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The Toilers California's new farm-labor legisla tion has important implications for the nation's 1.2 million hired farm workers—and indeed, for the entire agribusiness industry. The law could set a new frame work for labor-management rela tions in the nation's fields, just as the National Labor Relations Act did in the factories a generation ago. The law reflects California's unique situation, of course, but it also reflects agriculture's increasing tendency to exhibit, in labor relations as in many other respects, the characteristics of a large-scale, mechanized manufacturing industry. The new legislation represents a compromise of several conflicting interests, principally two compet ing unions (Teamsters and United Farm Workers) and a divergent group of growers. All of these interests were probably ready for a compromise after a decade-long unionization struggle which ranged from California's Central Valley to East Coast supermarkets. Tensions inevitably will remain high, but the struggle will continue within generally accepted ground rules. The act calls for secret-ballot elections within seven days of the filing of a petition by 50 percent of a farm's workers, provided that those workers account for 50 percent of current-year peak em ployment. (The ballot will include a “ no union'' choice, and could also include a second union if 20 percent of the workers so desire.)1 1 Digitized for FRA SER The act permits harvest-time strikes by a certified union, but bans the use of strikes to gain bargaining representation. It per mits a certified union to conduct consumer boycotts of stores carry ing disputed merchandise, but it sets restrictions around other types of boycott activity. Background—farm revolution This landmark piece of legislation should be considered against the backdrop of the broad shifts that have taken place in the farm economy over the past genera tion. Throughout this period, rising productivity was the hallmark of the nation's agriculture, despite a relatively stable stock of measurable farm inputs. But related to this was a sharp change in the propor tions in which these physical resources were used. The stock of land remained relatively stable, while the amount of fertilizer applied to that land expanded tremendously. In particular, the amount of labor dropped sharply and steadily, while the amount of machinery utilized by the remain ing workers rose substantially. With its phenomenal productivity record, farm output per manhour almost quadrupled in the 1950-70 period, compared to a doubling of nonfarm productivity in that period. But since the effective demand for farm products lagged behind the rapidly growing supply of such products, the demand for farm labor dropped sharply. Total employment of family workers (continued on page 2) Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not necessarily reflect the views of the management of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, nor of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. and hired hands thus fell from 9.9 million in 1950 to 4.5 million in 1970 (and 4.3 million in 1974). Labor supply shifts In the 1970’s, however, productivi ty gains have begun to taper off, and at the same time, worldwide demand for U.S. farm products has grown because of rising popu lation and affluence as well as the relative price decline created by dollar devaluation. This suggests a stabilization of the demand for farm labor, as well as an end of the mass migration of farm workers to city jobs. (The average net outmi gration of 110,000 annually in the 1970-74 period equalled less than one-fifth of the annual outflow of the preceding decade.) And with the total farm population only 40 percent as large as in 1950, the population base in agriculture is no longer large enough to provide outmigrants on the same scale as before, even with significant me chanical innovations and reor ganization within the industry. Labor supply also has tended to stabilize with the termination in the mid-1960’s of the bracero program—a device permitting temporary immigration of Mexi can and other farm laborers for work primarily in the fields of California and the Southwest. This program provided farm operators with a constant source of low- Digitized for FRA SER paid foreign labor, but it was strongly opposed by the union movement as a depressant on farm wages. At the 1956 peak, about 460,000 foreign workers entered the country under this program, but that source of supply dried up completely after 1967—although there has been a continued (if largely unmeasured) inflow of illegal immigrants. Stable work force? The number of family workers has continued to decline recently, falling about 10 percent in the first half of this decade. In contrast, the number of hired workers has stabilized at between 1.1 million and 1.2 million. (Still, the total is only half what it was in 1950.) More over, the total amount of farm work finally stabilized at 5.9 billion manhours annually during the 1972-74 period, which sug gests that agriculture will now have to provide higher returns to labor in order to compete with the non farm sector for workers. This situation provides an increas ingly favorable environment for union organizing efforts, especial ly in view of the still-low level of farm wages. Annual earnings of hired farm workers averaged $3,557 in 1973—about 60 per cent below the all-industry average. (This reflects the farm sector’s seasonality and consequent high jobless rates—normally almost half again as high as nonfarm jobless rates.) Although low, and recently reduced by inflation, hiredworker earnings are more stable than farm proprietors' earnings; in real terms, net income per farm in early 1975 was 60 percent below the late 1973 peak. One element setting a floor under farm wages is minimum-wage legislation, ap plicable to the farm sector since 1968; the minimum, recently raised to $1.80 an hour, will in crease further to $2.30 in 1978. Mechanized agriculture The mechanization of produc tion in the agricultural revolution of the past quarter-century has meant sharp productivity gains and sharply reduced labor needs, but it has also brought about an in creasingly industrialized labor force. Mechanization has provided an opportunity for upgrading a large part of the work force to qualify for higher skilled jobs and more stable employment. Just as in the early days of nonfarm unions, skilled workers with experience on new machinery are in an en hanced bargaining position. The harvesting of grains, cotton, sugar beets, and most other field crops is almost completely me chanized, and the same process is well along in tobacco, fruit and vegetable production. (In these categories, mechanization has proceeded slowly for table fruits but rapidly for sweet corn, peas, carrots and other products.) The future progress of mechanization will depend on engineering Digitized for FRA SER innovations, on the relative prices of various products, and also on the amount of wage pressures developing from labor shortages, minimum-wage legislation and union-organizing efforts. Large-scale agriculture Another factor contributing to increased factory-style operations has been the growing consolidation of farms into larger units. This trend has been accelerated by increasing mechanization, since small farmers lack the capital to purchase expensive equipment and do not have enough acreage to use it efficiently. It has also been encouraged by changes in mar keting and distribution practices which give large farms an increasing advantage. Thus, over the past quarter-century, the total number of farms dropped by half while the average acreage per farm doubled. The number of farms will probably continue to decline for econom ic and technological reasons—and also for demographic reasons, because the average age of farm operators (especially small opera tors) is now over 50. The growth of large-scale farms and the verti cal integration of many farms into larger economic units, along with the advance of mechanization, offer the possibility of stable, better-paid employment for a small er and more skilled work force. William Burke uojSinqsE/vx • qejn • uoSojo • epeA9|\j • oqepi M BM BH • E ! U J 0 p |B 3 • B U O Z IJ V • *}I|B3 'o isp u sjjj UBS ZSL ON ±IWM3d OlVd 3D V lSO d s n 1IVW SSV1D JLSBIJ BANKING DATA—TWELFTH FEDERAL RESERVE DISTRICT (Dollar amounts in millions) Selected Assets and Liabilities Large Commercial Banks Amount Outstanding 5/28/75 Change from 5/21/75 + + + Loans (gross, adjusted) and investments* Loans (gross, adjusted)—total Security loans Commercial and industrial Real estate Consumer instalment U.S. Treasury securities O ther securities Deposits (less cash items)—total* Demand deposits (adjusted) U.S. Governm ent deposits Time deposits—total* States and political subdivisions Savings deposits O ther time depositst Large negotiable CD's 85,067 64,624 1,625 23,540 19,550 9,812 8,071 12,372 83,696 21,969 325 59,917 7,548 19,931 28,942 15,567 Weekly Averages of Daily Figures W eek ended 5/28/75 Member Bank Reserve Position Excess Reserves Borrowings Net free (+) / Net borrowed (-) Federal Funds—Seven Large Banks Interbank Federal fund transactions Net purchases (+) / Net sales (-) Transactions of U.S. security dealers Net loans (+) / Net borrowings (-) - - + + + - + - - 11 4 15 34 34 286 229 19 11 117 117 635 569 56 242 71 154 253 240 Change from year ago Dollar Percent W eek ended 5/21/75 + + 2.46 + 0.05 + 35.53 + 1.88 + 1.74 + 5.47 + 53.97 6.21 + 6.33 + 2.49 51.42 + 8.58 + 2.81 + 11.38 + 5.87 + 9.92 + 2,042 + 32 + 426 + 435 + 334 + 509 + 2,829 819 + 4,983 + 533 344 + 4,737 + 206 + 2,037 + 1,604 + 1,405 Comparable year-ago period 29 0 29 - 30 415 385 + 1,903 + 1,501 + 1,316 + 1,178 + + 562 287 ♦Includes items not shown separately. ^Individuals, partnerships and corporations. Information on this and other publications can be obtained by calling or writing the Public Information Section, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702, San Francisco 94120. Phone (415) 397-1137. Digitized for FR A SER ' http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis B > jS B |V
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