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March 23, 1984

Anatomy of the 1981-83 Disinflation
Monetary models that rely on current and
past M 1 growth overpredicted inflation
significantly in 1982 and 1983, while forecasting models based upon the effects of
economic slack performedquite well. For
1984, a monetary model forecasts an inflation rate of 9.2 percent in the personal
consumption deflator, excluding food and
energy, but both a "slack" model and a
consensus of professional forecasters
predict inflation of 5 V2to 6 V2percent. Our
purpose in this Letter is to explore in some
detail why the monetarist model "broke
down" in 1982.

more money balances relative to its income
because the return on securities becomes
less attractive. Therefore, the income velocity of Ml will fall.
However, this well-established positive
relationship between interest rates and
velocity cannot fully explain the failure of
monetarist models to account for the recent
drop in inflation. If the drop in inflation and
nominal interest rates were the only explanation of the sharp decline in velocity, then
the decline in velocity cannot be used to
explain the large decline in inflation, or else
the reasoning becomes circular.

Economic slack and monetary growth

Economic slack models stressthat high
monetary growth boosts inflation only if it
raises real aggregate demand enough to
lower the rate of unemployment and thereby
put upward pressure on wages and prices. In
the past, monetary models have tended to
capture the short-run association between
monetary growth and economic slack, but
beginning in 1982, the monetary model
overpredicted inflation badly. Evidently, the
increase in economic slack in late 1981 and
1982 was larger than could have been predicted solely on the basis of the past slowing
in monetary growth.

In fact, monetarist equations already capture
the changes in velocity caused by lower or
higher inflation, making the estimated
response of inflation to changes in past
monetary growth greater than one-to-one
over any but the longest periods. Therefore,
some non-monetary shock must have produced a larger amount of economic slackand therefore larger declines in inflation,
nominal interest rates, and velocity-than
could have been predicted on the basis of
the past deceleration in monetary growth.
The main source of this shock lay in the
foreign trade sector.

The proximate reason for why monetary
models broke down in 1982 was the
unusual decline in the income velocity of
mohey or, in other words, its rate of turnover. Between the fourth quarter of 1981
and the first quarter of 1983, the income
velocity of M1 declined at a 5;5-percent
annual rate in contrast to its long-term
positive growth trend of 3 percent. What
caused this decline in velocity? One reason
was the sharp drop in the inflation rate, and
nominal interest rates along with it, that
occurred between 1981 and 1982. This
changed the relationship between monetary
growth and aggregate demand. At lower
interest rates, the public will wantto hold

An extraordinary decline in net exports of
$25.3 billion (in 1972 dollars), plus simultaneous inventory adjustments, accounted
for all of the decline in U.S. production
during the 1981-82 recession (see chart).
Although the recession officially began in
July 1981, real final sales (GNP less inventory investment) had already flattened out at
the beginning of that year; they declined by
$3.6 billion (in 1972 dollars) over the
two-year period. However, real final sales
are augmented by export sales and reduced
by imports. The underlying stre'lgth of the
demand of domestic purchasers is thus
equal to real final sales less net exports.

Net exports and the exchange rate

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We have estimated an econometric
tion embodying the monetary model of
inflation over the period from 1 964 through
1 980. This equation does not capture even
the temporary nexus between monetary
growth and the real exchange rate because,
in the first place, until 1 973, exchange rates
were fixed under the Bretton Woods system
and bore no relationship to year-to-year
movements in money. Moreover, in the period between 1 973 and 1 980, when exchange rates beween major currencies were
a Ilowed to float, a statistical test reveals that
changes in the real exchange rate were not
significantly related to current and past
monetary growth-the influence of other
factors dominated. And although a negative
relationship does exist between the level of
the real exchange rate and monetary
growth, it fails to hold into the forecast
period beyond 1 980. Consequently, our
monetarist equation for forecasting inflation
cou Id not have predicted the effect of the
sharp rise in the real exchange rate that
actually occurred.

From the beginning of 1 981 to the rec:ession
trough at the end of 1 982, real final sales to
domestic purchasers actually increased by
$21.7 billion. Therefore, if real net exports
had not declined, real final sales would have
grown by $21 .7 billion; and the recession
would have been much less severe or perhaps even avoided.
It is widely agreed that a sharp appreciation
in the foreign exchange value of the dollar
wast he fundamental cause of the decline in
net exports. Between 1 980 and 1 982, the
real value ofthe dollar (adjusting for
changes in foreign price levels relative to the
u.s. price levelL rose by more than 30 percent on a trade-weighted basis. The most
important reason for this extremely large rise
was the increase in U.s. real interest rates
(nominal rates adjusted for inflation) relative
to real interest rates abroad. Higher real U.s.
interest rates made investment in this country attractive to foreigners, who bid up the
real value of the dollar in foreign exchange
markets. After a period of time, real appre- :
ciation of the dollar reduced the quantity of
U.S. exports and increased the quantity of
imports. Lesser, but possibly significant,
additional factors strengthening the dollar
have been recent changes in U.s. tax law
that give more favorable treatment to capital
investment in the United States and increased risk on investments in other parts of
the world.

While the slowing in nominal monetary
growth that occurred prior to 1982 contributed to a temporary increase in real interest
rates (real M 1 declined by over 4 percent a
year between 1 979 and 1981) that made the
dollar so strong, it is only one of the contributing factors. The reduction in the
growth of nominal M 1 accounted for less
than half of the reduction in real M 1 growth
during this period. The dominant influence
on real M 1 was an acceleration of inflation,
strongly fueled by shocks from food and
energy prices.

Money not the only cause
Monetarist models failed to capture the
effect of amuch stronger dollar in generati ng
economic slack by reducing net exports
that, in turn, contributed to the large decl ine
in inflation. M1 growth slowed from 8.1 percent in 1 978 to 7.4 and 7.2 percent in 1 979
and 1 980, respectively, and to 5.1 percent in
1 981 . Such a slowing should tend to raise
real short-term interest rates, and hence the
real exchange rate, temporarily by first
reducing the growth of real money balances.
, As the price level adjusts in the long-run,
however, the real stock of money, real interest rates, and the real exchange rate should
return to normal.

More importantly, the strength of the effect
of higher real short-term interest rates on the
real exchange rate depends upon how long
high real rates are expected to last, or,
equ ivalently, whether they are transmitted
to real long-term interest rates. If a real
interest rate differential on a 1-year bond of
3 percentage points in favor of the United
States is expected to last for a year, it could
boost the real exchange rate above its long2

. _-_. _-----_
run value by only 3 percent. That is, the
expected return of the exchange rate to its
long-run value would just offset the extra
yield on the bond. But if this differential
were anticipated to last for 10 years, the real
exchange rate should rise by 30 percent.
Two readily identifiable factors contributed
to market expectations that high real shortterm interest rates would last for some time.
First, because the Administration supported
the Federal Reserve's efforts to reduce the
rate of monetary growth, international
investors renewed their confidence in the
ability of the United Statesto pursue a
course of stable monetary policy. Such a
policy reduces thelikelihood that real interest rates could be temporarily depressed by
excessive monetary stimulation in the
future. Second, after passageof the Economic Recovery Tax Act in the Summer of
1981, it soon became clear that the structural, or cyclically adjusted, federal budget·
deficit would grow very substantially in the
future. The demand of the federal government for credit would therefore be'expected
to keep future real short-term interest rates
high.

Conclusion
The solution to the puzzle of why monetarist
equations for forecasting inflation have
broken down recently lies in the foreign

.. _

- -

trade sector. During the 1981
the drop in real final demand was led by a
drop in real net exports. Slower monetary
growth contributed in expected degree to
weakness in such sectors as consumer durables, housing, and business fixed investment. But the evidence indicates that an
appreciation in the real foreign exchange
value of the dollar, which was the key factor
in the sharp drop of net exports, could not
have been accurately predicted from the
previous slowing in monetary growth. The
most important influence on the real
exchange rate was the expectation of continued high real interest rates created by
renewed international confidence in U.s.
monetary stabi lity and by the anticipation of
large federal budget deficits.
The decline in net exports contributed
greatly to the increase in economic slack,
that was mainly responsible for the subsequent drop in inflation. The reduction in real
aggregatedemand caused by the drop in net
exports helped to produce a decline in the
income velocity of M 1, at first directly, and
later indirectly as less inflation led to lower
nominal interest rates. Because of this quite
independent effect of net exports upon
aggregate demand and economic slack, the
decline in inflation was considerably greater
than predicted by monetarist forecasting
equations.
Adrian W. Throop

The 1981·1982 Recession
Trough of Recession

Real Final Sales
Real GNP
......
Real Final Sales to
Domestic Purchasers

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BANKING DATA-TWELFTH FEDERAL
RESERVE
DISTRICT
(Dollar amounts in millions)

Selected Assetsand liabilities
Large Commercial Banks
Loans, Leases and Investments 1 2
Loans and Leases1 6
Commercial and Industrial
Real"estate
Loans to Individuals
Leases
U.S. Treasury and Agency Securities2
Other Securities 2
Total Deposits
Demand Deposits
Demand Deposits Adjusted 3
Other Transaction Balances4 :
Total Non-Transaction Balances6
Money Market Deposit
Accounts-Total
Time Deposits in Amounts of
$100,000 or more
Other Liabilities for Borrowed MoneyS

Weekly Averages
of Daily Figures
ReservePosition, All Reporting Banks
Excess Reserves (+ )/Deficiency (-)
Borrowings
Net free reserves (+ )/Net borrowed ( -)

Amount
Outstanding
3/7/84

176,691
156,418
46,636
59,276
26,947
5,011
12,184
8,088
185,698
43,364
29;102
12,467
129,867

-1,010
993
373
46
2
5
3
- 13
295
- 872
403
462
114

40,524

Change from
year ago
Percent
Dollar

Change
from
2/29/84

151

37,971
19,327
Weekended
3/7/84

-

-

-

-

666
1,063
673
377
296
50
322
75
5,298
5,872
2,229
307
882

-

-

. 10.7

927

-

113
894

-

193
3,679

Weekended
2/29/84

NA
NA
NA

-

NA
NA
NA

1.7
3.1
6.7
2.9
5.1
4.6
11.8
4.2
12.7
54.4
32.5
11.0
3.1

-

2.3
73.0

Comparable
year-ago period
NA
NA
NA

1 Includes loss reserves, unearned income, excludes interbank loans

Excludes trading account securities
Excludes u.s. overnment and depository institution deposits and cash items
g
ATS, N OW, Super N O W and savings accounts with telephone transfers
S Includes borrowing via FRB, TT&L notes, Fed Funds, RPsand other sources
6 Includes items not shown separately
2

3
4

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