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FRBSF

WEEKLY LETTER

October 14, 1988

Deregulation in New Zealand
Just five years ago, New Zealand was one of
the most heavily regulated Western economies.
Today, its financial sector is one of the least regulated. The effects of New Zealand's rapid financial deregulation may provide lessons for the
as it changes the regulatory landscape of its financial sector.

u.s.

In this and a subsequent Letter, the changes
occurring in New Zealand's financial sector are
discussed. This Letter reviews the changes in regulation and financial structure that have occurred
since 1984. Deregulation has had particularly
important effects on the conduct of monetary
policy, and these will be the chief focus of the
subsequent Letter.

Regulation in New Zealand
Prior to 1984, the financial sector in New Zealand operated in a highly regulated environment
designed to affect both the total volume of credit
in the economy and its sectoral allocation. Regulations imposed direct controls on financial institutions, segmented domestic financial markets,
and limited entry into the financial industry. Regulations affected the microeconomic structure of
the financial sector and provided the tools for
macroeconomic control over aggregate credit.
Direct controls on both interest rates and lending
activity played a major role in the regulatory regime prior to 1984. These direct controls included interest rate ceilings on a variety of loans
and deposits, restrictions on the composition of
the assets and liabilities of financial institutions,
restrictions on the volume of lending, and controls on the foreign exchange activities of financial institutions. For example, all major financial
institutions were required to hold government or
local authority debt to meet required ratios of
public sector securities to total assets. These
ratios generated a captive demand for government debt, particularly since the ratios in effect
in April 1984 ranged from 30 percent for finance
companies to 60 percent of assets for official
money market dealers.

In addition to such requirements, the regulatory
framework governing financial institutions in
New Zealand also conferred specific cost advantages on the regulated institutions. These
restrictions and advantages varied by type of
institution. For example, trading banks were the
most heavily regulated members of the financial
services industry. They were prohibited from paying interest on deposits of less than 30 days maturity, and the composition of their assets was
constrained by reserve asset-to-total deposit
ratios. On the other hand, only trading banks
had the authority to issue checking accounts and
to make use of the lender-of-Iast-resort facility
of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (New Zealand's central bank). Likewise, lending by building societies was limited to long-term, fixed-rate
mortgages. But they were also allowed to issue
savings deposits that paid higher interest rates
than deposits at trading banks.
The difference in the regulations governing various types of financial institutions in New Zealand served to segment the financial sector. This
segmentation, it was argued, provided the government with leverage over the flow of credit to
certain key sectors of the economy. These included agriculture, manufacturing exports, and
housing. Through regulation, the government was
able to create specialized institutions that would,
in theory at least, insure the provision of credit to
these key activities.
A second objective of financial regulation was to
keep interest rates low. Prior to 1984, ceilings on
many deposit and lending rates and rates on
government securities were kept artificially low.
The government stimulated demand for these
government securities by including them in the
assets trading banks could hold to satisfy reserve
asset ratios. Likewise, the government forced
nonbank financial institutions to hold such
securities by applying public sector security
ratios to these nonbank institutions.

Inefficiencies
Because assets satisfying the reserve asset and

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FRBSF:
public sector security ratios paid below-market
rates of interest, the regulatory system imposed a
discriminatory tax on the activities of regulated
financial institutions. This tax adversely affected
their ability to compete with institutions not subject to reserve requirements or subject to lower
ratios. The regu latgry framework therefore contributed to ~he development and growth of institutions subj~ct to. the light~st.regulatory.burden.
It also reducedthel~vel of int~rmediationservicesprovidedbyth~ financiaLsector~ To.the
extent thatfinanciaLintermediaries reduce information costs in financing economic activity in
New Zealand, diminish~d interm~diation probably reduced real income in the economy.

Deregulation

.. .

..

Whil~ some moves towardsfi nanciaL deregula-

tionwere und~.rtaken inNew Zealand beginning
in 1976,controls.w~regeneraUy r~impos~d in
1981. \Nholesaled~regulation .didnotbegin until
after theelecti()npfa.Labourgov~rnment in July
19M. The new government brought to office a
ne'v\! ~conornicphilqsophythat views private
markets as. best able to manage the allocation of
resources within an economy.
Within nine mcmths of taking office, the new government had instituted a sweeping program of
financi.al d~regulation.While.some aspects of
prudential r~gulation remained, all lending and
depositrates weredecontroled, cqntrols on.overseas borrowing.'v\!er~ relaxed, inter~st payments
onbank reserves were instituted, government
debt vvassold.on.an auction. basis,.all reserve
ratioJequirem~nts. on financial institutions were
abol ished, and the exchange value of the New
Zealand dollar was floated.
Thes~ r~formseJjminated both the direct control
ofint~rest rates that had previously characterized
much.of New Zealand's rec~nt history, and the
bagi~rs that segmented the financi.alservices in-

dustry.Regulatory barriers to entry into the
industry were also abolished.

Contestable markets
The conc:ept of "cont~stabilityi'has guided the
New Zealand government's .policy of financial
reform. Economists.Baumol and Willig have
shown that when a market is contestable-that
is, when it has no barriers to entry and exit-:-it
will generate efficientoutcomes. In other words,

J

this theory suggests that even a monopolist will
not be able to exploit monopoly power if potential competitors can enter the market and undercut the monopolist whenever the firm tries to
earn above-normal profits by raising its price.
Traditionally, most industries in New Zealand
have had only one or two dominant firms. Many
argued that regulation was necessary to limit the
adverse effects of such concentration. But the
new view suggests thatefficiency in the financial
services industry (and other industries) is best
served by ensuring that potential competitors to
existing firms are allowed to freely enter the
market even if the number of existing competitors is small. Consequently, the New Zealand
government has sought to ensure that markets for
financial services are contestable by eliminating
artificial regulatory barriers that have segmented
financial markets.

The effeCts of deregulation
To a large extent, the deregulation of New Zealand's financial sector has led to predictable
changes. Financial firms, formerly restricted by
the segmented market structure, have moved into
new fields inorder to capture the economies of
scope that arise when two products can be produced jointly at a lower cost than when these
goods are produced separately. Economies of
scope are most likely to be achieved when a firm
moves into activities closely related to its original
line of business. Thus, it is not surprising that
Economists Harper and Karacaoglu found diversification by New Zealand's existing financial
firms since 1984 has been into closely related
fields.
The removal of barriers to entry has also had a
major impact on the number of competitors in
the financial services industry. Entry by foreign
financial firms, in particular, has increased dramatically. Many of the firms now applying for
banking licenses already had some operations in
New Zealand, but had previously been prevented by regulation from expanding into full
retail banking.
Likewise, the removal of interest rate controls has
increased competition for funds. Formerly-regulated institutions now compete by offering market-based rates. Consequently, deposits at these
institutions grew rapidly after deregulation. Since

many of the liabilities of these institutions are
components of the various monetary aggregates
in New Zealand, deregulation led to very high
growth rates in the aggregates. For example, real
M3, a broad aggregate, declined two percent per
year from 1981 to 1983, but grew nearly nine percent per year in the period from 1984 to 1986.

Lessons for the

u.s.

Because of its previous policy of limiting entry
into banking, deregulation in New Zealand is
leading to an increase in the number of banks. In
contrast, further deregulation in the u.s. may
lead to increased merger activity and a decline
in the number of independent financial institutions because U.S. regulations, such as unitbanking laws and restrictions on interstate
branching, keep the number of banks artificially
high. The theory of contestable markets suggests
that regulators should attempt to remove artificial
or regulatory barriersto entry and exit; whether
the number of firms remaining in the market is
large or small may be of little importance.
In the U.s., concern for financial sector stability
has often tempered enthusiasm for more complete deregulation. The cost of regulation-a less
efficient financial sector-is viewed as a fair
price for ensuring financial stability. The New
Zealand government, in contrast, is attempting
to avoid such a tradeoff by separating policies
designed to promote financial sector efficiency
from policies designed to ensure financial sector
stability. Efficiency is promoted by minimizing
government interventions. Stability is promoted
through monetary policy, with some role for prudential oversight.
Unlike the U.s., New Zealand does not have a
system of deposit insurance. Instead, the Reserve
Bank of New Zealand is responsible for monitor-

ing individual institutions and ensuring that
problems at one institution do not spread to
others (via bank runs, for example) and cause a
breakdown of the financial system. In this way,
New Zealand may avoid the tendency for deposit
insurance to create incentives for insured institutions to invest in risky assets. However, a potential conflict may still exist between the desire to
minimize government intervention in financial
markets and the need to obtain the detailed
information necessary to monitor the riskiness
of individual financial institutions.

Conclusions
The policy of financial deregulation in New
Zealand has been guided by the principle that
competitive private markets can generally be
relied upon to ensure the efficient allocation of
resources. The theory of contestability has helped
to provide a consistent framework within which
policymakers can approach the issue of deregulation. This theory requires the elimination of
regulatory barriers to entry. It also implies that
anti-trust policy should use ease of entry and not
the number of active firms as a measure of the
competitiveness of a given market.
Prior to 1984, New Zealand's economy paid a
high price in lost efficiency to ensure stability.
The recent reforms have emphasized efficiency
considerations almost entirely. Whether New
Zealand has adequately solved the problem of
promoting financial efficiency while protecting
financial stability remains to be seen.

Carl E. Walsh
Visiting Scholar
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
and
Associate Professor
University of California, Santa Cruz

Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not necessarily reflect the views of the management of the Federal Reserve Bank of
San Francisco, or of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
Editorial comments may be addressed to the editor (Barbara Bennett) or to the author.... Free copies of Federal Reserve
publications can be obtained from the Public Information Department, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702,
San Francisco 94120. Phone (415) 974-2246.

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