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March 31, 1978

Money andExchange
Rates
Eight major industrial countries now
establish annual targets for the growth
of their monetary aggregates: the
U.S., Germany, Japan, Canada, the
U.K., France, Italy and Switzerland. In
many cases they have done so because of their concern with controlling
domestic rates of inflation, in the aftermath of the 1973 breakdown in the
system of fixed (or almost fixed) exchange rates. Under the earlier
Bretton Woods system, fixed exchange parities required countries
with balance-of-payments surpluses to
their surpluses; that is,
central banks essentially converted the
surplus foreign exchange into centralbank assets, thereby expanding that
country's domestic money supply.
In the absence of fixed exchange rates,
countries could, in theory, pursue different monetary policies, allowing the
exchange rates to adjust to bring
about an equilibrium between the supply and demand for a country's currency by its trading partners. But by the
same token, countries which desired
to pursue more rapid monetary
growth than their trading partners
would over time have to expect a depreciation in their currencies.
Central bankers have been very mindful of the potential for conflict between exchange-rate objectives and
money-supply objectives. Dr. Otmar
Emminger, President of the Deutsche
Bundesbank, wrote recently in the
Princeton University series, Essaysin International Finance(No. 122),"'It is significant that more and more countries
have in recent years adopted a monetary policy emphasizing the quantitative control of monetary aggregates.

Any commitment to intervene in the
foreign-exchange markets in order to
maintain fixed exchange rates is bound
sooner or later to conflict with such
controls of the money stock. '" While
the major central banks have stated
time and again that they have little desire to "'fix'" exchange rates, conflicts
can still arise between money-supply
objectives and any existing configuration of exchange
Where
"'inconsistencies'" arise among moneysupply objectives, some currencies
could appreciate and others depreciate. The only question is: which ones?

Alternative framework
Most U.s. academic economists argue
that domestic monetary policy ought
not to be aimed at achieving a given
objective for either the balance of
payments or the foreign-exchange value of the dollar. They argue that the
"'tail does not wag the dog, '" where the
domestic economy is the dog and the
foreign sector, the tail. While this is admittedly true, there are times in which
the tail contains a good deal of information which the dog is ignoring. To
analyze what the tail is trying to tell the
dog, we need an alternative perspective on the balance of payments and
exchange rates. Under any such approach, we should focus attention on
the entire balance of paymentstrade account and capital accountand not simply on the trade account,
as has been done recently in discussions of the U.s. dependency on imported energy sources.
This alternative approach - the monetary approach to the balance of payments - has two basic propositions.
First, international m'oney flows are the
(continued on page 2)

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Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not
necessarily
the views of the management of the
FederalReserve Bank of San Francisco, nor o-rthe Board
of Go\/ernors of the Federal Reserve Systern.

consequence of money stock
disequilibria - that is, differences between desired and actual stocksof
domestic money - and are in essence
transitory and self-correcting. Secondly, domestic money can be created either by domestic monetary policy via
domestic credit expansion or by international policy via a balance-of-payments surplus.
In a world of fixed exchange rates, an
excess supply of domestic money
leads to an outflow of funds - a balance-of-payments deficit - thereby restoring equilibrium in the domestic
money market. This outflow is then absorbed by foreign central banks, 'who
monetize it and thereby expand their
money supplies. In a world of flexIble
exchange rates, the incipient balanceof-payments deficit leads to a decline
in the foreign-exchange value of the
domestic currency. Thus, equilibrium
in the domestic money market is restored by a price change - a decline in
the international value of the domestic
currency. Hence, the adjustment
which restores equilibrium in the domestic money market may take place
by a quantity adjustment (under fixed
exchange rates) or a price adjustment
(under flexible exchange rates). In either case the domestic money market
is stabilized by eliminating the stockdisequilibrium - that is, the excess demand or supply of domestic money.

What about oil?
This "new approach emphasizes a
point which is often ignored - namely,
that the adjustment of desired to actual
stocks of money may occur through
either the trade account or the capital
#

2

account. The financial press, in contrast, has tended to emphasize only the
trade account, in the form of 1977's
massive $31-billion merchandise trade
deficit.
While oil imports and the resultant
trade-balance deficit help explain the
declining value of the dollar, they are
by no means the whole story. Indeed,
" it is quite conceivable that the
" could solve its energy problem and
still be confronted with an exchangerate problem. For if the U.s. did not
have an excess supply of money, the
deficit on trade account would be appropriately matched by an equivalent
surplus on" capital account. According
to the monetary argument, equilibrium
in the balance of payments is equivalent to the equilibrium between the
desired demand and actual supply of
the existing stock of nominal money
balances. C;onsequently, overall balance-of-payments equilibrium will be
restored only when the U.S. reduces
the excess supply of nominal money
balances. This, of course, is not an
easy task, but the Federal Reserve's establishment of long-run targets is designed to help eliminate any excess
money supply without sacrificing domestic economic considerations, such
as output and employment.

u.s.

Price story
Over long periods of time, excess
money growth feeds into prices, and
price-inflation differentials across
countries are reflected in exchangerate adjustments. This can be demonstrated by the wholesale-price performance since 1972 of the
and
West Germany (see chart). During

u.s.

1973, for example, the U.s.-German.
inflation differential was a wide 7.2
percentage points. Given that similar
traded goods tend to sell for the same
price (adjusted for exchange rates) in
different countries, this wide a differential would suggest the necessity for
a major exchange-rate realignment between Germany and the U.S. - as indeed occurred during the switch to
floating exchange rates in the spring of

widened inflation diffeiential.) In terms
of the monetary approach, the worsening U.s. price picture and the improved German price performance
implied an excess supply of the u.s.
money stock, precipitating a U.s. balance-of-payments deficit, and an excess demand for the German money
stock, precipitating a German balanceof-payments surplus and an appreciation of the D-Mark.

1973.
The U.s.-German inflation differential
remained high during 1974 but then almost disappeared during the 1975-76
period. However, during 1977 this differential widened to 4.3 percentage
points, suggesting the need for a further exchange-rate adjustment between the dollar and the Deutschemark. (Admittedly, the Deutschemark
appreciation during 1977 was much
larger than the widened U.s.-German
inflation differential. This may represent discounted expectations of a future increase in differential price
behavior, or "over-adjustment''" to the

Consequently, according to the monetary approach, stable exchange rates
and a balance-of-payments equilibrium will be restored only when each
country eliminates any disequilibrium
(excess supply or demand) in its own
money stock and, in the long-run,
when consistency is achieved between
both countries' money-stock targets.
Otherwise, the balance of payments
will not be in equilibrium for either
country, and the exchange rate will
continue to fluctuate as attempts are
made to restore equilibrium in each
country's domestic money market.

JosephBisignano

Percent

20

Wholesale Price
Change (4th qtr.
to 4th qtr.)

15

5
1972

3

1973

1974

'1975

1976

1977

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BANKING OATA-TWE LfTH fEDERALRESERVE
DBSTRDCT
.(Dollar amounts in millions)
Selected Assetsand liabilities
large Commercial Banks

Amount
Outstanding
3/1 5/78

Loans(gross,adjusted)and investments*
Loans(gross,adjusted)- total
Securityloans
Commercialand industrial
Realestate
Consumerinstalment
U.s.Treasurysecurities
Other securities
Deposits(lesscashitems)- total*
Demand deposits(adjusted)
U.s. Government deposits
Time deposits- total*
Statesand political subdivisions
Savingsdeposits
Other time depositst
LargenegotiableCD's

108,356
84,864
2,137
26,074
28,588
15,033
8,784
14,708
106,173
29,026
861
74,353
6,395
31,610
33,539
15,347

Weekly Averages
of Daily Figures

Week ended
3/15/78

Member Bank ReservePosition
ExcessReserves(+)/Deficiency(-)
Borrowings
Net free(+)/Net borrowed (-)
FederalFunds-Seven LargeBanks
Interbank Federalfund transactions
Net purchases(+)/Net sales(-)
Transactionswith U.s. security dealers
Net loans (+ )/Net borrowings (-)

Changefrom
year ago
Dollar
Percent

Change
from
3/8178
+
+
+

-

+
+

-

+
+

-

+
+

-

+
+
+

500
319
147
30
210
64
146
327
822
616
642
827
61
107
723
700

+ 13,416
+ 12,526
59.
+ 2,724
+ 6,392
+ 2,629
493
+ 1,383
+ 12,214
+ 2,202
131
+ 9,812
+ 1,003
49
+
+ 8,004
+

14.13
17.32
- 2.69
+ 11.67
+ 28.80
+ 21.19
5.31
+ 10.38
+ 13.00
8.21
+
- 13.21
+ 15.20
+ 18.60
0.16
+
+ 31.35
+ 71.88
+
+

-

-

-

Week ended
3/8/78

Comparable
year-ago period

40
16
56

+
+

106
9
97

+ 1,059

+

1,328

+

79

529

+

657

+

461

+

3
1
4

*lncludes items not shown separately.tlndividuals, partnershipsand corporations.
Editorial comments may be addressedto the editor (William Burke) or to the author.••.
Information on this and other pUblicationscan be obtained by calling or writing the Public Information
Section,FederalReserveBankof SanFrancisco,P.O. Box 7702,SanFrancisco94120.Phone(415) 544-2184.