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FRBSF ECONOMIC LeTTer
2003-09

March 28, 2003

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Shifting Household Assets in a Bear Market
Milton H. Marquis
The bear market of the 1970s
The current bear market
What is different this time around?
Reference
Financial Notes: This series supersedes Western Banking. It appears on an occasional basis and is
prepared under the auspices of the Financial and Regional Research Section of the FRBSF’s Economic
Research Department.
As the bull market of the 1990s has turned into the bear market of the (early) 2000s, households have
sharply reversed their more than decade-long trend of increasing their share of assets held in stocks. On
balance, households have reallocated their assets away from stocks and toward tangible real assets,
such as housing and other durable goods, as well as toward safe liquid financial assets, including cash,
bank deposits, and money market mutual funds.
This Economic Letter compares the current shift in assets with a similar shift that occurred during the
long bear market of the 1970s. In particular, I ask whether the shift associated with today’s bear market
is likely to last as long as the shift during the earlier one; that portfolio realignment occurred over six
years, from 1968 to 1974 and was not substantially reversed until after the stock market began to rally
in 1982. The answer arguably depends on some important differences between the two episodes: In the
1970s, the economic environment was characterized by low productivity growth and high inflation;
today’s economy, in contrast, is expected to maintain a relatively high rate of productivity growth in the
near term and low inflation. The improved fundamentals today should be more favorable for corporate
earnings and stock prices and thus bring a quicker end to households’ recent shift away from stocks. In
addition, the financial market innovations and regulatory changes over the past two decades that have
lowered households’ transaction costs of participating in the capital markets should continue to favor
stock ownership.

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Federal Reserve Bank San Francisco | Shifting Household Assets in a Bear Market |

The bear market of the 1970s
The bear market of the 1970s, like the current bear market, was preceded by a long period of economic
expansion. From the economy’s trough in 1961:Q1 to the peak in 1969:Q4, productivity growth
averaged a strong 3.4% per year and inflation remained low—in the 2% to 3% range. As Figure 1
shows, the stock market anticipated this expansion, coming off a low in 1960:Q4 and reaching a peak in
1968:Q4. Over that period, the inflation-adjusted value of the S&P 500 increased by 7.8% per year;
however, households’ inflation-adjusted net worth (total assets minus total liabilities) lagged behind
somewhat, growing at an average annual rate of 6.1%.
In 1970, the U.S. fell into recession, and for more
than a decade, the economy and the stock market
languished. Productivity growth slowed to 1.8% per
year, and inflation reached into the double-digits by
the end of the decade. In this environment, the stock
market was a poor investment. The stock market
anticipated the 1970 recession somewhat, and, after
peaking in December 1968, experienced a long
secular decline. The inflation-adjusted S&P 500 lost
55% of its value before hitting an interim low in
December 1974, and another 6% by the time it
finally reached a bottom in July 1982. Over this
approximately 14-year “bear market,” the inflationadjusted per capita net worth of households rose a
meager 0.2% per year.
Based on an analysis of the allocation of household
assets over the whole 14-year bear market, it
appears that the realignment of household assets
took about six years, from 1968 to 1974. Figure 2 indicates how the inflation-adjusted values of assets
in the households’ portfolios changed during that period. (Note that stock and bond totals include direct
holdings as well as indirect holdings through mutual funds and pension funds.) Total financial assets fell
by 7.5%, led by a 60% drop in equities. In the face of the weak stock market, households shifted into
housing, which rose by 21% in value, and into monetary assets (that include cash, bank deposits, and
money market mutual funds), which gained 24% in value. Bond holdings were little changed.
By the end of the bear market, households’ financial asset holdings as a percentage of their total assets
fell from 68% to 62%, while monetary assets as a percentage of total financial assets rose from 19% to
26%. On balance, households sought the greater security from tangible real assets, primarily housing,
while adjusting their financial asset holdings principally away from stocks and toward the safety and
liquidity of monetary assets.
The current bear market
The environment surrounding the historic expansion of the U.S. economy from March 1992 through
March 2001 mirrors in many ways the expansion of the 1960s. After a somewhat subdued start,
productivity perked up to average 2.4% per year from 1995 onward. This improved productivity growth
was accompanied by strong economic growth and a surging stock market, while inflation remained
relatively low. Returning to Figure 1, we see that a bottom for the (inflation-adjusted) stock market
occurred in October 1990, followed by a “bull” market that accelerated rapidly after 1994, fueled by the
high-tech boom. From December 1994 to its peak in August 2000, the stock market increased in value
by $9.7 trillion, with the S&P 500 rising by an extraordinary 226%, or by 40% per year, for an average
annual increase after adjusting for inflation of 34%. (See Lansing 2002 for a discussion of these

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valuations.) From 1994:Q4 to 2000:Q3, the inflation-adjusted net worth per capita of households
increased by over 8% per year, with financial assets regaining prominence in households’ asset
portfolios. By 2000:Q3, they comprised slightly more than 70% of the total. The market peaked in
August 2000, and over the next two years, the inflation-adjusted value of the S&P 500 fell more than
43%.
Figure 2 depicts how households reallocated their
assets during the current bear market (2000:Q3 to
2002:Q4). Household equity holdings (adjusted for
inflation) fell by over 43%. As in the 1970s,
households responded in part by shifting their wealth
from financial assets to tangible real assets, with the
value of housing in their portfolios rising 15%. Within
their financial assets holdings, they also once again
sought the safety and liquidity of monetary assets,
which rose in value by 14%, with only a modest
increase in bond holdings.
What is different this time around?
A major difference between the current bear market
and the long bear market of the 1970s is the
economic environment. During the 1970s, the
growth rate of productivity fell by nearly half, while
inflation reached double-digits. These factors
contributed significantly to the poor performance of
the stock market during that period. However, during the current bear market, productivity has held up
well, while inflation is not seen to be a significant threat in the near future. In hindsight, it is clear that
the sharp decline in the stock market over the past two years was driven in large measure by excessive
optimism in the value of high technology to the economy, at least in the near term. This zeal likely
contributed to a period of overinvestment by businesses, particularly in the computer and
telecommunications sectors, which suffered substantially in the last recession and have been slow to
recover. However, the long-run benefits of technological innovation to the economy should be a positive
factor for corporate equities, particularly if inflation remains low. If this proves to be true, households
should begin to weight stocks more heavily in their asset holdings, making it unlikely that we will see a
replay of the protracted bear market of the 1970s.
Two important institutional changes since the late 1960s also have affected the composition of financial
asset holdings of households. One is the growing prevalence of pension funds. Since 1960, the share of
financial assets that pension funds comprise grew from a little under 7% to 27%. This growth has been
due in part to the introduction of 401k, 403b, and Keogh accounts that have allowed households to
make tax deductible contributions to retirement plans with significant control over the disposition of
those investments. In addition, many large employers have switched from defined-benefit to definedcontribution retirement plans, again allowing households to decide how much of their retirement funds to
invest in the stock market. These changes began to accelerate in the 1970s. Prior to these changes,
many businesses either adopted “pay-as-you-go” pension plans with no significant contributions to the
stock market, or restricted their investments to ultra-safe assets, such as government securities.
The second important institutional change is the growth in the mutual fund industry since the mid-1980s,
which resulted from the changes in the retirement plans as well as from the individual small investor’s
demand for an inexpensive means of acquiring a diversified investment in the capital markets.
Households’ investment in stock and bond mutual funds (not including those held indirectly through
pension funds) grew from about 1% of total financial assets in 1984 to 9% in 2002. To be sure, with the

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increased prominence of pension funds and stock and bond mutual funds, direct holdings of stocks and
bonds as a share of financial assets has declined from about 37% in 1960 to 22% in 2002.
Nevertheless, the potential cost advantage and portfolio diversification available through financial
intermediaries facilitates household investment in stocks and bonds. Therefore, the availability of
pension and mutual funds should tend to work in consort with the underlying economic fundamentals
affecting households’ demand for stocks going forward.
Milton H. Marquis
Senior Economist, FRBSF, and Professor, Florida State University
Reference
Lansing, Kevin. 2002. “Searching for Value in the U.S. Stock Market.” FRBSF Economic Letter 2002-16
(May 24).
/economic-research/letter/2002/el2002-16.html
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