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FRBSF
March 7, 1986

WEEKLY LETTER

The Great Discovery
During World War I, helping to finance burgeoning government deficits at low rates of
interest became the overriding objective of
Federal Reserve "credit policy", and Treasury
Secretary William McAdoo, in his capacity as ex
officio member (and Chairman) of the Federal
Reserve Board exerted a strong influence. This
Letter reviews the System's wartime credit policy
and subsequent developments during the
decade ofthe 1920s. These include its efforts to
deal with the initial post-war inflation and recession, a reversion to the falacious "real bills"
doctrine which underlay the original Federal
Reserve Act, and the Federal Reserve's "great
discovery" - that purchases and sales of
securities in the open market influence the level
of economic activity.
Accommodating the Treasury

The Fed's initial three years coincided with the
period of neutrality prior to America's entry into
the World War in April 1917. During that time,
demand deposits and currency increased by
about 40 percent largely in response to an influx
of gold from Europe. This influx, combined with
war-related demands, raised wholesale prices at
a comparable rate. Following America's entry
into the war, government spending rose dramatically- from less than $2 billion in 1917 to
almost $19 billion in 1919. However, the jump
in spending was financed to only a small extent
by a rise in tax revenues; the rest was financed
by borrowing.
Treasury Secretary William McAdoo was ex
officio Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board,
and under his urging, accommodation of the
Treasury's war financing requirements became
the overriding objective of the Fed's "credit policy". Federal Reserve Bank discount rates were
kept relatively low to encourage member banks
to borrow to buy more government debt and to
increase their loans to individuals and businesses for the same purposes. To further this
objective, the Federal Reserve Act was amended
in 1917 to reduce member bank reserve
requirements.
The resulting rise in bank lending helped finance
an increase in government debt from $1 billion
to $25 billion by mid-1919, an increase which
was accompanied by an additional 35 percent
rise in the money supply and a 40 percent
increase in prices within a two-year period.

Back to normalcy

The economic boom continued for a year and a
half following the Armistice in November 1918,
and was accompanied by continued growth in
member bank borrowing from the Reserve Banks
and continued rapid growth in the money supply and prices. The Reserve Banks strongly
favored an increase in their discount rates to
curb inflation and growing speculation.
However, through its key influence and position
on the Federal Reserve Board, the Treasury late
in 1919 successfully opposed an increase on the
grounds that its "Victory Loan" refunding operations were not complete.
Nevertheless, the monetary basis of inflation did
receive tacit recognition at the Board as well as
at the Reserve Banks. In January 1920, Board
member A. C. Miller warned that "prices will go
up as long as the increase in the supply of
money proceeds at a faster rate than the supply
of goods." He also noted that "excessive borrowing by the government has been the main
cause of the excessive increase in the volume of
purchasing media."
Following the resignation of Carter Glass (who
had replaced William McAdoo as Treasury Secretary and Board Chairman) to accept appointment as a Senator early in 1920, the Treasu ry
advised the Board that Fed policy no longer
need be directed at accommodating Treasury
debt operations. As a result, System (essentially
Reserve Bank) policy turned to implementing the
single policy objective stipulated by the Federal
Reserve Act - namely, setting discount rates
with a view to "accommodating commerce and
business."
This meant limiting new credit extensions
through the discount window to "productive"
uses, that is, the discounting of "self-liquidating"
and "eligible" commercial, industrial and agricultural paper. However, as events were to
prove, this "real bills" doctrine and the "accommodation" objective which governed the thinking in the Federal Reserve Act falaciously
assumed that funds derived from the discounting
of "eligible paper" would be used only for "productive" purposes.
In response to their growing concern over the
"unprecedented orgy of extravagance, mania for
speculation and overextended business" which

A

FRBSF

they attributed to "the wartime policy of abnormally low rates," the Reserve Banks, with Board
approval, raised their discount rates early in
1920 and generally maintained them at a 6V2 - 7
percent level through the middle of 1921, when
they were gradually reduced to 4V2 - 5 percent
in the fall.

In the spring of 1920, a recession began as commodity speculation and prices broke sharply,
partly in response to dramatic readjustments
throughoutthe world, including a sharply
reduced demand for American farm products.
Wholesale prices fell by about 40 percent
through 1921, accompanied by declines of 30
percent in Fed economic indices (among the first
to be developed) of "business volume" and
"manufacturing volume." A 75 percent drop in
government spending from its wartime inflated
level in 1919 also contributed strongly to the
economic recession.
Throughout the downturn in 1920 and notwithstanding the higher level of discount rates, member bank borrowings from the Reserve Banks
rose sharply, as did the volume of Federal
Reserve notes in circulation. However, member
banks, concerned over their substantial debt to
the Fed, began repaying their borrowings late in
1920, and substantial reductions occurred in
1921 in spite of a lowering of discount rates.
Throughout these events, the Fed demonstrated
an essentially passive view of its functions
(within the general constraints of the gold standard), namely, "accommodating commerce and
business/' The Federal Reserve Board's 1921
Annual Report noted that an increase or
decrease in volume of member bank borrowings
and of Federal Reserve notes in circulation "is
not the result of any pre-ordained policy (but)
depends entirely upon the activity (demands) of
business." It added that the System "cannot,
however skillful its administration maybe, prevent periods of depression, although it can do
much to modify them." John Perrin, the Chairman of the San Francisco Fed, argued that
"deflation for the sake of correcting injustices
wrought by inflation is not one of the purposes
of theFederal Reserve System."

"A conspiracy that didn't occur"
As a result of the 1921 recession, the System
was accused of a deliberate conspiracy -"a
conspiracy that didn't occur," in the words of
Carter Glass - to raise interest rates in order to
force a deflation. To this day some Fed critics
assert that a depression was deliberately pro-

grammed at a "secret meeting" of Board and
Reserve Bank officials and Directors on May 18,
1920. However, the published minutes of the
meeting and a statement of Governor W.P.G.
Harding of the Federal Reserve Board refute this
view. Governor Harding noted that "a sensible
and gradual liquidation (of speculative credit)
will result in a permanent improvement ... but
any attempt at radical or drastic deflation will
result in very serious consequences."
A Congressional investigating committee subsequently supported the System's actions, but criticized it for not having acted independently of
the Treasury more quickly.
The great discovery
There were other results of the System's efforts to
help the nation (in President Harding's words)
"get back to normalcy." The huge wartime
increase in government debt caused Fed officials
to become increasingly aware of the implications of their actions - and those of the Treasury - for the economy. In 1922, the Reserve
Banks organized a committee - without representation of the Federal Reserve Board - to
centralize and coordinate their individual purchases and sales of government securities in the
open market through the New York Fed. They
did this upon discovering that their so-called
open market operations, which were undertaken
separately simply to provide them with a source
of earnings, were exerting perceptible effects
upon interest rates and economic activity.

Using the reserve position of member banks and
the call-loan rate as barometers, a policy gradually developed to use both the discount "window" and open-market operations to offset
"seasonal" swings in business activity.
The following year, the Board, exercising its
supervisory authority over the Reserve Banks'
"open market operations" as provided for by the
Federal Reserve Act, reorganized the Reserve
Banks' "Open Market Investment Committee"
over the strong objections of other Reserve Bank
officials. Committee membership was limited to
the New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Cleveland
and Chicago Reserve Banks, under Board supervision that involved formal approval of the Committee's policy recommendations.
The basic System objective continued to be the
purchase and sale of government securities and
commercial paper "with primary regard to the
accommodation of commerce and business."
However, it was still left to individual Reserve
Banks, including those that wer.e not members of
the Committee, to decide whether to participate
in operations decided upon by the Committee.

Smoke gets in your eyes
As the System's knowledge of policy tools and
mechanisms broadened in the 19205, so did its
effectiveness in using these tools to stabilize the
economy. From 1921 to 1929, the money supply grew about 5 percent a year (the policy
focus was on credit conditions, not on the
money supply as such) and was accompanied
by a 35 percent growth in the nation's real
(inflation-adjusted) income in the context of virtual price stability - an achievement
unmatched in any comparable period before or
since.
These achievements, however, masked some
serious underlying weaknesses that became
increasingly evident as the decade progressed.
These weaknesses included the continued loss
of foreign markets for American farm produce,
mounting bank suspensions, especially in rural
areas (some 5,000 banks failed during the 1920s
prior to the Crash), and the growing reluctance
of private lenders to continue to lend abroad.
This situation culminated in numerous defaults
as foreign borrowers, including governments,
found it increasingly difficult to raise funds to
service their large wartime and post-war borrowings from the U.S.

Between the devil and the deep blue sea
The principal policy dilemma faced by the System was how to provide for the "legitimate" and
"productive" credit needs of the economy without at the same time financing "nonproductive"
uses. Nonproductive uses included speculation
in the stock market, which began in 1924 and
saw stock prices almost quadruple prior to the
Crash in 1929. This dilemma prompted one
Reserve Bank Governor in 1924 to comment to
a Congressional Committee that the System was
caught "between the devil and the deep blue
sea."
President Coolidge declared that speculation on
the stock market was not cause for apprehension. But, to heighten awareness of the situation,
the Reserve Banks began publishing data on
member bank broker loans in 1926. In 1928, it
began to curtail lending to member banks that
already had a large volume of funds in the stock
market, even though such financing, including
stock underwriting, was then legal. In 1928, discount rates were raised and a large amount of

government debt sold in an unsuccessful effort
to dampen renewed speculative fever.
However, as the San Francisco Fed noted in its
1929 Annual Report to the Federal Reserve
Board, this tack could not forestall major sources
of stock market lending, including direct lending
by corporations with large cash balances and
lending by non-member banks. Even member
banks could escape Fed control simply by
bypassing the Reserve Banks and purchasing
federal funds (reserves of other banks) to
increase their broker loans.
The Fed at that time did not have authority to
vary member bank reserve requirements or to
impose stock margin requirements. (There was
no Securities and Exchange Commission until
1934.) And many observers concluded that
reserves acquired by the banking system as a
result of open-market purchases inevitably found
their way into the stock market.
Early in 1929, several of the Reserve Banks
requested Board approval of increases in their
discount rates, and the New York Fed pleaded
for permission to raise its discount rate by several increments to 10 percent, if necessary, to
brake speculative fever. However, a majority of
the Federal Reserve Board balked at the request
on the grounds that it was not the System's right
to act as "an arbiter of security speculation or
values" or to "regulate the stock exchange,"
and that increases were not warranted by underlying economic conditions. It was not until
Augustthat the Board reluctantly approved an
increase in the New York Fed's discount rate
from 5 to 6 percent. It was the last increase
before the Crash.

Conclusion
While the decade of the "Roaring Twenties"
was thus marked by some notable economic
achievements, including a significant evolution
in the System's awareness of the means by
which it could influence the economy, it ended
as it had begun, inauspiciously. Asa rapidly failing economic barometerwas to prove, stormy
weather was on the way. A future Letter will discuss developments during the 1930s.

Verle B. Johnston, Legislative.Analyst

Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not necessarily reflect the views of tile management of the Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco, or of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
Editorial comments may be addressed to the editor (Gregory Tong) or to the author .... Free copies of Federal Reserve publications
can be obtained from the Public Information Department, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702, San Francisco
94120. Phone (415) 974-2246.

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BANKING DATA-TWELFTH FEDERAL RESERVE DISTRICT
(Dollar amounts in millions)

Selected Assets and Liabilities
Large Commercial Banks
Loans, Leases and Investments1 2
Loans and Leases 1 6
Commercial and Industrial
Real estate
Loans to Individuals
Leases
U.S. Treasury and Agency Securities
Other Secu rities 2
Total Deposits
Demand Deposits
Demand Deposits Adjusted 3
Other Transaction Balances4
Total Non-Transaction Balances 6
Money Market Deposit
Accounts -Total
Time Deposits in Amounts of
$100,000 or more
Other Liabilities for Borrowed MoneyS

Two Week Averages
of Daily Figures

Amount
Outstanding

2/12/86
200,246
180,914
52,149
66,192
38,573
5,682
11,020
8,312
198,892
46,184
32,135
14,930
137,778

Change from 2/13/85
Dollar
Percent?

Change
from

2/5/86
-1,136
-1,233
- 424
105
96
55
100
3
-2,293
-1,941
77
- 297
55

45,683

-

22

38,394
24,066

-

7
953

-

12,347
-

-

7
3,860
6,026
391
139
1,334
5,747
1,897
2,651
2,036
1,815

-

Period ended

Period ended

2110/86

1/27/86

81
10

71

-

667
4,495

15
64
48

1 Includes loss reserves, unearned income, excludes interbank loans
2 Excludes trading account securities
3 Excludes U.S. government and depository institution deposits and cash items
4 ATS, NOW, Super NOW and savings accounts with telephone transfers

S Includes borrowing via FRB, TI&L notes, Fed Funds, RPs and other sources
6 Includes items not shown separately
7 Annualized percent change

1.2

19.1
2.9
4.2
8.9
15.7
1.3
4.7

2,055

Reserve Position, All Reporting Banks
Excess Reserves (+ l/Deficiency (-)
Borrowings
Net free reserves (+ )/Net borrowed(-

6.5
6.5
0.0
6.1
18.5
7.3

11,150

-

1.7
22.9