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Economic
Review

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Money and Output:
The Velocity Puzzle
State and Local
Fiscal Capacity

Economic
Review
President
Robert P. Forrestal
Senior Vice President and
Director of Research
Sheila L. Tschinkel
Vice President and
Associate Director of Research
B. Frank King

Research Officers
William Curt Hunter, Basic Research
Mary Susan Rosenbaum, Macropolicy
Gene D. Sullivan, Regional
Larry D. Wall, Financial
David D. Whitehead, Regional

Public Information Officer
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Publications
Robert D. Land, Editor
Lynn H. Foley, Editorial Assistant
). Edward Rooks, Graphics and Typesetting
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The Economic Review seeks t o inform the p u b l i c about
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ISSN 0732-1813




VOLUME LXX1V, NO. 5, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989, ECONOMIC REVIEW

Bank Merger Motivations:
A Review of the Evidence
and an Examination of Key
Target Bank Characteristics

Why do banks merge? The authors address this
question through a literature review and presentation

n e w res

earch on the financial characteristics

of a c q u i r e d b a n k s

William C. Hunter and Larry D. Wall

20

Money and the Economy:
Puzzles from the
1980s' Experience
William Roberds

36
48

FYI
Aruna Srinivasan

Book Review

B. Frank King and Sheila L. Tschinkel

The breakdown of the traditional statistical
relationship between money and the economy
poses practical difficulties for monetary
policymaking.

Measuring State and Local Fiscal Capacities
in the Southeast

Breaking Up the Bank:
Rethinking an industry under Seige
by Lowell L. Bryan

Breaking the Bank: The Decline of BankAmerica
by Gary Hector

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA II




Bank Merger Motivations:
A Review of the Evidence
and an Examination of Key
Target Bank Characteristics
William C. Hunter and Larry D. Wall

Understanding the nature of the gains and
losses resulting from bank mergers is becoming
increasingly important in the United States. As
Peter S. Rose (1989) reports, the average annual
number of bank mergers in the 1980s is already
triple that of the 1960s and double the average
of the 1970s. These transactions must provide
some benefit to the managers of the acquiring
banks, or these managers would not make merger offers. Likewise, shareholders and managers of target banks must also benefit, or the
offers would not be accepted. Whether the
shareholders of acquiring banks and the public
also gain from these mergers is less clear.
Theoretically, bank managers are the agents of
the bank's shareholders and, thus, should undertake only those mergers that benefit owners
of the company's equities. However, regulatory
limitations on bank takeovers may weaken the
market for bank control and permit the man-

The authors

are officers

financial

section,

search

Department.

2



in charge

respectively,

of basic research
of the Atlanta

and

Fed's

the
Re-

agers of some acquiring institutions to retain
control of their banks even if their merger
strategies are contrary to shareholders' interests. While the public can clearly benefit from
mergers that enhance bank operating efficiency,
the public interest could possibly be harmed,
for example, by mergers that reduce competition among financial services providers.
One way to gain insight into the nature of the
potential gains and losses associated with bank
mergers is to analyze the managerial motives
behind acquisitions. Knowing why mergers take
place should help in analyzing their actual effect
by focusing attention on those areas where bank
managers believe the most important changes
will occur. To determine what empirical support
exists for the most commonly cited explanations for bank mergers, this article reviews the
bank structure and performance literature that
is most directly related to bank mergers. Existing research tends to support the hypothesis
that acquirers are motivated by a desire to
diversify their funding sources and earnings,
and that the potential to gain from economies of
scale often exists. However, the literature also
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

The authors' analysis of the financial profiles of 559
bank mergers during the period 1981-86 finds that
the most valued characteristics in target banks
include
above-average profitability,
faster deposit and asset
growth, a higher ratio of loans to earning assets, and
judicious use of financial leverage. These results are
consistent with a survey of prior studies in suggesting
that a variety of motives exist for bank
mergers.

suggests that, in many cases, acquirers follow
strategies that do not maximize shareholders'
wealth.
Of the many questions addressed in the bank
merger literature in recent years, no issue has
been more intriguing to bank analysts than ascertaining which financial characteristics in
potential merger partners are most highly valued by acquiring banks. This article also presents original research that examines the financial characteristics of the target banks in
559 U.S. bank mergers during the period 1981
through 1986. Using the multivariate statistical
technique of cluster analysis—which investigates the structure of a data set in cases where
there is a lack of a complete understanding of
the various forces shaping the data-the examination sought to determine if a strategic profile
exists for target banks. This pattern was defined in terms of financial characteristics highly
valued by acquiring banks and systematically
associated with attractive purchase prices.
When determined, the profile was examined for
stability across geographic regions and across
time.
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




The research reported in this article also
examines the financial characteristics of the
acquiring banks to see if a strategic acquirer
profile could be identified and, if so, whether
this profile is also stable across geographic
regions and time. Unfortunately, the results of
the analysis of acquirer banks did not reveal
any strong systematic pattern. Thus, the following discussion concentrates on the results
obtained in the analysis of the target banks.
Although it is reasonable to expect that bank
strategic profiles will be independent of geographic location, regional differences in banking markets and regulation could render certain
target bank characteristics more highly valued
in one geographic region than another, at least
in the short run.
The cluster analysis strongly suggests that a
definite strategic profile of highly valued financial characteristics of merger targets existed
during the designated period. As will be shown,
target banks with the largest mean purchaseprice-to-book-equity ratios were more profitable, had faster premerger growth in core
deposits and total assets, showed a higher ratio
II

of loans to earning assets, and relied more on
financial leverage than the typical bank in the
sample. This pattern was stable across time and
geographic regions.

Why Banks Merge
A variety of motivations have been offered for
bank mergers. One reason for them may be to
improve the target bank's financial performance. The acquirer may simply have better
management than the target. Alternatively, the
latter's managers and owners may be risk-averse,
turning down potentially profitable loans that a
larger, perhaps publicly traded, organization
might more comfortably make because it is
more diversified or willing to tolerate more risk.
Both of these explanations suggest that mergers
may improve service to the publ ic and provide a
net increase in the firms' market value.
Another reason for bank acquisitions may be
to diversify both the funding sources and the
earnings of the acquirer. Large acquirers that
rely on purchased funds may be especially interested in buying banks that have significant
core deposit funding bases. Although the deregulation of deposit interest rates has reduced
the cost advantages of relying on core deposits,
they are still highly valued because of their
greater stability relative to purchased funds.
Similarly, diversification of earnings, both geographically and by customer type, can reduce
the overall credit riskiness of a bank's asset
portfolio.
Shareholders may gain from a bank's diversification of both its funding sources and its loan
portfolio. Banks that increase their reliance on
core deposits are less likely to experience a disruptive bank run, which could terminate the
option value of a bank's stock. Whether shareholders benefit from the diversification of a
bank's loan portfolio depends on how diversified the individual shareholders are.1 Those
who maintain well-diversified portfolios or who
own proportionate shares of individual banks
that are combining may not be significantly
affected by mergers. However, investors who
own stock only in the acquirer and whose portfolios are not otherwise well diversified may
benefit from such a risk-reducing merger.
4



Whether the public gains from the d ¡versification associated with mergers is debatable.
Regulators have historically taken the view that
the banking system would be more stable if
firms relied more on core deposits and less on
purchased funds. However, an argument can be
made that the tendency of purchased funds to
be withdrawn when a bank encounters financial
problems serves as an important source of
market discipline. Thus, although banks that
rely on core deposits may be more stable after
the onset of financial problems, these firms can
also follow riskier strategies than banks which
depend on purchased funds. Additionally, industry concentration attendant upon mergers
may pose other dangers. Although the benefits
of asset diversification in reducing an individual
bank's credit riskiness are undisputed, a banking system with a few large organizations maybe
less stable than one with more, smaller organizations, according to Sherrill Shaffer (1989).
Losses that occur at one bank would not cause
another independent bank to fail but could
cause their joint failure if the two were merged.2
A third reason for bank mergers is that some
acquirers may perceive gains solely from becoming a larger organization and being able to
attain economies of scale. Another reason for
expansion may be to become, as the current
parlance has it, "too big to fail" or "too big to be
acquired." For banks that are "too big to fail,"
the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
(FDIC) is virtually certain to guarantee all deposits in the event of financial problems because of the risk presented to the banking
system. Banks can also reduce the probabil ity of
receiving a hostile takeover offer by increasing
their market capitalization above that of potential acquirers. Another important factor in bank
size is that larger banks may pay higher salaries
or provide more managerial perquisites.
Increased economies of scale can benefit
both the general public and bank shareholders.
The latter can benefit from a bank's becoming
"too big to fail " insofar as depositors demand
a lower risk premium; however, this gain comes
at the public's expense through greater riskbearing by the FDIC.
Both t h e public a n d bank shareholders can
suffer from mergers that are motivated by a
desire to b e c o m e " t o o large to b e acquired"
b e c a u s e such transactions may reduce the overECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

all efficiency of the banking system. The public
and shareholders may also lose in mergers
motivated by managers' desire for higher salaries and more perks. Unfortunately, distinguishing empirically among these motives for
increased size is difficult, partly because the
analysis of the targets' size cannot necessarily
be used to support one explanation over another. An acquirer can obtain the same results
with one big merger or several small mergers.
A fourth reason for taking over another bank is
the acquirer's desire to increase its market
power and reduce competition. If a less competitive environment translates into higher
profits or reduced risk for the acquirers, their
shareholders can benefit. 3 However, these
gains come at the expense of the public, which
must pay higher prices for bank services.
Thus, mergers may occur to improve the
financial performance of the target, to diversify
the acquirer, to provide the benefits associated
with larger size, or to increase the acquirer's
market power. These various explanations have
different implications for both social welfare
and the acquirer's shareholders.

Existing Evidence
about Bank Mergers
The Effect of Size on Bank Risk. The notion
suggesting that larger, more diversified banks
are less likely to fail appears to be supported by
evidence dating as far back as the 1920s and
1930s. Of the many banks that failed in this
period, small banks failed ata disproportionally
high rate. More recent evidence on the relationship between size and risk is provided in a
paper by Nellie Liang and Stephen A. Rhoades
(1988). They studied several measures of bank
risk relative to the firm's total assets, geographic
diversification, and average number of branches
per market, as well as a series of other control
variables.4 When risk is measured by a bank's
capital-to-assets ratio, the researchers found a
positive and statistically significant relationship
between risk and bank size—that is, the larger
banks typically have lower capital-to-asset ratios. In contrast, increases in geographic dispersion and in the number of branches per market
are associated with statistically significant,
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




lower levels of bank risk when risk is measured
by volatility in earnings (the standard deviation
of the net-income-to-assets ratio). However,
geographic dispersion and the average number
of branches are associated with increased bank
risk when measured using the net-income-toassets ratio and the capital-to-total-assets ratio.
On the whole, though, the effect of increases in
geographic dispersion and number of branches
per market is a significant reduction in a bank's
risk of failure, implying that acquiring banks may
be able to lessen their risk by entering into new
markets or expanding branching networks in
their own markets.
Economies of Scale. Jeffrey A. Clark (1988)
recently surveyed a number of economies-ofscale studies, virtually all of which, he notes, find
evidence of scale economies for banks with
total assets of less than $100 million. However, the studies he surveyed generally fail to
show significant economies of scale for banks
with assets in excess of $100 million. These
economies-of-scale studies define the relevant
unit of production as a loan or deposit account.
In order to implement this definition of production, the studies use the Federal Reserve's
Functional Cost Analysis (FCA) data set, which
provides the most comprehensive sample of
banks for which the number of loan and deposit
accounts are available. However, bank involvement in the FCA program is voluntary, and many
banks do not participate. In particular, the FCA
sample has too few banks with assets in excess
of $1 billion to estimate their cost function
reliably. Thus, studies based on FCA data provide little information about the cost structure
of larger banks.
An alternative method of examining bank
production efficiency is through the intermediation approach, under which the relevant unit of
output is defined in terms of dollars. By obviating the need to obtain data on the number of
accounts, and given the comprehensive financial reporting that regulators require, researchers
can select any domestic banks for inclusion in
the sample. One of the authors of this article,
William C. Hunter, and Stephen G. Timme (1988,
1989) analyzed economies of scale at very large
banks using the intermediation approach. Their
1989 paper found significant economies of scale
for banks with total assets in the $800 million to
$5 billion range, with constant or slightly inII

creasing costs for larger banks. Although no
research to date examines the scale economy
question exclusively for banks in the $100 million to $800 million range, the evidence points
to either constant costs or slight diseconomies
of scale for these institutions.
Studies by Shaffer and Edmond David (1986)
as well as Shaffer (1988) have examined economies of scale in large U.S. commercial banks.
The 1988 study finds that, although large banks
have statistically small scale economies, they
can nevertheless be quite important economically.
Although empirical studies of scale economies in banking are extremely sensitive to researchers' statistical methodologies and data
definitions, the bulk of the evidence suggests
that, in most cases, the desire to improve production efficiencies through economies of scale
appears to be a valid motivation for merging,
especially for banks with total assets below
$5 billion. However, on the basis of this evidence, it would not necessarily be irrational for
larger banks, say in the $5 billion range for total
assets, to make a series of acquisitions of
smaller banks. Costs have been shown to be
relatively constant for asset sizes up to about
$25 billion. In addition, since most scale economies studies are unable to measure precisely
the impact on bank production of such factors as
increased consumer convenience and enhanced
diversification, mergers between extremely
large banking organizations may be justified on
the basis of these variables.
Market Structure. Aside from the effect of
bank size on riskiness and efficiency, another
consideration in understanding merger motivations is the effect on banks' markets, particularly
whether banks in more concentrated markets—
those with relatively fewer institutions—were
more profitable. The question of whether concentrated banking markets are less competitive
than unconcentrated ones has received considerable attention.5 However, many of the early
studies of this "structure-performance hypothesis" are severely criticized by two researchers in
the field, R. Alton Gilbert (1984) and Michael
Smirlock (1985). One of their principal criticisms
is that the studies assumed, without providing
adequate support, that higher concentration
caused greater profitability. Harold Demsetz
(1973, 1974) argues that more efficient banks
6



would be more profitable and would be able to
gain market share at the expense of less efficient banks. This efficient-market-structure
hypothesis claims that a positive relationship
between concentration and profits merely implies that a large efficiency gap exists between
different banks in the same market.
Several studies explore the efficient-marketstructure hypothesis. Smirlock, Gary Whalen
(1987), and Douglas D. Evanoffand Diana Fortier
(1988) used bank market share as a proxy for
bank efficiency. All three studies found that
market share has a strong positive effect on profitability. However, both Smirlock and Whalen
concluded that concentration ratios are unrelated to profitability after controlling for market
share, whereas Evanoff and Fortier uncover only

7Tjhe bulk of the evidence suggests
that, in most cases, the desire to improve production efficiencies through
economies of scale appears to be a
valid motivation for merging...."

limited evidence that concentration has an
effect on profitability.
William G. Shepard (1986) criticizes the efficiency proxy mentioned above and argues that
market share could instead be a measure of
market power. Smirlock, Thomas Gilligan, and
William Marshall (1986) respond that the relationship between market share and market
power is ambiguous in theory and, thus, Shepard's criticism is not necessarily valid. Allen N.
Berger and Timothy H. Hannan (1989) suggest
that analysis of pricing data may shed more light
on the relationship between market share and
market power than would an analysis of profitability data. Concentration, they argue, should
have an unambiguously positive effect on prices
charged (or a negative effect on deposit rates) if
the structure-performance hypothesis is correct, and should have an insignificant or negative effect on prices (a positive effect on deposit
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

rates) if the efficient-market-structure hypothesis is correct.6 Berger and Hannan found a negative relationship between concentration and
the rate paid on bank deposits between September 1983 and December 1985, which supports the argument that higher concentration
causes a reduction in competition that in turn
boosts bank profitability.
Berger and Hannan s results are supported
by two other studies. Research by Alan J. Daskin
and John D. Wolken (1989) produced a significant positive relationship between bank concentration and the rates charged for commercial
and industrial loans. Randall J. Pozdena (1986)
attacks the problem from a different angle,
looking at the connection between market concentration and the entry of new banks and

"Analysis of the financial performance
of the target and acquiring banks prior
to acquisition provides mixed evidence on the hypothesis that mergers
are undertaken to improve the efficiency of poorly managed institutions."

branches. If the structure-performance hypothesis is correct, high profits in concentrated markets may attract competition. However, if the
efficient-market-structure hypothesis is correct,
the relationship between concentration and
market entry should be insignificant or negative
since new competitors would have to compete
with large, very efficient banks. Pozdena found a
positive and significant relationship between
market concentration and the entry of new banks
and branches, thus supporting the structureperformance hypothesis.
Although the evidence appears to indicate a
relationship between structure and performance, several recent studies highlight the
nature of market factors other than concentration. Evanoff and Fortier determined that a
significant positive relationship exists between
concentration and profitability only in unit
banking states. Jim Burke and Rhoades (1987)
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




concluded that small banks in rural markets
were significantly more profitable than comparably sized banks in urban markets (metropolitan statistical areas) between 1980 and
1984. Tony Cyrnak and Rhoades (1989) found
that banks in markets with three or fewer organizations are substantially more profitable
than banks in markets with four or more organizations.
Characteristics of Targets and Acquirers.
Analysis of the premerger characteristics of target and acquiring banks may provide information on several of the popular explanations for
bank mergers. Five studies are of special interest.7 Hannan and Rhoades (1987) analyzed
the characteristics associated with being a
target bank in Texas between 1970 and 1982.8
Rose (1989) examines U.S. bank mergers from
1970 through 1985. His group includes 224 acquirers and 230 targets that could be successfully paired with comparably sized banks in
the same county or standard metropolitan statistical area; holding company acquisitions
appear to be excluded from the sample. Although the analysis of the performance of targets and acquirers is not the focus of their study,
Benton E. Gup, David C. Cheng, Larry D. Wall
(one of the authors of this article), and Kartono
Liano (1989) provide descriptive data on 559
mergers that occurred between 1981 and July
I986.9 One important limitation of this analysis
of descriptive data is that statistical tests of the
differences in means are not provided for the
acquirers and targets. Randolph P. Beatty,
Anthony M. Santomero, and Smirlock (1987) analyzed 149 matched target and acquiring banks
covering acquisitions from 1984 and the first
three quarters of 1985. They provided statistical
tests of significant differences in key financial
ratios for targets and acquirers using 1982 financial data. Rhoades (1985a) examined the size
and location of all acquisitions in the United
States between 1960 and 1982.
Analysis of the financial performance of the
target and acquiring banks prior to acquisition
provides mixed evidence on the hypothesis that
mergers are undertaken to improve the efficiency of poorly managed institutions. Rose
(1989) found that target banks were less profitable and less efficient in terms of dollars of
assets per employee than were their acquirers.
Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock concluded
II

that acquirers have a higher return on equity,
but the researchers suggest that this better performance may be due to generally higher risk
profiles. Hannan and Rhoades, in their study of
Texas banks, found that profitability was not an
important determinant of whether a bank would
be acquired. Additionally, Gup, Cheng, Wall,
and Liano, using a larger and more recent sample, discovered that targets are not necessarily
less profitable than acquirers if profitability is
measured by return on assets.
Evidence of the relationship between the
probability of being an acquisition target and
the acquirer's potential to improve the target's
performance by expanding its loan portfolio is
not conclusive. Hannan and Rhoades found that
the loan-to-asset ratio had an insignificant
effect on the probability of being acquired.
However, Rose (1989) showed that target banks
had significantly lower loan-to-asset ratios than
acquiring banks. Gup, Cheng, Wall, and Liano
determined that targets have a retail-loan-tototal-loan ratio that is higher than that of acquiring banks.
According to Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock, acquirers have lower percentages of U.S.
Treasury securities, a lower proportion of investment securities, higher percentages of net
loans, and higher debt-to-equity ratios. Gup,
Cheng, Wall, and Liano found that acquirers
experienced somewhat greater core deposit
growth rates, but these researchers do not
directly examine the level of core deposits.
None of the five studies addressed specifically
the issue of earnings diversification.
Rhoades (1985a) found that the overwhelming majority of banks acquired between 1960
and 1982 had assets of $50 million or less. The
number of targets with assets under $50 million
represent 84 percent of the nearly 4,400 banks
sampled. The average size of bank mergers may
have increased over time as bank asset sizes increased with inflation. However, 275 of the 422
targets in 1982 had assets of less than $50 million and only 3 had assets of $ 1 billion or more.
These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that mergers are sought to achieve economies of scale in that they may lead to greater
efficiencies in the target. The results also suggest that attempts to become "too big to fail"
were not a significant factor in most mergers
prior to 1983.
8



According to Hannan and Rhoades, concentration had a significantly negative effect on
intramarket acquisitions. However, this result
should not necessarily be taken to indicate that
acquirers place little value on opportunities to
increase concentration. The researchers' study
suggests that antitrust limitations on bank mergers would discourage takeovers in highly concentrated markets.
Determinants of the Prices Paid in Bank
Mergers. Several studies provide insight into
the characteristics that acquirers value most in
merger partners by examining the determinants
of the ratio of the purchase price to book value
of the target's equity. Rhoades (1987) analyzed
the determinants of the purchase price in 1,835
mergers between 1973 and 1985. Donald R.
Fraser and James W. Kolari (1987) examined

"The studies of purchase price provide little evidence to support the notion that acquirers engage in mergers
with the express intention of improving
the target's financial
performance."

pricing of 217 mergers in 1985. Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock studied pricing in 264
bank mergers between the beginning of 1984
and the third quarter of 1985. Robert J. Rogowski
and Donald G. Simonson (1989) looked at pricing in a sample of 168 mergers in selected states
during the 1980s. Cheng, Gup, and Wall (1989)
examine pricing for 135 mergers in selected
southeastern states. The authors of this article
also have a study in progress that examines 61
mergers between December 1981 and July 1986
where market-value data are available for both
target and acquirer.10
The studies of purchase price provide little
evidence to support the notion that acquirers
engage in mergers with the express intention of
improving the target's financial performance.
One way of examining this issue is to determine
the relationship between the price paid and the
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

target's profitability. Available evidence indicates that the financial performance of the target is not consistently related to its purchase
price. For example, Rogowski and Simonson, as
well as Rhoades (1987), failed to find a consistently significant and positive relationship,
while such a linkage was indicated by Fraser and
Kolari; Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock; and
Cheng, Gup, and Wall. If one interprets this
group of findings as indicating no relationship
between premerger profits and the purchase
price, one could speculate that acquirers are
looking to the target's postmerger profitability,
which is unrelated to its premerger profits. This
interpretation suggests that acquirers are planning on significantly changing the profitability of
the target. However, even if the empirical evidence is accepted as supporting a positive rela-

"Preliminary results of a study by the
authors of this article support the hypothesis that potential
diversification
of the acquirer's earning assets has a
significantly positive effect on the
purchase price."

tionship between purchase price and profits,
this evidence does not necessarily preclude the
possibility that acquirers expect to improve the
target's management. Premerger profitability
may be positively correlated with postmerger
profitability even if the acquirer expects to
improve the target's management.
Another method of analyzing the acquirer's
potential to improve the efficiency of the target
would be to look at how efficient the acquirer's
operations are. Acquiring banks with high profitability and high market-to-book-value ratios
may be considered to have relatively more efficient management. Cheng, Gup, and Wall found
that the market-to-book ratios of acquirers have
a significantly positive effect on the purchase
price but that the acquirer's profitability has a
negative effect. The implications of these findings are not clear.
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




The studies also yield conflicting results on
the abil ity of acquirers to adopt more aggressive
loan policies. The research of Rogowski and
Simonson indicated a significantly positive relationship between the loan-to-earning-asset
ratio and the purchase-price ratio, whereas
Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock found a negative relationship.
Preliminary results of a study by the authors of
this article support the hypothesis that potential diversification of the acquirer's earning
assets has a significantly positive effect on the
purchase price. The research found that the
target's variance of return on assets and the
covariance between the target and the acquirer's return on assets have a significantly negative effect on purchase price. The study also
concluded that the acquirer's variance of return
on assets has a significantly positive effect on
purchase price.
Cheng, Gup, and Wall provide some support
for the hypothesis that acquirers are seeking
more core deposits. Their research revealed a
positive relationship between the core deposit
growth rate of the target and the purchase price.11
Two studies support the hypothesis that size
advantages may influence merger decisions.
Hypothesizing that the acquirer's ability to add
new services to a target is a positive function of
the ratio of the acquirer's total assets to the
target's total assets, Rogowski and Simonson
found a significantly positive relationship, which
is supported by Cheng, Gup, and Wall.12
Conflicting results are obtained for the effect
of concentration on merger pricing. Studies by
Rhoades (1987) and Rogowski and Simonson
indicated that concentration had an insignificant effect on purchase price. On the other
hand, Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock found a
significantly positive relationship.
Effect of Mergers on Bank Shareholders. In
addition to studies of the characteristics of
merging firms and research regarding the prices
paid in mergers, numerous tests examine the
change in the acquirer's stock-market valuation
after the merger announcement. If acquiring
banks are maximizing shareholder values and
shareholders are acting in a rational manner, the
acquirer's takeover announcement should yield
stock returns significantly in excess of expected
returns (positive abnormal returns) on the day of
the announcement. If acquirers are maximizing
II

management's interest at the expense of shareholders, abnormal returns should be significantly negative. These studies could also be
interpreted as offering evidence as to whether
the mergers provide gains to the combined
organizations. However, the presence or absence of other gains can be masked by the
target's purchase price. For example, negative
abnormal stock returns for the acquiring organization do not necessarily imply that the merger
will decrease or merely maintain efficiency. The
gains resulting from improved efficiency could
be more than offset by the excessive purchase
price paid by the acquirer.
Several studies have examined the stock
market's reaction to the acquisition of nonfailing banks. A.S. Desai and R.D. Stover (1985)
examined 18 bank and nonbank mergers between 1976 and 1982 and determined that acquirers earn significantly positive abnormal
returns. Walter P. Neely (1987), on the other
hand, looked at 26 mergers occurring between
1979 and 1985 and found that acquirers earned
significantly negative abnormal returns.
JackW. Thrifts and Kevin P. Scanlon (1987), analyzing 17 interstate acquisitions, determined
that acquirers of large institutions—that is,
those whose assets amounted to more than
20 percent of the acquirers'—experienced insignificant abnormal returns but that acquirers
of small targets (those whose assets were less
than 20 percent of the acquirers') realized significantly negative abnormal returns. Thrifts and
Scanlon's conclusions are interesting when
combined with the finding that prices paid for
targets are a positive function of the ratio of
acquirer-to-target total assets. The implication
of these results is that acquirers may be overpaying for their relatively small acquisitions.
David A. Dubofsky and Fraser (1989) examined 101 mergers from 1973 through 1983 and
reported significantly positive abnormal returns
prior to 1981 but significantly negative abnormal
returns thereafter. Wall and Gup (1989), studying 23 mergers between June 1981 and December 1983, found significantly negative abnormal
returns during the announcement week.
Hannan and Wolken (1989) have extended
prior studies to consider the target's abnormal
returns, the acquirer's abnormal returns, and
the combined value of both of these amounts
for a selected set of mergers in 1982 through
10



1987. The study finds statistically significant
positive abnormal returns for targets and significantly negative abnormal returns for acquirers, but their combined abnormal returns are
insignificant. The study concludes that no available evidence shows that bank mergers produce synergies or other types of gains. However,
the conclusion of no synergistic gains depends
on the implicit assumption that the target bank's
price prior to the merger announcement is
solely a function of the bank's stand-alone value.
If the price of the target exceeded its standalone value due to expectations that the target
would be purchased at a premium, then measured abnormal returns may underestimate the
gains produced by the merger.
Summary of Existing Studies. The various
studies surveyed in this article yield some insights into the possible motives for bank mergers. The research produced results consistent
with the following:
• acquiring banks may be able to realize economies of scale, at least to the extent of improving the target's efficiency;
• banks may be able to boost their profitability
by increasing market concentration; and
• acquiring bank managers do not always follow
a shareholder-wealth-maximizing strategy in
their acquisitions policy.
Also, the types of target banks likely to attract
the highest purchase prices are those whose
core deposits are growing rapidly and whose
portfolios offer greater potential for reducing
the acquirer's risk. A clear positive relationship
is also apparent between the purchase price
and the ratio of the target's assets to those of the
acquirer. The larger this ratio, the higher the
price paid. However, stock market reactions
suggest that banks are overpaying for small
merger partners. The acquisition of core deposits may be a motivation for merger activity,
though this hypothesis was not directly tested.
Some research led to mixed results on the
matter of bank acquisitions and the purchase
prices paid in those transactions. Whether
acquiring banks enhance the target's profitability is unclear, as is the evidence that acquirers seek to expand the target's lending
activity. In addition, research does not show
conclusively that an acquirer's abil ity to add services to a target is a positive function of the ratio
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

of the target's assets to the acquirer's. Examinations of purchase prices yield mixed results
as to whether one motivation to engage in
merger activity is the acquirer's desire to increase market concentration.
Research has also indicated that several popular hypotheses lack empirical support. One is
that targets are poorly managed and that the
acquirer will improve the situation. Another is
that the probabil ity of a bank's being acqu ired is
related to its profitability relative to its acquirer:
target banks' profitability is not unambiguously
less than that of acquirers.
Overall, the literature yields mixed or negative evidence on several merger hypotheses,
owing in part to the methodologies employed in
these studies. While most research treats bank
mergers as homogenous events, different mergers may be motivated by a variety of different
goals. The following section of this article recognizes that not all takeovers and mergers are
necessarily motivated by the same factors and
that actual bank merger and acquisition decisions are the result of a complex multidimensional process that analysts are only beginning
to comprehend.

An Examination of Key
Target Bank Characteristics
Methodology. This section evaluates the
characteristics that acquiring banks seem to
value most highly in merger partners. As should
be clear from the review of the bank mergers
literature, the economic forces that lead banks
to become involved in merger activities are part
of a complex process. While researchers know a
great deal about the factors and processes that
influence a bank's decision to become involved
in a merger, this knowledge is in no way complete. Thus, a statistical analysis of the merger
data set using cluster analysis, an atheoretical
methodology, may provide valuable insights
into the acquisition process and the financial
characteristics acquirers appear to value most
in takeover decisions.
A complete description of the cluster analysis technique is beyond the scope of this article;
the interested reader should refer to the detailed exposition of clustering techniques in
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




John A. Hartigan (1975). In simple terms, cluster
analysis belongs to a class of statistical procedures that search a data set and attempt to
find simpler representations of the underlying
characteristics of the data. Cluster analysis looks
for interactions among variables by forming
clusters or groups of variables on the basis of
their statistical similarity. Regarding the analysis performed in this article, the cluster technique can be thought of as a statistical procedure designed to categorize or assign banks
into groups based on the criterion that the
members of the group are most al ike in terms of
their underlying characteristics, where they are
taken as a set instead of individually.13
The analysis presented here is similar to that
contained in Gup, Cheng, Wall, and Liano. Both
studies util ize the same basic data set and both
examine regional differences in bank characteristics. However, unlike Gup, Cheng, Wall, and
Liano, this study does not evaluate the marginal
contribution of acquirer and target bank characteristics to the purchase-price-to-book-valueof-equity ratio of the target in a merger, holding
other factors constant. Instead, this analysis
attempts to delineate the set of characteristics
which—when taken as a whole, allowing all factors
to vary—are associated with higher purchaseprice-to-book-value-of-equity ratios of target
banks in mergers. That is, the research presented here attempts to identify the set of financial
characteristics that emerge strategically from
bank merger and acquisition decisions. Thus, in
principle, the clustering procedure should shed
light on the optimal mix of the key financial
characteristics valued highly by acquiring banks
and that tend to be systematically associated
with attractive acquisition prices. In applying
cluster analysis directly to bank characteristics,
the data are allowed to define any strategic profiles that might exist over five possible groupings.
Sample and Data Sources. The sample consists of 559 U.S. bank mergers that took place
from 1981 through 1986. Information on these
mergers was obtained from various issues of
MergerWatch published by Cates Consulting
Analysts, Incorporated. MergerWatch compiles
selected financial data on all bank mergers in
the United States where the acquiring bank has
total assets of $100 million or more and the
target bank has total assets of $25 million or
II

more. Based on publicly available bank merger
data, the MergerWatch reports captured approximately 92 percent of all acquiring banks
and 30 percent of all target banks during the
1981-86 period.
The MergerWatch data base provides a host
of financial and accounting variables on the
banks involved in each merger. Data on the
terms of the merger, the costs to the acquirer,
and the benefits to the target are included. In
addition, detailed financial and accounting data
for both the acquirer and target banks are presented. In addition to nonfinancial data, the
statistics include return on assets; dividend
payout ratios; and past five-year growth rates of
assets, deposits, income, and equity. To be included in the sample the merging banks had to
be in the MergerWatch data base from its inception through July 1986 and had to have a complete set of merger-related data.
For each target bank in the sample, the following variables were examined: the ratio of the
purchase price paid in the merger to the book
value of equity of the target; the ratios of bookequity capital to total assets, retail loans to total
loans (retail-loan mix), loans to earning assets,
and net income after taxes to book equity (ROE);
the five-year growth rate in total assets; and the
five-year growth rate in core deposits.
The mergers in the sample were classified
into six geographic subregions: Central (Illinois,
Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin); Northeast (Connecticut, Delaware, District
of Columbia, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts,
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Puerto Rico, Rhode Island, and Vermont); Southeast (Alabama, Florida, Georgia,
Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia); Midwest (Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota); West
(Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii,
Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming); and Southwest (Arkansas, Louisiana, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and
Texas). To obtain a sufficient number of mergers
for the last three regions listed above, this article aggregates the Midwest, Southwest, and
West regions into a single West subregion.
Empirical Findings. Before describing the
findings of this research, it should be noted that
one shortcoming associated with cluster analy12



sis and related procedures is that it is generally
not possible to present a robust overall summary statistical measure reflecting the goodness of fit of these models as is the case with
other statistical procedures like regression
analysis.14 As a consequence, this study compares the percentage differences between the
means of the variables examined for the target
banks in the clusters with the largest purchaseprice-to-book-value-of-equity ratios with those
of the other clusters. In order to identify any
significant regional differences, this comparison
was also conducted on a regional basis for the
clusters with the largest purchase-price-to-bookvalue ratios. Questions regarding the stability of
cluster profiles were addressed by conducting
an annual comparison of cluster profiles over
the 1981-86 period.
Table 1 presents the means and standard deviations of the variables used in the empirical
analysis for the entire sample (the national sample) and for the four geographic subregions. As
can be seen in that table, the mean purchaseprice-to-book-value-of-equity ratio was the
highest for mergers in the Southeast subregion
and lowest in the Central subregion. The average purchase-price-to-book ratio in southeastern acquisitions over the 1981-86 period was
about 14 percent higher than that of the national
sample and about 32 percent higher than that
associated with mergers in the Central subregion. Banks in the West subregion enjoyed the
fastest rates of growth in both total assets and
core deposits over the five years prior to being
acquired. The five-year growth rate in these
banks' total assets exceeded the average for the
national sample by 36 percent, and their growth
rate in core deposits outpaced the national
sample average by 22 percent. Target banks
from the Southeast subregion exhibited the
second-fastest rates of growth in total assets
and core deposits over the sample period, while
targets from the Central subregion posted the
slowest rates of growth.
In terms of profitability, as measured by return on equity, target banks located in the West
subregion posted the highest return, 16.3 percent, while the sample banks from the Central
subregion had the lowest return on equity,
12.4 percent.
Table 1 also reveals that target banks from the
Southeast subregion were the best capitalized,
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Table 1.
Means of Sample Data, 1981-86
(standard
Variable

deviations

in

parentheses)

National

Northeast

Southeast

Central

West

Purchase Price to Book Ratio

1.67
(0.55)

1.57
(0.58)

1.90
(0.51)

1.44
(0.42)

1.79
(0.58)

Equity to Assets

7.90
(1-91)

7.70
(2.13)

8.40
(1.85)

8.00
(1.84)

7.30
(1 -51)

Core Deposit Growth

10.60
(6.33)

9.00
(5.15)

12.60
(6.53)

8.40
(4.79)

12.90
(7.85)

Retail Loan Mix

54.10
(16.14)

57.90
(15.14)

55.70
(15.56)

56.60
(14.07)

41.00
(15.59)

Loans to Earning Assets

59.60
(10.70)

62.10
(10.33)

57.30
(11.30)

57.00
(9.75)

64.10
(9.15)

Asset Growth

11.50
(6.73)

9.50
(4.65)

13.30
(6.59)

8.90
(4.55)

15.60
(9.39)

Return on Equity

14.10
(4.00)

13.20
(3.65)

15.10
(4.05)

12.40
(2.77)

16.30
(4.73)

559

152

161

155

91

Number of Observations

Source: Calculated at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta from data compiled by MergerWatch,

with an average equity-to-assets ratio of 8.4 percent, while the banks from the West subregion
were the most leveraged (equity-to-assets ratio
of 7.3 percent). In terms of portfolio mix, target
banks from the West subregion had the largest
percentage of earning assets in the form of loans
but also had the smallest proportion of these
loans in the retail category. In contrast, target
banks from the Central subregion had the smallest percentage of earning assets in the form of
loans, of which close to 57 percent were in the
retail category.
To determine whether a strategic target bank
profile existed during the period understudy, a
cluster analysis was performed on the sample
banks based on a maximum of five permissible
clusters.15 The analysis was conducted for each
of the four geographical subregions. The mean
values and standard deviations for each of the
financial variables included in the analysis are
given in Table 2.
An examination of Table 2 suggests that a
definite and stable strategic profile existed
for the cluster groups with the largest mean
purchase-price-to-book ratios. In each of the
subregions, the top-ranked cluster with respect
to this ratio (cluster 4 in the Central subregion

1981-86.

and cluster 1 in each of the three other subregions) exhibited higher profitability as measured by return on equity, faster preacquisition
growth—measured by average annual growth
rates in core deposits and total assets over the
five years immediately preceding acquisition—
and more leverage (measured by the ratio of
equity capital to assets) than the banks making
up the other clusters.
A comparison of percentage differences in
cluster means shows that the purchase-priceto-book ratio of the top-ranked cluster in each
subregion was on average about 13 percent
higher than that of the next-highest-ranked
cluster in each subregion and about 33 percent
higher than the lowest-ranked cluster.16 In
terms of profitability, the top-ranked cluster in
each subregion posted mean return-on-equity
ratios that were on average 14 percent higher
than the mean of the next-highest-ranked cluster and 23 percent higher than the mean of the
lowest-ranked cluster. The mean core deposit
growth at the top-ranked cluster in each subregion was on average 107 percent higher than
the mean associated with the next-highestranked cluster and 149 percent greater than the
mean of the lowest-ranked cluster. In all sub-

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




13

t

Table 2.
Target Bank Cluster Means by Region, 1981-86
(standard

Cluster

Number
of
Members

Purchase
Price to
Book

deviations

in

Equity
to
Assets

Core
Deposit
Growth

parentheses)
Retail
Loan
Mix

Loans to
Earning
Assets

Asset
Growth

Return
on
Equity

Parte) A: Central
1

7

1.44
(0.39)

10.60
(3.06)

8.60
(3.30)

61.80
(9.92)

30.00
(9.16)

9.90
(3.20)

13.80
(3.49)

2

97

1.45
(0.44)

7.70
(1.64)

7.90
(3.33)

52.20
(7.10)

58.80
(7.34)

8.40
(3.26)

12.20
(2.63)

3

1

1.12
N.A.

9.40
N.A.

47.60
N.A.

71.60
N.A.

70.60
NA

4*

11

1.55
(0.60)

7.00
(1.38)

9.20
(2.79)

26.50
(8.61)

62.10
(7.80)

8.40
(3.34)

13.90
(2.99)

5

39

1.40
(0.35)

8.30
(1.67)

9.10
(4.09)

72.70
(6.84)

56.40
(7.81)

9.50
(4-41)

12.70
(2.81)

36

1.76
(0.63)

6.90
(1.36)

11.00
(4.92)

57.40
(5.99)

69.80
(7.19)

11.40
(4.70)

13.50
(4.59)

25

48

1.45
(0.59)

8.00
(1.62)

6.90
(2.25)

71.60
(6.46)

64.10
(6.79)

8.70
(3.00)

12.60
(3.14)

35

21

1.40
(0.51)

7.20
(1.80)

6.70
(4.85)

31.40
(8.17)

64.40
(6.64)

10.50
(6.33)

12.10
(2.45)

45

33

1.56
(0.43)

8.30
(3.18)

7.40
(3.67)

50.30
(5.49)

57.50
(6.01)

8.40
(4.18)

13.00
(2.85)

5

14

1.49
(0.51)

9.00
(3.05)

6.90
(3.07)

70.10
(8.44)

41.20
(7.13)

7.30
(2.52)

13.30
(2.58)

43.10
NA

7.10
N.A.

Panel B: Northeast
1*

continued on next page

regions except the Central, the top-ranked cluster posted mean preacquisition total asset
growth rates that exceeded those of the nexthighest-ranked cluster and those of the lowestranked cluster. These differences averaged
82 percent and 90 percent, respectively. The
top-ranked clusters in all subregions employed
more financial leverage than did any of the
lower-ranked clusters. The mean equity-toassets ratios for these clusters were on average
11 percent and 9 percent lower than the means
of the next-highest-ranked and lowest-ranked
clusters.
With respect to the asset portfolio variables,
the mean loan-to-assets ratio of the top-ranked
clusters showed a pattern similar to those noted
above. The mean loan-to-assets ratio of the topranked cluster in each region exceeded the
14




mean of the next-highest-ranked cluster by an
average of 15 percent and that of the lowestranked cluster by an average of about 25 percent. On the other hand, the means of the
retail-loan mix ratios did not exhibit any systematic pattern across clusters.
An interesting feature of the means of several
of the financial variables, excluding those for
clusters with insufficient membership, is that
they vary directly with the mean purchase-priceto-book ratio across all clusters in a given region.
Examples include the return-on-equity ratio
and the core-deposit growth variable for the
Southeast, West, and Northeast subregions; the
asset-growth variable and the equity-to-assets
ratio for the Southeast and West subregions;
and the retail-loan mix variable for the Central
subregion. Of these monotonic relationships
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Table 2

continued

Cluster

Number
of
Members

Purchase
Price to
Book

Equity
to
Assets

Core
Deposit
Growth

Retail
Loan
Mix

Loans to
Earning
Assets

Asset
Growth

Return
on
Equity

Panel C: Southeast
1*

21

2.35
(0.57)

8.00
(1.34)

24.10
(7.53)

44.60
(10.35)

68.00
(7-87)

24.10
(6.58)

17.80
(4.00)

2

23

1.55
(0.39)

9.50
(2.42)

9.10
(3.37)

42.30
(10.00)

40.00
(9.27)

10.60
(3.67)

14.70
(3.25)

3

35

1.92
(0.51)

8.60
(1.46)

12.20
(4.97)

76.70
(7.65)

55.80
(9.76)

13.40
(5.94)

15.00
(2.98)

4

80

1.86
(0.50)

8.70
(1.58)

11.30
(4.65)

54.70
(8.44)

59.70
(7.45)

11.80
(4.97)

14.80
(4.15)

5

2

2.26
(0.04)

7.10
(1.70)

11.70
(6.51)

10.70
(14.37)

62.10
(3.81)

12.40
(8.00)

24.70
(13.55)

1*

4

2.16
(0.52)

6.90
(0.69)

45.10
(8.21)

44.70
(8.54)

69.00
(8.54)

44.40
(9.09)

19.90
(2.46)

2

10

1.90
(0.58)

7.70
(1.36)

12.30
(3.27)

69.80
(11.06)

61.70
(11.06)

14.20
(4.21)

16.70
(5.91)

3

2

1.47
(0.11)

11.20
(3.80)

41.50
(7.96)

24.30
(11.46)

70.70
(4.12)

41.50
(6.77)

13.50
(6.49)

4

46

1.81
(0.51)

7.70
(1.46)

12.00
(4.36)

45.50
(6.42)

65.40
(8.01)

13.80
(6.44)

16.60
(5.45)

5

29

1.78
(0.67)

7.90
(1-27)

9.70
(4.38)

24.70
(7.41)

62.60
(10.44)

13.30
(5.32)

15.20
(3.86)

Panel D: West

*Denotes

cluster

with largest

Note: All numbers

purchase-price-to-book

in percentages

except

ratio.

purchase-price-to-book

ratio.

Source: See Table 1.

(those that vary in a consistent direction with the
independent variables), the strongest clearly
involve target bank profitability and coredeposit growth. These relationships augment
and strengthen the conclusions concerning the
importance of target-bank profitability and
core-deposit growth in determining the purchaseprice-to-book ratio in a merger. These results
also support the findings reported in Cheng,
Gup, and Wall of a positive and significant relationship between core-deposit growth and
the purchase-price-to-book ratio using regression analysis. On the other hand, the conclusion
regarding the relationship between the profitability of the target bank and the purchaseprice-to-book ratio differs from those of Rogowski and Simonson as well as Rhoades (1987),
and agrees with the findings of Fraser and
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




Kolari; Beatty, Santomero, and Smirlock; and
Cheng, Gup, and Wall.
Although the other variables do not vary
monotonically with the purchase-price-to-book
ratio, they do vary in a fairly systematic manner
as earlier comparisons of mean percentage differences of financial characteristics among the
top- and lower-ranked clusters indicate. With
respect to the behavior of the asset growth rate,
the loans-to-earning-assets ratio, and the retail
loan mix variable, the evidence suggests that
asset growth is a very important factor in merger
pricing, especially when it takes place in an
environment where loans rather than securities
are the dominant earning asset of the bank. This
conclusion is supported by Rogowski and Simonson, who found a positive and significant
relationship between the loan-to-earning-asset
15

Table 3.
Annual Cluster Means, 1981-86

Cluster

Number
of
Members

Purchase
Price to
Book

Equity
to
Assets

Core
Deposit
Growth

Retail
Loan
Mix

Loans to
Earning
Assets

Asset
Growth

Return
on
Equity

15
4
12
11
2

1.85
2.60
1.45
1.63
2.60

7.1
7.3
8.1
8.7
6.6

11.1
11.8
9.9
9.8
39.5

43.2
17.4
74.7
64.0
49.5

62.8
54.0
69.1
46.6
72.0

13.6
15.0
11.8
10.0
44.4

15.3
16.0
13.7
15.5
18.7

17
11
32
11
10

1.40
1.59
1.59
1.34
1.72

7.8
8.8
7.6
8.4
6.8

6.6
8.5
8.1
10.6
10.7

41.7
70.3
61.7
81.8
26.7

59.8
48.1
67.8
63.0
68.7

8.4
10.0
9.8
11.7
14.0

15.2
15.3
13.1
14.9
16.8

16
30
16
11
41

1.99
1.40
1.55
1.52
1.53

8.2
7.6
9.0
8.2
7.7

20.0
8.2
7.3
7.1
9.6

54.4
37.9
37.9
69.6
67.1

62.6
65.4
48.2
46.0
63.9

22.8
11.3
9.2
9.5
10.8

16.5
14.3
14.4
14.3
13.6

18
23
10
26
55

1.35
1.54
2.21
1.69
1.50

8.4
8.2
8.2
7.3
7.9

8.5
9.5
25.7
10.9
8.4

52.7
74.0
52.3
34.7
53.7

39.1
59.6
66.5
62.0
62.1

8.9
10.0
27.9
13.2
8.8

13.4
12.2
18.3
15.6
13.3

17
77
31
1
3

1.86
1.75
1.63
1.12
1.80

7.3
7.4
9.4
9.4
9.8

12.0
10.8
9.4
47.6
38.9

28.4
53.5
66.4
71.6
26.4

66.1
61.7
45.5
70.6
70.9

11.2
10.3
10.3
43.0
39.0

15.1
13.5
13.1
7.1
13.4

11
6
9
32
1

1.97
2.24
1.97
2.01
1.79

8.3
8.1
8.4
7.8
10.4

11.9
15.9
9.2
11.4
16.3

72.3
24.3
67.4
50.8
40.8

60.5
63.0
39.0
62.7
10.4

12.1
12.2
9.2
10.6
15.3

14.8
15.6
14.1
12.2
7.8

with largest

purchase-price-to-book

Panel A: 1981
1
2*
3
4
5*
Panel B: 1982
1
2
3
4
5*
Panel C: 1983
1*
2
3
4
5
Panel D: 1984
1
2
3*
4
5
Panel E: 1985
1*
2
3
4
5
Panel F: 1986
1
2*
3
4
5
* Denotes

cluster

ratio.

Source: See Table 1.

ratio and the purchase-price-to-book-equity
ratio. Since the retail loan mix variable does not
exhibit any systematic behavior in the cluster
analysis, one cannot conclude that there is a
predictable relationship between the composi6




tion of the loan portfolio and the purchaseprice-to-book-equity ratio. Clearly, this relationship will vary depending on the mix of the
loan portfolio of the acquiring bank. As the
behavior of the portfolio mix variable indicates,
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

the strategic profile of the top-ranked target
bank clusters appears to be independent of the
particular customer base served by these banks.
The loan portfolio of the top-ranked cluster in
the Central subregion is consistent with the profile of a wholesale bank, that of the Northeast
subregion is consistent with a retail bank profile, and those of the Southeast and West regions
reflect a loan portfolio that is more balanced
than those of the other two subregions.
The stability of the financial profile of banks in
the top-ranked clusters across geographic subregions lends credibility to the notion that the
financial characteristics of potential merger
partners are key determinants of acquisition
prices. Geographic location is not unimportant
in the pricing process, as the best-performing
clusters in the analysis are associated with the
West and Southeast subregions. However, without quality management in each of the dimensions identified by this analysis, any location
advantages—due perhaps to the structure of
local banking markets and regulation—may not
be realized by the target bank shareholders.
The stability of the strategic target bank profile over time can be assessed using the data in
Table 3, which presents the results from annual
cluster analyses and shows that the same basic
strategic profile emerges each year. Over the
six-year period the top-ranked cluster, with respect to the purchase-price-to-book-equity
ratio, systematically exhibited higher profitability and faster premerger growth in core
deposits and total assets and tended to con-

centrate its earning assets in loans as opposed
to securities while judiciously using more financial leverage than banks in the other clusters.

Summary
A review of the literature is consistent with the
hypothesis that banks which acquire other
banks are motivated most by the desire to diversify their earnings and growth potential and,
in many cases, to achieve economies of scale in
the production of financial services. With respect to the other commonly cited motivations,
including the desires to improve the efficiency
of the target bank and to increase market power,
strong support is not found.
A cluster analysis of the financial characteristics of a sample of 559 target banks indicates
that the strategic profile of the most valued
merger partner characteristics consists of the
following items: higher-than-average profitability (as measured by the return on equity),
faster growth in core deposits and total assets,
and a higher ratio of loans to earning assets, all
augmented by the judicious use of financial
leverage. This profile was found to be stable
across geographic subregions, time, and bank
customer bases. Based on the literature review
and empirical findings, if the shareholders of
target banks are to obtain the greatest benefit
from any proposed merger, having quality management in each of the dimensions of the
strategic profile is apparently a prerequisite.

Notes
1

2

Loan participations can also h e l p , b u t t h e gain is limited

c l u d e that a negative relationship w o u l d b e inconsistent

by moral hazard p r o b l e m s .

with t h e a r g u m e n t t h a t t h e efficient-market-structure

C o n s i d e r two banks, b o t h with $10 billion in assets a n d

hypothesis explains t h e positive relationship b e t w e e n

$500 million in capital. A s s u m e o n e of t h e b a n k s suffers a
$ 1,100 million loss a n d t h e o t h e r earns a $60 million profit.

profitability a n d concentration.
7

If t h e b a n k s are separately o w n e d , t h e b a n k suffering t h e

e x a m i n e s b a n k mergers. Rhoades's analysis is not re-

loss will fail a n d t h e o t h e r b a n k will c o n t i n u e in o p e r a t i o n .

viewed in this article b e c a u s e his s a m p l e p e r i o d e n d s in

If t h e two b a n k s are m e r g e d together a n d n o synergies are

1978. Phillis a n d Pavel (1986) e x a m i n e interstate b a n k

present, b o t h firms will fail.

mergers. Their principal finding is that participants in the
interstate takeover market t e n d t o have m o r e offices than

^Shareholders may n o t gain if m a n a g e m e n t u s e t h e in-

s p e c t a t o r s ( b a n k s n o t active in t h e market) a n d that

creases in potential profits to increase their perks.
4

l n a d d i t i o n t o t h e s t u d y c i t e d b e l o w , R h o a d e s (1986)

acquirers t e n d to b e larger t h a n targets.

G e o g r a p h i c d i s p e r s i o n is m e a s u r e d by t h e s u m of s q u a r e s
of t h e percentage of an organization's d e p o s i t s from each

8

Their s a m p l e consisted of 1,046 banks, a n d they u s e d mul-

9

C h e n g , G u p , a n d Wall (1989) a n d Rogowski a n d S i m o n s o n

market it serves.

t i n o m i n a l logit.

5

See, for example, t h e survey by R h o a d e s (1982).

6

Berger a n d H a n n a n discuss t h e potential for a negative

(1989) also provide descriptive data on b a n k mergers, b u t

relationship t o exist b e t w e e n price a n d concentration

t h e i r d a t a sets are s m a l l e r a n d largely o v e r l a p t h a t

u n d e r t h e efficient-market-structure hypothesis b u t con-

analyzed in G u p et al. (1989).

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




17

l0

that t h e o u t p u t of two different clustering p r o c e d u r e s

G u p e t a l . (1989) find significant regional differences in t h e

11

pricing of b a n k mergers. Their study is not reviewed here

using different algorithms b u t a p p l i e d to t h e s a m e data

b e c a u s e they n o t e that collinearity p r o b l e m s may inter-

set will p r o d u c e different groupings. Many algorithms will

fere with t h e interpretation of t h e coefficients o n vari-

also p r o d u c e different final o u t p u t s d e p e n d i n g o n the

a b l e s e x a m i n e d in their study.

n u m b e r of iterations p e r f o r m e d o n t h e data a n d o n t h e

Cheng, G u p , a n d Wall also provide controls for n e t i n c o m e

values u s e d t o initialize t h e clustering algorithm. N o t e

growth, t o t a l a s s e t growth, e a r n i n g asset growth, a n d

that this variation is t h e case for the p r o c e d u r e u s e d in the

e q u i t y growth. They use principal c o m p o n e n t s regression

cluster analysis. However, these differences a p p e a r t o b e

t o control t h e collinearity p r o b l e m s that may arise from

m i n o r in m o s t e a s e s . S e e Hartigan (1975) for a m o r e comp l e t e discussion.

using all of t h e s e variables in the s a m e regression.
l4

l2

C h e n g , G u p , a n d Wall find a significantly negative coefficient o n t h e ratio of target-to-acquirer total assets.

e n c e s in t h e g r o u p m e a n s p r o d u c e d by clustering algo-

l3

T h e exact clustering algorithm u s e d in this article is t h e

rithms. A l t m a n et al. (1981) d e s c r i b e tests that are similar

I n a d d i t i o n , there are n o robust statistical tests of differ-

Fastclus p r o c e d u r e available in t h e SAS software package

in spirit t o classical t-tests of m e a n differences. However,

developed

this p r o c e d u r e requires that there b e equality of t h e

by t h e SAS Institute.

Fastclus is a

non-

variances for each pair of m e a n s tested.

hierarchical clustering algorithm. The p r o c e d u r e allows
t h e analyst t o d e f i n e a m a x i m u m n u m b e r of clusters t o

1

^ h e r e is generally no universally agreed-upon p r o c e d u r e

which t h e b a n k s a r e t o b e assigned, a n d the a s s i g n m e n t of

for d e c i d i n g o n the m a x i m u m n u m b e r of clusters into

b a n k s t o clusters is d o n e i n d e p e n d e n t l y of t h e results

which t h e s a m p l e observations s h o u l d b e d i v i d e d . O u r

of any previous a s s i g n m e n t s resulting from a different

c h o i c e of five clusters was m a d e o n t h e b a s i s of minimiz-

specification of t h e m a x i m u m n u m b e r of clusters. The

ing t h e n u m b e r of clusters c o m p o s e d of outliers, that is,

p r o c e d u r e p r o d u c e s clusters that a r e d i s c r e t e in t h e

clusters with only o n e or two m e m b e r s . O u t l i e r p r o b l e m s

s e n s e that each b a n k is assigned to o n e a n d only o n e

were e n c o u n t e r e d w h e n t h e limit o n t h e m a x i m u m number of clusters e x c e e d e d five.

group. T h e d a t a in this article were e x a m i n e d using a
m a x i m u m cluster size of five g r o u p s to avoid p r o b l e m s
associated with having t o o m a n y g r o u p s with only o n e or

l6

I n t h e calculations of percentage differences in cluster
m e a n s which follow, cluster I was e x c l u d e d from t h e Central subregion, cluster 5 from t h e S o u t h e a s t subregion,

two m e m b e r s .

a n d cluster 3 from the West region, w h e n a p p r o p r i a t e , d u e
The o u t p u t of cluster analysis is very sensitive to t h e

t o t h e lack of a sufficient n u m b e r of cluster m e m b e r s .

exact n u m e r i c a l a l g o r i t h m u s e d by t h e p r o c e d u r e for
assigning observations t o groups. Thus, it is n o t surprising

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FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




II

Money and the Economy:
Puzzles from the 1980s' Experience

During much of the 1980s the nation's real output grew less than many expected-given
the size of the money
supply and the historical pattern of velocity, or average amount of G N P created per dollar of money s u p p l y posing obvious problems for monetary policy. The author shows how explanations
for this change have so far
fallen short, but he concludes that, over time, new guides to monetary policy may emerge.

The decade of the 1980s has seen a remarkable change in the statistical relationship of
money to the overall economy. Specifically,
shifts in certain components of the money supply used to be considered useful indicators of
future movements in economic variables such
as prices and real output.1 On the basis of the
1980s' experience, however, many economists
have called into question the utility of the
various monetary aggregates in predicting the
future course of the economy.
The breakdown of the traditional statistical
relationship between money and the economy—
often called "the velocity puzzle "—has also
caused economists to reconsider the roles of
the various money-supply measures as indicators of and targets for monetary policy. Since a
stable statistical connection between money
and the economy is often seen as a prerequisite
for a meaningful targeting process, this issue
clearly is important to policymakers.
By surveying the literature dealing with the
1980s' velocity puzzle, this article attempts to
outline the present state of economists' thinking on this issue. The first section offers a brief
illustration of how the relationship between

The author

is a senior

of the Atlanta

20



economist

Fed's Research

in the macropolicy
Department.

section

money and the economy has changed. The
second section provides a critical assessment of
various explanations for these changes. The
third section considers possible policy implications of the altered money/income relationship,
especially its implications for the monetary targeting process.

The Velocity Puzzle of the 1980s
The velocity of money is defined as the ratio
of nominal or current-dollar gross national product (GNP) to money. Roughly speaking, velocity
can be thought of as the average amount of GNP
created per dollar of the money supply. Alternatively, the inverse of velocity can be viewed as
the average amount of money required to create
one dollar of GNP. Chart 1 shows the postwar
history of velocity for the M1, M2, and monetary
base measures of the money supply, which are
defined in the box on page 32. From the most
basic viewpoint, the velocity puzzle of the 1980s
can be characterized as too little GNP, given the
level of the money supply and the historical patterns of velocity shown in Chart I. Of the three
velocities depicted in the chart, M1 presents the
most puzzling case. Before the 1980s, Ml was
widely seen as the most useful of the aggregates
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

for predicting movements in GNP. The velocity
of MI rose at a fairly steady annual rate of about
3 percent from 1950 to 1980. In contrast, during
the 1980s the velocity of Ml has fallen about
I percent a year on average. The situation with
the monetary base has been similar, though not
as dramatic. After rising at an annual rate of
3 percent throughout most of the postwar
period, base velocity leveled off during the 1980s.
Finally, Chart 1 reveals that M2 velocity has also
fallen during the 1980s. After fluctuating in a
trendless pattern since the 1940s, the 1980s'
drop in M2 velocity was quite large by postwar standards.
The fluctuations in velocity shown in Chart 1
contributed significantly to the overall uncertainty of economic forecasts during the 1980s. To
understand this effect, consider a simple method for predicting GNP based on the quantity
equation,
MV = P Q ,
which states that the quantity of money (M)
times its velocity of circulation (V) equals nominal GNP, or inflation-adjusted output (Q) times
the price level (P). If V is roughly constant or
changes at a steady pace over time, a rise in M
will be accompanied by a proportionate increase
in nominal GNP.2 During most of the postwar
period Ml velocity especially followed a preFEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




dictable upward trend. Correspondingly, movements in M1 in the pre-1980 period were highly
useful in predicting GNP growth or decline. A
simple rule would have been to forecast nominal GNP growth over a given year as the projected rate of MI expansion plus an upward adjustment of about 3 percent to allow for velocity
growth. For the 1980s, however, Chart 2 shows
that the proportionate increase in the aggregates has been substantially greater than the
increase in GNP over the same period. As a
result, even if an analyst had been able to
forecast accurately growth in the monetary aggregates during the 1980s, such predictions may
well have led to overestimates of nominal GNP
growth.
A more sophisticated and reasonably objective way to measure the decline in the predictive powers of the monetary aggregates is
through innovation accounting, a statistical
technique first proposed and used in a widely
cited study by Christopher A. Sims (1980). Although the details are somewhat technical, the
idea behind the methodology is easy to understand. Consider a group of macroeconomic variables, such as real GNP, the price level, money,
and interest rates. To the extent that these
variables deviate from their long-term trends,
innovation accounting seeks to demonstrate
how much of this variation can be explained by
II

Chart 1.
Postwar Velocity in Measures of the Money Supply
(1948-88)

1951

1957

1963

1969

1975

1981

1987

1951

1957

1963

1969

1975

1981

1987

.6-1

3.0 —

1

1

1

1

1

1

1957

1963

1969

1975

1981

1987

by the indicated

aggregate.

—i

1951
Each

velocity

22



represents

nominal

GNP divided

Vertical

scales

are ratio

scales.

ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Chart 5.
Proportional Increases in the Monetary Aggregates and GNP
(1980-88)

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1982

1983

1984

1986

1987

Monetary Base
GNP

1980
Each

graph

aggregate.

represents
To facilitate

1981
the cumulative
comparison,

increase

each series

in (the logarithm
was scaled

1985

of) nominal

so that its 1980Q1

GNP

as compared

value is equal

to the

1988
indicated

to one.

Source for Charts 1 and 2: See Roberds and Whiteman (forthcoming, 1989).

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




23

Table 1.
An Innovation Accounting Table for Macroeconomic Variables, 1948-1979Q3
(percent decomposition
Variable
Explained

of variance at 16 quarters)
By an Innovation in

i

m

P

i

60.0
(36.5, 83.5)*

34.8
(12.6, 57.1)

2.7
(0.0, 9.6)

2.5
(0.0, 7.5)

m

2.5
(0.5, 7.4)

87.1
(71.0, 103.3)

6.5
(0.0, 18.5)

3.9
(0.0, 13.0)

P

5.0
(0.0, 12.9)

78.8
(63.9, 93.6)

15.6
(2.5, 28.6)

0.7
(0.0, 2.0)

y

12.8
(0.0, 30.2)

44.1
(16.6, 71.5)

9.6
(0.0, 23.5)

33.5
(13.9, 53.2)

i = 3-month T-bill rate
m = money supply M1
* 80 percent

confidence

p = GNP deflator
y = real GNP
interval

shown

in

parentheses.

Source: See Roberds and Whiteman (forthcoming, 1989).

purely random fluctuations—also known as
innovations—in each of the variables.
An example of an innovation accounting table
is Table I, which applies this technique to data
on interest rates, Ml, prices, and real output
from 1948 to the third quarter of 1979. Each row
in Table I gives a percentage breakdown, for a
single variable, of the sources of fluctuations in
that variable. Since the breakdown is by percent, each row sums to 100 percent. The breakdown is over a horizon of 16 quarters, or 4 years,
which allows ample time for the impact of various changes to work their way through the
economy. Each column of Table l gives the relative importance of innovations in a particular
variable for explaining fluctuations in each of
the variables considered. Since each element of
thecolumn deals with a different variable, these
elements need not sum to 100 percent. Reflecting the uncertainty inherent in estimating the
effects reported in Table l, each entry in the
table is accompanied by a confidence interval. A
given entry, although uncertain, will fall in the
specified interval with 80 percent probability.
The second column in Table I gives an estimate, based on pre-1980 data, of the importance of the M l measure of money in explaining
movements in interest rates, prices, and output.
Judging from the table, before the 1980s, Ml
24




seemed to have a good deal of explanatory
power for the other macroeconomic variables.
More than three-quarters of the fluctuations in
the price level (78.8 percent) are attributed to
MI, as well as significant proportions of the fluctuations in interest rates and real GNP (34.8 percent and 44.1 percent, respectively). These high
percentages are all the more remarkable in that
Table I accounts for the effects of innovations in
money, net of within-quarter effects resulting
from random fluctuations in interest rates. Since
movements in money and interest rates are
often highly correlated over short time intervals,
any attribution of causality requires an essentially arbitrary judgment as to which direction
the short-run causality should go. Since Sims's
original study was designed to investigate nonmonetary causes of the business cycle, his
methodology resolves this ambiguity by giving
precedence to innovations in interest rates over
innovations in money as a source of fluctuations
in the variables considered. In other words,
Table 1 was constructed under the assumption
that interest rates can affect the quantity of
money within a single quarter but that the converse relationship does not hold.3
Table 2 presents an updated version of Table
I, using data through the end of 1988. The most
striking feature of the updated table is the
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Table 2.
An Innovation Accounting Table for Macroeconomic Variables, 1948-1988Q4
(percent decomposition
Variable
Explained

of variance at 16 quarters)

By a Random Shock in
i

m

p

y

i

67.0
(47.2, 86.7)*

10.3
(0.2, 20.4)

19.2
(0.0, 38.6)

3.5
(0.0, 11.6)

m

21.1
(0.7, 41.5)

69.4
(46.8, 92.0)

0.4
(0.0, 1.5)

9.1
(0.0, 23.4)

P

3.4
(0.0, 11.2)

14.4
(0.0, 31.6)

81.6
(62.5, 100.7)

0.5
(0.0, 3.5)

y

25.7
(4.6, 46.8)

13.4
(2.7, 24.1)

7.2
(0.0, 16.8)

53.7
(34.3, 73.2)

i = 3-month T-bill rate
m = money supply M1
* 80 percent

confidence

p = GNP deflator
y = real GNP
interval

shown

in

parentheses.

Source: See Table 1.

greatly reduced explanatory power for Ml, as
evidenced by differences between the second
column of Table 2 and the corresponding column in Table I. Not only are the point estimates
in the second column reduced in Table 2, but all
the confidence intervals for the second column
include or are very close to zero, except for the
case of MI itself. Thus, when the entire postwar
data record is considered, the average measured effect of Ml on other variables is apparently close to zero after accounting for changes
in interest rates.
The precipitous fall in the statistical power of
Ml as an explanatory factor for changes in the
economy has been documented extensively in
the macroeconomics literature and through a
variety of approaches. 4 Similar, though less
dramatic, results have also been obtained for
other monetary aggregates, including M2 and
the base.
The almost universal conclusion seems to be
that, at least in the short term, the predictive
usefulness of the monetary aggregates has
been drastically diminished during the 1980s.
Studies of the velocity puzzle often disagree,
however, as to the causes and consequences of
this curtailment. The next section of this article
considers various explanations for this phenomenon.
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




Explanations of the Velocity Puzzle
An Institutional Explanation. A commonly
cited explanation of the velocity puzzle has
been to attribute it to the changing composition
of the MI and M2 aggregates during the 1980s.5
Throughout this decade, the rapid pace of
deregulation and technological change in the
financial sector has resulted in drastic alterations to the definitions of M1 and M2. Before the
1980s, Ml essentially consisted of checking accounts and cash, while M2 consisted of M1 plus
savings accounts and small time deposits. With
deregulation, Ml was revised to include other
checkable deposits (or OCDs, essentially interestbearing checking accounts), while M2 began to
include money market deposit accounts (MMDAs)
as well as certain types of money market mutual
funds (MMMFs).6 The rapid growth in the OCD,
MMDA, and MMMF components during the
1980s can be seen in Chart 3.
The key distinction between the old monetary aggregates and the revised ones is that the
new components of the aggregates represent,
to a greater or lesser extent, interest-bearing
accounts that can be drawn on for transactions
purposes. Such accounts were not widely available before the 1980s. Either money could be
25

Chart 1.
Components of M2

billions
of

(1959-89)

dollars

The graph
the

shows

the rapid growth

of relatively

liquid

interest-bearing

components

(MMDAs,

MMMFs,

OCDs)

during

1980s.

Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

used for transactions or it paid interest, but both
features were not available simultaneously in
the same account. In this sense, deregulation
and the redefinition of the aggregates has led to
a blurring of the distinction between M l and M2.
Because components of Ml now bear interest,
Ml has become more like the old M2; at the
same time, M2 has become relatively more
liquid and hence more like the old MI. In view of
these developments, expecting the aggregates
to behave in a manner consistent with the historical record compiled before the advent of
deregulation seems unreasonable. The likelihood of a consistent statistical record is also
lessened by the 1979 and 1982 shifts in Federal
Open Market Committee (FOMC) operating procedure, as well as by changes in the emphasis
26




the FOMC has placed on the monetary aggregates.7
The argument that financial deregulation is
the cause of the weakened link between money
and the economy is a logical one, but at least two
criticisms suggest that this explanation is at
best incomplete: First, the argument is unsatisfactory in an empirical sense, because researchers have been unable to produce a
"transactions-based" aggregate with the desirable statistical properties of pre-1980 Ml (as
discussed later in this article). Second, the
explanation falls short theoretically because one
major cause of the 1980s' financial deregulation
was the changed financial environment.8 The
late 1970s and the 1980s were characterized by
high nominal and real interest rates, as well as
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

the significant changes in Fed operating procedure referred to earlier. Insofar as the regulatory changes that led to the revised composition of Ml and M2 were a response to the
changed financial environment of this period,
citing deregulation as a cause of the velocity
puzzle amounts to little more than a restatement of the problem.
A Theoretical Explanation. A view of the
velocity puzzle that is almost antithetical to the
"deregulation" view is embodied in a recent
article by Robert E. Lucas, Jr. (1988). Approaching the velocity issue from the standpoint of
economic theory, Lucas argues that the only
empirical implication of standard monetary
theories for velocity is that it should increase
over the long run as nominal interest rates rise.9
Higher velocity occurs because people seek to
economize on money balances as interest rates—
usually seen as the opportunity cost of moneymove higher. Lucas defends his viewpoint empirically by appeal ing to a graph similar to Chart
4. This chart graphs Ml velocity and interest
rates, using quarterly data over the period
1948-88.10 The data in the chart support Lucas's
contention in that they clearly illustrate the
general tendency of velocity to rise as interest
rates rise. From the standpoint of theory, then,
the velocity puzzle is not a puzzle at all. Movements in velocity over the long term reflect
individuals' incentives to economize on money
balances.
On the other hand, Chart 4 also illustrates
some of the limitations of this line of argument
in explaining velocity movements. One problem
is, as Lucas points out, that short-term changes
in velocity are not explained by economic theory.
Over the short run, the dispersion of the data
points in Chart 4 suggests that velocity may or
may not rise with an upturn in interest rates.
Further, various statistical studies have established that such deviations from the long-term
trend can be quite persistent.11 The end result
is that economic theory does not currently yield
satisfactory short- or intermediate-run forecasts.
A second problem that Chart 4 reveals is the
extremely small response of velocity to interestrate changes at high nominal interest rates, as
seen by comparing the pre-1980 data in the
chart with data points from the 1980s. Pre-1980
data suggest a high degree of responsiveness of
velocity to interest-rate changes (often referred
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




to as "interest elasticity of money demand"). In
the 1980s, however, M1 velocity has shifted relatively little while short-term interest rates have
moved over a wide range. The fact that the interest elasticity of money apparently changes as
interest rates increase makes even long-run
predictions of velocity more difficult than if this
elasticity were constant across different interest
rates. A standard explanation for this change in
sensitivity is that some components of M1 actually paid interest during the 1980s, so that the
opportunity cost of MI was, on average, less than
the short-term interest rate over this period.
However, quantifying this explanation requires
an approach that breaks Ml down into its various components. This approach is subject to its
own limitations, which are described in detail
below.
Statistical Explanations. Numerous studies
have attempted to explain the velocity puzzle
by consideration of various statistical models of
the interaction between money and the economy. The general purpose of such research has
been to uncover statistical relationships that
are (1) consistent with both the pre- and post1980 data record and (2) as useful in predicting
the course of the economy as the pre-1980 relationship of interest rates and velocity.
One of the most thought-provoking of these
analyses is that of Lawrence). Christiano (1986).
He argues that the statistical relationship of
money to the economy has not changed in the
1980s, provided that one looks only at relationships between growth rates of the various time
series under consideration.12 While Christiano's
argument is a technical one, the essence of his
thesis can be seen in Chart 5, which plots quarterly changes in interest rates versus quarterly
growth rates in velocity, from 1948 through 1988.
In other words, Chart 5 d isplays the same data as
Chart 4, except that each data point has been
modified to represent a change from the previous quarter's value. Seen in this context, the
1980s' data do not appear inconsistent with
earlier findings. Most of the pre-1980 data fall
within the upper right-hand quadrant of the
chart, indicating a positive correlation between
increases in velocity and interest rates. At the
same time, most of the 1980s' data are contained in the lower left-hand corner of the chart,
showing that a fall in interest rates is generally
associated with a fall in velocity. Again, the corII

Chart 4.
M1 Velocity and Interest Rates

M1 Velocity

(1948-88)

(Log Scale)
2.1
2 . 0 -

+

•I-

, +

lit-

+

+

+ ++

+ +

•

1.9rf^+

1.8-

+

1.7 —
1.6o

1.5 —

•

1.4_i

1.3 —
1.2 —

O

o

Ö

o

%

1.1 —

1.0 —
tp
0.9-

• 1948Q1-79Q4
+ 1980Q1-Ì

0.8-

p w

0.7-

fmit

6

0

|IM
8

I i ! I
12

10

16

14

3-Month T-Bill R a t e (percent per a n n u m )

O v e r the long run, velocity
been greatly

reduced

rises with nominal

during

the

interest

rates. However,

the sensitivity

of velocity

to interest

rate changes

has

1980s.

Source: See Chart 2.

relation is positive. Viewed from this perspective, the difference between the 1980s and earlier
periods is not that the statistical pattern or correlation has changed, but only that the sign of
the typical direction of interest rate and velocity
movements has switched from positive to negative.
As was the case with the previous chart, Chart
5 also illustrates some of the shortcomings of
the argument the graphic is intended to support. The dispersion of the data points in Chart 5
is even greater than for the relationship portrayed in Chart 4. The wider distribution suggests that the statistical link between changes
in velocity and changes in interest rates is
weaker than that of the relationship between
28




levels of these same time series. Thus, one factor contributing to the consistency of the preand post-1980 data in the case of growth rates is
the less decisive pattern of the pre-1980 data.
Another factor lessening the importance of
Chart 5 is that it essentially discards much of the
information contained in Chart 4. Specifically,
Chart 4 suggests that rises in short-term interest
rates will be matched over the long run by increases in Ml velocity, at least up to nominal
interest rates of about 8 percent. At higher
short-term rates, Chart 4 leads one to conclude
that in the long run velocity will change relatively
little across a wide range of rates. Making similar
predictions from the information presented in
Chart 5 would be considerably more difficult, if
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

C h a n g e in

Chart 5.
Changes in Velocity and Interest Rates
(1948-88)

M1 Velocity
0.06

v

D

D

K*-

tt

•

1948Q1-79Q4

+

1980Q1-88Q4

C h a n g e in 3 - M o n t h T - B i l l R a t e s
As in Chart

4, there is a positive

correlation

between

changes

in velocity

and changes

in interest

rates.

Source: See Chart 2.

not impossible. In a strict mathematical sense,
comparing various time series only in terms of
growth rates (or period-by-period changes) inevitably weakens and can completely rule out
the possibility of any predictable long-term patterns among the series considered.13 To the
extent that such patterns exist, and many economists bel ieve that they do, it would seem important not to rule out their existence a priori. This
consideration has led many researchers to discount the relevance of studies that consider
only growth rates.
A Closer Look at the Monetary Aggregates.
Much of the recent statistical research dealing
with the relationship between money and the
economy has deemphasized the role of M1 as a
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




useful predictive indicator. The consensus appears to be that the changed financial environment of the 1980s has altered the nature of M1
more fundamentally than that of the other aggregates.14 Of particular concern is the increased short-run sensitivity of M1 to changes in
interest rates. This phenomenon is evident in a
comparison of the first numbers in the second
rows of Tables 1 and 2. These figures represent
the relative contribution of interest-rate innovations to unpredictable changes in Ml, using
data before 1980 only and all postwar data for
Tables 1 and 2, respectively. In Table 1, the contribution of interest-rate fluctuations is estimated to be an almost negligible 2.5 percent,
yet in Table 2 this figure is 21.1 percent. Reflect29

ing the increased uncertainty about this estimate, the confidence interval for the contribution of interest rates widens from about 7 percentage points in Table 1 to about 40 percentage points in Table 2. Over the long run, it is
reasonable to surmise that the response of Ml
to interest-rate changes will follow the general
velocity pattern depicted in Chart 4. But Table 2
indicates that in the short run there will be much
uncertainty over the response of M1 to interestrate changes, even when the "short run" is defined as four years.
Given the severe problems with Ml, much
effort has been devoted to ranking the comparative usefulness and stability of other measures of the money stock. Unfortunately, while
most of the studies in this area agree on the
demise of M1, they often disagree widely as to
which aggregate now represents the "best"
indicator of the future path of the economy.
One aggregate that has received increased
attention during the 1980s is the monetary
base.15 The relative stability of the relationship
between the monetary base and the macroeconomy is supported in studies by Christiano (1986), Courtenay C. Stone and Daniel L.
Thornton (1988), and the author and Charles H.
Whiteman (1989). Additional results in Roberds
and Whiteman, however, suggest that for the
postwar period up to 1980, movements in the
base were less useful in forecasting short- to
medium-term fluctuations in real GNP and
prices than were movements in Ml or M2. After
1980 the forecasting performance of the base
appears roughly comparable with that of the
other two aggregates.16
On balance, the statistical evidence on the
usefulness of the base in predicting the economy seems close to neutral. As a predictive indicator, the base appears to be neither more
nor less useful than other aggregates. Factors
working in favor of the base are that (1) the base
itself appears to be easier to predict than either
Ml or M2, and (2) the overall relationship of the
base to real GNP, prices, and interest rates
seems to have been more stable than that of M1
or M2. At the same time, the extremely narrow
composition of the base renders its potential
use as a policy target somewhat controversial.
Possible advantages and disadvantages of the
base as a policy target are discussed in the
next section.
30



A somewhat less controversial choice of successor for pre-1980 M1 is the "new" M2 measure
of the money supply. In view of the fact that the
technological and regulatory innovations of the
1980s have increased the liquidity of M2, it
seems intuitive that M2 has come to approximate the idea of money as a transactions medium
more closely than does M1 or the base. In addition to this conceptual advantage, M2 apparently possesses the statistical benefit of having a
relatively more stable long-term relationship
with nominal GNP than the other aggregates.
For example, Chart 1 suggests that postwar
shifts in M2 velocity have been fairly short-lived,
relative to shifts in the velocities of M1 and the
base.17 That is, the long-term average growth
rates of nominal GNP and M2 have turned out to
be roughly equal over the postwar period. However, simulated short-run forecasting exercises
repotted in various studies suggest that the performance of M2 as a short-run predictor of real
GNP and prices is somewhat erratic.18
One factor that limits the potential utility of
M2 in predicting short-run changes in the economy is its heterogeneity. The interest rates paid
on the various components of M2 span the range
from zero (in the case of currency) to market or
near-market interest rates (with MMDAs and
MMMFs), and the opportunity cost of holding
these different components of M2 varies inversely with the rate of interest paid. Further
complicating the picture is the fact that interest
rates paid on some of the components of M2
adjust at much slower rates than do market
rates.19 As a result, relatively small changes in
market rates can result in relatively large changes
in the composition of M2.
George Moore, Richard Porter, and David
Small (1988) have attempted to circumvent this
problem by constructing a disaggregated econometric model of the various M2 components. A
major difficulty, though, in judging the performance of such models is that the data record for
many of the newer M2 components is extremely
short, while the number of effects that must be
estimated is quite large. In addition to determining the sensitivity of each component to its
own opportunity cost, such models also require
an estimate of each component's sensitivity to
changes in each of the other components' opportunity costs. The unfortunate fact that only
about five years' worth of reliable data is availECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

able on M2 in its present form makes rigorous
statistical testing of disaggregated models almost impossible. Any decisive evaluation of
such models will require more data than are
now available.
Besides the base and M2, various other studies
have looked at other measures of money incl uding M3 as well as a number of experimental
measures of the money stock.20 None of these
other aggregates have been found to outperform the conventional aggregates significantly
in terms of the ability to predict changes in the
macroeconomy. Similarly, Benjamin M. Friedman (1988a) concludes that aggregate measures
of credit or indebtedness perform no better
than the monetary aggregates in this regard.
Other attempted statistical "fixups" of the
money-income relationship include the substitution of a long-term interest rate for shortterm rates as an explanatory factor for velocity
changes.21 Several researchers have tried using
a proxy for wealth such as consumption or
permanent income in place of income as an
explanatory factor for money.22 The statistical
impact of these adjustments can be summarized as marginal.
The bottom line on the rather extensive
literature devoted to statistical explanations of
the velocity puzzle is that researchers have
been unable to provide a wholly satisfactory
explanation for the 1980s' relationship between
money and the economy; nor have they discovered a widely accepted substitute for the
pre-1980 Ml-GNP relationship.

Policy Implications
The general deterioration of the statistical
link between money and income poses practical difficulties for monetary policy in general,
especially for the process of targeting moneysupply growth as a basis for monetary policy.
Reflecting the increased uncertainty concerning
the money-income relationship for Ml, the
FOMC has not set target ranges for this aggregate since 1986. Current policy instead places
emphasis on the broader M2 and M3 aggregates, but short-term instability in the velocity
of these aggregates resulted in a widening of
their target ranges two years ago. In spite of the
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




continued statistical uncertainty regarding the
effects of monetary fluctuations, there has been
little sentiment among economists for complete abandonment of monetary targeting. The
consensus within the economics profession,
both inside and outside the Federal Reserve
System, continues to value the targeting process either as a "nominal anchor" for monetary
policy or as a means of communicating Federal
Reserve goals to the public.23 There remains,
however, considerable disagreement as to which
aggregate should be targeted and the emphasis
that should be placed on monetary targeting in
the broader context of monetary policy.
Recent proposals for changing the current
role of monetary targeting have been essentially
"monetarist" in nature and have emphasized
the role of the monetary base. These recommendations range from Milton Friedman's suggestion that the base be frozen at its current
level to calls for "automatic pilots for monetary
policy"—such as those put forth by Allan H.
Meltzer (1987) and Bennett T. McCallum (1987,
1988)—that would adjust the base in a prespecified manner according to fluctuations in
variables such as prices and nominal income.24
A common feature of all these proposals, in
addition to their emphasis on the base, is that
they generally recommend stricter adherence
to short-term monetary growth targets. However, proposals to target the base have generally met with strong criticism from other
economists.25
The feature of the monetary base that distinguishes it from other monetary aggregates
and makes its targeting so controversial is its
extremely narrow definition.26 As can be seen
from the box on page 32, the monetary base
consists of two components: currency in the
hands of the nonbank public and reserves held
by depository institutions. Monetarists see the
narrowness of the base as an advantage. From
their standpoint, this feature offers several
potential advantages for monetary targeting
purposes. First, the narrow definition of the
base makes the design of monetary "rules" less
subject to revision based on regulatory and
technological changes in the banking system.27
A second potential advantage of the base is its
predictability. Because of its large currency
component (about 75 percent), growth in the
base has historically been smooth relative to M1
II

Components and Definitions of Major Monetary Aggregates
The Federal Reserve Board has a number of different ways to gauge the nation's stock of money;
these measures are known as monetary aggregates. The compositions of the aggregates studied
in this article are as follows:

Monetary
base

Bank reserves + currency

Ml

Currency + travelers checks
issued by institutions
other than banks
+ demand deposits
+ other checkable
deposits

M2

Ml + money market deposit
accounts
+ money market mutual fund
balances
+ savings and smalldenomination bank
deposits
+ overnight repurchase
agreements and overnight
Eurodollars

and M2.28 A possible third benefit of base targeting, again resulting from its narrow definition, is its controllability. At least in theory, the
Federal Reserve can exercise almost complete
control over the currency and reserves components of the base through its open market
operations. This controllability is seen as an
advantage since reduction of uncertainty concerning policy actions is generally viewed as
beneficial.
The narrowness of the monetary base also
presents a number of potential problems from
the standpoint of monetary targeting. Because
of its narrow definition, movements of the base
would be expected to be less informative in a
statistical sense about the overall pace of economic activity than the broader monetary aggregates. For example, because of the base's
disproportionate emphasis on currency, economic activities that involved the use of cash
32



Currency represents cash outside the Treasury,
Federal Reserve Banks and branches, and the
vaults of depository institutions.
Demand deposits are those funds on deposit at
all commercial banks other than amounts owed to
depository institutions, the federal government,
and foreign banks and official institutions minus
cash items in the process of collection and Federal
Reserve float.
Other checkable deposits include negotiable
orders of withdrawal (NOW) and automatic transfer service (ATS) accounts at depository institutions, demand deposits at thrift institutions, and
credit union share draft accounts.
Money market mutual fund (MMMF) balances
take into consideration both taxable and taxexempt general-purpose and broker-dealer
MMMFs.
Aside from time deposits in amounts less than
$ 100,000, savings and small-denomination time
deposits include retail repurchase agreements.
Excluded from the M2 measure are balances that
are clearly being held for long-term purposessuch as amounts in individual retirement accounts
and Keogh accounts—as well as liquid assets such
as Treasury bills and commercial paper, the values
of which are subject to market risk. M2 also excludes institution-only MMMF shares.

payments would receive disproportionate
weight.29
As discussed above, the view that the base is
less informative about the economy is corroborated by statistical evidence from most of
the postwar period, though less so for the 1980s.
Apart from the statistical evidence, the large
cash component of the base is in itself a cause
for worry. Recent surveys of consumer transactions patterns suggest that much of the currency
supply may be employed in support of economic activity outside the United States, casting
some doubt on the currency component of the
base as a useful indicator of domestic economic activity.30
Another major problem with base targeting
would arise if achieving a given base target
became a major focus of short-term monetary
policy. This problem results from the fact that
historically the Federal Reserve has to some
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

extent accommodated short-run shocks to the
demands for both the currency and reserve
components of the base, rather than attempting to control these quantities with the degree
of precision that some advocates of base targeting often recommend. One effect of the Fed's
actions has been to dampen short-term fluctuations in interest rates.31 With strict short-run
targeting of the base, the accommodation of
shocks would at times be sharply constrained,
and experience suggests that short-run fluctuations in interest rates could then increase
dramatically. Such variability in interest rates
could result in significant social costs.
To summarize, a number of reasonable arguments can be made both for and against base
targeting. Most of the proposals for base targeting would entail significant shifts in monetary policy. Accurate evaluation of the effects
of such changes is at best problematic, as
emphasized by Lucas (1976) and many others.
In the context of current policy, the ambiguity
in the postwar statistical record makes building
a strong case either for or against base targeting difficult. In terms of velocity Chart 1
shows that base velocity has not displayed
the same sort of stable long-term behavior as
has M2 velocity. Although the more stable
behavior of the base over the short term is an
appealing property for a monetary target, many
economists feel that evidence of such stability is not great enough to outweigh the disadvantages of the monetary base as a target
variable.

Conclusion
Despite the reams of economic research that
have been devoted to explaining the 1980s'
velocity puzzle, economists' understanding of
this phenomenon remains incomplete. What's
more, no viable alternative has emerged to
replace pre-1980 Ml as a predictive guide for
monetary policy. Nonetheless, the tenor of this
research is not entirely negative. The experience of the 1980s has provided useful data on
the stability of the various aggregates' relationship to the economy in the face of significant
changes in regulatory and monetary policy. Of
particular interest is the continued evidence of
long-term stability in M2 velocity and, to a lesser
extent, in the velocity of the monetary base.
Given the 1980s' experience, further changes
in the statistical link between money and the
economy should be expected. The rapid pace of
technological change presages an increase in
the fungibility of most financial assets over the
long term, as well as the creation of new types of
financial instruments as different or improved
technology becomes available. The 1980s also
provide data on very large flows in and out of the
various components of "new" M2 and M3, attesting to the continued strong incentives for such
financial innovation. The behavior of all the
monetary aggregates in today's changing financial environment should provide fresh evidence
that will be helpful in sorting through the
empirical puzzles of the 1980s.

Notes
'See, for e x a m p l e , S i m s (1980).

is m o r e typical of the literature b u t n o less arbitrary than

2

t h e a p p r o a c h taken above.

Another way of looking at this e q u a t i o n is t o say that a rise
in t h e real m o n e y supply, M/P,

will b e a c c o m p a n i e d by a

4

S e e a l m o s t any article d a t e d after 1981 in t h e reference list

proportional increase in real o u t p u t , O.
O
An alternative a s s u m p t i o n w o u l d b e that, t h o u g h o u t p u t ,

at t h e e n d of t h i s article, particularly t h e " o v e r v i e w "

prices, a n d interest rates can influence m o n e y within-

^See, for example, Cox a n d R o s e n b l o o m (1989), Judd a n d

quarter, the reverse relationship is not true. Thisapproach

articles by Poole (1988) a n d Friedman (1988a).
Trehan (1987), Roth (1985), a n d S t o n e a n d

Thornton

(1987).

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




II

6

has d e c r e a s e d since d e r e g u l a t i o n ; Small a n d Porter (1989)

O n t h e redefinition of t h e aggregates, s e e S i m p s o n (1980).
These definitions have b e e n further revised as new types

similarly report "large quarterly forecast errors" in fore-

of accounts have b e c o m e available through deregulation.

casting M2.

Roth (1985) discusses t h e s e revisions in s o m e detail.
7

O n changes in FOMC o p e r a t i n g p r o c e d u r e d u r i n g t h e last

l9

S e e Small a n d Porter (1989).

20

J u d d a n d Trehan (1987), for e x a m p l e , look at M3; for

d e c a d e , s e e Heller (1988).

s t u d i e s of experimental m e a s u r e s of t h e m o n e y stock,

8

S e e , for example, K a n e (1981).

see, for instance, Lindsey a n d S p i n d t (1986).

9

S t a n d a r d monetary theories for velocity i n c l u d e "cash in

21

In o t h e r words, substituting a long rate for the short rate in
graphs such as Chart 4. S e e Poole (1988) for a discus-

a d v a n c e " m o d e l s or, alternatively, " m o n e y in t h e utility

sion.

function" m o d e l s . S e e McCallum a n d G o o d f r i e n d (1988)
for an alternative derivation of s o m e of Lucas's results.
l(>

22

S e e Mankiw a n d S u m m e r s (1986) or S t o n e a n d Thorn-

23

S e e F r i e d m a n (1988a) or K o h n (1989) for explorations of

t o n (1987).

The c o r r e s p o n d i n g graph in Lucas's article u s e s a n n u a l
data over the p e r i o d 1900-1985, in which t h e real i n c o m e

c o m p o n e n t of velocity has b e e n s m o o t h e d .

t h e targeting process as an anchor for monetary policy.

" S e e Lucas (1988) or Small a n d Porter (1989).

" N o m i n a l a n c h o r " m e a n s that monetary growth targets

12
1

m u s t receive s o m e c o n s i d e r a t i o n in t h e monetary policy

Haraf (1986) reaches a similar conclusion.

% n g l e a n d Granger (1987) formally d e m o n s t r a t e this effect

process. S t a n d a r d a r g u m e n t s a s t o why o p e n m a r k e t

in certain special cases. Specifically, they show that the

o p e r a t i o n s s h o u l d not b e u n d e r t a k e n without reference

statistical patterns b e t w e e n certain t y p e s of t i m e series

to such a " n o m i n a l a n c h o r " are given in Sargent (1987): 96-

generally c a n n o t b e represented only in t e r m s of changes

99, a n d McCallum (1986). S e e Canzoneri (1985), Rogoff
(1985), or Federal Reserve Bank of M i n n e a p o l i s (1985) for

in t h o s e series.
l4

discussions of the targeting process as a communications

S e e , for example, Roth (1987) or |udd a n d Trehan (1987).

15

tool.

See, for example, S h a d o w O p e n Market C o m m i t t e e (1988),
McCallum (1987,1988), or Milton Friedman's discussion in

24

S e e Darby et al. (1987): 28, for a suggestion t o freeze t h e

25

S e e , for e x a m p l e , F r i e d m a n (1988b).

26

M u c h of t h e discussion b e l o w derives from McCallum

b a s e at its current level.

Darby e t a l . (1987).
l6

T h i s conclusion is s u p p o r t e d by qualitatively similar results in an u n p u b l i s h e d study from the Board of Governors

,7

of t h e Federal Reserve System (1988a).

(1988), F r i e d m a n ' s (1988b) c o m m e n t s o n M c C a l l u m ' s

This finding is s u p p o r t e d by W e n n i n g e r (1988), w h o re-

p a p e r , a n d an a p p e n d i x t o Board of Governors of t h e
Federal Reserve System (1988b).

views M l a n d M2 velocity over t h e p e r i o d 1915-87. At a
m o r e formal level, R o b e r d s a n d W h i t e m a n (1989) find
e v i d e n c e that long-run stability (that is, stationarity) in t h e

27

M c C a l l u m (1988): 176.

28

B o a r d of G o v e r n o r s of t h e Federal R e s e r v e S y s t e m

29

A dollar of currency c o u n t s as a dollar in the monetary

(1988b): 531.

postwar d a t a for M2 velocity is greater t h a n for M1 or b a s e
velocity. These results are consistent with o n e of t h e m a i n
conclusions of F r i e d m a n a n d Schwartz (1982): that a n

base, b u t a d o l l a r in a b a n k account counts only frac-

a s s u m p t i o n of constant M2 velocity works well in explain-

tionally.

18

ing long-term m o v e m e n t s in m o n e y (or income) for the

30

United States a n d United K i n g d o m over t h e p e r i o d 1867-

31

S e e Avery e t a l . (1987).
O n recent Federal Reserve policy, s e e Board of Governors

1975.

of t h e Federal Reserve System (1988b): 532-33,and Heller

R o b e r d s a n d W h i t e m a n (1989) find that t h e information

(1988). Also s e e Miron (1986), Canova (1988), a n d Barro

c o n t e n t of M2, a s well as t h e predictability of M2 itself, has

(1989), all of w h o m associate the disappearance of interest-

actually fallen for t h e s e two variables since 1980. l u d d a n d

rate seasonals in t h e United States with the f o u n d i n g of

Trehan (1987) find that t h e short-term predictability of M2

t h e Federal Reserve.

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" M o n e y D e m a n d in t h e United States: A Q u a n titative Review." In Money,

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Economics

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II

Measuring State and Local
Fiscal Capacities
in the Southeast
Aruna Srinivasan

Public officials, from members of Congress to
city council members, are vitally concerned with
the ability of state and local governments to
raise revenues. Known as fiscal capacity, this
ability varies widely among tax jurisdictions.
The differences can be traced primarily to
variations in the income and wealth of individuals and businesses in the respective areas.
Since the federal government allocates grant
money on the basis of fiscal capacity, obtaining a
reliable measure is crucial to ensuring equitable treatment of states and localities. Federal
grant formulas use per capita income as a standard measure of the states' fiscal capacities.
However, per capita income is recognized as
being a seriously flawed measure of the ability
to collect funds.
Interstate differences in fiscal capacity have
been discussed throughout this century, but
they attracted increasing attention since World
War II with the growth of transfers from the

The author
Atlanta

is an economist

Fed's Research

36



in the financial
Department.

section

of

the

federal government to states and localities. In
the 1980s federal grant programs have been cut
back, but interest in fiscal capacity measures
remains. According to the Advisory Commission
on Intergovernmental Relations, "|W|hen research [in fiscal capacity measurement! first
began . . . in the 1960s, a major impetus was to
find better measures by which to distribute
growing amounts of federal aid to states and
localities. Today, with federal revenues making
up a declining percentage of total state-local
revenues, the intergovernmental concerns are
with better targeting of federal aid and the need
to provide states with information on how their
fiscal systems compare that will enable them to
make informed tax policy and economic development decisions."1 Interest in fiscal capacity
measures currently reflects both the federal
government's desire to distribute funds equitably and the states' concern about obtaining
their fair share under grants-in-aid and other
programs.
Fiscal capacity measures can also help (1) compare the mix of taxes and other revenue sources
used by state and local governments, (2) moniECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

tor fiscal trends in states over time, and (3) formulate regional policies to counter the effects
of the more episodic, regionally focused economic downturns of recent years.2
This article describes commonly used capacity indexes and evaluates them in terms of certain general criteria. The essential find ing is that
fiscal capacity measures currently used in federal formulas for distributing grants are flawed;
however, several significantly improved measures of fiscal capacity could readily be implemented. The indexes are then used to compare
revenue sources for the states located wholly or
partly in the Sixth Federal Reserve DistrictAlabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee.

Measures of Fiscal Capacity
Two concepts are basic to any model of fiscal
capacity measurement: individuals' and businesses' ability to pay taxes and a government's
ability to collect revenues. In general, the latter
is a function of the composition of taxable resources, the types of business activity within the
taxing jurisdiction, personal income, property in
the area, and the government's ability to shift
tax burdens between individuals and businesses
as well as between residents and nonresidents.
On the other hand, ability to pay taxes is largely
determined by income and wealth.
Overall, a government's revenue-raising ability depends primarily on the resources available
for taxation and the accompanying tax rates.
Table I lists the major "own" sources of revenues (that is, nontransfer revenues) for states
and localities, the percentage of actual collections from these sources in 1987, and the components of the revenue bases underlying the
sources. Taxes are, by far, the most important
source of own revenue for states and localities.
The primary focuses of state taxes are consumption and income, and for localities, property. At the state level, tax bases and taxation
rates vary widely. In the Southeast, for example,
Florida and Tennessee have no state income
tax. Thus, a comparison of revenue bases across
states is more complex than adding up billions
of dollars in property values, millions of dollars
in income, and so forth. Since fiscal capacity is
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




defined in terms of potential ability, in order to
establish a capacity norm the same set of tax
rates and the same definition of revenue bases
should be used in all states. This information
can be abstracted from state and local government data.
Fiscal capacity indexes that measure taxpaying ability are typically pegged to some measure of overall economic resources such as total
income, total product, or combinations of income and product. The components of income
used in these indexes do not, however, correspond exactly to the tax bases defined in Table I.
Depending on the composition of taxable resources and the ability to shift tax burdens to
nonresidents, some elements of income may be
entirely omitted from the bases in Table 1. On
the other hand, income measures also include
some bases that are not routinely taxed by state
and local governments. For ability-to-pay indexes, the per capita components are summed
for each state and then indexed as a percentage
of the national average. Fiscal capacity indexes
falling into this category include per capita personal income, gross state product, and total taxable resources.
While these income series measure individuals' ability to pay taxes and other levies, revenue indexes reflect the government's ability to
collect revenue by attempting to analyze the
composition of resources as well as their levels.
The major revenue indexes are the representative tax system, the representative revenue system, and export-adjusted income measures.
The components of the capacity measures in
the revenue indexes are commonly used tax
bases including some or all of the items listed in
Table I.

Criteria for Evaluating
Fiscal Capacity Measures
At least three major criteria are used to
evaluate income and revenue measures of fiscal
capacity. Comprehensiveness is an important
quality: all resources that contribute to a government's ability to raise revenues should be
considered. For instance, the measure should
account for all the major tax and nontax revenues that state and local governments can use,
II

Table 1.
Composition of State and Local Revenue Sources, 1987
State-Local
Collections in 1987
(Percent of Total)

Revenue Source

Components of Revenue Base
Retail sales and receipts of selected service industries

General Sales Taxes

19.6

Selective Sales Taxes

8.5

Consumption of fuel and alcoholic beverages; revenues of
public utilities; insurance premiums

License Taxes

2.8

Motor vehicle and corporation licenses; automobile and truck
registrations

16.1

Individual income (includes interest, dividends, intangibles, etc.)

Personal Income Taxes
Corporation Income Taxes

1.4

Severance Taxes

17.4

User Charges
Other

1

1ncludes

Corporate profits
Value of residential property, farm real estate, commercial real
estate, and public utilities
Value of oil and gas, coal, and nonfuel mineral production
Personal income

5.7
100.0

Total
1

4.3
24.2

Property Taxes

estate

and gift taxes,

rents and royalties,

and mineral

leasing.

Source: Adapted by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta from the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (1989).

and the measure should focus on all taxpayers,
not just individuals residing in the area under
study.
A second characteristic of a good fiscal capacity measure is the power to distinguish between
the level and composition of an area's fiscal
resources. The amount of a particular resource
in two states may be the same, but the two
states could have significantly divergent capacities if the resource is taxed differently. Resource
mobility is also important. Some tax bases such
as coal fields are immobile and hence more
easily taxable; other subjects of taxation, such
as computer operations and other back-office
functions of financial institutions, can be picked
up and moved with comparative ease.
A fiscal capacity measure should also be able
to distinguish between revenues raised from
residents and nonresidents. This distinction is
important because states can "export" taxes to
nonresidents in a number of ways, thereby reducing their own citizens' fiscal burden for any
given level of revenue raised. For example,
severance taxes, which impose a levy on income
or production of a natural resource, are ulti38



mately passed on to consumers in the purchase
price of the final good. At least some of these
consumers may be nonresidents. Hotel room
taxes represent another way to export taxes by
levying a tax directly on a product or service
purchased mostly by nonresidents.

Per Capita Personal Income
The advantages and disadvantages of the
major fiscal capacity indexes have been the
subjects of an ongoing debate about measuring
capacity. Nowhere is this controversy more obvious than with personal income. A state's most
obvious source of tax revenue is the income of
taxpaying residents. The U.S. Census Bureau's
personal income estimate measures money income and includes gross wages and salaries,
proprietors' income, pension benefits, and
government transfers, as well as interest and
dividends. For state fiscal capacity measurements, the transfer component of personal income is redundant to the extent that it includes
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

transfers from state and local governments. Income transfer among state residents does not
increase total income and thus should be counted only once in the capacity measure.
The principal weakness of personal income
as a capacity measure is its lack of comprehensiveness. Measuring fiscal capacity with personal income fails to accountfor taxes not levied
directly on personal income, such as corporate
income, property, and sales taxes. Some of
these taxes account for a larger proportion of
state and local taxes than does personal income. In addition, by focusing on resident
income, personal income as a capacity measure
ignores tax exportation and thereby understates
the fiscal capacity of tourist-rich states like Florida and energy-rich states such as Louisiana.

Gross State Product
The U.S. Commerce Department's Bureau of
Economic Analysis recently introduced a comprehensive series of gross state product estimates. Gross state product is the total value of
goods and services produced in a state over a
given period of time.3 One method of calculating gross state product is to measure the market
value of all final goods and services produced
and then subtract the value of imported (that is,
out-of-state) goods and services. However,
there are certain intractable problems associated with adjusting estimates at the state level
for the value of imported goods and services.
The currently used method to compute gross
state product is more practical; it sums income
derived from production of the year's output
and expresses the total in per capita terms. As
discussed below, except for two qualifications,
both methods should yield identical results.
The primary income components in gross state
product are employee compensation, proprietors' income, rental income, and interest income.
The two qualifications regarding the equality
of the market value of output and income are
related to depreciation and indirect business
taxes, both of which must be added to income in
estimating gross state product.4 Although gross
state product, when measured by income, accounts for a substantial portion of the taxable
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




resources available to states, this measure also
includes some items such as federally imposed
business taxes that are not subject to taxation
by states and should therefore be excluded.
Adjustment for these items is part of the process of transforming gross state product into
another fiscal measure, total taxable resources.5
Gross state product, whether measured as
total output or income "produced," generally
does not equal income received by a state's
residents or personal income. Some residents
receive earnings from jobs in neighboring states,
and some receive transfer payments from other
governments, including the federal government. Gross state product is incomplete because it neglects these two components of
resident income, which supplement ability to
pay taxes. The gross state product measure also
neglects wealth. The major attraction of gross
state product, however, is that it captures taxable income received by nonresidents, thus
resulting in a more comprehensive fiscal capacity measure than personal income.

Total Taxable Resources
Total taxable resources is an income measure
that tries to address the shortcomings of gross
state product measures (see Table 2). It is the
unduplicated sum of gross state product and
resident income expressed in per capita terms.
Thus, total taxable resources includes elements
of residents' income not produced in the state
as well as income produced in the state but received by nonresidents. Additionally, to calculate total taxable resources, some other adjustments are made: federal indirect business
taxes are deducted from gross state product,
and transfer payments from shared federalstate grants-in-aid programs are excluded from
personal income.
The three income indexes discussed above—
per capita income, gross state product, and total
taxable resources—have the common disadvantage of weighting components equally on a perdollar basis and not discriminating on the basis
of resource composition. Consider, for instance,
two states with the same average per capita
income but different proportions of wealthy and
below-average-income famil ies. If the state with
II

Table 2.
Components of Total Taxable Resources,
Personal Income, and Gross State Product
Total Taxable
Resources

Component

Per Capita
Personal
Income

Gross State
Product

Earnings of Residents
Labor Compensation and Proprietors' Income (in-state)
Earnings of Residents
Labor Compensation and Proprietors' Income (out-of-state)
Earnings of Nonresidents
Labor Compensation and Proprietors' Income (in-state)
Depreciation
Cash Transfers (from all governments)
Indirect Business Taxes

relatively more wealthy families could levy
higher-than-average taxes on that group, the
incomes of wealthier families should necessarily be given more weight per dollar in measuring fiscal capacity.

The Representative Tax System and
the Representative Revenue System
The representative tax system and the representative revenue system provide both absolute and relative measures of states' ability to
raise tax revenues. Each system assumes that
every state applies identical rates to each of the
commonly used tax bases. Both systems can be
used to compare states' tax effort, which is a
gauge of actual revenues relative to hypothetical tax capacity. The representative tax and revenue systems give individual measures of revenue
bases. By measuring fiscal capacity on a disaggregated basis, policymakers can see how states
are underutilizing or overworking particular revenue sources relative to the national average.
The thorny matters of comprehensiveness and
exportability also influence the design and use
of the representative tax and revenue systems,
but in a different way from personal income.
Tax Capacity. The representative tax system
defines tax capacity as the dollar amount of
40




revenue that each state would raise by applying
a nationally uniform set of tax rates, based on all
states' average behavior, to a common set of tax
bases. 6 The representative revenue system
expands this definition to include nontax revenue sources such as user charges, as well as
rents and royalties. Estimates of all bases commonly subject to state and local levies are used
in the representative tax and revenue systems'
calculations of tax capacity and are listed in
Table 1. The seven tax bases in this table are
broken down into 26 subcategories to obtain the
representative tax system total. Rents and royalties, mineral leasing, and user charges are added
to the representative tax system total to derive
the representative revenue system figure.
Tax Effort A state's tax effort index is calculated by dividing the state's actual tax collections by its estimated tax capacity and multiplying by 100. The result may be interpreted as a
measure of how much that state chooses to
exploit its potential tax bases relative to other
states. A state with a tax effort beneath the
national norm will have an effort index under
100. Differences in tax effort may result from
such factors as differing needs, varying preferences for government spending, or differences in the degree to which the base is taxed.
As with tax capacity, tax effort can also be
measured for each tax or nontax revenue base.
Because the representative tax system and repECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Table 3.
Indexes of 1986 State Fiscal Capacity and Effort
(U.S. average = 100)
Per Capita
Personal Income
State
Alabama

Index

Rank

Gross State
Product*
Index

Rank

Total Taxable
Resources*

Representative Representative
Tax System Revenue System

Index

Rank

Index

Rank

Index

Rank

Tax Effort
Index
Index

Rank

77

43

78

46

78

46

74

49

75

48

86

41

Florida

100

20

88

39

94

27

105

15

102

15

77

49

Georgia

92

29

97

21

94

26

94

27

92

32

89

38

Louisiana

76

47

95

24

86

38

90

35

94

29

91

34

Mississippi

66

51

70

51

68

51

65

51

65

51

97

24

Tennessee

82

39

88

38

84

41

84

42

82

42

84

44

*Gross

state product

and total taxable

resources

are measured

on a per capita

basis.

Source: Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (1989).

resentative revenue system measures use standardized rates applied to standardized bases,
the resulting tax effort measures allow state-bystate comparisons that statutory tax rates do
not. Sales tax effort in each state, for example, is
measured relative to retail sales, excluding food
and drugs, whether or not a state actually exempts these items from the tax. A simple comparison of statutory sales tax rates can also give
misleading estimates of revenue-generating capacity because variation in the composition of
the various states' sales tax bases is not considered.
The representative tax and revenue systems
also offer a more accurate measure of fiscal
capacity than income-based measures because
they capture states' opportunities to export taxes.7 In the representative tax and revenue system measures, the tourist trade, for example, is
included in a state's total retail sales figure,
which is used to calculate the base for general
sales taxation. In contrast, as mentioned earlier,
per capita personal income ignores tax exportation and thereby understates the fiscal capacity
of states where exported taxes are significant.
The representative tax and revenue systems
are generally considered reasonable starting
points for capturing the taxability of a state's
resources, as these indexes account for the
resources' composition as well as their dollar
levels. However, some aspects of the implementation of the representative tax system and
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




the representative revenue system, such as
measurement of the bases and rates, are controversial (David A. Wildasin |I987|). A common
criticism of the representative tax system is that
by using the national average rate of taxation,
substantial departures from actual fiscal conditions may occur for states where tax rates are
far removed from the norm. States with higherthan-average existing tax rates are likely to have
somewhat more capacity than is indicated by
the average rate applied to their actual bases,
and states with low rates are likely to have
somewhat less capacity.8 For instance, in a state
with no income tax, such as Florida, the adoption of such a levy would induce some residents
to consider moving and some nonresidents to
reevaluate relocation into the state. Thus, the
total income of the state could actually decrease. As a result, the actual capacity would be
lower than that estimated for the representative
tax system.

Applying Fiscal Capacity
Measures to the Southeast
Although southeastern states on average
have the lowest fiscal capacity in the country,
they also exhibit below-average fiscal effort.
Table 3 presents estimates of five fiscal capacity
indexes for 1986, a measure of tax effort for the
41

Export-Adjusted Income
Export-adjusted income is an important theoretical approach to measuring fiscal capacity
developed by Stephen M. Barro (1984). Exportadjusted income is based explicitly on the concept of the state-local budget constraint, which
embodies the trade-off between disposable income and taxes used to finance public services-,
more of one means less of the other. Under this
approach, states' ability to shift tax burdens to
nonresidents determines their ability to transform resident income into government spending.
Because opportunities for exporting taxes vary
across states, a dollar reduction in residents' disposable income based on a change in state-local
tax policy does not translate one-for-one into an
extra dollar of government spending. This in-

states in the Southeast, and their national rankings in each of these categories.9 (The exportadjusted income measure discussed in the box
above is omitted because it was last estimated
in 1981.) From the table, one can see that the
southeastern states generally have low fiscal
capacity relative to the nation. For each tax
capacity measure studied, Mississippi ranks last
in the country, and Alabama ranks near the bottom. These states' economies are dominated by
traditional manufacturing and agriculture, sectors that in 1986 were still recovering from the
economic downturn of the early 1980s.
Georgia and Tennessee, while generally above
the lowest-ranking states, also have fiscal capacities below the national average. In the
Southeast, only Florida displays any aboveaverage capacity indexes, and those are just
slightly above the mean. Florida's large tourist
sector and the consequent exporting of sales
taxes to nonresidents are reflected in a representative tax system index that exceeds the
per capita income index. Louisiana's energy
sector and the severance tax burden placed as a
result on nonresidents account for the 14-point
difference between that state's per capita income index (76) and its representative tax system index (90).
Although tax capacity is below the national
average in all southeastern states except Florida,
tax effort indexes are also lower than the nation's, implying that these states still have room
42




equity may occur because governments mix tax
and nontax instruments (state college tuition, for
instance) in such a way as to shift a significant proportion of the burden to nonresidents. This practice has limits, however, because given sufficient
incentive nonresidents will spend their money
elsewhere.
Although export-adjusted income represents
an important theoretical advance in measuring
capacity, estimating this measure raises numerous theoretical issues and data requirements that
are difficult to resolve. The most recent data available are for 1981, and these are still vulnerable to
the objection that the approach is devoted solely
to exportability and ignores the composition of
resident income.

to raise revenue, by amounts ranging from 3 percent in Mississippi to 23 percent in Florida,
without surpassing the national average. The
absence of a state income tax in Florida is a
major factor underlying its below-average fiscal effort.
While shifts in fiscal capacity can result from
economic conditions, fiscal effort changes may
be induced by adjustments to tax policies as
well as by economic factors. Thus, even if the
dollar value of their revenue collections have
remained in step with the national average,
some states may have either rising fiscal efforts
simply because revenue capacities have declined or declining fiscal efforts as capacities
have risen. The link between changes in fiscal
capacity and fiscal effort is demonstrated in
Table 4, which presents swings in the fiscal
capacity and effort indexes between 1982 and
1986 for the six southeastern states. The per
capita income and representative tax system
measures show the same general patterns in
changes in fiscal capacity, but the representative tax system figures generally reflect larger
index point movements. This situation results
because the tax bases included in the representative tax system, such as severance taxes and
other business taxes, respond more sharply to
economic fluctuations than does personal income. However, both measures display the differential in fiscal capacity that has developed in
the 1980s. While diversified, service-based
ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

Table 4.
Changes in Fiscal Capacity and Tax Effort, 1982-86
Per Capita
Personal Income

Representative
Tax System

Tax
Effort

Alabama

0

0

-1

Florida

1

1

5

Georgia

6

10

-7

State

Louisiana

-13

-23

10

Mississippi

-4

-6

5

Tennessee

2

7

-2

Source: Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (1987b).

economies like Georgia's have benefited, Louisiana's, which relies on the energy sector, has
been hurt.
The majority of the change in fiscal effort in
Georgia and Tennessee from 1982 to 1986 is due
to the change in the states' tax bases and revenues resulting from economic growth. For example, in the case of Georgia, the state's base has
gone up by more than the national average,
resulting in increased fiscal capacity from 1982
through 1986. The change in revenues, though,
was less than the change in the base, leading to
a decline in Georgia's fiscal effort. Some of the
change in southeastern fiscal effort indexes is a
result of modifications in state taxes over the
period. Many of these changes occurred in 1983,
when states found themselves short on revenues. More recently, in fiscal years 1988 and
1989, Florida and Georgia increased their general sales tax rates. This move obviously affects
fiscal effort because general sales taxes represent the largest single source of revenue for
most state-local systems in the Southeast. The
recent trend of increasing sales tax rates for
selected items such as motor fuels is another
example of changes that can affect fiscal effort
(Tax Foundation 119881).
Aside from comparing fiscal effort and capacity among states, other major applications of fiscal capacity indexes are evaluating the mix of
revenue for states, assessing the degree to
which a state uses a particular revenue source,
and determining which source might be drawn
on more heavily if tax effort is to be increased.
Charts 1 through 6 compare 1986 capacity and
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




revenue utilization for four selected revenue
bases—general sales, property, personal income,
and severance taxes in the six southeastern
states. Estimated fiscal capacity per capita,
actual revenue collections per capita, and the
U.S. average fiscal capacity per capita are shown
for each of these revenue bases. Capacity per
capita is the revenue that could be collected
from the base when the representative tax rate
is applied, divided by the population. If the first
bar (capacity) is longer than the second bar
(revenue), the state is raising less revenue from
that source than a state with the average tax rate
would collect given the same base. If the revenue bar stretches further than the capacity bar,
the state is taxing that base more heavily than
average.
By this measure, southeastern states generally raise more revenue from general sales taxes
and less from income and property taxes than
the average state. This disparity is most apparent in Florida and Tennessee, where personal income taxes are virtually nonexistent.
Although southeastern states rank in the bottom half of the country in property tax capacity,
their efforts are also below average.

Conclusion
Several alternative measures of fiscal capacity have been proposed recently, providing approaches other than per capita personal income
for gauging fiscal capacity. The representative
II

Chart 2.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Florida, 1986

Chart 1.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Alabama, 1986

General Sales

General Sales

•L
Personal Income

Personal Income

Property

Property

Severance

Severance

~ r ~

100

200

T
300

~ ~ r
400

~ ~ r
500

h

I

~~I

100

200

300

I
400

Dollars Per Capita

Dollars Per Capita

Chart 3.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Georgia, 1986

Chart 4.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Louisiana, 1986

General Sales

General Sales

Personal Income

Personal Income

I
500

=•
Property

Property

Severance

Severance

1
0

100

I

200

r~
300

Dollars Per Capita

44




T
400

500

I

100

r~

200

300

r~
400

~ r
500

Dollars Per Capita

ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

tax system, representative revenue system, and
total taxable resources measures have been
shown to be more useful than per capita income. The total taxable resources measure is
preferable to other income measures because
of its comprehensiveness, and preferable to the
representative tax system measure because the
concept of total taxable resources deals with
the tax exportation problem. However, serious
implementation problems are associated with
the recently developed indexes, and much work
remains to be done if they are to be used more
in public policy-making decisions.

Chart 5.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Mississippi, 1986
General Sales

Personal Income

Property

Severance

r

1

1

1

1

0

100

200

300

400

r

500

Dollars Per Capita

Chart 6.
Capacity and Revenue for
Selected Revenue Bases,
Tennessee, 1986
General Sales

Personal Income

Property

Capacity
Severance

U.S. Average Capacity

1
0

Revenue

100

1
200

1
300

1
400

r
500

Source: Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations
(1989).

Dollars Per Capita

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




II

Notes
'Advisory C o m m i s s i o n o n I n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l

Relations

6

Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental

2

S e e Advisory C o m m i s s i o n o n I n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l Rela-

3

C o n v e r s e l y , t h e representative tax system a n d representa-

tions (1987b).

tive r e v e n u e system also account for s o m e types of tax

S e e Donovan (1989) for m o r e discussion o n gross state

importation, or t h e p a y m e n t of taxes by t h e residents of
o n e state t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t of a n o t h e r state.

product.
i n d i r e c t b u s i n e s s taxes i n c l u d e sales, excise, property, a n d

8

national total b a s e for that tax.

governments. Business i n c o m e is, of course, an i m p o r t a n t
source of tax revenue t o state a n d local governments. Gross

T h e representative tax system's average tax rate is comp u t e d by d i v i d i n g total c o l l e c t i o n s n a t i o n w i d e by t h e

s e v e r a n c e taxes; t h e s e taxes are d e facto i n c o m e t o

5

Relations

(1987b).

(1989): I.

9

W h i l e t h e capacity e s t i m a t e s are generally consistent over

state p r o d u c t m e a s u r e s b u s i n e s s i n c o m e in its entirety.

t i m e , t h e y i n e v i t a b l y h a v e s o m e error a s s o c i a t e d with

T h e process of transforming gross state p r o d u c t into total

t h e m . For this reason, small c h a n g e s in capacity, such as

taxable resources is e l a b o r a t e d o n in U.S. D e p a r t m e n t of

m o v e m e n t s of a few index points, s h o u l d n o t b e regarded

the Treasury (1985).

as significant.

References
Advisory C o m m i s s i o n o n Intergovernmental Relations. Significant

Features

of Fiscal Federalism.

Washington, D.C.:

State Fiscal Capacity.
Fiscal

Capacity

U.S. D e p a r t m e n t of C o m m e r c e . Bureau of E c o n o m i c Analy-

Effort.

U.S. D e p a r t m e n t of t h e Treasury. Federal-State-Local

sis. Survey
and

Finance.

1987 Edition.

Washington, D.C.: ACIR, 1987b.
. 1986 State

on Government

1988-89 Edition. Baltimore: )ohns H o p k i n s University
Press, 1988.

ACIR, a n n u a l editions, 1984, 1985-86, 1987a, 1988.
. Measuring

Tax Foundation. Facts and Figures

Wash-

tions.

ington, D.C.: ACIR, 1989.

of Current

Business,

May 1988.
Rela-

Report t o t h e President a n d Congress. Washington

Barro, S t e p h e n M. " S t a t e Fiscal Capacity: An Assessment of

D C.: U.S. G o v e r n m e n t Printing Office, S e p t e m b e r 1985.

M e a s u r e m e n t M e t h o d s . " Report p r e p a r e d for t h e U.S.

Wildasin, David A. "Federal-State-Local Relations: A Review

D e p a r t m e n t of H o u s i n g a n d Urban D e v e l o p m e n t , April

of t h e Treasury R e p o r t . " Public

1984.

(October 1987): 472-99.

Finance

Quarterly

15

Donovan, )erry. " D a t a Corner: Gross State Product." Federal
Reserve B a n k of Atlanta Regional

Update

2 (Spring

1989): 2.

46



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Book Review
Breaking Up the Bank: Rethinking an Industry under Seige
by Lowell L. Bryan.
Homewood, 111.: Dow Jones-Irwin, 1988.
209 pages. $42.50.

Breaking the Bank: The Decline of BankAmerica
by Gary Hector.
Boston: Little, Brown, 1988.
363 pages. $18.95.

It is tempting to argue that Gary Hector's
Breaking the Bank and the first third of Lowell
Bryan's Breaking Up the Bank tell the same
story. In a detached and analytical manner befitting a senior partner at McKinsey and Company,
Bryan analyzes the wrenching changes that
beset American banks, particularly large ones,
in the late 1970s and the 1980s-, he also describes how the hangover from earlier decades
of protected stability dimmed banks'vision and
muddled their action. In Breaking the Bank,
Gary Hector, a business journalist on leave from
Fortune while writing this book, unintentionally
wraps Bryan's analysis in the flesh and blood of
Bank of America (B of A), describing the course
the bank's management pursued through the
perils encountered by most banks, large and
small, during the seventies and eighties. Arguably, B of A's unusual circumstances magnified
the impact of many of that era 's d islocations; the
bank's size alone made front-page news of its
problems.
From the 1930s through most of the 1970s,
Bryan writes, commercial banks and thrifts in
the United States operated in an insulated
48



environment: a government insurance subsidy
and markets that were often protected made it
difficult for financial institutions not to make a
profit, so expanding existing lines of business
and undertaking new ventures were always correct strategies.
In an analysis reminiscent of many other recent accounts, Bryan explains that the 1970s
brought the beginnings of economic volatility
(especially in interest rates), advances in the
efficiency of data communication and processing,
innovations in financing techniques, and changes
in the rules under which insured depository institutions operate. These developments greatly
modified the nature of the markets in which
banks sell their wares. With this evolution came
pressure for substantial changes in the ways
banks must do business in order to earn a reasonable profit and provide relatively safe and
liquid deposit accounts to their customers.
Using his bank management expertise, Bryan
concentrates on three aspects of the banking
system that, in his view, broke up over the past
two decades: (1) growth-oriented, multiproduct
institutions, which had been allowed by proECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

tected markets to cross-subsidize some of their
operations (without knowing the extent of subsidy to individual products); (2) banks' market
share in important services such as business
lending and consumer accounts, which has recently suffered major losses; and (3) a legal and
regulatory system that provided an insurance
subsidy for banks yet limited their ability to
adjust to changing technology and competitive
pressures.
The author argues that competition has forced
banks to pay market rates on deposits, causing
institutions to shift expenses away from fixed
assets (branches) that had been set out to garner deposits when banks could not compete on
the basis of interest payments. The largest institutions have also lost their least risky customers, who now borrow in the commercial paper
market. Even the smallest banks face increased
competition on both sides of their balance
sheets. Bryan asserts that, in replacing lost business and meeting new competition, banks have
taken on more risk without fully recognizing that
they were doing so. Loans to less developed
countries (LDCs) demonstrate this tendency,
but Bryan contends that LDC debt is not the
only risky means by which banks have tried to
restore lost revenues.
Bryan concludes his analysis of banks' problems over the past two decades by describing a
system that has produced bloated organizations with insufficient knowledge of their own
operations to control their expenses or risk.
These inefficient institutions are, according to
the author, substantially aided by a government
subsidy in the form of deposit insurance and
significantly hindered by government regulations concerning activities and geographic dispersion.
In Breaking the Bank, Hector chronicles the
hard times of Bank of America during an era
identified by Bryan as a crucial period for U.S.
banking. Hector's story of Bank of America
generally ignores the economic developments
that shaped events at the bank and, in doing so,
limits the reader's perspective on the institution's problems. However, between the lines,
the reader can discern an institution that carried
Bryan's model to its "logical" extreme in a large,
growing state economy where statewide branching had long been allowed. In Hector's view,
B of A s large branching system, its dependence
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




on consumer deposits, and its willingness to
skimp on controls in its drive for expansion, as
well as its cumbersome and sometimes ineffective bureaucracy, were particularly exaggerated.
Breaking the Bank begins with a long and fascinating paean to AP. Giannini, Bank of America's founder. Energetic, creative, dedicated to
his own business philosophy, and a prominent
front-runner who remained close to his customers throughout a long, stormy career, Giannini is a fine subject for Hector's colorful style.
Looking through Bryan-colored glasses, however, one may view Giannini as an entrepreneur
whose innovation was to recognize and follow
closely the incentives that the markets and the
regulatory and insurance system presented.
Giannini's successors—including Tom Clausen
and Sam Armacost—inevitably faced the kind of
changes that Bryan describes and were, at first,
not particularly successful in their responses.
Hector upbraids these men unmercifully for
running into problems that Giannini did not
encounter, as well as for responding inadequately to them.
The author, however, seems to have put on
bl inders when he sat down to write Breaking the
Bank. A look at annual reports of other large
California banks reveals numerous similarities
to B of A. Many of the problems of rising operating expenses connected with large branching
systems, loan quality—especially foreign loans—
and inadequate controls haunted those institutions, too.
Whether B of A s managers were less competent than the people who ran other large banks,
as Hector implies and as the successful adjustment by some (but not all) large California competitors suggests, or whether B of A simply faced
magnified problems is not considered by Hector; nor is the answer easily discernible. That
Wells Fargo and Security Pacific, in particular,
adjusted more successfully is grounds enough
for Hector to disparage Bank of America. One is
curious how the journalist might have written
the Crocker story or might now write the First
Interstate story.
Ironically, B of A has had considerable success since about the time Hector's book was
published. That success, though, has not been
based primarily on the plan for reorganizing
banks and banking set forth by Bryan's more
general and prescriptive work. In the second
II

and third parts of Breaking Up the Bank, Bryan
proposes solutions for many of the problems
faced by larger institutions in particular; these
proposals link both private and public actions.
Bryan introduces his plan of action for banks
with a discussion of structured securitized credit His presentation of concepts, which reasonably categorizes and classifies credit functions
and offers clear explanations of interrelationships, makes worthwhile reading.
Extending his argument that markets have
shaved interest margins to the extent that buyto-hold strategies will no longer be profitable
for banks, Bryan proposes that credit process
functions be divided into separate units. Some
banks would choose to specialize in particular
functions, such as funding or underwriting.
Other banks, Bryan explains later in the book,
would continue to perform the range of credit
functions, depending on functional separation
of duties within the organization for increased
efficiency. In any case, funding, underwriting,
credit enhancement, servicing, and various
types of risk taking would be separately managed functions, adding their value and earning
their way individually or in a rather loosely knit
holding company.
Bryan's proposal is based on a somewhat
unorthodox idea drawn from his long experience observing banks from within: banks have
been induced to go into a wide variety of businesses, which has led to more complex management problems than many banks can handle. In
a sense these institutions suffer from diseconomies of scope resulting from the old
regulatory and deposit insurance system. These
diseconomies are perpetuated by continued
regulation and the ingrained complexity of
managing change.
When applied, however, Bryan's advice seems
to turn his analysis on its head. While smaller,
less complex banks are urged to simplify, larger
banks are advised to reorganize and stay together. The author encourages small banks to
find a functionally limited role in the credit process and specialize. Indeed, he suggests, many
small banks may find it most advantageous to
join larger banks and operate as specialized
deposit-gathering or lending branches. Large
banks may find their niches also, but Bryan
believes that many of the larger firms may be
strong enough to perform all functions. For such
50



banks the author suggests holding company
organizations with functionally separate subsidiaries operating with considerable independence. Clearly, according to Bryan's advice, for
many of the country's regional and moneycenter banks "breaking up the bank" is to be
followed by putting it back together again. If
smaller banks follow the suggestion that they
sell out, the reorganized large banks would be
even larger and more complex.
The reader may be perplexed by Bryan's
advice for large banks. The author's proposals
do not seem to require that structured securitized credit be adopted. Organizing on a functionally separate basis has been possible for
some time, but most banks have not done so.
Bryan's suggested division of functions does not
seem to eliminate complexities in the interre-

.. Bryan proposes that credit process functions be divided into separate units. Some banks would choose
to specialize in particular
functions,
such as funding or underwriting."

lationships banks must manage. Rather, separating functions into more or less independent
units threatens to reduce both efficiencies
gained from shared costs and synergies developed from shared knowledge of company
operations and goals. Moreover, separation may
well reduce internal support for important but
seemingly nonproductive general overhead such
as interest-rate and credit risk controls, research and development, and marketing.
Further, Bryan's suggestions for private action
are probably much too narrow. Accepting, for
the sake of argument, his diagnosis that banking
is plagued by bloated and unknowing bureaucracies, it is still not clear that securitization and
parallel functional division are the only ways, or
even important ways, to deal with banks' problems. Bryan's proposal simply divides in a different manner the functions most banks curECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

rently perform. Whether this division is always
the most efficient one is not yet clear. Bank of
America, for instance, has achieved more than a
modicum of success by segregating and eliminating functions in other ways. Management
there has shaped the bank into an institution
that more and more resembles a megasuperregional rather than a money-center bank.
Securitization has played a part, but not an
overwhelming one, in the transformation.
For now, all one can acknowledge is that Bryan
has suggested an approach that the market has
accepted for certain institutions in some situations. One can neither doubt his method's
usefulness nor accept it, as Bryan appears to do,
as a cure-all for private institutions' difficulties.
Alternatives, like B of As strategies for regaining
efficiency, may work better in some cases.

"Whether this division is always the
most efficient one is not yet clear.
Bank of America, for instance, has
achieved more than a modicum of success by segregating and eliminating
functions in other ways."

The public policies Bryan proposes for the
banking system would give banks the flexibility
to adapt to the changing order, particularly
through securitization. Bryan's suggestions range
from technical amendments to bankruptcy laws
and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)
rules to changes in bank powers, capital requirements, and accounting rules.
Bryan acknowledges the necessity for much of
the nation's rather complex bank regulatory network: depositors and the financial system both
must be protected from risk. He argues, though,
that depositor and systemic risk protection
need extend only to demand deposits and
other consumer and small business deposits in
order to provide sufficient safeguards.
To achieve these safeguards, Bryan advances
a version of the narrow bank, a concept most
often associated with Robert Litan's 1987 book,
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA




What Should Banks Do? Issuing only a limited
variety of deposits and holding only low-risk
assets, institutions of this type would protect
the nation's transactions deposits and payments system. Other financial institutions, functionally (and presumably less intensively) supervised and regulated, would make and securitize loans funded as needed by uninsured
deposits or any other instrument the market
would accept. This arrangement could rid the
system of many of the inhibiting and costly
regulations that now burden it, and each institution could seek its niche(s).
The arguments of narrow bank proponents
have not been enthusiastically embraced by
bankers or politicians. In its favor, the narrow
bank draws an unambiguous line between bank
activities that are insured and those that are not.
If the public believes that the line is fixed, the
public will follow incentives to monitor the condition of institutions offering uninsured assets
and thus help to limit risk. Sincecredit risk in the
narrow bank is limited by the assets it can hold,
such an institution addresses Bryan's concern
for the safety of demand and other small deposits. The narrow bank concept also allows the
regulation of the rest of the system to be reduced, thus permitting more flexibility to institutions in general.
The author's plan, however, would let holding
companies that own narrow banks own other
financial institutions also. The plan relies on
"firewalls" to separate the risks of safe, narrow
banks from those of riskier institutions. The
efficacy of these firewalls is doubtful, though.
Bank regulators already look to the holding
company, and by implication its subsidiaries, as
a source of financial strength to individual bank
entities, particularly if such strength will save
public funds. For this reason and others, the
public may perceive risk even in a narrow bank
when its parent or siblings have trouble. Further, even in a system with narrow banks, large
institutions may require rescue in order to protect credit and payment flows.
As do many other narrow bank proposals,
Bryan's leaves several questions unanswered:
Are there enough safe assets to back the narrow
banks' safe liabilities? How would interest-rate
risk be addressed? Would narrow banks need a
subsidy to operate profitably? Can such a subsidy be justified on the basis of the public
II

benefits of safe transactions deposits? Would
important economies of scope be lost in the
separation of transactions deposits and safe
investment functions from other typical banking
functions? Is protection of money alone sufficient? Could interruption of credit flows (eliminated from the narrow bank by definition) be
the key danger brought to the economy by systemic failure?
Bryan's suggestion for private action by banks
might also have negative public impacts. His
proposed reorganization would result in fewer,
larger banks, he believes. Diversification gains
have their limits, however, and significant public
fear exists that large financial institutions may
fold. Bryan himself contends that even today the
failure of a large nondepository financial institution, such as a large investment bank, would require government intervention. Under his system,
with larger institutions such intercession maybe
even more likely. Pressure to extend government insurance coverage beyond the narrow
bank, whether de facto or de jure, would likely
occur under Bryan's system.
All in all, both Bryan and Hector write worthwhile but incomplete books. Bryan contributes
eyes- and hands-on experience in bank man-

52



agement and a useful explanation of securitization to the public discussion of banking problems and their solutions. Hector's narrow focus
and his admiration for Mr. Giannini lead him to
flagellate latter-day Bank of America managers
for being in the wrong place at the wrong time,
but Breaking the Bank offers a colorful tale and a
between-the-lines case study of Bryan's abstractions. Both books should aid our understanding of the complexities involved in solving
a set of problems that has developed over
several decades. Each book, in its own way,
underlines the difficulties of reforming private
institutions and public policy on the fly and
warns against simple solutions.
B. Frank King and Sheila L. Tschinkel

The reviewers
ate director

are, respectively,

of research

tor of research

vice president

and senior

at the Atlanta

vice president

and
and

associdirec-

Fed.

ECONOMIC REVIEW, SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1989

FUNCTIONAL COST ANALYSIS

1988 Functional Cost Analysis Reports
Now Available
E a c h year the Federal Reserve System collects and analyzes data on the
costs of various bank activities and services from a sample of institutions across
the nation. A compilation of the 1988 results, which includes average expense
data as well as income and productivity measures for the industry and for
specific deposit-size categories, is now available to the public. For more information on the 1988 Functional Cost Analysis report, call Peggy Simons at (404)
521-8823.
To order a report, please send a letter and a $50 check, payable to the Federal
Reserve Bank of Atlanta, to:
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Research Department
104 Marietta St., NW
Atlanta, Georgia 30303-2713
ATTN: Peggy Simons
1987 Functional Cost Analysis Reports are still available at a reduced cost of $10.




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