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February 20,1 981

I nterestRatesand the Fed
Is the Federal Reserve responsible for the high
and volatile interest rates in the nation's financial markets? If so, shouldn't the Fed try to
bring rates down, or at leasttry to reduce their
short-run variability? Many people have
asked those questions over the past year and a
half-a period in which interest rates fluctuated wildly aDd reached unprecedentedly
high levels in the process. And since this
period also saw a change in the Fed's operating procedures, many have asked whether
that change caused the unusual behavior of
interest rates.

Over the past decade, the Fed has increasi ngly focused its attention on the growth rates
of the monetary aggregates (M-1 A, M-1 B,
M-2, etc.). The key policymaking group, the
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC),
formulates specific targets for the growth of
the money stock, and the System directs its
day-to-day policy toward the achievement of
those targets. These policy actions influence
interest rates, but they are no longer geared
toward ach ievement of some specific level of
rates-especially under the new operating
procedures adopted on October 6, 1979.

Beforethe October change
Some critics would consider the answers to
these questions to be self-evident. In their
view the central bank directly controls the
general level of interest rates. This view is
mistaken. Certainly it's true that the Fed can
influence interest rates in a limited way over
short periods of time. In the longer run, however, interest rates respond chiefly to the
forces of the market. What the Fed can and
does control is the growth of reservesoffinancial institutions, and in this way it influences
the environment in which market forces determine the level and structure of interest
rates. But the Fed's impact on the market
environment does not equate to control over
interest rates.

Prior to the October 6 change in operating
procedures, Federal Reserve policy could be
characterized as an "interest rate strategy."
The Fed focused its operations in the short run
on the Federal-funds rate, the rate governing
the overnight borrowing of bank reserves.
Unlike other money-market rates, the Fedfunds rate can be controlled directly as the
Fed adjusts the flow of reserves into or out of
the banking system, either through openmarket operations or through changes in the
availability and price of borrowed reserves at
the discount window. In other words, since
the Fed controlled the supply of bank reserves
it also controlled the price of reserves (the
funds rate) with a good deal of precision.

In one major historical episode (1942-51),
the Federal Reserve actually did control one
key interest rate through its support of Treasury-bond prices. At that time, the Fed acted
as the residual buyer (or seller) for government bonds at a predetermined price. Under
this strategy, the Fed gave up effective control
of the money supply, since it had to stand
ready to exchange securities for money in
unlimited quantities atthe fixed price. Butthe
Fed ended this commitment under the 1951
Fed-Treasury Accord, because of its recognition of the inflationary implications of such
a policy.

The Fed adopted this strategy not as a means
of achieving any specific level of interest
rates, but as a means of controlling the monetary aggregates via the demandfor money. By
operating on the funds rate, the Fed soughtto
influence the general level of all short-term
interest rates, and hence to control the stock
of money. This reflected the common view
among economists that short-term interest
rates affect the quantity of money the public
wishes to hold. Hence, by pushing up shortterm rates, the Fed could reduce the money
stock by reducing the quantity which the
public wished to hold-or conversely in the
case of lower rates.

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After the October shift

In implementing policy under its former strategy, the Fed set a narrow range for the funds
rate as its short-term target. (For example, at
its September 1 979 meeting, the F OM C set
this target range at 11 Y4to 11% percent.) The
FOMe's operating arm, the Trading Desk at
the New York Federal Reserve Bank, had to
intervene frequently with open-market operations to keep the funds rate within the target
range. Yet even under this procedure, the
market -and not the Fed -u Iti mately determined the long-ru n movements of the fu nds
rate. For example, an upsurge in inflation,
acting through its effect on market
tions, would raise the interest rate that bank
customers would be willing to pay for loans,
thus increasing the price that banks would be
willing to pay for reserves. In that situation,
the Fed would need to raise its funds-rate
target in order to meet its long-run goal of
maintaining control over the aggregates.

Because of all these problems, the FOM C
abandoned its former "interest rate strategy"
at a special meeting on October 6, 1979.
Henceforth, it announced, it would try to
achieve closer control over the monetary
aggregates by controlling the quantityof bank
reserves rather than their price(the Fed-funds
rate). Although continuing to set an operating
range for the funds rate, the FOM C has widened that band considerably-for example,
by setting a 1 5-to-20 percent range at its
meeting of last December 19.
Rather than attempting to influence the
demand for money through an interest-rate
strategy, the Fed now seeks to control the
supplyof money through control over the
supply of bank reserves. While the Trading
Desk continues to intervene in the market
through open-market operations, it does so in
a way wh ich is not dependent on the prevailingfunds rate. Thus, within a broad target
range, the funds rate is determined even in
the short run by the interaction of supplyand-demand factors in the market for bank
reserves.

As time went on, the Fed found the interestrate strategy to be an increasingly unsatisfactory way of controlling money growth. This
was partly because of the growing weakness
of the link between the funds rate (which the
Fed controlled) and other short-term interest
rates (which influenced money demand), but
more importantly because monetary-control
errors tended to cumu late rather than to be
promptly reversed. For example, consider the
case where money growth accelerated after
the Fed setthe funds rate too low. Normally,
the Fed would recognize its mistake and raise
its funds-rate target as it received data showing a larger-than-targeted stock of money. But
in the meantime, the rapid monetary growth
also could have generated expectations of a
faster rate of inflation, and this expectational
change wo'uld tend to raise the level of interest rates consistent with any particu lar growth
rate of money. As a result, the Fed would be
likely to again pick too Iowa funds target,
thus leading again to excessive monetary expansion. This likelihood would be greater,
given the Fed's understandable reluctance to
change policy on the basis of imperfect in. formation on the state of the economy.

The shift in operating procedures has made
no change in the Federal Reserve's long-run
objective, which is to produce a rate of
growth of the money stock consistent with a
reduction in inflationary pressures. Nonetheless, the shift in procedures implies a smaller
day-to-day impact on interest rates. By working directly on the supply of bank reserves,
the Fed today affects interest rates through its
influence over the volume of credit in the
market. But the Fed's direct impact on rates is
smallerthan undertheold procedure, when it
intervened frequently in the market to hold
the funds rate within a narrow target range.
In addition to Federal Reserve operating
changes, other institutional developments
also encouraged greater market determination of interest rates. The Monetary Control
Act of 1 980 has begun the process of loosening legal and administrative· restraints on in-

2

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_-------------_.

terest rates. That legislation has provided for a
phase-out of interest-rate ceilings on saving
deposits, and also for an override of state
usury laws. With the removal of such restrictions, interest rates are likely to fluctuate more
in the future.

_--------_

__. _--

..

rates and other short-term rates moved sharply higher. These increases in short rates both
raised the cost of bank funds and increased
the demand for bank credit. In response, the
banks boosted their prime lending rate to a
then record 20 percent. In the second quarter,
the demand for bank credit contracted sharply (partly in response to the Fed's imposition
of a direct credit-control program), leading to
a sharp drop in short-term interest rates. The
decline in bank loans was accompanied by a
substantial reduction in the money supply.
But then, during the
upturn, the
demand for credit picked up-fed once more
by expectations of continued high inflationproducing expanded bank lending, accelerated money growth, and rising interest rates,
with the prime rate reaching a high of 21 Y2
percent.

Expectations
Under this new policy set-up, changes in
investors' expectations cou Id have a greater
influence over both the level of interest rates
and the structure of rates (that is, the relationship between short and long rates) than
was true in the period before October 1979.
An increase in the expected rate of inflation,
for example, tends to raise the interest rates
which borrowers are willing to pay and
which lenders require in order to supply their
funds and thus tends to increase the general
level of interest rates. In addition, when interest rates are rising in response to faster
inflation, borrowers whenever possible
switch to short-term financing in the hope
that long-term rates will be lower in some
future period. Such switching tends to cause
short-term rates to rise relative to long rates.

Recent experience strongly suggeststhat
under any monetary-control procedure, Federal Reserve policy largely affects interest
rates through its influence on expectations of
the future rate of inflation. The success or
failure of the Fed's new operating procedure
thus can be judged partly by its success in
meeting its predetermined targets and reducing inflationary expectations. These expectations, although not observable, should
be reflected in the underlying rate of inflation.
And here lies the Fed's ultimate report card.

The year just past provided a number of examples of this type. During the first quarter,
long-term interest rates rose to record highs,
reflecting expectations of higher Federal deficits and accelerating inflation, and these rates
sharply discouraged long-term bond borrowing. Credit demands were concentrated in
short-term markets, and commercial-paper

Brian Motley and Herbert Runyon

1979

1980

3

1981

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BANKINGDATA-TWELfTH FEDERAL
RESERVE
DISTRICT
(Dollar amounts in millions)

SelectedAssetsandLiabilities
largeCommercialBanks
Loans(gross,adjusted)and investments*
Loans(gross,adjusted)- total#
Commercial and industrial
Realestate
Loansto individuals
Securitiesloans
U.s. Treasurysecurities*
Other securities*
Demand deposits - total#
Demand deposits - adjusted
Savingsdeposits - total
Time deposits - total#
Individuals, part. & corp.
(LargenegotiableCD's)

WeeklyAverages
of Daily Figures
MemberBankReserve
Position
ExcessReserves(+ )/Deficiency (- )
Borrowings
Net free reserves(+ )/Net bOrrowed(- )

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Amount
Outstanding
2/4/81
146,973
124,416
37,027
50,860
23,638
1,369
6,868
1.5,689
42,769
29,699
29,339
76,551
67,050
30,020
Weekended
2/4/81
n.a.
52
n.a.

Changefrom
year ago
Dollar
Percent

Change
from
1/28/81
22
1
15
96
91
104
76
53
2,724
685
392
- 145
5
270

9,188
9,092
3,198
6,571
744
337
112
208
- 2,082
2,245
1,061
17,603
16,868
8,909

-

Weekended
1/28/81
n.a.
259
n.a.

6.7
7.9
9.5
14.8
- 3.1
32.7
1.6
1.3
- 4.6
7.0
3.8
29.9
33.6
42.2

Comparable
year-agoperiod
19
19
38

* Excludestrading account securities.
# Includes items not shown separately.

Editorialcommentsmaybeaddressed
to theeditor(WilliamBurke)or to theauthor.... Freecopiesof this
andotherfederalReserve
publications
canbeobtainedbycallingor writingthePublicInformationSection,
FederalReserve
Bankof SanFrancisco,
P.O.Box7702,SanFrancisco
94120.Phone(415)544-2184.

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