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Vol. 8, No. 1 • March 2013­­

DALLASFED

Economic
Letter
Foreclosures’ Silver Lining:
They Could Restrain Rent Inflation
by Alex Musatov and Danielle DiMartino Booth

Rental inflation has
surpassed historic
levels despite a supply
of housing that partly
reflects a persistent
inventory of foreclosed,
vacant homes.

T

he U.S. housing market served
both as a trigger and a catalyst
during the recent financial
crisis. Roughly $7 trillion in
household wealth was lost as average
house prices declined by nearly one-third
from their peak (Chart 1). The resulting
negative wealth effect—decreased income
and deleveraging of consumer balance
sheets—suppressed consumption and
deepened the recession.
Recent economic indicators suggest
that the worst of the housing crisis has
passed, with home sales and prices
reaching bottom in 2012. Construction,
housing prices and homeowner’s equity
show early signs of resumed growth.
While these signs are encouraging, a
notable disconnect has emerged. Rental
inflation has surpassed historic levels
despite a supply of housing that partly reflects a persistent inventory of foreclosed,
vacant homes. Several impediments have
hindered a market-based resolution to
the crisis’ lingering effects. Among them,
individuals have found mortgages hard to
come by due to tougher credit standards,
and investors interested in bulk purchases
have encountered owners unwilling to
enter into these types of sales.

Foreclosures at Historic Levels
At the downturn’s onset, vacanthome inventories swelled amid slumping

valuations and high unemployment.1
The properties ended up on the balance sheets of banks and governmentsponsored enterprises (GSEs), most
notably Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,
which purchase mortgages and bundle
them for sale as debt securities. These
foreclosures are collectively known as
“real estate owned,” or REO. The share of
loans in foreclosure exceeded 4 percent
three years ago and remains near its high
(Chart 2).
Not all foreclosed properties become
vacant, but many do—3.8 million,
according to the fourth quarter 2012
census.2 That is 50 percent higher than
in the years preceding the housing crisis.
Long-empty homes tend to fall into disrepair and invite crime. A foreclosed, but
not vacant, home lowers the neighboring property value by 3.9 percent, while
an empty home impairs values by more
than twice that amount, according to the
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland.3

Excess Inventory Persists
A tepid economic recovery, stagnant
wage growth, tight mortgage lending
standards, fear of further house price
declines and shifting homeownership
patterns contribute to still-large distressed property inventories. Moreover,
home sales remain well below peak levels
even as the 30-year, fixed-rate mortgage

Economic Letter
Chart

1

In the six years through
2006, 16 million

Trillions of dollars

200

10

150

8

while a net 700,000

100

6

became renters. In

4

the five years that

2
0

followed, homeowner
ranks contracted by 1.2

renters emerged.

Real estate equity

’87

’89

’91

’93

’95

50

’97

’99

’01

’03

’05

’07

’09

’11

0

SOURCES: S&P/Case-Shiller; Federal Reserve Board of Governors’ flow of funds accounts.

reached a record-low 3.5 percent. Slow
personal income growth may explain
some of the inactivity. Real (inflation
adjusted) per capita disposable income
grew at an average annual rate of 2.1 percent from 2000 to 2007, but it shrank 0.03
percent annually in the most recent five
years.
Relaxed lending standards and policy
initiatives that encouraged homeownership just before the crisis widened the
pool of buyers to include people who
couldn’t previously qualify. Now, tighter
credit standards hinder buyer access
to financing. At the peak, first-time
homebuyers accounted for 51 percent of
existing-home sales, compared with 37
percent today.4 The average credit score
of the bottom 10 percent of borrowers has
risen from about 625 out of a possible 850
points in 2006 to 690 today.5 While tougher lending standards should strengthen
the long-term mortgage market, for now
they stymie the housing recovery.

Rising Rental Inflation
Even with housing affordability
near historic highs, rental inflation has
increased, reflecting demand outstripping supply (Chart 3). From year-end
2009 to September 2012, the average
monthly apartment rent increased almost
10 percent, to $1,310.
The retreat from homeownership has
been remarkable. In the six years through
2006, 16 million Americans became new

2

250

S&P/Case-Shiller
home price index

12

new homeowners,

million additional

Index, first quarter 2000 = 100

16
14

Americans became

million, while 4.2

Home Prices, Equity Remain Well Below Precrisis Peaks

homeowners, while a net 700,000 became
renters. In the five years that followed,
homeowner ranks contracted by 1.2 million, while 4.2 million additional renters
emerged.
Apartment starts rose from a seasonally adjusted, annualized rate of 58,000
in October 2009 to 338,000 in December
2012, reflecting this burgeoning demand.
Theoretically, the inventory of GSEforeclosed homes could meet some of
this need.

Obstacles to Rental Conversion
Although an estimated $10 billion in
private funds has been raised to target
the distressed real estate sector, several
obstacles have hindered deployment of
capital.6
First, institutional buyers—real estate
investment trusts (REITs) and private
equity funds—normally seek large, dense
projects such as office buildings or highrise apartment complexes. (Blackstone
Group’s $250 million purchase of foreclosed homes marks a recent strategic
change.)
Second, financing for groups of single-family homes isn’t readily available, a
disadvantage for smaller investors.
Third, ownership of foreclosed properties is spread among banks, GSEs and
investment funds, limiting bulk sales.
Furthermore, such sales of REOs typically
command significant price concessions
relative to direct owner-occupied sales.

Economic Letter • Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas • March 2013

Economic Letter
Chart

2

Foreclosed Home Inventory Remains Near Peak

Percent
5

4
Fourth quarter 2012: 3.74%
3

2

1

0

’00

’01

’02

’03

’04

’05

’06

’07

’08

’09

’10

’11

’12

SOURCE: Mortgage Bankers Association’s National Delinquency Survey.

After sustaining significant write-offs due
to the housing collapse, banks are reluctant to recognize further losses.
Finally, while most suburban REO
properties are in neighborhoods where
median home values mirror those of the
larger metropolitan area, many others are
in poorer, low-demand communities.7
Vacant and sometimes vandalized, these
properties may appear unattractive to
potential landlords.

Pilot Program
In August 2011, the Federal Housing
Finance Agency (FHFA), which oversees
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, requested
proposals on how best to handle foreclosed properties. By some estimates, the
GSEs hold half the nation’s foreclosed
homes. The agency unveiled a pilot program in February 2012, drawn from the
more than 4,000 responses it received.
The initiative allowed qualified investors to purchase pools of assets—homes
that are vacant or already rented—in the
hardest-hit markets, with a caveat: The
properties must be used as rentals for
a predetermined time. To broaden the
potential investor base, FHFA allowed
individuals, corporations and investment
trusts to participate in a sealed-bid auction. Bids were requested in two formats:
an outright cash purchase and a jointventure partnership with FHFA.
Prospective purchasers were prequalified, filing detailed applications that

focused on financial capacity, real estate
investing experience and ability to manage rental assets long term. FHFA was
also concerned about the impact of foreclosed properties on neighboring communities and sought investors with experience in managing groups of scattered
single-family homes, which demand
operational expertise that distinctly differs from what is required to oversee
multifamily developments.
Fannie Mae supplied 2,490 pilotprogram properties (from a 250,000-unit
inventory) in a relatively few metropolitan areas—Chicago, Atlanta, Los Angeles,
Las Vegas, Phoenix and two regions in
Florida. Based on results of the initial
effort, the next round could include
homes from Freddie Mac and the Federal
Housing Administration. Officials wanted
to test investor appetite, assess operational strategies and, in particular, ascertain
the availability of debt financing structures needed to execute the transactions.

Partial Disposal Suggested
FHFA revealed winners for all REO
pools but Atlanta, which leads the nation
in foreclosed properties. The agency has
not disclosed why Atlanta wasn’t awarded. In all, 24 firms competed—a group
that ranged from sophisticated hedge
funds to relative newcomers.
The bids, now public, confirm the
housing market uncertainty confronting some investors. Of the two firms that

competed for all 2,490 properties, one
valued them at $65 million, while the
other offered $262 million. Bid ranges for
individual pools were relatively narrower
but still substantial. The package of 341
properties in Phoenix attracted offers
from $28 million to $49 million. While
some of the difference can be attributed
to operational and management skill, it
appears that even specialized investors
still materially disagree about the intermediate-term outlook for the distressedhousing sector.
Rather than accept the outright sale
offers, FHFA opted for joint-venture
arrangements. For instance, the winner
of 699 properties in Florida will manage
the rented properties in exchange for a
fee of 20 percent of gross realized rents.
Pacifica LLC, a Santa Barbara, Calif.based real estate investment company,
may sell only 10 percent of the units during each of the venture’s first three years.
The firm will receive 10 percent of equity
distributions, while Fannie Mae collects
90 percent until its receipts reach a specified threshold. The two entities will then
equally split equity distributions. FHFA
expects the joint ventures to last 10 years,
after which it can force the sale of the
remaining rentals.

Promise and Limitations
Interest in the pilot program from
established, prominent firms validates
the potential for this new REO asset class.
But the trial run’s small size is unlikely
to materially coalesce the disconnect
between the ownership and rental markets. To attract investors, the pilot included mostly properties with live-in, paying
tenants—Capital Economics, a global
macroeconomic research firm, estimates
that renters occupied up to 80 percent
of the properties. This strategy guaranteed that the new owners would collect
cash rent from day one. It also created a
trade-off—very few new rental units were
created, perhaps too few to measurably
affect house values or local rents.
Moreover, FHFA’s preference for a
joint venture may have deterred some
larger, more prominent funds that
intended to aggregate the acquired properties into a REIT or to securitize the
rents, packaging them into a rent-backed
security. Without full ownership, that

Economic Letter • Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas • March 2013

3

Economic Letter

Chart

3

Notes
The authors would like to thank Joshua Zorsky of the Financial Industry Studies Department for analytical support.

Rents Outpace Inflation as Housing Affordability Nears High

Percent

Index

250

2.5
Housing affordability
2

200

1.5
1

150

.5
100

0
–.5

–1.5

50

Percent change in real rents

–1
2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

0

NOTES: The real rent inflation series is calculated as the difference between the year-over-year change in the rent
component of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and the Trimmed Mean CPI produced by the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
A value of zero implies that rents increased exactly in line with the broad level of prices. A rise in the National Association of
Realtors’ Housing Affordability Index means that homeownership has become more affordable. The index equals 100 when
a median-family-income household qualifies for an 80 percent mortgage on a median-priced existing, single-family home.

National Delinquency Survey, Mortgage Bankers Association, Second Quarter, 2012.
2
Housing Vacancy Survey, Census Bureau, Fourth Quarter,
2012.
3
“The Impact of Vacant, Tax-Delinquent and Foreclosed
Property on Sales Prices of Neighboring Homes,” by
Stephen Whitaker and Thomas James Fitzpatrick IV, Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland Working Paper no. 11-23,
December 2011.
4
Profile of Home Buyers and Sellers, National Association
of Realtors, Nov. 10, 2012.
5
“Prescriptions for Housing Recovery,” speech by Governor
Elizabeth A. Duke, Federal Reserve Board, May 15, 2012.
1

“Rental Market’s Big Buyers,” by Craig Karmin, Robbie
Whelan and Jeannette Neumann, WSJ.com, Oct. 3, 2012.
7
“Addressing Long-Term Vacant Properties to Support
Neighborhood Stabilization,” speech by Governor Elizabeth
A. Duke, Federal Reserve Board, Oct. 5, 2012.
6

SOURCES: Bureau of Labor Statistics; Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas; National Association of Realtors.

exit strategy could not be pursued. Large
funds may not return if similar bulk
auctions are held in the future. OchZiff Capital Management—a $31 billion
hedge fund and an early entrant into
the rental market, with a portfolio of 300
foreclosed California homes—recently
announced its exit after less than a year,
citing disappointing returns. FHFA has
yet to announce plans to expand the
pilot into a larger-scale initiative.
While the full economic and social
benefits of the REO-to-rental pilot will
be difficult to gauge for some time, the
program’s potential to alleviate the dis-

DALLASFED

joint between rental inflation and home
affordability appears limited. At least
for now, rental demand growth appears
strong, fueled by economic and financial
shifts. Still, combined with complementary efforts from the public and private
sectors, this initiative may become a pillar for a sustained housing recovery.
Musatov is an alternative investments
specialist and DiMartino Booth a senior
financial industry analyst and advisor in
the Financial Industry Studies Department
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

Economic Letter

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views expressed are those of the authors and should not
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www.dallasfed.org.

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