

1.03
(1.65)
.025
(- 3.3)

.0003
(3.27)

DW
-

1.89

1 Discouragement rate is the number of discouraged workers in a cohort as a percentage of their respective population.
= 1), and
TSQ is time squared.
:j: t-statistics in parentheses.

* Not significant at 10-percent level of significance. See Table 3 for explanation of variables. T is time (1969.1

16

discouraged workers would greatly diminish
under conditions of nationwide full employment. However, our statistical tests indicate
otherwise. We reestimated equation (1) for
each age-sex group, substituting a measure of
nationwide labor-market tightness for the cohort's own unemployment rate. However, we
used the prime-age male (25 to 54 years) unemployment rate for this purpose instead of
the overall unemployment rate, because the
latter's value as an indicator over the past two
decades has become marred by various demographic and institutional changes in labor
markets.
We derived estimates of the number of discouraged workers that could be expected under full-employment conditions by assuming
full-employment values for each of the righthand-side variables in equation (I)-specifically, by assuming a prime-age male unem
ployment rate of 3.1 percent, a value of 73
percent (the 1979 estimate) for the relative
rate of unemployment-insurance benefits, and
no change in transitory real wages. Under fullemployment conditions, we estimate that
523,000 individuals would be discouraged for
job-market reasons, or .32 percent of the Sep-

may be reflected in the greater sensitivity of
females to changes in unemployment conditions. For instance, job discrimination against
females will mean a higher average search cost
for them when overall labor market conditions
change. However, our tests cannot separate
out these elements, which are not necessarily
mutually exclusive.
The general pattern observed for the aggregate male and female groups is also evident
when the groups are broken down by age (Table 4). In particular, unemployment-insurance
benefits and the change in transitory wages are
statistically significant only among the various
female groups. For females 60 and over, trend
coefficients indicate that the percentage of discouraged workers has been declining over
time, which is not true for any other age-sex
group. Our results also suggest that the
chances of discouragement decline with age,
which is contrary to the implication of our earlier argument that years to retirement may set
a significant limit on the work and search horizons of individuals. This may be because
younger workers expect to work a relatively
short time in a particular job, which may limit
the amount of time the individual can profitably spend on search.
The various age groups also respond differently to changes in unemployment, with young
workers generally, being less sensitive than
others to changes in unemployment rates. For
instance, a one-percentage-point change in
their own unemployment rate changes the discouragement rate of females aged 25 to 59 by
24.4 percent (Table 5), compared with changes
of 12.5 percent and 13.2 percent for females
aged 16 to 19 and 20 to 24, respectively. To
summarize, younger workers generally are
more likely to become discouraged about job
prospects than their older cohorts, but younger
workers are relatively less sensitive to changes
in the availability of jobs and therefore less
likely to move out of discouragement when job
opportunities improve.

Table 5
Responsiveness to a One PercentagePoint Change in Own Unemployment
Rates among Age-Sex Cohorts
(1969-78 average)

Discouragement at full employment
According to a popular view, discouragement depends solely, or to a great extent, on
lack of jobs available, so that the number of

Females
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over

Percentage Change in
Discouragement Rates 1
12.5
13.2
24.4
16.6

Males
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over

5.2
10.2
14.7
16.9

1 Values are calculated at the mean discouragement rate
of each cohort. For instance, for female teenagers,
(.080/.64) x 100 = 12.5 percent. Values are derived
from coefficients of the unemployment rates and the
mean discouragement rates for each cohort (Table 4).

17

tember 1979 population (Table 6). Just over
half the discouraged at full employment would
be prime-age workers (40 percent female and
12 percent male). Teenages and young adults
(20 to 24) share about equally in the next largest group, comprising 35 percent of total discouraged, and senior workers make up the
remaining 12 percent.
It is perplexing that so many workers would
remain discouraged under conditions of nationwide labor-market tightness. Over the entire period 1967I-1978II, the discouragement
rate for job-market reasons has averaged .37
percentage points. At full employment, then,
the discouragement rate of .32 percent is 85
percent of its mean level, and 60 percent of
the peak discouragement rate reached during
the 1975 recession.
Search theory suggests several reasons for
this paradox. First, an individual's work horizon sets a limit on the time he/she can profitably look for work, as long as the cost of search
is positive. Consequently, those with shorter
work and search horizons are more likely than
others to leave the labor market. Discouraged
workers, as a group, may have relatively short
work horizons. Again, we may expect discouragement to persist, on average, if the job market is characterized by a dispersion of wages
paid for similar skills, and individuals search
systematicaly rather than sequentially for
work, and so choose the "best" possibilities
first. As an individual continues searching,
his/her reservation wage declines. At some
point it may pay the individual to leave the
market for a while and wait for normal turnover to open up higher-paying jobs, rather
than accept a relatively low-paying job. Similar
behavior appears to be optimal under conditions in which the highest expected pay is associated with the minimum wage. lO In that
case, individuals find it profitable to queue for
jobs in the covered sector rather than accept
lower wages in the noncovered sector. The
same type of behavior may be seen in the case
of discouraged workers when they state that
they plan to enter or re-enter the job market
within the coming year-which suggests a tendency simply to wait for the better-paying jobs
to become available.

Table 6
Estimated Discouraged Workers for Job
Market Reasons Under Conditions of Full
Employment*
Thousands
of Persons

Total
Females, 16 and over
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over

523
345
49
58
212
26

Males, 16 and over
16-19
20-24
25-59
60 and over

178

Discouragement rate,
total

.32

Average
discouragement rate
(1967.1-1978.2)

.37

44
33
64
37

Percent
Distribution
100.0
66.0
9.4
11.1

40.5
5.0
34.0
8.4
6.3
12.2
7.1

* Numbers of discouraged workers derived from September 1979 population estimates, with assumptions of 3.1percent unemployment rate (male, 25-54 years) and 73percent relative value of unemployment benefits (early
1979 value). Based on estimates from 1969.1-1978.2
sample period.

Discouraged vs. other non-participants
In its study, the National Commission asked,
"Is the criterion of availability a useful one for
distinguishing between a ready labor-force reserve and other non-participants?" The alleged availability of discouraged workers is at
the heart of the argument that they represent
unutilized and ready resources which should
be considered as part of the official labor force.
Yet special surveys have found that sizable
numbers of individuals who had stated that
they did not want a job (were unavailable although wanting to work) were in fact in the
labor force one or two years later-sometimes
in greater numbers than those who had said
earlier that they were available for work.!
To shed some light on this question, we have
estimated the job-search model equation (1)
not only for discouraged workers for job-market reasons but also for "other non-participants," defined as total non-participants less
workers discouraged for both personal and

18

deceleration in transitory real wages. An increase in these wages is associated with a decline in the discouragement rate, and with an
increase in non-participation. Some families
apparently regard an improvement in real
wages, and resultant rise in income, as a means
of supporting more non-market time. Subsequently, some family members leave the labor
force, causing an increase in the aggregate
other non-participation rate. However, the
same wage circumstances lead to a decline in
the proportion of discouraged in the population, as these individuals, motivated by improving real wages, seek employment or leave
the discouraged-worker category for other
non-participation.
Because discouraged workers represent a
relatively small percentage of the population,
they generally fail to influence cyclical movements in the labor force. When the unemployment rate of prime-age males increases by one
percentage point, the initial reaction is an almost equal increase in both the number of
discouraged and other non-participants, but
ultimately, the movement in the labor force is
dominated by an increase in other non-participants rather than discouraged workers (Table
7, top line). However, unemployment benefit
payments and changes in transitory real wages

job-market reasons (Table 7). These estimates
are designed to compare the responsiveness of
the labor-market participation rates of both
groups to changes in unemployment and other
labor-market indicators. Both the one-quarter
lagged and long-run responses are given for
other non-participants, because our statistical
estimates indicate that non-participants respond slowly over time to changes in economic
variables, so that their initial response is
smaller than the ultimate one. In contrast, no
lagged response can be identified in the discouraged-worker group.
Our results indicate that individuals discouraged for job market reasons are more responsive than other non-participants to changes in
labor-market conditions. For instance, an increase in the availability of jobs, as measured
by a one-percentage-point decline in the
prime-age male un~mployment rate, on average, led to a 20.8-percent decline in the discouragement rate but only to a O.7-percent
long-run decline in the other non-participation
rate. The estimates generally suggest that discouraged workers, as a group, show a greater
willingness and availability to seek employment than the other non-participation group.
Another distinction between the two groups
stems from their reaction to an acceleration or

Table 7
Response of Discouraged Workers for Job Market Reasons,
and Response of Other Nonparticipants, to Various Economic Changes*
Change (Percent)
DWR*

Increase of 1 percentage point in
prime-age male unemployment rate
Increase of 1 percentage point in
relative unemployment-insurance
benefits'
Increase of .01 percentage points in
the change in real wages

Change (Numbers)

Other Nonparticipants
First
Quarter

LongRun

20.8

0.37

0.7

-0.8

-0.2

-1.35

0.08

DWR*

Other Nonparticipants
First
Quarter

LongRun

122.770

157.530

425.720

0.5

4.780

122.770

331.810

0.21

-7.970

45.920

124.110

• Changes are stated in terms of an increase in each economic variable; for a decrease. the signs are reversed. The
equations were estimated over the period 1967.1-1978.2. Percent changes are evaluated at the mean rates of .37 percent
for discouraged workers for job-market reasons, and 37.46 percent for all other non-participants. Numbers are estimated
relative to the September 1979 working-age population of 159.4 million.
:j: Discouraged workers for job-market reasons, as a percent of the civilian noninstitutional population.

19

also affect participation behavior, and at times
can reverse the response to changes in unemployment.
The general pattern can be discerned in both
of the business cycles that have occurred since
discouraged-worker data first became available (TableS). During the two recoveryperiods, the decline. in .other noneparticipation
was responsible for between 80 and 94 percent
of the cyclical increase in the labor-force participation rate-and the same was true, only
in the opposite direction, during the 1970-71
downturn. However, during the .more •recent
decline, close to 70 percent of the drop in
labor-force participation was associated with
an increase in discouragement about job-market prospects. This reversal can be traced
largely to the fact that relative unemploymentinsurance benefits playa somewhat larger role
in the labor-market participation decisions of
other non-participants than they do for discouraged workers. During the 1974-75 reces-

sion, these. benefit payments increased substantially, and tended to keep many individuals
in the labor force who would otherwise have
left and been included among other non-participants. The Current Population Survey purportedly is designed to distinguish between
those .individuals • who want work (and. are
available. for work) and all other noncparticipants. The question is whether the availability
criterion in fact captures the cyclical componentof the labor force.,.........the so-called laborforce reserve. We found that between 80 and
95 percent of the cyclical movement in .the
labor force is generally due to individuals entering and leaving the non-participation category, and not to discouraged workers. Consequently, we conclude that the availability
criterion is not sufficient to capture those
workers or groups of workers who actually
comprise the major source of the labor-force
reserve.

Table 8
Cyclical Responses of Discouraged Workers and Other Nonparticipants
Cyclical Change In the Labor Force
Decline

Recovery

Decline

1970.1-71.2

1971.2-73.4

1974.1-75.4

Recovery

1975.4-76.1

Nonparticipation rate (total)

.74

- .79

.29

- .15

Nonparticipation rate excluding
discouraged workers
Percent of total rate

.65

- .74

.08

.12

Discouraged worker rate
Percent of total rate

(88.0)

(94.0)

(28.0)

(80.0)

.09
(12.0)

- .05
(6.0)

.21
(72.0)

- .03
(20.0)

20

IV. Summary and Conclusions
not finding employment, would choose to wait
for normal job turnover-because that is the
most profitable choice for them to makerather than accept lower-paying jobs.
(3) The job-search approach was not entirely successful in explaining discouragement
behavior over the past decade. That approach
suggests that the individual job seeker responds to the expected market return, as estimated by the direct costs of search (proxied
by the unemployment rate), the reduction in
such costs (measured by unemployment-insurance benefits), and the expected real wage
rate. However, we found that males, who account for one·third of the discouraged for jobmarket reasons, were sensitive only to changes
in their unemployment rates. Females, who
account for the majority of discouraged workers, in contrast were also responsive to changes
in relative unemployment-insurance benefits
and to changes in real wages that were believed to be above or below average (that is,
a transitory real wage). Search theory suggests
that it is the level of real wages (transitory or
permanent), and not the change, which is pertinent in job-market decisions. Our results suggest, however, that factors other than the availability of jobs (the conventional determinant
of discouragement) enter into the determination of discouraged workers' labor-supply decisions. Discouragement is not solely a consequence of the availability of jobs, but also of
unemployment-insurance benefit payments
and expected short-run changes in real wage
payments.
Should discouraged workers be included in
the labor force and therefore in the official
measure of unemployment? Since they represent only a small percentage of the cyclical
movement in the labor force, their inclusion
will do very little towards correcting any distortions in official labor-force measures. Moreover, most of these individuals appear unresponsive to changes in labor-market conditions.
Large numbers of discouraged workers remain
so even during periods of tight labor markets,

With the help of job-search theory, this paper has analyzed the behavior of workers who
give job-market reasons for their discouragement-a group which accounts for 70 to 80
percent of the total number of discouraged
workers. Our approach suggests that unemployment-insurance benefit payments (by reducing the cost of looking for work) and expected real wages will influence an individual's
labor-force participation decisions-as well as
his/her chances of finding a job. The results
may be summarized as follows.
(1) Although those discouraged for job"market reasons appear more responsive than other
non-participants to changes in labor-market
conditions, the discouraged generally represent only a small proportion of the total cyclical movement in the labor force. Consequently, the availability criterion of the
Current Population Survey apparently does
not succeed in separating the labor-force reserve from other groups of non-participants.
(2) Under conditions of nationwide full employment, we should observe a relatively small
percentage of discouraged workers. At least
according to the popular impression, discouraged workers are readily available for work,
and therefore their numbers should greatly diminish, if not disappear, under general conditions of high employment. In fact, this is the
expected behavior of a labor-force reserve.
However, we find that at full employment, the
discouragement rate for job market reasons
actually tends to remain at about 85 percent of
its average level, and at about 60 percent of
its peak (1975) rate. Our job-search approach
suggests several reasons for this highly perplexing result. Workers with relatively short
work horizons generally find it profitable to
limit the amount of job search, which is a
costly undertaking. If not finding work within
that relatively short time period, they may
drop out of the labor force. Many discouraged
workers thus would expect to hold jobs, once
found, for relatively short durations. Or workers may search the best-paying jobs first, and

21

ualswilling and available for work according
to the state of the economy-and therefore
should not be included in official labor-force
statistics.

when substantial shortages of workers exist
amid building inflationary pressures. This suggests that most discouraged do not fit the criterion of a ready labor-force reserve-individ-

Appendix 1
Data Sources
The Bureau of Labor Statistics is the basic
source for U.S. employment and unemployment data. Discouraged-worker data, for example, are found in the BLS publication, Employment and Earnings.
VIB: Maximum weekly benefits payable under the unemployment-insurance system were
deflated by the consumer price index and divided by average spendable weekly earnings
of production worker with three dependents.
The maximum weekly benefits series was
taken from the Board of Governors MPS
model database, and the consumer price index
and average spendable weekly earnings series
were taken from the FRB San Francisco Database.
V: The unemployment rate of each age-sex
category was taken from the FRB San Francisco database.
W: Employee compensation rate in nonfarm
private domestic business, deflated by the GNP
implicit deflator, less permanent real wages.
This is estimaged as follows: for permanent
wages, we assume that real wages are equal to
a percentage of labor productivity. That per-

centage is equal to labor's share in total income produced (gross business domestic product)-a share which has trended slowly over
time. The share of labor can be written as an
identity:
k = total labor income/gross business domestic product, where total labor income is
equal to wages times the number of workers,
W X N, and gross business domestic product
is equal to the general price level times the
amount of real output produced, P x G. We
may rewrite the above as,
k = (W x N)/(P x G), or rearranging
(W/P) = k x (G/N) ,
which states that real wages are a percentage
of labor productivity. We estimated permanent
real wages by first estimating the trend share
of labor k" then the trend rate of output per
worker (G/N)"
estimate of (W/P) = k, x (G/N),.
The wage series was taken from the MPS
model database of the Board of Governors.

Appendix 2
Job-Search Model of Labor-Force Discouragement
Following the discussion in the text, the dispersion of offers considered by the job
searcher is incorporated into the model by assuming that there is a cumulative probability
distribution, F, of wages which govern theoffers tendered. We assume that the distribution
of wages is invariant over time in this simplest
case (so that business-cycle effects are ignored), and that wage offers are independent
random occurrences from that distribution, F.
In any given search period, the probability that
the individual will receive an offer of w or less
is F(w), and this probability, given our as-

sumptions, does not depend on any past offers
at the time the offer is made. We further assume that the individual seeks to maximize
his/her expected net benefits, which are equal
to expected wages less expected costs of
search.
In the following the symbols are defined as
c = cost per period of search
w = random variable denoting a wage offer
F(w) = cumulative probability distribution
of w; few) is the probability density
function.
y(w) = return from a job offer, w.

22

and the mean duration of search is 1
E(N) =T

If a wage offer is accepted after the nth offer,
then the return is the value of the nth offer,
w n ' less the cost of search, which we assume
is a constant each period, times the number of
job offers.

Y

=

wn

-

We may rewrite (2) as
00

f *wf(w) dw
E(y)

cN

~

w*) - cE(N)

(5)

-:-------- - cE(N)
f *f(w) dw
w

Let w* signify a minimum acceptable wage;
the individual will accept an offer if it is equal
to or greater than w*. The individual's task is
to choose w* which maximizes his/her expected
return. Symbolically the expected return from
search is
E(Y) = E(w/w

(4)

h

cE(n)

The first-order conditions for deriving the
maximum expeated gain, max E(Y), is given
by
dE(Y)

(2)

d

~ - dw* (h

The maximum, w*, is derived by maximizing
E(Y), with respect to w*. To derive w*, first
note that E(w/w ~ w*) is the mean conditional
wage, it is the expected wage conditioned on
that wage being equal to or greater than w*.

00

=

f w * wf(w)dw
00

or, c =

J*

f w * (w

w* f

cE(N)

o

00

w

* few) dw

c

=

0

w*) few) dw = H(w*) (6)

00

wf(w) dw
E(w/w ~ w*) = fooJ(w) dw = h

The value w* is the wage offer which satisfies
the equality in (6), The equality (6) has a familar economic interpretation. The cost, c, is the
marginal cost of generating another job offer,
which is equal to the expected marginal return
from searching another period, H(w*t The
critical value w* is also known as the reservation wage, or the minimum wage an individual
will accept.

(3)

w

Secondly, note that the expected value of N,
E(N), is the expected period of search until a
wage offer is equal to or greater than w*. It
has a geometric distribution,
P(N=k) = p(l_p)k.1
where the parameter p is the probability of
"success",
p =
=

1 Note that H(w*) is a strictly decreasing function of w*t,
with slope equal to (1 - F(w*) =
p, and with

rw* few) dw
1 - F(w*),

REFERENCES
5. Lippman, Steven A. and John J. McCall, "The Economics of Job Search: A Survey," Part I, Economic InquIry, June 1976, pages 155-189.

1. Finegan, T. Aldrich, "The Measurement, Behavior, and
Classification of Discouraged Workers," Background Paper No. 12, June 1978, National Commission on Employment and Unemployment Statistics, Washington, D.C.

6.
. "The Economics of Job Search: A Survey," Part II, Economic Inquiry, September 1976, pages

2. Flaim, PaulO., "Discouraged Workers and Changes in
Unemployment," Monthly Labor Review, March 1973,
pages 8-16.

347-368.
7. Lucas, Robert E. and Leonard A. Rapping, "Real
Wages, Employment and Inflation," Journal of Political
Economy, September-october, 1969, pages 721-754.

3. Friedman, Milton, Price Theory, Aldine Publishing Co.,
Chicago, Illinois, page 205.

8. McCall, J. J., "Economics of Information and Job
Search," Quarterly Journal of Economics, February,
1979, pages 113-126.

4. Hamel, Harvey R., "Job Search of Discouraged Workers," Monthly Labor Review, March 1979, pages 58-60.

23

14. Seater, John, "A Unified Model of Consumption, Labor Supply, and Job Search," Journal of Economic Theory, 14, 1977, pages 349-372.

9. Mincer, Jacob, "Determining Who Are the Hidden Unemployed," Monthly labor Review, March 1973, pages
27-30.
10.
. "Unemployment Effects of Minimum
Wages," Journal of Political Economy, 84, 1976, Part
2, pages S87-S104.

15. Salap, S. E., "Systematic Job Search and Unemployment," Review of Economic Studies, 40, 1973, pages
191-202.

11.
. "Labor Force Participation of Married
Women," Aspects of Labor Economics, National Bureau of Economic Research, 1962, pages 63-97.

16. Solon, Gary, "Unemployment compensation and Labor Supply," Monthly labor Review, May 1978, pages
47-50.

12. Mortensen, D. T., "Job Search, the Duration of the
Unemployment, and the Phillips Curve," American Economic Review, 60(1970), pages 847--862.

17. Wachter, Michael, "A New Approach to the Equilibrium Labour Force," Economlca, February 1974, pages
35--51.

13. Pissarides, Christopher A., "Job Search and Participation," Economica, 43, 1976, pages 33-49.

24

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25

.... I. . . . . '" IIm~IUI'''II.1Ii1'''l·1II''III
l1li

Randall J. Pozdena*
Joblessness among the young accounts for a
substantial portion of total unemployment in
the United States. In 1978, approximately half
of all unemployed workers were less than 25
years old. Teenagers alone were responsible
for more than one-fourth of total unemployment. In 1978, when the overall unemployment rate averaged about 6 percent, the teenage unemployment rate topped 16 percent.

ment but is not currently working. Much of
the discussion concerning youth unemployment has focused on developments which may
have adversely affected the availability of
work-i.e., the demand for youthful labor.
Several studies, for example, have identified
minimum-wage legislation as a major contributor to measured youth unemployment, because it raises the cost of unskilled labor and
thereby reduces the demand for such labor. 2 A
study by James F. Ragan suggests that as much
as 4 percentage points of the increase in youth
unemployment between 1966 and 1972 can be
traced to increases in the minimum wage and
to extension of its coverage. 3

Since unemployment rates critically influence the conduct of macroeconomic and labormarket policy, economists have come to realize
the necessity of identifying the origins of the
high and growing rates of youth unemployment that the nation has experienced in recent
years. To this end, numerous studies have attempted to identify factors contributing to the
adverse performance of youth in the labor
market, and to determine how much of their
unemployment represents a serious problem
for our society. I

Other economists have suggested that the
movement of industry away from the central
city has made job opportunities less available
to the heavy concentrations of poor urban
youth. This may particularly have affected the
demand for labor of minority youth. 4 Trends
in general macroeconomic conditions also may
have weakened the demand for youth labor.
Richard Freeman concludes, for example, that
employment of youth is very sensitive to the
industrial composition of jobs and the general
condition of the economy. Areas with heavy
trade and service employment and rapid economic growth tend to have better youth employment opportunities than elsewhere. s

An individual is classified as unemployed if
he is seeking part-time or full-time employ-

*Economist, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. The
research reported herein was performed while the author
was associated with SRI International pursuant to contracts with the states of Washington and Colorado, prime
contractors for the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare under contract numbers SRS-70-53 and HEW-10078-0004, respectively. The opinions expressed in the paper
are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent
the opinions of the states of Washington or Colorado, any
agency of the U.S. Government, or SRI International. Dr.
Arden Hall of SRI was a major contributor to the research
that generated this paper. The author also gratefully acknowledges the computational assistance of Gretchen
Wolfe and Fred Dong and the support of Dr. Robert Spiegelman, Project Director.

Although these and other factors affecting
labor demand have undoubtedly contributed
to youth unemployment, supply-side influences
can also play a significant role. Changes in
attitudes or changes in family economic circumstances over the last several decades may
have reduced young people's willingness to

26

trolled welfare experiment. Welfare policy
evaluation increasingly depends on experimentation, because the economic environment of
the subjects can be experimentally manipulated and thus the direction of cause and effect
can be made clear. In addition, the availability
of a control group permits the impact of a
welfare program to be isolated from other effects (such as changing macroeconomic conditions) which might affect labor-market behavior as well. (Appendix A contains a
discussion of the use of experiments in economic analysis.)
The results demonstrate the potential importance of supply-side factors in determining
the labor-market behavior of youth. Although
the specific data used here are not ideally
suited to direct measurement of unemployment rates, the results are suggestive of an
association between youth unemployment and
welfare assistance. After a brief discussion of
the theoretical link between these variables,
the paper describes the experiments that generated the data used in the research, as well
as the method of empirical analysis. The paper
concludes with a discussion of the experiment's
results and their policy implications.

supply their labor. Such changes may increase
measured unemployment if they reduce young
people's willingness to accept or keep available
jobs even though they continue to report an
interest in finding work.
In this view, youth find jobs available, but
their unrealistic wage expectations or their
preference for leisure cause more casual or
protracted search for employment, thereby
generating increases in measured unemployment. Among the factors possibly contributing
to such behavior is family welfare assistance.
Although the concentration of youth unemployment in areas with traditionally large welfare populations-such as central cities-is
suggestive of a link between welfare and unemployment, there are problems in establishing a strong empirical case for such a relationship. When using traditional aggregate data or
data from panel surveys, it is difficult to control for all of the factors which may influence
behavior. Also, it is difficult to disentangle
cause and effect: families may be on welfare
because of the unemployment of their members and not the other way around.
This paper investigates the relationship between family welfare assistance and youth labor-market behavior using data from a con-

I. Welfare and Youth Unemployment
Why should family welfare assistance influence youth labor-market behavior? To understand the circumstances under which such a
linkage might exist, we must (1) review the
effects of a welfare program on the economic
environment of the family, (2) discuss how the
effects of family assistance are transmitted to
youth, and (3) examine the likely response of
youth to these stimuli. Each of these points
has received considerable attention in the literature. 6 Rather than attempt a survey of earlier work, we simply summarize below the key
implications of earlier theoretical work.
Although the specific characteristics of existing and proposed welfare programs vary
considerably, most have a number of features
in common. An obvious common feature is

the provision of non-wage income to recipient
families through support or benefit payments.
By supplementing earned income, welfare programs expand the budgetary opportunities of
the affected family. A second feature of familyassistance plans is their incorporation of procedures to "phase out" support as the earned
income of the family rises. This is accomplished by reducing the welfare benefits by a
fixed fraction of additional earned income. In
effect, this linkage of benefits to earned income is a "tax" on earned income, which reduces the perceived net wage associated with
additional work. For example, in the original
Aid to Families with Dependent Children
(AFDC) program, this tax rate was (statutorily) 100 percent, because support was reduced
27

one dollar for each dollar of additional earned
income. In effect, the perceived net wage on
the margin was zero because of the implicit
lOO-percent tax.
Thus welfare programs influence both the income of the family and a major price variable-the net wage. In the case in which welfare
support is received by a single individual
(rather than a family), the implications of
these features are straightforward. The supincreases the non-wage income of the individual, and the tax provisions reduce the re:
turns to additional work on the margin. As we
will show later, the individual likely will respond to these changes by increasing consumption and reducing the amount of time
worked, relative to someone for whom welfare
is not available.
The implications of welfare support are
much more complicated, however, when we
consider that such support is typically directed
at a family rather than at an individual. That
although the head of the family is the formal
recipient of any payments, the income of all of
the family members typically enters into the
computation of eligibility for support payments. A youth's response will depend upon
the manner in which the features of the welfare
program are transmitted to the youth through
family decision processes.
A family may behave like a single decision
unit, for example, maximizing family utility
subject to a budget constraint which involves
the earnings of all of the family members. In
effect, the youth's working behavior is determined jointly with the working behavior of all
of the other family members. A welfare program that provides support to the family and
taxes additional family earnings will thus directly influence the behavior of all family members, since they are all interdependent.
Under a separate method of decision-makhowever, the youth may view his income
as his own, so that any change in his situation
as a result of welfare is at the parents' discretion. In this case, the youth's perception of his
income and net wage would not automatically
be affected by the family's participation in a
welfare program. But we could visualize some

such effect if we make certain assumptions
about the way in which parental assistance to
their children is likely to be affected. For example, the parents could choose to subsidize
the youth's leisure or schooling, as part of their
own consumption decision in response to receiving welfare support.
These examples illustrate the difficulty of
stating precisely how the features of family
welfare programs are transmitted to a young
worker. Let us assume simply that youth experiences-to some degree-a reduction in net
wages and an improvement in non-wage income as a result of the welfare program. What
are the likely effects of this changed economic
environment on the youth's labor-market behavior?
The simplest way to conceptualize the effects is to picture the youth making the choice
between work and leisure. The trade-off is an
obvious one--each additional hour of leisure
results in a loss of an hour's wages. Thus, the
opportunity cost or "price" of leisure is the
wage; in an environment in which taxes are
levied on wages, the after-tax wage is the price
of leisure.
A welfare program can affect this choice
because it increases the individual's income
and-because of support "phase out" provisions-lowers the after-tax wage and thus the
"price" of leisure. Both of these changes
should increase the demand for leisure (in lieu
of work). This is because individuals tend to
consume more of a good (like leisure) as their
income rises or as the price of the good falls.
In the case of a welfare program, both effects
occur and reinforce one another.
This simple argument thus suggests that a
welfare program will tend to decrease the willingness to work on the part of the affected
individuals, everything else being equal; that
is, it will cause a reduction in labor supply.
However, this does not lead to dearcut inferences concerning the effect of welfare on the
unemployment rate. An increase in that rate
requires withdrawal from work without an offsetting withdrawal from the labor force. The
simple labor-supply model presented above
cannot distinguish between these two effects.

28

Since the forces which are likely to reduce
employment are also likely to reduce laborforce participation, it is not possible a priori to
determine which effect dominates even with a
more complex model. 7 Thus, although it is
fairly clear that a welfare program will tend to
reduce labor supply, the net effect of welfare
on unemployment is theoretically ambiguous.
In sum, theory suggests that young people
will reduce work in response to a welfare program if family decision processes cause them
to experience a reduction in net wages and an
increase in non-wage income. But the reduc-

tion in work effort mayor may not increase
measured unemployment-whether unemployment rises or falls when welfare benefits
rise is an empirical issue. This paper sheds
light on this issue by using data from a welfare
experiment. We examine the effects of welfare
support separately on the labor-force participation and job-taking behavior of youth, to
provide some insight into the possible effects
of welfare on unemployment. The results, as
we will see, suggest that youth do respond to
their family welfare situation in a way which
could increase measured unemployment.

II. Welfare Experiments
Interest in experimenting with alternative
welfare systems has been prompted by several
criticisms of the AFDC program, the primary
component of the U.S. welfare system. First,
although AFDC is a Federal program, it is
administered by the states, and the provisions
vary state-by-state depending upon the ability
and willingness of individual states to provide
welfare support. Large interstate differentials
in program payments have been criticized as
inequitable. Second, some states restrict
AFDC support to families which do not have
a father present. This has led to the charge
that AFDC encourages the breakup of families. Third, AFDC benefits are reduced
sharply as earned income rises. This high rate
of "taxation" of additional family earnings has
been criticized as a work disincentive. Finally,
AFDC has been criticized for not being generous enough, on the grounds that a wealthy
society should do more for its poor members.
The Seattle and Denver Income Maintenance Experiments (SIME and DIME respectively) were designed to test a welfare program
addressing these criticisms. The experimental
program was called a "negative income tax"
(NIT), reflecting the view that welfare support
should be a logical downward extension of the
positive tax system. However, these NIT experiments and the traditional welfare programs differed in detail rather than in concept.
Specifically, the NIT embraced all households
(husband-wife households as well as female-

headed) and was designed to be more generous than the typical AFDC program.
Approximately 4,800 families with belowmedian incomes in Seattle and Denver became
involved. As in a scientific experiment, some
of the subjects received experimental "treatment" while some served as the control group.
Those in the treatment group were eligible to
receive support under one of eleven NIT programs. The control group was not eligible to
receive any support through the NIT, but control families were free to enroll in the AFDC
programs existing in their states. This control
group was the benchmark against which the
response of the treatment group to the NIT
programs was measured.
The eleven experimental NIT programs of
SIME/DIME represented different combinations of welfare-support levels and tax rates on
earned income-the program feature which
determines the rate at which benefits are reduced as earned income rises. The support
level was between $3,800 and $5,600 (in 1971
dollars) for a family of four. The "phase out"
tax rate was between 50 and 80 percent;8 a
family on a program with an 80-percent tax
rate, for example, would lose 80 cents of support for each additional dollar of earned income.
In comparison with the AFDC programs
then existing in the states of Washington and
Colorado, these program parameters provided
relatively generous welfare assistance. That is,

29

cause both the support level and the tax rates
were higher under SIME and DIME than under the existing AFDC alternative. 9 By comparing the behavior of youth in the treatment
group with that of the control group, we are
able to evaluate the effect of these greater
disincentives.

a family in the treatment group would have a
higher family income under SIME and DIME
than one with the same characteristics could
enjoy under the existing AFDC program.
In terms of impact on labor-supply behavior,
the SIME and DIME programs unambiguously offered greater disincentives to work
than the existing welfare program. This is be-

III. Empirical Analysis
job seekers would tend to add to measured
youth unemployment. Whether the overall
unemployment rate rises, however, depends
upon their later behavior. If welfare causes a
youth to stay in a job longer, for example, this
would tend to offset the effect on the unemployment rate of delays in taking the first job.
However, the unemployment of entrants into
the job market is a major factor in the high
youth-unemployment statistics; the unemployment rate for youths with previous employment is close to the adult unemployment rate. 10
Thus it seems likely that a further delay in
employment caused by welfare support would
translate into a higher overall youth-unemployment rate.
This is admittedly a very crude method for
discerning the impact of the experiment on
unemployment. Ideally, the unemployment
rate should be studied directly, by simply measuring the percentage of young people who
report themselves to be participating in the
labor force but without a job at a particular
point in time. By contrasting the control
group's and the treatment group's unemployment rates, the effect of the experimental program could then be obtained directly. Unfortunately, however, the data available at the
time of the study were not suitable to this
approach, since the employment status of individuals could not be determined precisely on
a day-to-day basis, making direct calculation
of unemployment rates impossible. ll Still, despite the limitations of our approach, it can
provide useful indications of the way in which
the youth unemployment may be affected by
welfare policy.

The welfare experiments generated a wealth
of data on the labor-market behavior of individuals in the treatment and control groups.
The data were collected through a series of
periodic interviews conducted at the time of
enrollment and also throughout the course of
the experiment. For the purposes of our study,
youths were defined as individuals who were
between 16 and 21 years of age, and living at
home, at the time their families enrolled in the
experiment.
Since we are interested primarily in the possible effects of the welfare program on measured youth unemployment, we focus on two
aspects of labor-market behavior that can influence this measure. The first is labor-force
participation behavior. We measure the impact
of the experiment by examining the age at
which the youths in the experiment first report
an active search for work. By contrasting the
age of first participation of the treatment group
with that of the control group, we are able to
obtain a crude indication of the extent to which
the welfare experiment delays youth laborforce participation. The second aspect we examine is job-taking behavior. By comparing
the age at which the youths in the treatment
group first take full or part-time jobs with the
experience of the control group, we are able
to estimate the extent to which the welfare
experiment delays youth employment.
We can deduce the experiment's impact on
unemployment in a rough way by comparing
the labor-force participation effect with the jobtaking effect. If, for example, welfare tends to
delay jobtaking without delaying labor-force
participation, the behavior of these first-time

30

IV. Statistical Procedures
The behavior of the treatment group is compared with that of the control group by estimating the coefficients of a simple regression
equation using the cross-section of data from
the youth sample. The general form of the
equation is
H = Fc + Xb + Ce + E
(1)
where

Table 1
Demographic Variables
(Variable set X)
Variable name Variable definition
SEATTLE
Dummy variable; takes on the value I if
youth is from Seattle site. and 0 if from
Denver
BLACK
Dummy variable; takes on the value I if
youth is black. and 0 if otherwise
CHICANO
Dummy variable: takes on the value I if
youth is Chicano, and 0 if otherwise
SINGLEHEAD Dummy variable: takes on the value I if
the youth is from a female-headed (fatherless) household. and 0 if otherwise
FAMILYSIZE Number of familv members in the youth's
family at time (;f enrollment in the experiment
CHILDREN
Number of children younger than 5 years
of age in the family at time of enrollment
in the experiment
INCOME
Family income (in dollars) at time of enrollment in the experiment

H = measures of labor-market behavior
(i.e., age at entry into the labor force or
age at which a job is taken).
F = dummy variable which = 1 if the individual is in the treatment group and =
a if in the control group.
X = set of demographic variables to control
for personal or family attributes which
may affect labor-market behavior (see
Table 1).
C = set of variables to control for other experiment features which may affect labor-market behavior, such as schooling
subsidies (see Appendix B).

which may influence labor-market behavior,
thereby permitting the effects of the experiment to be isolated. Table 1 lists the demographic variables (set X) which are employed
to control for the effects of personal or family
attributes on labor-market behavior. Appendix
B discusses those variables (set C) which are
used to control for the design features of the
experiment; these variables are not discussed
further because they are not relevant to the
issues addressed in this paper.
The regression equations were estimated
separately for the 517 males and 485 females
in the sample, because the labor-market behavior of these groups differed considerably in
the early years of their work experience. Appendix B provides further details of the sample
and the econometric techniques employed in
estimating the regression equations.

E = error component,
and c, band e are vectors of coefficients to be
estimated. This general equation was estimated for three different dependent variables:
HI' age of initial labor-force entrance; Hz, age
of taking a full-time job; and H 3 , age of taking
a part-time job.
The experiment's effect on these measures
is represented by the coefficient on the dummy
variable F. Thus, if those youths eligible for
welfare assistance delay the age at which they
take jobs (relative to controls), the coefficient
on F measures the extent of the delay (in
years). The other explanatory variables (sets
X and C) primarily control for other factors

V. Results: Effects of Experiment
The coefficients on the dummy variable F
measure the effects of welfare eligibility on the
labor-market behavior of the youths in the
sample. Table 2 summarizes these effects.
First, the experimental welfare program apparently does not significantly affect individual

decisions to enter the labor force. That is, the
measured delay of entry into the labor force
associated with eligibility for the welfare program (row one in Table 2) is not statistically
different from zero for either males or females.
Those youths whose families are eligible for

31

welfare support thus appear to enter the labor
force at about the same age as youths in control families.
Second, the experimental program in contrast does appear to delay the age of initial full
time or part-time employment. For male
youths, welfare eligibility is associated with a
delay of .74 years in the age of full-time employment (row two). For females, the program's effect is not significant for full-time employment but it is significant for part-time
employment, where welfare eligibility is associated with a delay of .93 years. The coefficient
for part-time job-taking is not significant for
males, although the sign is the same as for
females. The greater sensitivity of males in the
full-time category and females in the part-time
category could be expected, because young females tend to seek part-time employment
while young males tend to be oriented toward
full-time employment.
These results suggest that the expected reduction in labor supply from the welfare program primarily comes about because of delays
in accepting employment, rather than delays
in entering the labor force. These effects gen-

Table 2
Effects of Experimental Welfare Program
Delay (in years)

Males

Females

In joining the labor force

- .127
(.287)

.149
(.208)

In taking a full-time job

.739**
(.267)

.183
(.143)

In taking a part-time job

.565
(.402)

.929*
(.370)

Note: The delay experienced by those eligible for the
experimental welfare program is measured relative to the
behavior of the controls. Standard errors are in parentheses.
'Coefficient differs from zero at the 5-percent level.

**Coefticient differs from zero at the I-percent level.

erate increases in measured unemployment
among youths just beginning their labor-market experience. As mentioned earlier, the
available data are not sufficient to measure the
effect on unemployment rates, per se, but this
finding underscores the importance of considering supply-side factors when investigating
youth-unemployment phenomena.

VI. Results: Other Factors
The coefficients on the various demographic
control variables, (variable set x), while not
relevant to an evaluation of the welfare experiment, usefully illustrate how other factors can
affect labor-market behavior. The coefficients
associated with these variables are presented
in Table 3.
The dummy variable SEATTLE indicates
the location of an individual in the sample,
whether Denver or Seattle. The coefficient on
this variable thus captures differences in labormarket behavior in the two cities. Although
such differences could indicate either demand
or supply differences, in the present context
the coefficient most likely captures differences
in the demand for labor.
At the time of the experiments (early to
mid-1970's), the Seattle economy was severely
depressed because of a decline in the locallyimportant aerospace industry. As a result, we

would expect the demand for labor of all kinds
to be lower in Seattle than in Denver, and for
this to lead to delays in finding work. (It could
also discourage youths from entering the labor
force.) The expectation is borne out in the
positive sign of the Seattle dummy variable.
This implies that the age of labor-force entry
and (for females) the age of job-taking tended
to be higher in Seattle than Denver. Males in
Seattle, for example, took 1.47 years longer to
find a full-time job than their Denver counterparts. The fact that both the entry age and the
employment age were higher in Seattle illustrates the earlier point that the participation
decision and the employment decision tend to
be affected by the same factors and to move
in the same direction. The unemployment impact depends upon the net effect of these factors. In the present case, the employment age
apparently is delayed by more than the entry
32

age as a result of Seattle residency; this would
tend to make measured unemployment higher
there than in Denver.
The coefficients of the race variables
BLACK and CHICANO in Table 3 measure
the difference in behavior between non-white
and white youths. The coefficients suggest a
relationship between labor-market behavior
and race that is consistent with aggregate unemployment statistics. Black males, for example, enter the labor force .80 years later
than whites, and take full-time jobs and parttime jobs 1.53 and. 96 years later, respectively.
The greater delay in job-taking than in entry
is qualitatively consistent with the higher rates
of black youth unemployment that are typically observed in aggregate statistics. This phenomenon may, of course, be a manifestation
of either demand or supply-side factors.
Among the Chicanos in the sample, the
greatest effect is observed among males. Relative to white youth, they experience delay in
full-time job taking of .80 years and in part-

time job taking of 1.03 years. The relative
delay in entering the labor force is not significant for males, but it is significant for Chicano
females.
The coefficients on the variables that describe family characteristics suggest that family
composition influences the participation and
job-taking decisions of youth as well. The
dummy variable SINGLEHEAD, for example, indicates which youths come from femaleheaded households. The negative sign on this
variable, for both males and females, suggests
that this family structure is associated with earlier labor-force participation and earlier employment. However, the effects are only significant for females.
The number of family members (measured
by FAMILYSIZE) appears to be negatively
related to the age at which youths enter the
labor force. An additional family member lowers the age of labor-force entry by .22 and .15
years for males and females, respectively.
However, for female youths, the presence of

Table 3
Coefficients Associated With Various Control Variables
Dependent variable

Age of Entry into
Labor Force
Males

Females

Age of Taking
Full-time Job
Males

Age of Taking
Part-time Job

Females

Males

Females

Independent variable

SEATILE (0.1)

.024
(.306)

.444*
(.231)

1.475***
(.296)

.603* **
(.269)

277
(.441)

.539
(.414)

BLACK (0.1)

.809* **
(.310)

.209
(.225)

1.526***
(.294)

.962* **
(.267)

.924 ***
(.443)

.359
(.404)

CHICANO (0.1)

.558
(.433)

.767***
(.323)

.805**
(.366)

.336
(.366)

1.034*
(.621)

.688
(.564)

SINGLEHEAD (0,1)

- .545
(.341)

.517**
(.262)

- .128
(.327)

- .458
(.311 )

- .522
(.488)

-1.011**
(.477)

FAMILY SIZE
(number)

.218**
(.103)

.150*
(.079)

.019
(.098)

J)61
(.096)

0.226
(.147)

-.108
(.146)

CHILDREN
(number)

- .260
(.4(5)

.677* **
(.254)

- .029
(.365)

.209
(.317)

.268
(.555)

.735
(.474)

INCOME ($1000)

.025
(.050)

.052
(.046)

- '()63
(.044)

- .044
(J)75)

.002
(.007)

.008
(.036)

** *Coefficient differs from zero at the 1 percent level.
* * Coefficient differs from zero at the 5 percent level.
*Coefficient differs from zero at the 10 percent level.

33

income to assign individuals to the welfare experiment (see Appendix 3).
The statistical importance of many of these
demographic variables clearly indicates the variety of factors accounting for observed patterns of labor-market behavior. Thus, no single
factor is likely to explain satisfactorily the level
and changes in youth-unemployment rates that
the United States has experienced in recent
years. Even after controlling for these demographic factors, however, an important association appears to exist between the experimental welfare program and delayed youth
employment.

small children in the household (CHILDREN)
tends to delay labor-force participation, presumably because young females perform childcare services in the home.
Family income (INCOME) appears to have
no statistically significant effect on youths' participation and job-taking decisions. The signs
of the coefficients generally suggest delayed
entry but earlier job-taking, but the low level
of statistical precision suggests that these results may be spurious. Other observers have
noted the poor association between income
and youth unemployment, but in this study the
problem is compounded by the use of family

VII. Conclusions
and family economic status-these factors may
contribute significantly to the trends that have
been observed in youth unemployment. Policy
prescriptions thus can differ considerably, depending upon whether the problem has a demand-side or supply-side genesis. The results
of this study suggest that a policy to eradicate
youth unemployment by making jobs more
available-through public-employment programs, for example-may not be completely
successful in reducing unemployment among
youths from welfare families.
Unfortunately, we cannot use the results of
this study to infer how the existing welfare
program affects youth labor-market behavior.
Although the experimental welfare programs
were more conducive to creating unemployment than the existing (AFDC) program, their
effects were measured against the effects of
the existing program since the control group
remained eligible for AFDC. Therefore, our
results may either over- or under-state the effects of the existing program (vs. no welfare
program). However, the results do suggest
qualitatively that the existing welfare program
contributes to youth-employment problems.
Much remains to be learned about the
causes of joblessness among the young. The
problem is a multifaceted one, and no single
factor can be held responsible for the trends
that have been observed in youth labor-market
behavior. Still, our results emphasize one potential source of youth unemployment that policymakers should consider and explore further.

It has not been possible to measure the impact of a welfare program on youth unemployment directly. Nonetheless, the results observed in this study are consistent with the
notion that youths respond to welfare programs by reducing labor-market activity. Thus,
young people do not appear to be insulated
from the work-retarding effects of welfare programs. 12
Secondly, the results are also consistent with
the argument that family welfare support contributes to measured youth unemployment by
delaying employment without delaying entry
into the labor-force. Despite our inability to
calculate the precise effect of the experimental
welfare program on unemployment, we can
see that the delay in job-taking is large and
significant. For males taking full-time jobs, for
example, the delay caused by the experiment
is roughly the same as the delay associated
with being Chicano (rather than white). Since
Chicano unemployment rates are several percentage points greater than white unemployment rates, the effect of the welfare program
may be of that same order of magnitude.
Finally, and most importantly, the study
highlights the relevance of considering supply
as well as demand factors in studying the
youth-unemployment problem. There may be
considerably more volition in the pattern of
youth unemployment than is generally assumed. Although it is very difficult to determine precisely the effect of supply-side factors--such as attitudes, tastes, family structure,
34

Appendix A:

Experimentation in Economics

Although experimental research is commonplace in laboratory sciences such as chemistry
and pharmacology, it is unusual in economics.
Economists do not, in general, have the opportunity to manipulate economic variables in
a controlled manner and observe the consequences on individual firms or households in
the economy. Economics is, by its very nature,
a social science, and most economic research
involves observation of behavior in the natural
state of the economy. The relationships between economic variables are normally inferred from observed patterns of behavior in
the context of a model, utilizing a set of sta-

tistical procedures that are consistent with the
assumptions of the model.
What is an economic experiment?
In contrast to the "arm's length" nature of
most economic analysis, economic experimentation involves direct manipulation of economic variables. In the typical economic experiment, a site for the experiment (usually a
community or area) is selected, and part of the
population of the area is enrolled to participate
in the experiment. The participants are assigned to either a "treatment group" or a
"control group." The economic environment

Table A-1
Recent Experiments in Economic Policy
Experiment

Site(s)

Objectives

1. Income maintenance

New Jersey; Pennsylvania (1968);
Gary. Indiana (1970); Iowa; North
Carolina (1969); Seattle.
Washington; Denver, Colorado
(1971)

To evaluate the effects of a negative
incomc tax on aggregate labor supply.

2. Health insurance

Dayton, Ohio; Seattle, Washington;
selected counties in Massachusetts
and South Carolina (1973)

To evaluate the response of health-care
demand to changes in the price of healthcare services.

3. Supported work

Fifteen different cities and rural
areas (1975)

To test the effectiveness of job-training
programs on individuals with traditionally
poor records of employability, such as exoffenders and former drug addicts.

4. Employment service

Minneapolis, Minnesota; Salt Lake
Citv, Utah; West Palm Beach,
F1o'rida (1975)

To evaluate the effect of job counseling on
the labor-market experience of the
unemployed.

5. Housing allowances

Various sites including Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania; Phoenix, Arizona;
Green Bay, Wisconsin; and South
Bend, Indiana (1976)

To evaluate the effect of cash housing
allowances on the demand and supply of
housing.

6. Electric power rates

Six utilities in various states (1976)

To evaluate the effect of different
electricity-rate schedules on the
consumption of electric power, with
particular emphasis on time-of-day pricing.

7. Medicare coverage

Entire state of Colorado (1976)

To evaluate alternative coverage plans on
the use and cost of mental-health services.

8. Public employment

Thirty sites in various states (1979)

To evaluate the effect of a large-scale
public-employment program on
employment and wages through the use of
treatment and control sites (demonstration
project combined with policy experiments).

9. Youth employment subsidy

Detroit, Michigan (in the planning
stage)

To evaluate the effect of wage subsidies on
youth employment.

35

of the treatment group is manipulated as part
of the experiment, while the control group is
simply a source of "baseline" data. The comparison of the behavior of the treatment and
control groups measures the effect of the experimental program. (The use of a control
group distinguishes an experiment from a demonstration; the latter is simply a test of the
administrative feasibility of a project, and cannot provide a precise evaluation of its effects.)

Experimentation offers several advantages
for policy evaluation. First, the direction and
magnitude of the effect of one economic variable on another can potentially be measured
with considerable precision, because the policy
variable can be exogenously manipulated in a
measurable way. The price of a commodity,
the income of an individual, or the quality of
a product can be manipulated at will, independent of other variables. In the non-experimental environment, these changes usually
occur in concert with other changes, making it
difficult to isolate the effects of individual factors and the direction of causality.
Second, experimentation offers the opportunity to examine a variety of social effects of
a policy--often beyond that which economic
modelling and analysis is capable of doing with
non-experimental data. For example, the effect of a policy on the child-bearing or marital
behavior of a family is very difficult to predict
precisely with existing economic models and
data. Yet these effects may be very important
to policymakers and may have important economic implications as well. An experiment can
be designed to monitor these effects.
Finally, experimentation permits programs
with complex economic and administrative
features to be evaluated. It is often very difficult to model these features and evaluate the
response without making many questionable
assumptions. By putting the policy into practice on an experimental basis and observing
the consequences, the effects of a specific program can be directly evaluated.

Economic experiments have been conducted
in a wide range of policy contexts. Experiments have involved manipulation of such economic variables as electricity prices, housing
rentals, health-care costs, education costs, and
the generosity of welfare programs. (See Table
A-I for a partial list of recent economic experiments. )
Experimental vs non-experimental
Although the non-experimental mode of
analysis has served the economics profession
well, the available theory or data are not always sufficient to provide the information necessary to resolve practical problems. Simple
parameters such as the elasticity of labor supply with respect to the wage rate, for example,
have been disturbingly difficult to estimate using non-experimental procedures. As a result,
economic analysis has provided little help to
policymakers interested in accurately predicting the labor-market effects of proposals such
as a negative income tax, wage subsidies, public-employment programs, and so on.

Appendix B:

Technical Details of the Model and Sample
the youth's age at the time when he was last
observed. This age is clearly less than the true
age at which he ultimately takes a job, however; that is, the measure is "censored" from
above. Similarly, if a youth already has labormarket experience when first enrolled in the
experiment, the only information we have is
his age at that time; these observations are
censored from below.
The econometric implication is that the distribution of the error term in equation (1) does

Econometric Considerations
Estimation of the relationship in equation
(I) encounters a number of econometric problems. First, the data on the dependent variables (H p H 2 , and H 3) suffer from "censoring"
because of the relatively short observation period. To understand this problem of censoring,
suppose, for example, that a youth never takes
a full-time job during the course of the observation period. What age should then be used
to construct H 2 ? The only available datum is

36

not have the properties assumed in the classical regression model. Without appropriate
treatment of this effect, the estimated coefficients are biased. However, with a procedure
developed by James Tobin (called Tobit), we
are able to obtain unbiased estimation under
the conditions created by censored data. 13 The
procedure uses the age at which the observation was censored along with the information
about the type of censoring experienced (i.e.,
from above or below). The program employs
maximum likelihood techniques to derive the
necessary estimates, but the coefficients may
be interpreted in the normal manner.
A second major statistical concern involves
defining the independent variables so that the
effect of the experiments is not commingled
with variables which we are using for control
purposes. For example, the experiment could
conceivably affect the family's childbearing behavior. Thus, if the variable FAMILYSIZE is
measured during the experiment, it may contain some effects of the experiments, thereby
biasing the measure of the experimental effect
obtained with the variable F. The approach
taken here to limit this bias involves using preexperimental measures of all of the control
variables. This ensures that these measures are
unaffected by the experiment. Although this
method introduces measurement error-since
the pre-experimental values may be imprecise
measures of the relevant value-it is assumed
that these effects are less serious than the
problem of commingling experimental and
control variables.

Sample size

Additional control variables
In addition to the variables reported in Table
1, two additional types of variables were included in the variable set C in order to control
for features of the experiment which would
influence the behavior of the individuals in the
sample. First, in addition to the welfare provisions of the experiments, certain families
were eligible for manpower programs that provided subsidies for training and educational
activities. To control for these effects, the
regressions contain dummy variables for each
manpower program. The coefficients of these
variables were not significantly different from

zero, and are not reported here because these
programs are not of direct interest to our discussion.
A final consideration involves the need to
control for the way in which families were assigned to the control group vs. the "treatment"
group. As is typical in many experimental designs, the assignment was not completely random because of cost considerations; in particular, each family's pre-enrollment income was
one of the characteristics used to assign experimental treatment. This non-random assignment can cause bias in the measurement of the
coefficients. 14 The simplest approach to mini-

Table B-1
Sample Characteristics
Age at enrollment (%)

Male

Female

28.8
28.6
17.4
12.2
9.3
3.7

33.6
29.7
18.6
11.3
5.6
1.2

Race (%)
Black
White
Chicano

46.8
33.5
19.7

44.1
37.7
18.1

Hours worked per week
at enrollment
2'/2 years into experiment

6.4
16.9

4.5
15.5

School registration (%)
at enrollment
2'/2 years into experiment

73.9
27.8

79.9
27.2

Outside labor force (%)
at enrollment
2'/2 years into experiment

51.3
44.0

62.9
57.5

Family type at enrollment (%)
Husband-wife
Female head

44.1
55.9

43.3
56.7

Treatment status (%)
Eligible for experimental
welfare program

52.4

51.1

Seattle residency (%)

39.5

48.5

4.8

4.6

.1

.2

6,511.0

6,680,0

517

485

16
17
18
19
20
21

Persons in family (No.)
Young Children in family (No.)
Family income ($)

37

mize this bias is to include (as we do) a dummy
variable in the regression which indicates
which income-classification group the family
was placed in for purposes of assignment to
experimental treatment. (Because the coefficients on these dummy variables have no policy interpretation, they are not discussed in
this paper. However, it should be noted that
the use of two "income" variables-the control dummies and INCOME-makes it difficult to interpret the latter's coefficients.)

time that their families agreed to participate in
the experiment. The sample was confined to
the sons, daughters, grandsons, granddaughters, stepsons or stepdaughters of the head of
the household. All were living with their families at the time of enrollment in the experiment.
The experiments did not enroll families
headed by a single male, but over half of the
sample was composed of female-headed
households. The families in the experiment
were chosen with incomes at or below the 1971
median income. In order to permit estimation
of effects by race, black and Chicano families
were heavily sampled. Table B-1 contains selected statistics which describe the sample.

Description of sample
The individuals chosen for use in this study
were between 16 and 21 years of age at the

FOOTNOTES
9. At the time of the experiments, the statutory tax rate
embodied in the AFDC program was 67 percent. However,
as Halsey (1978) has shown, when the integration of
AFDC with other welfare programs (housing and foodstamp programs) and the positive income-tax system is
properly analyzed, the effective tax rate is around 47
percent, a lower rate than the effective tax rates employed
in the SIME and DIME programs.

1. The literature on youth unemployment is extensive. A
broad and useful introduction to the topic is available in
The Teenage Unemployment Problem: What are the
Options? Congressional Budget Office (October 1976).
2. See, for example, Welch (1974), Gramlich (1976) and
Ragan (1977).
3. Ragan (1977).
4. This argument has been put forth by Moynihan (1968),
for example.

10. Freeman (1979), Table 2.
11. The construction of the spell-oriented data file necessary for this computation is feasible, however, using the
raw SIME and DIME data. The construction of such a data
file may be undertaken by SRI International in 1980.

5. See Freeman (1979).
6. See, for example, Ashenfelter and Heckman (1979),
Killingsworth (1976), and MacDonald and Stephanson
(forthcoming).

12. Although we are interested in the effects on measured
unemployment per se, from a long-run policy point of
view, the delays in job-taking need not be wholly deleterious. For example, youth may be spending more time in
school as a result of family welfare support. The evidence
on this from the SIME and DIME programs is not very
encouraging, however. West (1979) found that the experiments were not associated with significant increases in
school-going propensity.

7. Seater analyzes labor-force behavior in the context of
an optimal-control model which permits simultaneous determination of the optimal paths of time allocation to labor,
job search and leisure over the life cycle. He concludes,
"The response of unemployment [to exogenous changes]
is ambiguous because unemployment is a "middle" state
between employment and nonparticipation. Changes
which tend to induce some people to leave unemployment
for employment also tend to induce other people to leave
nonparticipation for unemployment, leaving the net
change in unemployment ambiguous." Seater (1977), p.
369.

13. See Tobin (1958). The program used in this analysis
was written by Arden Hall of SRI.

8. Six of the programs employed fixed tax rates of either
50, 70 or 80 percent. The other five programs employed
a rate which was initially at one of these levels, but declined with increasing income. These declining tax-rate
programs were designed to determine if the work disincentive effects of the NIT could be eased by a smoother
transition between NIT tax rates and the tax rates of the
normal (positive) income-tax system.

14. The seriousness of the bias caused by non-random
assignment has been the subject of considerable debate.
In this research, the results were not noticeably changed
when the variables designed to correct for assignment
were omitted from the regression specification. For a discussion of experimental assignment procedures and their
effects, see Conlisk and Watts (1979) and Keeley and
Robins (forthcoming).

38

REFERENCES
Mallar, C., "The Educational and Labor Supply Response
of Young Adults in Experimental Families," The New
Jersey Income Maintenance Experiment, Volume
II, Chapter 5, eds. H. Watts and A. Rees, New York:
Academic Press (1977).
McDonald, J. and S. Stephanson, "The Effects of Income
Maintenance on the School Enrollment and Labor
Supply Decisions of Teenagers," Journal of Human
Resources (forthcoming).
Moynihan, D., "Poverty in Cities," in J. Q. Wilson, ed.,
The Metropolitan Enigma (Boston, Harvard University Press, 1968).
Ragan, J., "Minimum Wages and the Youth Labor Market,"
The Review of Economics and Statistics (May
1977).
Seater, J., "A Unified Model of Consumption, Labor Supply, and Job Search," Journal of Economic Theory
(April 1977).
Tobin, J., "Estimation of Relationships for Limited Dependent Variables," Econometrica (January 1958).
Welch, F., "Minimum Wage Legislation in the United
States," Economic Inquiry (September 1974).
West, R., "The Impact of the Seattle and Denver Income
Maintenance Experiments on Youth Labor Supply
and Schooling Choices," SRI International (May
1979).

Ashenfelter, O. and J. Heckman, ''The Estimation of Income and Substitution Effects in a Model of Family
Labor Supply," Econometrica (January 1979).
Conlisk, J. and H. Watts, "A Model for Optimizing Experimental Designs for Estimating Response Surfaces,"
American Statistical Association Proceedings,
Social Statistics Section (1969).
Ferber, R. and W. Hirsch, "Social Experimentation and
Economic Policy: A Survey," Journal of Economic
Literature (March 1978).
Gramlich, E., "Impact of Minimum Wages on Other
Wages, Employment, and Family Incomes," Brookings Papers on Economic Activity (2:1976).
Halsey, H., "AFDC, Food Stamp and Public Housing
Taxes in Seattle and Denver in 1970-1971," SRI
International, Menlo Park, CA., March 1978.
Keeley, M. C., et aI., "The Estimation of Labor Supply
Models Using Experimental Data," American Economic Review (December 1978).
Keeley, M. C. and P. K. Robins, "The Design of Social
Experiments: A Critique of the Conlisk-Watts Assignment Model," Research in Labor Economics, editor R. Ehrenberg (forthcoming 1980).
Killingsworth, M. R., "Must a Negative Income Tax Reduce
Labor Supply: A Study of the Family's Allocation of
Time," Journal of Human Resources (Summer
1976).

39

.
III

Yvonne Levy*
Recent forecasts of electric-power demand
and supply in the Pacific Northwest suggest the
possibility of serious shortages during the decade of the 1980's. The projected imbalance
reflects the inefficient pricing policies prescribed
by law and regulatory commissions for the
Bonneville Power Administration (BPA) and
other regional electric utilities. 1 Bonneville is
the wholesale marketing agency for hydroelectric power generated at some 30 Federal dams
along the Columbia River and for some purchased thermal (coal and nuclear) power supplies. Indeed, BPA is the wholesale supplier of
over one-half of the total electricity consumed
in the Pacific Northwest. Thus, its pricing practices profoundly influence the general level of
electric rates faced by ultimate consumers in
that region.
A conflict over BPA supplies has developed
among Bonneville's various customer groups,
with private utilities being denied contracts for
firm Federal power-assured supplies-since
the early 1970's. This reflects the agency's attempts to assure the needs of its statutory preference customers-the publicly-owned retail
power agencies that have first priority for Federally-generated wholesale power. Private utilities have had to make up for that loss as well
as meet the growth of demand on their own,
generally from more expensive thermal supplies. The consequence is a wide disparity in
retail rates to ultimate consumers served by
the two classes of utilities. In recent months,
Bonneville's industrial customers have suffered a loss of that portion of their contracted

supplies subject to interruption. Moreover,
these customers face a possible cutoff of all
Federal supplies when their contracts expire in
1983. The industries involved employ about
15,000 persons with an annual payroll of about
$355 million, and supply 30 percent of the nation's primary aluminum, 100 percent of its
ferronickel, and substantial quantities of other
key materials.
The Pacific Northwest Electric Power Planning and Conservation Act, which has been
introduced into Congress to deal with the allocation problem, would rely on new institutional arrangements to balance demand and
supply. But by failing to address the fundamental cause of the disequilibrium-namely,
the present inefficient pricing policies followed
by Bonneville and other regional utilities-it
is unlikely to provide a permanent solution to
the region's electrical-supply problems.
In this article, we argue that Bonneville
should base its power rates not on average cost
but rather on long-run incremental cost. The
former is total cost divided by the number of
units to be sold; the latter is the cost of producing additional electricity, taking into account the need to add more fixed factors,
namely plant facilities. Long-run incremental
cost approximates the cost of electricity produced from new plant. This pricing approach
would result in a more efficient allocation of
resources, because rates would reflect the true
cost of the resources expended to provide consumers with each additional block of power. It
would significantly lower the future demand
for Bonneville power because its price would
be much higher than under the current average-cost pricing method. As a result, substan-

"Economist, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. Dennis Barton provided research assistance for this article.

40

tially less new generating capacity would be
required than is currently forecast.
Section I discusses the economic-efficiency
argument for pricing on the basis of long-run
incremental cost. As noted there, electric utilities traditionally have not followed that
method because their operations presumably
have been characterized by decreasing longrun average and incremental costs due to economies of scale. Under such conditions, pricing
on the basis of incremental cost would fail to
recover average cost, resulting in a loss. But
as Section II indicates, this long-run incremental cost in actuality is far higher than the average cost reported by Bonneville. In Section
III, we attribute part of the gap between the
two to present average-cost accounting methods, but also to rising long-run incremental

costs resulting from the exhaustion of economies of scale. Section IV discusses some of
the sub-optimal long-run incremental cost pricing methods that have been proposed to avoid
surplus revenues, and argues that true longrun incremental cost pricing is preferable.
It is important to note that while Bonneville's pricing policies have been singled out
for study in this article, the arguments advanced in favor of incremental-cost pricing apply to the entire electric-utility industry. To
various degrees, the wide-spread use of average-cost pricing methods is holding electricutility rates everywhere below those that
would prevail under long-run incremental-cost
pricing, spurring the growth of electrical consumption and causing too many resources to
be devoted to power generation.

I. Rationale for Different Pricing Methods
Bonneville Power Administration-like other
electric utilities throughout the nation-traditionally has followed an average-cost pricing
method for establishing the level of its power
rates. 2 Under this method, the utility first determines its revenue requirement. This refers
to the total costs that must be recovered
through rates during a given period to compensate the utility for all the expenses incurred
in supplying the product, including a return on
invested capital. 3 Under present statutes, total
revenues must exactly equal total costs, a requirement known as the budgetary constraint.
Dividing total costs by the number of units
expected to be sold in a given period yields
the average unit cost-and thus the price-Df
electricity.
Economic theory demonstrates that the
price per unit should be equal not to average
cost but to marginal cost. Marginal cost is the
change in total cost resulting from an additional unit of output-that is, the cost of producing one more unit of a good or service, or
alternatively, the cost that would be saved by
producing one less unit.
In economic theory, the distinction between
short and long-run is based on whether or not
plant size is fixed. Short-run cost calculations

show how a firm's costs will vary in response
to variations in output within the limits of a
given amount of fixed plant. Long-run cost
calculations show how costs will vary during a
planning period long enough to permit adjustment of the scale of productive facilities.
Electric-power rate decisions thus depend
upon whether or not the scale of plant is to be
increased. If new plant is scheduled during the
planning period encompassed in the rate calculation, long-run incremental (marginal) cost
is the appropriate basis for pricing, i.e., price
per unit should be equal to long-run incremental cost. 4 Long-run incremental cost equals the
cost of electricity produced from the next block
of new generating facilities scheduled to be
added. Under that pricing method, the price
per unit thus reflects only the cost of electricity
produced from new productive facilities-in
contrast to average cost pricing, which also
reflects the cost of electricity from older facilities.
The rationale for pricing on the basis of incremental cost is simply efficiency. A fundamental precept of economics states that optimum welfare and efficiency are achieved under
conditions of perfectly competitive markets. A
perfectly competitive firm, which by definition

41

has no control over the price of its product,
maximizes profits by selecting an output level
where the price of its good or service equals
its marginal cost. Under such conditions, resources would be channelled into their most
efficient uses. 5 This is because each price
would reflect the value of the resources required
to supply each particular good or service, and
because consumers therefore would be provided with the proper price signals to make
the choices that would yield society the most
efficient use of resources. If price were less
than marginal cost, consumers would be induced to consume an additional unit, even if
the benefits were less than the marginal commitment of society's resources to produce that
unit.
Equality of price and marginal cost leads to
optimal welfare and efficiency only if it applies
to all goods and services throughout the economy. Pricing as many goods as possible at marginal cost does not necessarily provide a "second best" solution. It might actually make
allocation less efficient, particularly in situations where close substitutes are priced above
or below marginal cost. But while this problem
complicates the application of marginal-cost
pricing, it does not necessarily invalidate its
use in particular situations. Care simply must
be taken to consider the ramifications on both
the market in question and the markets of
other close substitutes and complementary
products.
In the Pacific Northwest situation, electric
power is being priced far below marginal cost,
whereas close substitutes such as oil and natural gas are being priced closer to marginal
cost. Given the relatively high cost of substitutes, adoption of long-run incremental-cost
pricing by electric utilities probably would lead
to a reduction in overall energy use rather than
a shift to alternate fuels.

long-run average costs over the output range
relevant to a given market. Decreasing longrun costs are the result of increasing returns to
scale. These economies of scale, in the regulatory context, refer to a situation in which
unit production costs decline for the individual
firm as the size of its plant is increased. The
economies are internal to the operation of the
individual firm, in contrast to external economies which arise out of the growth of the
entire industry.6
"Plant" in this context may consist of a single production facility or a group of production
facilities comprising a system. In e1ectricpower generation, regulators assume that the
size of plant required to achieve lowest unit
cost is so large that it justifies only one firm
for any given market. Because of this assumed
inherent tendency to decreasing long-run average cost over the relevant output range, the
electric-generating industry traditionally has
been characterized as a "natural monopoly."
To enable consumers to benefit from these

Dilemma of incremental pricing

The goal of the regulatory authorities should
be to price as close to the perfectly competitive
model as possible. Why then haven't they done
so? The reason is the regulators' assumption
that electricity generation involves decreasing

42

Background on Bonneville
Functions

Bonneville Power Administration (BPA) was created by Congress in 1937 to market and
transmit electric power from the Federally-owned Bonneville Dam. The agency's authority
subsequently has been expanded to include the marketing of hydroelectric power from other
Federal dams since constructed in the Pacific Northwest. As of the end of 1978, there were
30 Federal dams with an installed capacity of 16,441 megawatts under Bonneville's marketing
authority (Figure 1).
BPA does not build dams or generating plants, but serves instead as a marketing agency
for power generated at Federal facilities built and operated by the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers and Bureau of Reclamation. The agency, however, is responsible for designing
and constructing the vast transmission network required to supply its market area. That area
consists of Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Western Montana, plus small portions of adjacent
states. The Federal power facilities in the Pacific Northwest, together with the transmission
system, are known collectively as the Federal Columbia River Power System (FCRPS).
Role in hydro-thermal development

Until the 1960's, the Pacific Northwest depended on hydro-electric generation to meet
nearly all of the region's electrical requirements. But by that time, most of the economically
and environmentally feasible damsites had been developed, and it then became evident that
thermal plants would have to be added to meet the growth of regional electrical requirements.
As a result, BPA and over one hundred public and privately-owned utilities entered into an
agreement-known as the Hydro-Thermal Program-to meet the projected growth of demand over the 1970-90 period. Under this program, the Federal government agreed to
develop the remaining hydro-electric power potential of existing dams to meet the growth of
peak demands. The government also agreed to construct the necessary high-voltage transmission lines to accommodate the growth in regional power deliveries. Non-Federal utilities
in the region agreed to build and operate numerous new thermal (coal and nuclear) operating
plants to meet the growth of baseload (steady) energy requirements. Thermal construction
lagged during the 1970's, contributing to power "shortages," and Bonneville purchased small
but increasing amounts of thermal power from non-Federal utilities.
Contribution to Pacific Northwest electric supplies

In fiscal 1978, BPA supplied about 87 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity, equivalent to
about 54 percent of the total electric power generated in the Pacific Northwest. Private
investor-owned utilities generated another 26 percent, while non-Federal publicly-owned
utilities produced the remaining 20 percent.
BPA's customers

Bonneville Power Administration is a wholesale supplier of electricity. The agency's customer groups consist of publicly-owned utilities, private investor-owned utilities and directservice industries. Under existing law, publicly-owned utilities-i.e., utilities owned by public
entities such as municipalities, cooperatives and public utility districts-have preference or
priority in the purchase of Federal power. Since the early 1970's, BPA has denied private
investor-owned utilities access to all but small amounts of "firm" power-assured contract
supplies-to enable Bonneville to meet the requirements of its preference customers.

43

Figure 1

Pacific Northwest Electric Generating Plants
■ I Federal Dam
@
§

A

Non-Federal Dam
Nuclear Plant
Coal Plant
Open Symbol = planned or
under construction
Colstrip
1, 2 , 3 , & 4

AA
AA

Pacific Northwest Electric Generating Capacity and Output, 1978
Capacity'

Output
Percent
Billions of
Kilowatt-Hours
of Total

No. of
Plants

Megawatts

Percent
of Total

Federal Columbia River Power
System
Hydro

30
(30)

16,442
(16,442)

48.7
(48.7)

87.01
2

54.2

Non-Federal Publicly-Owned
Utilities
Hydro
Thermal

52
(39)
(13)

7,954
(6,217)
(1.735)

23.6
(18.4)
(5.1)

31.5

19.7

Privately-Owned Utilities
Hydro
Thermal

106
(88)
(18)

9,332
(4,020)
(5,312)

27.7
(11.9)
(15.8)

41.9

26.1

188
(157)
(31)

33,728
(26,679)
(7,047)

100.0
(79.1)
(20.9)

160.4

100.0

Ownership

All Owners
Hydro
Thermal

1 Name-plate rating as of December 31, 1978; actual capability is about 12 percent higher on average than name-plate
rating.
2 Includes power purchased from the Hanford and Trojan nuclear plants and the Centralia coal-fired plant owned bynonFederal utilities.
Source: Bonneville Power Administration, Financial and Statistical Sum m ary (Fiscal year 1978), page 6, plus information
supplied directly by agency.

44

economies of scale, governments have granted
private firms exclusive franchises to serve
given market areas, or have assumed direct
public ownership of generation and transmission facilities. At the same time, governments
have regulated utility rates to prevent the extraction of monopoly profits (Appendix A).
But this assumed tendency to decreasing
long-run average cost also has provided the
rationale for pricing on the basis of average
cost. Under such conditions, if rates were to
be established on the basis of long-run incremental cost, average cost would not be recovered, and the result would be an operating
loss.
Chart 1 illustrates the concept of economies
of scale as it applies to the individual firm.
Here plant size is not fixed, and the comparison is between average production costs of
plants of various capacity. Economies of scale
in the electric-power industry refer to the fact
that relatively larger generation and transmis-

sion systems have lower unit costs than relatively smaller systems. The concept is defined
for a particular point in time, which means a
given state of technology.7 Economies of scale
would exist if, say, the cost per kilowatt-hour
associated with a 10,000 megawatt generating
system were lower than the average production costs associated with a 7,500 megawatt
system, with both alternatives being considered within the same planning period.
In Chart 1, the long-run average cost curve
(LRAC) envelops a family of short-run cost
curves, each short-run curve (SRAC) corresponding to a different plant scale. Each point
on the LRAC curve, being a point of tangency
with a SRAC curve, represents the least cost
at which a given level of output can be
achieved. The firm experiences increasing returns to scale-that is, lower average unit costs
for plants of increased size-up to output level
Q 3 corresponding to SRAC3 , after which diseconomies serve to increase unit costs.

Chart 1

Decreasing Long-Run Cost Curve
for a Utility Facing Economies of Scale
Price and Cost
Per Unit

LRIC
LRAC

Output
45

Chart 2-A shows the pricing alternatives facing regulatory authorities in a situation where
the utility is operating in a range of decreasing
long-run average costs. To achieve the most
efficient allocation of resources possible under
regulated-monopoly conditions, the regulatory
authorities would have to mandate incremental-cost pricing. Under that method, the legal
(ceiling) price (Pic) would be determined by
the cost of production of the last unit, that is,
by the intersection of the demand schedule (0)
and the long-run incremental-cost curve
(LRIC). But setting the unit price at Pic would
generate losses for the regulated firm under
conditions of decreasing long-run average
costs, in that the cost of the last unit of output
would be less than the average cost per unit.
These losses would be represented by the area,
(PI - Pic) x Qic.

To avoid the necessity for public subsidies to
offset these losses, rate-setting commissions
have followed an average-cost pricing method,
incorporating in the average cost a rate of return on invested capital. Under this method,
the maximum price per unit is set at (Pac), the
intersection of the demand schedule (0) and
the long-run average cost curve (LRAC). Under conditions of decreasing long-run average
cost, this method of pricing results in a higher
unit price and lower level of output than the
more efficient long-run incremental cost
method. This is because long-run average cost
is above long-run incremental cost under such
conditions.
Chart 2-B illustrates the price and output
combinations that would result under alternative pricing methods if the utility were operating in a range of increasing long-run average

Chart 2

Pricing Alternatives in a Regulated Monopoly Situation
A. Decreasing Long-Run Costs
B. Increasing Long-Run Costs
Over Relevant Output Range
Over Relevant Output Range
Price and Cost
Price and Cost
Per Unit
Per Unit

Output

QacQ ic Output

46

costs. Under such conditions, pricing on the
basis of long-run incremental cost results in a
price (Pic) and output level (Oic). That price
would yield a profit beyond the return incorporated in average cost, in that the cost of the
last unit of output would be more than the
average cost per unit. The excess profit would
be represented by the area, (Pic - PI) x Oic.

To avoid excess profits, regulators might prefer
to follow the average-cost method, which
would result in price (Pac) and output level
(Qac). But average-cost pricing under conditions of increasing long-run average costs, results in an under-pricing of the product and a
correspondingly greater and uneconomic
amount of resources devoted to its production.

II. Bonneville's Long-Run Incremental Cost
The Pacific Northwest's electric-power systern currently relies primarily on hydro-electric
generation. But thermal (coal and nuclear)
plants will have to provide most of the new
energy or baseload requirements of regional
consumers, i.e., electricity which is required
on a steady basis. This is because the region
contains few undeveloped dam sites. However,
Congress has not authorized any Federallybuilt coal or nuclear plants in the region. Instead, under the Hydro-Thermal Program underway since the late 1960's, Bonneville has

been purchasing increased amounts of thermal
power from other publicly-owned utilities for
transmission over Federal lines. In addition,
Bonneville has been adding new hydro generating capacity at existing Federal dams to
meet the peaks in demand that exceed its
steady baseload requirements. To estimate the
agency's overall long-run incremental cost of
power, it is therefore necessary to include estimates of the cost of both new thermal baseload and hydro-peaking facilities.
In micro-economic theory, the concept of

Table 1
Incremental Baseload Capacity and Cost, Washington Public Power Supply System,
Nuclear Plants 1, 2, and 3

Year

1982
1983
1984
1985
1986

SchlKluled Additions
1
to Baseload Capacity

Scheduled Additions
to Outpue

Annual

Cumulative

Annual

1,l00

1,100
1,100
2,350
2,350
3,218

7,227

1,250
868

8,213
5,703

Present Value

Levelized Total
3
Costs
Annual

Cumulative

7,227
7.227
15,440
15,440
21,143

188.3
234.1
159.9

4

Cumulative

188.3
188.3
422.4
422.4
582.3

(1980)6

FactorS

834
.762
.696
.635
.580
Total:

Incremental Unit Cost
3.13 cents/kwh

Annual Cost

Output

157.0
143.5
294.0
268.2
337.7

6,027
5,507
10,746
9,804
12,263

1,200.4

38,326

= (I present value total cost)/(I present value kwh generation) = 1,200.4/38,326 =

1 Net to Bonneville Power Administration, in megawatts.
2 In millions of kilowatt hours. Based on annual capacity factor (operating rate) of 75 percent. Annual output
capacity x factor x hours in year (8,760).
3 In millions of dollars. Levelizing reduces a stream of unequal future costs over a period n to a series of n equal
payments. (See Appendix B, Table 1).
4 Total costs (both fixed and variable).
5 Assumes a discount rate of 9.5 percent; discounted to 1980.
6 Annual cost in millions of dollars. Output in millions of kilowatt hours.
Source: Computed by the author on the basis of output and cost data provided by Bonneville Power Administration.

47

long-run has no specific time dimension. But
in applying theory to rate determination, the
utility is faced with the problem of defining the
long-run. The length of that period determines
the amount of new generating capacity to be
included in the estimate of long-run incremental cost, and thus the amount of total revenues
to be received. For relative stability in rates,
the period selected should be long enough to
prevent frequent rate changes.
Fortunately, it is not difficult to delineate the
next well-defined block of baseload energy to
be acquired by Bonneville. The agency has
contracted with the Washington Public Power
Supply System (WPPSS) to purchase nearly all
of the output from three nuclear plants scheduled for completion over the 1982-86 period.
We have defined that block as the next baseload increment, and have developed an estimate of the consequent long-run incremental
cost of energy, discounted back to the year
1980 (Table 1).
Long-run incremental cost per kilowatt-hour
may be defined for computational purposes as
the present value of all future costs associated
with the output from scheduled additions to
capacity, divided by the present value of that
incremental output. 8 Long-run incremental
unit cost thus can be estimated by determining:
1) the scheduled additions to capacity and resultant output over the planning horizon, 2)
totallevelized annual costs, fixed and variable,
associated with that output, and 3) the present
value of these costs and additions to output.
"Levelizing" is a method for reducing a
stream of unequal future costs over a given
period to a series of equal costs. It eliminates
the year-to-year fluctuations in costs to provide
a more representative figure of the annual
costs and revenues required to produce that
increment of output. Application of that procedure to WPPSS nuclear-plant costs is shown

in Appendix B, Table 1. The present-value
calculation converts expected costs to their
present value today. In the present case, we
discount to the year 1980 at a 9.S-percent rate,
in keeping with the practice of some of the
investor-owned utilities in the region. Thus,
we estimate the long-run incremental cost of
power produced from these three nuclear
plants at about 3.13 cents/kwh.
Power from the new hydro-peaking facilities
will cost much less per kilowatt hour. But because thermal plants will account for the bulk
of the new generation capability, the overall
incremental unit cost of electricity still will approximate 3 cents/kwh. 9 This compares with
the average cost of .412 cents/kwh recovered
by Bonneville in 1979.
Bonneville's efficiency would improve if it
priced its total power supplies on the basis of
incremental cost. (This would require
Congressional authorization, however.) In
planning rates for any given future period,
Bonneville would set the unit price equal to
the long-run incremental cost of the appropriate block of scheduled capacity. If it did so,
regulatory commissions might follow suit and
encourage Bonneville's utility customers to
make a similar switchover to long-run incremental cost pricing, thereby providing retail
electricity customers with the price signals required to allocate available supplies more efficiently. In contrast, under BPA's present average-cost pricing method, the cost of the last
and more expensive increment would be combined with the costs associated with the older
facilities, so that wholesale and retail customers would not be aware of the economic
value of the resources required to supply additional increments. Consequently, too many
resources would be devoted to the production
of electricity.

III. Differential Between Long-Run Incremental and Ave[age Cost
As we have seen, the estimated long-run
incremental cost of power to be acquired by
Bonneville far exceeds its latest reported average-cost figure. Consequently, it seems
doubtful that the introduction of long-run ineremental cost pricing would fail to recover

the agency's total costs. Several factors help
explain this wide differential between estimated long-run incremental and reported average cost. First, Bonneville, in interpreting
the laws governing its selling price, has failed
to recover the true average costs-i.e., oppor48

vately-owned electric utilities. 12 The adjustments included the addition of imputed property and income taxes, as well as the
recalculation of interest charges and amortization on Congressional appropriations for
FCRPS investments. Other FCRPS costs were
accepted as measured by Bonneville. Appendix C contains the computations, plus technical
notes.
Taxes: Bonneville pays no taxes--other than
payroll taxes-to Federal, state or local governments. In contrast, private utilities over the
1947-79 period paid annual property taxes averaging about 2.3 percent of their total investment in plant, and income taxes averaging
about 9.0 percent of their operating revenues.
Addition of imputed property and income-tax
costs of that magnitude thus would have raised
the total unit cost (and price) of FCRPS electricity by 1979 to .606 cents per kilowatt hour
(Table 2). This represents a 47-percent increase over Bonneville's reported cost of .412
cents per kilowatt hour (Table 3).
Interest: Over the 1937-77 period, the interest rates on BPA borrowings ranged from 2V2
to 6Vs percent, with 3V4 percent being the 1977
weighted average for all debt outstanding. 13
These interest rates appear to be inordinately low, however. Some critics claim that
the appropriate interest rate to be applied to
those Congressional appropriations should be
the prevailing average yield on long-term
Treasury bonds at the time the debt is incurred. 14 But the author would go even further
and use the average rate paid by private electric utilities for new long-term borrowings in
the bond market. The author contends, in
other words, that the appropriate comparison
should be between the Federal and private
utility sectors, and not between the Federal
utility sector and the Federal government sector in general. On that basis, the public would
earn as great a return on funds invested in the
Federal utility sector as it could earn from purchasing private-utility bonds. Over the 194779 period, the interest payments that should
have been recovered through rates imputed on
this basis would have raised the average unit
cost for Bonneville-marketed power to .831

tunity costs-actually incurred by the Federal
government in producing, purchasing and
transmitting electricity. Second, the averagecost methodology employed by the electricutility-industry in general fails to fully reflect
inflation, because it determines capital charges
on an original-cost basis, whereas long-run incremental cost reflects the present value of the
future inflated costs associated with additional
new plant. Third, the economies of scale associated with the Federal Columbia River
Power System have been exhausted with regard to baseload generation, raising incremental cost in a static sense above average cost.
Understated average costs
Bonneville is required by law to set wholesale power rates so as to produce sufficient
revenues to recover the cost to the Federal
government of producing, purchasing and
transmitting electricity.1O Evidence suggests,
however, that the agency has not been recovering its true total and average costs, because it
is also required to set power rates sufficiently
low "to encourage widespread use of electric
energy and provide the lowest possible rates
to consumers consistent with sound business
principles. ,,11
For more efficient resource allocation,
Bonneville power rates should be based on
long-run incremental rather than average-cost
pricing methods. But if the latter method must
be employed, the revenue requirement should
be determined on the same basis as it is in the
private-utility sector. That would call for an
"opportunity-cost" approach-one that would
assure the general taxpayer a rate of return on
invested capital equal to that earned on average in the private-utility sector were investment there to be financed solely through longterm debt. This assumes little difference in risk
between the Federal and private-utility sectors, since the latter is regulated to ensure a
reasonable rate of return.
To show Bonneville's underestimation of the
actual economic costs incurred by the Federal
Columbia River Power System (FCRPS) over
the 1947-79 period, the author re-estimated
average unit costs incurred by that system on
the basis of the methodology employed by pri49

ule. In fact, BPA has set its rates so low that
it was unable to pay anything back to the
Treasury in the past three years, but instead
only increased its outstanding debt.
With adjustments made for imputed taxes,
interest and amortization costs, the Federal
Columbia River Power System actually incurred an average unit cost of at least 1.018
cents/kwh in 1979 instead of the .412 cents/kwh
actually reported. Had rates been raised to
reflect true average costs, the price for Bonneville power in 1979 would have been 147 percent higher than the amount actually charged

cents/kwh by 1979 (Table 2)-102 percent more
than the cost and corresponding price actually
calculated by Bonneville (Table 3).
Amortization: Bonneville is required by law
to repay each dollar borrowed for investment
in Federal generating projects within 50 years
after the project becomes revenue producing,
and each dollar investment in transmission
equipment within 40 years after those facilities
are placed in service. However, the agency has
not repaid such borrowings on a systematic
basis, as it would if it were operating as a
private utility with a given depreciation sched-

Table 2
Reconciliation of Reported and Imputed Unit Cost, Federal Columbia River Power
System, 1947-79
(cents per kilowatt hour)
Plus Imputed Cost Differential
Cumulatively Added 2

Unit Cost1

Fiscal
Year

1947
1949
1951
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979

As Reported
By Bonneville

.265
.232
.240
.238
.238
.235
.239
.247
.247
.242
.256
.265
.270
.273
.361
.362
.412

+

Taxes

.356
.315
.337
.340
.360
.353
.375
.393
.463
.374
.377
.395
.402
.394
.519
.557
.606

+

Net
Interest

.360
.327
366
.373
.403
.390
.413
.431
.503
.409
.415
.486
.524
.512
721
.838
831

+

Constant Dollar
Unit Cost6

Unit Cost As
Net
Imputed By
Amortization 3
Author4

.289
.247
.274
.330
.382
.383
.445
.488
.550
.432
.412
.489
.561
.604
.762
1.027
U1l8

.289
.247
.274
.330
.382
.383
.445
.488
.550
.432
.412
.489
.561
.604
.762
1.027
U1l8

Wholesale
Price
Index5

37.81
43.22
46.93
46.44
46.30
48.85
50.20
50.20
50.12
50.50
52.98
53.23
59.35
66.41
90.16
lOO.OO
120.61

As
As
Reported Imputed

.701
.538
.511
.512
.514
.481
.476
.491
.493
.480
.484
.479
.455
.411
.400
.362
.497

.765
.572
.584
.711
.826
.784
.888
.972
1.097
.855
.778
886
.945
.910
.845
1.025
1.228

I Derived on the basis of average-cost pricing method. For derivation see Appendix C, Table 1.
2 For derivation of the various imputed-cost components, see Appendix C, Table 2. The differentials between the various
imputed- and reported-cost components were derived. and then added to (or subtracted from) total unit costs (as reported
by Bonneville) on a cumulative basis.
3 From 1947-57, Bonneville repaid more of its borrowings than would have been called for under the author's imputedamortization schedule. Imputed amortization was less than the amount actually recovered, and thus reduced the unit
cost.
4 Derived on the basis of average-cost pricing method. For derivation see Appendix C, technical notes and Table 2.
5 Fiscal year 1977 = 100.
6 Cents per kilowatt hour, in constant 1977 dollars.

50

electrical-energy consumption continued to be
almost double the national average.

(Table 3). As reported by Bonneville, the average cost of power remained virtually constant over the entire 1947-67 period, as sales
rose from 8.3 to 51.9 billion kilowatt hours,
but then began to increase in 1969-79 as sales
rose from 51.8 to 72.0 billion kilowatt hours.
On an imputed basis, in contrast, the average
cost rose almost without interruption throughout the entire period, with the rate of increase
accelerating during the sales expansion of the
1970's (Chart 3). In constant dollars, unit costs
as reported by Bonneville trended downward
over time, whereas imputed costs in real terms
trended upward (Chart 4).
Low Federal power rates undoubtedly
helped contribute to the periodic electrical
shortages of the 1970's. During the 1947-70
period, with virtually stable BPA rates, the
Pacific Northwest's electric-power consumption rose at a 7V2-percent annual rate. In contrast, consumption growth slowed to a 31/z-percent annual rate over the 1970-77 period as a
result of the 1974-75 recession and supply
problems-as well as rising rates. But during
the past two years the growth rate accelerated
once again. As a result, the region's per capita

Impact of inflation

The average-cost figure of 1.02 cents/kwh,
as calculated here on an opportunity-cost basis, is still less than one-third as large as the
estimated long-run incremental cost of 3.13
cents/kwh. Part, if not all, of this differential
may be due to the failure of the utility industry's average-cost methodology to reflect the full
effects of inflation.
The electric utility industry (including
Bonneville) determines the capital costs to be
recovered through revenues on the basis of the
historical (original) cost of plant and equipment. These capital charges include such items
as depreciation, interest, and property taxes.
But during periods of rapid inflation, when rising prices push the cost of new equipment far
beyond the original cost of equipment acquired
in the past, the average-cost procedure yields
much lower figures than the long-run incremental-cost procedure, which includes discounted future capital costs. In particular, if
depreciation is calculated on a straight-line ba-

Table 3
Imputed Unit Cost as a Percent of Reported Unit Cost
Fiscal
Year
1947
1949
1951
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979

Unit Cost
as Reported
by Bonneville
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
lOO.O
lOO.O
100.0
lOO.O
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0

+

Plus Imputed Cost Differentials, Cumulatively Added
Net
Net
Taxes
+
Interest
+
Amortization'
134.3
135.8
140.4
142.9
151.3
150.2
156.9
159.1
187.4
154.5
147.3
149.1
148.9
144.3
143.8
156.6
147.1

135.8
140.9
152.5
156.7
169.3
166.0
172.8
174.5
203.6
169.0
162.1
183.4
194.1
187.5
199.4
231.8
201.7

109.1
106.5
114.2
138.7
160.5
163.0
186.2
197.6
222.7
178.5
160.9
184.5
207.8
221.2
211.1
283.7
247.1

From 1947-57, Bonneville repaid more of its borrowings than would have been called for under the author's imputedamortization schedule. Imputed amortization was therefore less than the amount actually recovered, and thus reduced
the unit cost.

51

sis, the average-cost method overestimates the
loss of value in the early life of the plant. An
annual-average depreciation charge for plant
and equipment of various ages calculated on
an historic-cost basis bears no relation to current value. Similarly, interest rates used in calculating average cost are historic rates,
whereas the incremental-cost procedure includes both current and future rates for longterm bond financing of scheduled plant and
equipment. 15

concepts of decreasing returns to scale and
increasing long-run average cost depict cost
and output alternatives facing a firm at a moment of time under the assumption of constant
technology and factor prices (Chart 2-B). The
average-cost concept as defined in economic
theory is a statement of how average costs vary
for systems of varied scale built today. A firm
would be operating in an output range associated with increasing long-run average costs
if expansion to a larger scale plant (or system)
built from scratch today entailed higher average costs than a smaller plant built today.
Even in this static sense, the Federal Colum-

Decreasing returns to scale?

The above discussion relates to the behavior
of costs over time. In contrast, the theoretical

Chart 3
Federal Columbia River Power System Costs,
As Reported And On
An Imputed Private-Utility Cost Basis, Biennially 1947-79 1
Price and Case
(Current Dollars)
(Cents/Kwh)
1.0
0.9
=

•

79

77

Cost/Kwh as reported 2
Cost/Kwh as imputed 2

0.8

75

0.7

•

0.6

.63

0.5

61 •

0.4

59·
·57

•

47. 49 51

0.3

.53 55

•
71

.

73

69

•

•

65

67

0.2
0.1

0 ..._ ....1 . - _....._ _....._ _....._ _....._ _...._ _....-

o

10

20

30

40

50

60
3

70

Sales (Billions of Kwh)
1 Fiscal year
2 Determined on the basis of the average-cost pricing method. Under that method, total costs are divided by the number
of units sold in a given period to obtain the unit cost and therefore the average price of electricity.
3 Sales equal the amount of power generated in a given period (output) minus transmission and other losses.
Source: See Appendix C, Tables 1 and 2.
52

such economies of scale. That is, even if the
system were rebuilt from scratch today, longrun incremental cost might be higher than average cost. Some evidence also suggests that
economies of scale for nuclear power at the
plant level have been exhausted. 16

bia River Power System may be facing increasing long-run average costs due to the exhaustion of economies of scale in baseload
generation. Bonneville's decision to purchase
thermal power rather than to develop the hydroelectric potential of the system to meet
baseload growth suggests the exhaustion of

Chart 4
Federal Columbia River Power System Costs,
As Reported And On
1
An Imputed Private-Utility Cost Basis, Biennially 1947-79
Price and Cosf
(Constant 1977 Dollars)
(Cents/Kwh)
1.2
1.1

1.0
0.9

55
•

0.8

47·

0.7

53·

0.6

49 .51

61 ·
59·

77

. 63
71.

•

73.

69 •

65·

·75

67.

57·

•

0.5
0.4

0.3

. = Cost/Kwh as reported 2

0.2

= Cost/Kwh as imputed

2

0.1

O....._ ....- _....._ ......_ -.....-~~-~-~~-

o

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

3

Sales (Billions of Kwh)
1 Fiscal year
2 Determined on the basis of the average-cost pricing method. Under that methoq, total costs are divided by the number
of units sold in a given period to obtain the unit cost and therefore the average price of electricity.
3 Sales equal the amount of power generated in a given period (output) minus transmission and other losses.
Source: Table 2, developed from data shown in Appendix C, Tables 1 and 2.

53

IV. Strict Incremental or Sub-Optimal Incremental Pricing?
Whatever the reasons, Bonneville faces a
situation where its long-run incremental cost
is higher than its calculated current average
cost. Strict application of long-run incremental-cost pricing would conflict with the agency's
statutory requirement that total revenues
equal total costs. One possible solution would
be to utilize a sub-optimal approach to incremental-cost pricing known as the inverse-elasticity rule (IER), which involves price discrimination among customer groups with different
price elasticities of demand. Under this
method, prices charged certain customer
groups closely approximate incremental cost,
while prices charged other customers may be
higher or lower than incremental cost, depending on the relationship of incremental and
average cost.
Bonneville's current incremental cost is
higher than its reported average cost. In this
case, the proper approach would be to charge
customers with higher price elasticities of demand higher rates, i.e., rates closer to incremental cost. Revenues from such customers
would tend to decrease (as their demand is
price elastic), lowering total revenues. Using
the inverse-elasticity rule, customers with
more elastic demand would be charged incremental cost, while customers with less elastic
demand would be charged prices closer to average cost. The objective is to charge prices
approximating long-run incremental cost to as
many customers as possible.
The customer groups that ultimately determine the quantity of electricity demand in a
region are the end-users, namely the residential, commercial and industrial customers.
Therefore, in order to implement the inverseelasticity rule, Bonneville would have to estimate the price elasticities of demand of these
customer groups. I?
Elimination of the legal budgetary restrictions on the use of long-run incremental cost
pricing would remove the difficult practical
problem of estimating these elasticities, and
would also remove the need to discriminate
among customer groups.I8 The price per unit
for sales to all customer groups could then be
set equal to long-run incremental cost, which

would represent the most efficient way of allocating scarce resources.
Recent studies of the demand for electric
power suggest that residential and commercial
demand are price elastic, both over short- and
long-term periods. I9 Since these groups consume about 60 percent of the Pacific Northwest's total electricity, sharply higher prices
probably would reduce projected consumption
significantly. A large number of the twelve nuclear and coal-fired generating plants scheduled for completion during the 1980's thus
would not be needed.
Surplus funds collected by Bonneville either
could be returned to the U.S. Treasury or
could be used to finance conservation projects
or research-and-development projects in the
use of renewable resources for electrical generation in the Pacific Northwest. In the former
case, regional consumers would be helping to
repay the past subsidies they have received for
Federal power in the past. In the latter case,
regional consumers would be helping to finance their own conservation and electricalsupply programs.
As long as the price charged for electric
power continues to be below the market-clearing price, apparent "shortages" are going to
persist. The Pacific Northwest Electric Power
Planning and Conservation Act will not provide an effective allocation mechanism, despite its establishment of a conservation program to reduce consumption. Consumers are
not likely to be convinced of the need to conserve when the price they pay fails to provide
proper signals regarding the true value of the
resources required to bring them additional
power. Efforts to shift available supplies
among competing groups will not solve the
fundamental problem of disequilibrium. The
only lasting solution is through higher prices.
Even with the sharp increase in power rates
implemented by Bonneville in early 1980 as a
result of the averaging in of the costs of scheduled thermal power, the agency's average price
for power still remains far below the long-run
incremental cost that would represent an efficient use of society's scarce resources.

54

v.

Summary and Conclusions

Traditionally, the electric-power industry
has presumably been characterized by deereasing long-run average costs over the output
range relevant to a given market. To permit
consumers to benefit from the assumed economies of scale inherent in electricity generation, governments have granted private firms
monopoly status to serve given markets under
regulated conditions. Social control also has
taken the form of public ownership of generation and transmission facilities. Regulatory
agencies, on the basis of this assumed characteristic of decreasing long-run average costs,
also have prescribed the average-cost pricing
method for setting the level of rates. Under
such cost conditions, setting price equal to incremental cost would result in a financial loss.
For a more efficient allocation of resources,
Bonneville should base its power rates on longrun incremental cost rather than average cost.
Moreover, the agency should follow a strict,
rather than sub-optimal, approach to long-run
incremental cost pricing. Average price per
unit should equal long-run incremental cost.
The result is efficient resource allocation, because rates then reflect the true cost of the resources expended to provide consumers with
each additional block of power.
The long-run incremental cost of the next

block of power to be acquired by Bonneville
is far above the agency's reported average
cost. This may reflect 1) Bonneville's failure to
recover the true average costs of the Federal
system as determined on an opportunity-cost
basis and 2) the failure of the utility industry's
historical-cost accounting methods to fully refleet the impact of inflation. But it also may refleet the exhaustion of economies of scale.
Congress should remove legal budgetary restraints to enable Bonneville to set the average
level of its rates equal to long-run incremental
cost. By its sharp impact on power rates, that
approach should significantly reduce Pacific
Northwest electric-power consumption-and
thereby reduce the need for many of the coal
and nuclear generating plants now scheduled
for construction during the 1980's. Surplus revenues could be returned to the U.S. Treasury
or used for a loan program to foster regional
electrical conservation and renewable electrical-energy development programs. Legislation
designed to re-allocate available supplies
among competing consumer groups will not
correct the basic disequilibrium between demand and supply created by the average-cost
pricing method. Instead, regulatory authorities
must give increased emphasis to the role of
price as a balancing mechanism.

APPENDIX A:
Natural Monopoly and Utility Regulation

The electric-power industry traditionally has
been considered a "natural monopoly,"-an
industry where free-market conditions allegedly lead to a structure which is both monopolistic and capable of achieving lowest production costs. Theorists argue that the technological
conditions inherent in the generation and
transmission of electricity favor the granting of
monopoly status to firms serving given market
areas. At the same time, legal authorities claim
that it is proper for government regulatory
commissions to regulate these "public utilities," where monopoly is considered as "natural" or inevitable due to "technical condi-

tions," so as to prevent the extraction of
monopoly profits.
Social control of these utilities has taken two
forms: 1) establishment of public regulatory
authorities with power to investigate utility finances and operations and to set "just and
reasonable" rates; and 2) direct public ownership of generation and transmission facilities. On a nationwide basis, regulation of privately-owned enterprises is the more common
form of organization, but in the Pacific Northwest, publicly-owned utilities play an important role, sharing the retail market almost
equally with privately-owned utilities. Pub55

licly-owned utilities not only own their own
generating plants, but also purchase wholesale
power from the Bonneville Power Administration.
Legal justification for regulating certain privately-owned business firms developed from
English common law, as modified in a series of
landmark judicial decisions over the 1877-1943
period?O These decisions determined the legal
criteria for a public utility to be: 1) a business
whose activities are essential to the public welfare, i.e., in legal terms, "affected with a public interest;" and 2) one where regulation is
required to protect the public. But economists
have struggled for years to determine which
characteristics qualify an industry as a natural
monopoly and justify the granting of exclusive
franchises under regulated conditions.
Some have mentioned heavy fixed costs as
a necessary prerequisite. 21 They point out that
supplying electricity requires very costly capital equipment, resulting in a high proportion

of fixed to variable costs. Effective utilization
of this equipment requires that the facilities be
operated as close to full capacity as possible,
thus dividing the total fixed cost of those facilities among the maximum number of units of
output. Similarly, in this context, duplicate facilities-such as would be present in the usual
competitive situation-would result in substantially higher unit costs. These characteristics translate into short-run declining average
costs. That is, once the investment in plant is
made and plant size is fixed over the short-run,
average unit cost declines as output is expanded.
Other economists have argued that the incidence of heavy fixed costs is not a sufficient
criterion for "natural monopoly." In industries
with a heavy proportion of fixed to variable
costs, production may still be carried on efficiently by a large number of firms. Duplication
would be inefficient only in situations where
there are economies of scale, or decreasing

Chart A.1

Pricing Alternatives in a Monopoly Situation
Price and Cost
(Decreasing Long-Run Costs Over
Per Unit
Relevant Output Range)

Pm

LRAC

Qm
Pm
Pac
Pic

Qac

Qic

= Unregulated monopoly price under profit maximization
= Regulated monopoly price under average-cost pricing
= Regulated monopoly price under long-run incremental-cost pricing
56

Output

long-run average costs, over the entire extent
of the market. In such situations-but only in
such situations-it would be inefficient for
more than one producer to supply a given market. According to these economists, economies
of scale are the indispensible feature of natural
monopoly.22
Unregulated, the monopolist maximizes
profits by equating marginal revenue (MR) to
long-run incremental cost (LRIC) and pricing
at a level Pm which corresponds to an output
level Om (Appendix A, Chart I). Because price
per unit exceeds average cost per unit, the
monopolist enjoys a substantial economic
profit. Moreover, because price exceeds longrun incremental cost-the cost of the last block
of production-there is an under-utilization of
resources, i.e., too few resources are devoted

to this product. This socially undesirable option is normally prevented through the regulatory process, with the adoption of an average-cost pricing method. This approach results
in a lower price, Pac, than the unregulated
monopoly price, Pm' Similarly, it results in an
output level, Oac, which is greater than the
unregulated monopoly level of output, Om' It
does not lead to as low a price and high an
output level as would exist if price were determined by the cost of production of the last
unit, that is, by the intersection of the demand
curve and the long-run incremental cost curve.
But under long-run decreasing average-cost
conditions, the result is a price, Pie, that fails
to cover average costs, so that without public
subsidy the firm would be forced out of business.

APPENDIX B:
Table 1
Five-Year Levelized Annual Costs, Washington Public Power Supply System
Nuclear Plants 1, 2, and 3
(cost data in thousands of dollars)
Year
WPPSS #2
1982 1
1983
1984
1985
1986
WPPSS #1
1984 1
1985
1986
1987
1988
WPPSS #3
1986 1
1987
1988
1989
1990

Fixed
Cost 2

Variable
Cost 2

163,320
164,860
167,940
169,690
172,460

23,670
25,190
27,440
30,410
32,640

192,550
198,180
200,170
203,840
203,480

133,410
132,540
133,420
134,340
135,320

37,750
38,660
42,830
46,190
49,560

26,800
29,700
33,180
34,930
36,120

(Credits)3 Total Cost
( -4,280)
( 4,280)
( 4,280)
(-4,280)
( -4,280)

( -4,910)
(-4,910)
(-4,910)
( -4,910)
(- 4,910)

(-3,750)
3,750)
3,750)
(-3,750)
( -3,750)

(
(

182,710
185,770
191,100
195,820
200,820

225,390
231,930
238,090
245,120
248,130

156,460
158,490
162,850
165,520
167,690

Present
Value
Factor'

Present Value
of
levelizing
Total Costs
FactorS

.913
.834
.726
.696
.635
Total

166,814
154,932
138,739
136,291
127,521
724,297

x

(.26)

188,317

.913
.834
.726
.696
.635
Total

205,781
193,430
172,853
170,604
157,563
900,231

x

(.26)

234,060

.913
.834
.726
.696
.635
Total

142,848
132,181
118,229
115,202
106,483
614,943

x

(.26)

159,885

1 Initial year of full operation.
2 Costs include expected increases in input prices.
3 Interest earnings on reserves.
4 Assumes a discount rate of 9.5 percent.
5 Levelizing factor = i/(I_v ffi ), where i = interest rate, m
number of periods, and vffi = 1/(1 + i)ffi.
Source: Computed by the author on the basis of cost data provided by Bonneville Power Administration.

57

levelized
Annual
Cost

APPENDIX C:
Adjustment of Bonneville's Reported Average Costs to Reflect Opportunity Costs
as of that year, valued on an historical-cost
basis. Income-tax payments for the system
were imputed through a similar procedure, by
applying the income-tax rate for the U.S. private-utility sector in any given year to the total
electric-power revenues received by FCRPS as
of that year.
Interest: Interest payments on an opportunity-cost basis were imputed for any given year
n by the formula:

The following technical notes describe the
methodology used by the author to adjust
Bonneville's reported average unit costs for
the 1947-79 period to include the major cost
items and methodologies employed by privateowned utilities. The reported and imputed
costs appear in Appendix C, Tables 1 and 2,
respectively.
Taxes: Annual property-tax payments were
imputed by applying the average property-tax
rate for the U.S. private-utility sector in any
given year to the Federal Columbia River
Power System's total electrical plant in service

n

k
y= 1939

Appendix C, Table 1
Federal Columbia River Power System Costs, 1947-79
As Reported by Bonneville 1
(cost data in millions of dollars)
Fiscal
Year

1947
1949
1951
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979

Variable Costs
Purchase and
Operation &
Maintenance Exchange Power

6.01
5.69
8.11
10.25
12.01
15.34
18.39
21.69
23.17
27.05
28.98
34.09
44.59
53.44
71.32
94.79
123.15

.34
.74
.55
.76
.48
.49
.52
.70
1.28
1.62
9.64
12.53
12.81
48.26
19.35
23.72
25.20

Fixed Costs
Total

6.35
6.43
8.66
lUll

12.49
15.83
18.91
22.39
24.45
28.67
38.62
46.62
57.40
101.70
IW.02
118.51
148.35

Interest

5.16
5.86
5.53
9.34
15.94
24.02
30.14
32.82
34.63
35.22
35.55
43.32
59.14
69.32
89.18
118.49
168.00

Amortization

10.38
15.53
22.00
18.60
23.55
26.42
19.42
14.49
18.62
26.22
38.66
47.34
39.14
6.32
37.95
- 13.41
19.79

2

Total

Total
Costs

Sales

15.54
21.39
27.53
27.94
39.49
50.44
49.56
47.31
53.25
61.44
74.21
90.66
98.28
75.64
127.13
105.08
148.21

21.89
27.82
36.19
38.95
51.98
66.27
68.47
69.70
77.70
90.11
112.83
137.28
155.68
177.34
237.15
223.59
296.56

8.26
11.97
15.08
16.39
21.83
28.21
28.66
28.28
31.49
37.20
43.99
51.88
57.61
65.04
65.73
61.75
72.02

3

Unit
4
Cost

265
.232
.240
.238
238
235
.239
.247
.247
.242
.256
265
.270
.273
.361
.362
.412

These costs reflect Bonneville's interpretation of its repayment responsibility. That is. they represent the amounts the
agency believes it must recover in the form of revenues during any given year to cover all the costs incurred by the Corps
of Engineers. the Bureau of Reclamation and the Bonneville Power Administration in purchasing. generating. transmitting and marketing electric power. including the amortization of the Government's investment in power facilities with
interest. The repayment accounting method constitutes the basis for establishing the average power rate.
2 Amortization. unlike the other cost data. is not reported by Bonneville. Rather. it is a residual amount left over from
total revenues after all other costs have been subtracted. This policy arises from the agency's interpretation of its
repayment responsibility. Although it is required by law to repay in full all Congressional appropriations within fifty
years after the investment becomes revenue producing. Bonneville does not interpret this requirement to mean that it
must repay the borrowings on a straight-line or otherwise consistent basis. In fiscal years 1977 and 1979. total revenues
were insufficient to permit any repayment of debt to the U.S. Treasury.
3 In billions of kilowatt hours.
4 In cents per kilowatt hour. derived on the basis of the average-cost pricing method. Unit cost equals total cost divided
by the number of units (kwh) sold in a given period. Unit cost and average cost are thus synonymous under the averagecost pricing procedure.
Source: U.S. Department of Energy. Bonneville Power Administration. Annual Report (various issues) and Financial and
Statistical Summary.

58

Appendix C, Table 2
Federal Columbia River Power System Costs, 1947-79,
As Imputed on a Private-Utility Cost Basis 1
(cost data in millions of dollars)
Variable Costs
Purchase
and
Exchange
Fiscal Operation &
Power
Year Maintenance
1947
1949
1951
1953
1955
1957
1959
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979

6.01
5.69
8.11
10.25
12.01
15.34
18.39
21.69
23.17
27.05
28.98
34.09
44.59
53.44
71.32
94.79
123.15

.34
.74
.55
.76
.48
.49
.52
.70
1.28
1.62
9.64
12.53
12.81
48.26
19.35
23.72
25.20

Fixed Costs

Total

2

Property
Tax 3

Income
Tax 4

Depreciation S

Reconciliation
Depreciation &
Amortization 6

Interest?

Total

Total
Costs

Unit
CostS

5.94
7.69
10.36
11.89
20.28
26.41
32.44
33.37
59.44
39.46
42.13
55.85
68.53
73.33
98.59
In.08
134.66

l.59
2.21
4.23
4.86
6.24
6.91
6.43
8.05
8.74
9.55
10.70
11.71
7.25
5.87
5.22
3.58
5.25

3.76
5.01
6.80
9.62
15.86
20.46
23.91
25.50
27.74
28.96
31.06
40.99
50.06
55.03
70.50
85.44
95.87

.75
1.00
1.36
1.93
3.18
4.10
4.79
5.11
5.56
5.81
6.23
8.22
10.04
11.03
14.13
17.13
19.22

5.49
7.27
9.89
14.84
25.39
34.36
41.20
43.52
47.21
48.20
52.64
90.41
129.67
145.95
221.82
286.44
329.79

17.53
23.18
32.64
43.14
70.95
92.24
108.77
115.55
148.70
131.98
142.76
207.18
265.55
291.21
410.26
515.67
584.80

23.88
29.61
41.30
54.15
83.44
108m
127.68
137.94
173.15
160.65
181.38
253.80
322.95
392.91
500.93
634.18
733.15

.289
.247
.274
.330
.382
.383
.445
.488
.550
.432
.412
.489
.561
.604
.762
1.027
1.018

----6.35
6.43
8.66
11.01
12.49
15.83
18.91
22.39
24.45
28.67
38.62
46.62
57.40
101.70
90.67
118.51
148.35

These costs represent the author's interpretation of the amounts that should have been recovered by Bonneville in the
form of revenues in any year had it been operating as a private investor-owned electric utility. These consist of the
variable costs as actually measured and reported by Bonneville, plus recomputations of fixed costs to include imputed
property and income-tax payments, interest charges reflecting the opportunity cost of capital in the private-utility sector,
and a straight-line depreciation and amortization charge to repay all outstanding debt on a consistent and continuous
basis.
2 The author took no exception to total system variable costs as measured by Bonneville. Variable costs are thus as
reported in Appendix C, Table I.
3 Derived by applying the average property-tax rate for the U.S. private-utility sector in any given year (property taxes
paid as a percentage of total electric plant) to the Federal Columbia River Power System's (FCRPS's) total elcctric plant
in service as of that year.
4 Derived by applying the average income-tax rate for the U.S. private-utility sector in any given year (Federal and other
income taxes paid as a percentage of total revenues) to the total electric-power revenues received by the Federal
Columbia River Power System as of that year. Income tax is considered a flxed cost by private investor-owned utilities
in that some payment is assured by the regulatory process.
5 Private utilities recover their long-term borrowings for capital investment through their depreciation charges. Depreciation
is usually calculated on a straight-line basis, by applying the average life of service of the equipment to the total value
of the plant in service, measured on a historical (original) cost basis as is customary in the private-utility industry.
Bonneville estimates the average service life of its plant to be 60 years. For any given year, depreciation thus has been
calculated here as 1/60th of the total value of the plant in service, measured on an historical-cost basis.
6 Depreciation is calculated on an average 60-year basis, whereas Bonneville is required by law to amortize (pay back) its
borrowings within 50 years after they become revenue producing. The "reconciliation" charges represent the difference
between IIS0th and 1I60th of the value of plant in service.
7 Derived on an "opportunity cost.. basis; total interest payments in each year equal the product of new debt and the
current Moody's average Aaa interest rate for public (private investor-owned) utilities, plus the product of old unamortized debt and the interest rate in effect when that debt was incurred. Debt is reduced (amortized) on a straight-line basis
by 1I50th each year after it is incurred. A consistent series showing Congressional appropriations to the FCRPS was not
available. lotal value of plant in service was used as a proxy in determining outstanding debt, under the assumption that
borrowing was for capital investment.
8 In cents per kilowatt hour, derived on the basis of the average-cost pricing method. Unit cost equals total cost divided
by the number of units (kwh) sold in a given period. Unit cost and average cost are thus synonymous under the averagecost pricing procedure.
Source: For data pertaining to the private-utility sector: Federal Power Commission, Statistics of Privately-Owned Electric
Utilities in the United States and Moody's Investors Services, Moody's Public Utilities Manual. For reported data pertaining
to the Federal Columbia River Power System: Bonneville Power Administration.

59

where: P"

oped by taking the total value of plant in service; i.e., the capital stock, and calculating the
annual change, or new investment added each
year. That proxy was used under the assumption that borrowing was for capital investment.
Amortization: Amortization costs were imputed annually for the 1947-79 period by developing a systematic straight-line depreciation
schedule. Depreciation was calculated by applying the average life of service of the equipment to the total value of the plant in service,
measured on an historical (original) cost basis.
This amortization procedure follows that used
by most private utilities. Bonneville estimates
the average service life of its plant and equipment to be 60 years. For any given year, depreciation thus was calculated as 1I60th of the
total value of plant in service. Since depreciation is calculated on a 6O-year basis, whereas
Bonneville is required by law to amortize borrowings within 50 years, depreciation charges
thus calculated would fall short of meeting
Bonneville's repayment responsibilities. A reconciliation charge therefore was calculated,
representing the difference between 1I50th and
1I60th of the value of the plant in service. (The
fact that transmission investment must be paid
back in 40 rather than 50 years was ignored,
i.e., the payment period was assumed to be 50
years, the same as for generating investment.)

= total interest payment in

year n
ly

Moody's Aaa interest
rate on public (private
investor) utility issues in
year y

Ay

unamortized portion of
appropriations received
in year y as of year n

This formula simply states that total interest
payments in any given year, P", equal the sum
of all interest payments on outstanding FCRPS
debt in that year. In other words, total interest
payments equal new debt times the prevailing
interest rate, plus any unamortized old debt
multiplied by the rate(s) in effect when the
debt was incurred. The first debt was assumed
to be incurred in 1939, the earliest date for
which data were available. Each increment in
debt was amortized on a straight-line basis by
1/50 each year after it was incurred, in line
with the 50-year payback period specified by
law. Note that Moody's Investor Service refers
to private investor-owned utilities as public
utilities, using that term in a general sense.
A consistent series showing annual Congressional appropriations to the FCRPS was not
available. A proxy for "new debt" was devel-

FOOTNOTES
Treasury. For private investor-owned utilities, the return
consists of three components: 1) interest payments on
bonded indebtedness, 2) dividends on preferred stock,
and 3) a return to common-equity holders, a residual
amount which becomes available to these owners only
after all other legitimate claims of the company have been
settled. The first two are specified exactly on the bond
indenture and the preferred-stock certificates.
4. In a perfect-competition model, there is one situation in
which short and long-run marginal (incremental) costs are
equal-that is, in long-run competitive equilibrium. In this
situation, plant capacity has been adjusted to its optimum
size for achieving a given level of output, as shown in
Chart 2 at output Q3. It is assumed that a firm starts from
scratch in planning its optimal-size production facility. In
reality, this optimum is never realized. Instead, firms operate with plants of various ages, and must make decisions with regard to adding new capacity, either for replacement or growth purposes. Pricing on the basis of
short-run costs would not necessarily recover the capital
costs associated with this new plant.

1. Perhaps the most widely-used source is the long-term
forecast of Pacific Northwest electric-energy loads and
resources developed annually by the region's utilities. For
a summary of the latest findings, see U.S. Department of
Energy, Bonneville Power Administration, Power Outlook
Through 1989-90 (Portland: Bonneville Power Administration, May 1979). Bonneville's marketing area includes
Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Western Montana.

2. For a description of the average-cost pricing methodology followed by private investor-owned utilities in establishing the level of rates, see Edison Electric Institute,
Economic Growth In the Future: The Growth Debate
in National and Global Perspective (New York: McGrawHill Book Company, 1975), pp. 259-266.
3. For Bonneville, the return on invested capital includes

interest to be paid to the U.S. Treasury for long-term
borrowings for investment in the Federal Columbia River
Power System. These funds are acquired through
Congressional appropriation and, for financing transmission facilities, through the sale of revenue bonds to the

60

With regard to the distinction between marginal and incremental cost, marginal cost-strictly speaking-refers to
the additional cost of supplying a single, infinitesimally
small additional amount. Incremental cost refers to the
average additional cost of a larger finite addition to production. Since rate changes are relatively infrequent, additions to output for which costs must be recovered are of
an incremental rather than marginal magnitude.

of power from all Corps of Engineers' projects; and Section 9 of the Federal Columbia River Transmission Act
(approved October 18,1974; 88 Stat. 1376). See Bonneville Power Administration, The Role of the Bonneville
Power Administration in the Pacific Northwest Power
Supply System, op. cit., Appendix C, pp. 11-34-38.
11. Bonneville Power Administration, The Role of the
Bonneville Power Administration in the Pacific Northwest Power Supply System, ibid., Appendix C, p. 11-9.

5. For proof that marginal-cost pricing of all goods and
services leads to optimum welfare, see Edward Berlin,
Charles J. Cicchetti and William J. Gillen, Perspective on
Power, A Study of the Regulation and Pricing of Electric Power, A Report to the Energy Policy Project of the
Ford Foundation (Cambridge: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1975), pp. 127-130.

12. Major cost items were included only if appropriate. For
example, the return to equity owners was excluded because Bonneville is financed solely through Congressional
appropriations and sales of revenue bonds to the U.S.
Treasury.
13. Bonneville Power Administration, Interest Rate Policy
(Unpublished paper, February 15, 1978), p. 5.

6, The cost curves for an individual firm are drawn under
the assumption that the firm has no influence on the prices
of the factors of production it uses. Internal economies
therefore are those enjoyed by a firm apart from any
change in factor prices. When an industry as a whole
expands its output, the prices of factor inputs may be
affected. External economies affect the slope of the industry supply curve.

14. See Edison Electric Institute, A StUdy of the Bonneville Power Administration, The Marketing Agent for
the U.S. Columbia River Power System (New York:
Edison Electric Institute, 1963), p. 2; and David L. Shapiro,
"Bonneville Agency Pricing and Electric Power Utilization," Quarterly Review of Economics and Business
(Winter 1976), p. 22. In these studies, the opportunity-cost
principle for selecting the appropriate interest rate was not
discussed.

7. For a discussion of the distinction between economies
of scale, i.e., decreasing long-run average costs, and decreasing short-run average costs attributable to spreading
of overhead, see Edward Berlin, Charles J. Cicchetti and
William J. Gillen, op. cit., pp. 6-7.

15. Since Bonneville purchases power only from publiclyowned utilities, the sale of long-term bonds is the only
method of funding. For private utilities, the return on equity
capital is adjusted for inflation, since the regulatory process
permits the return on old equity to equal the rate of return
on new equity. However, this adjustment pertains only to
the return on equity capital.

8. There are numerous studies devoted to the methodologies for determining long-run incremental costs and rates
in the electric-utility industry. See, for example, Charles R.
Cicchetti, William G. Gillen and Paul Smolensky, The Marginal Cost and Pricing of Electricity: An Appiied Approach (Cambridge: Ballinger Publishing Company,
1977); Charles R. Scherer, Estimating Electric Power
System Marginal Costs (Amsterdam: North-Holland
Publishing Company, 1977); National Economic Research
Associates, Inc., A Framework for Marginal Cost-Based
Time-Differentiated Pricing in the United States, Topic
1.3, prepared for Electric Utility Rate Design Study (New
York: National Economic Research Associates, Inc.,
1977); and Ralph Turvey, Optimal Pricing and Investment in Electricity Supply, An Essay in Applied Welfare Economics (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 1968). All of these studies are inordinately
complex because they deal not only with the level of rates,
but also with the structure, and the time and seasonal
differentiation of rates.

16. Numerous utility experts have noted the increased
maintenance problems and higher forced outage rates
associated with nuclear plants above about 600 MW capacity. See, for example, C, C. Boone, "The Financial
Impact of Outages," paper presented at 31st Annual
Meeting of the American Power Conference, April 1969;
also, Louis H. Roddis, Jr., "Address to the 1972 Atomic
Industrial Forum."
17. Since electricity is crucial to the aluminum industryby far Bonneville's largest industrial user-and is presently
priced very low relative to other regions, the industrial
sector's demand schedule may be less elastic than that
of the utility sector. If so, industrial users would pay less
for power under the inverse elasticity rule than utility customers, although both groups would pay far more than
they are paying under current average-cost pricing methods. Since industrial customers are Willing to take a certain
amount of interruptible power, that differential might be
acceptable to all parties.

9. According to Bonneville, thermal capacity will account
for 92 percent of the total new generation name-plate
capacity scheduled for the 1978-86 period. See U.S. Department of Energy, Bonneville Power Administration,
BPA long-run Incremental Cost of Service and Rate
Study (Portland: Bonneville Power Administration, July
1979), Table 4. The author did not accept BPA's calculations of long-run incremental thermal and hydro-power
costs, but did take into consideration that the agency's
incremental-cost estimate for hydro-peaking capacity was
far lower than its estimate for baseload thermal energy.

18. Strict long-run incremental-cost pricing also would
eliminate the need for the preference clause, because
with overall consumption declining, sufficient resources
would be available to meet the quantity demanded by all
customer groups.
19. See J. W. Wilson, "Residential Demand for Electricity,"
Quarterly Review of Economics and Business (November 1979), pp. 7-22; K. P. Anderson, "The Demand
for Electricity: Econometric Estimate for California and the
United States," RAND R-90S-NSF, Santa Monica, Cali-

10. The legal requirement to recover costs is found in
Section 7 of the Bonneville Project Act (50 Stat. 731,
approved August 20, 1937); Section 5 of the Flood Control
Act of 1944 (58 Stat. 887), which applies to the marketing

61

conditions: conditions of space and geography, large capital investments, economies of decreasing costs, technical
limitations of the market, and exclusive franchises. Richard T. Ely, Outlines of Economics, 6th Ed. (New York:
MacMillan Company, 1937), p. 628, Eli W. Clemens, Economics and Public Utilities (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1950), pp. 26-28.

fomia, 1972; R. Halvorsen, "Residential Electricity: Demand and Supply," presented at the Sierra Club Conference on Power and Public Policy, Vermont, January 1972.
20. For a summary of the constitutional history and the
criteria for regulation, see Alfred E. Kahn, op. cit., pp. 38; also, Dexter Merriam Keezer and Stacy May, The Public Control of Business (New York: Harper and Brothers,
1930), Chapter 5.

22. For example, Kahn, in his analysis of natural monopoly, emphasizes that it is not the fact of "duplication alone
that makes for natural monopoly, but the presence of
economies of scale or decreasing costs in the provision
and utilization of their facilities," and that this will be the
case only "when the economies achievable by larger output are internal to the individual firm." See Kahn, op. cit.,
Vol 2, pp. 119 and 121.

21. Ely observed, for example, that natural monopolies
will exist in the presence of the following three conditions:
a high degree of price sensitivity by consumers, the technical and economical impracticality of a large number of
producers, and a high proportion of fixed to variable costs.
Clemens, many years later, listed the following necessary

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62

U.S. Department of Energy, Bonneville Power Administration. Power Outlook Through 1989-90. Portland:
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63