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against taxes, but extensive loan write-offs probably would affect bank profits and shareholders' earnings. Write-offs also could affect bank capital. Banks must maintain capital against loans, although the required amount is only a small share of total loans. Consequently, any reduction in capital could restrict bank lending and raise interest rates. Higher interest rates and reduced lending, moreover, could slow domestic economic activity, but the extent of this effect would depend on the monetary policy of the Federal Reserve System. Debtor-country defaults on outstanding loans also would greatly restrict their ability to conduct international trade. A default would leave the debtor nation unable to obtain foreign credits to import vital commodities. This in turn could impinge on its ability to produce other goods for domestic consumption and for exportation. Without exports, these countries would find it difficult to earn foreign exchange. Moreover, the developing countries are important markets for developed-country exports. In 1982 the United States exported approximately $84 billion to the developing countries, an amount equal to 38 percent of total U.S. exports. The contraction of these markets would further reduce economic growth and employment in the United States. A Climate for Improvement Just as changes in the economic climate contributed to the crisis atmosphere in international lending, an improvement in the international economic environment would help resolve the international debt situation. Dooley, Helkie, et al. (1983) and Cline (1983) describe such an outlook. Both studies recognize the importance of real growth and suggest industrial-country growth of approximately 3 percent per year to reduce the burden of debt in developing countries. This assumption seems to preclude another worldwide recession in this decade. Both studies recognize the importance of low interest rates but differ somewhat in the relative importance attached to attaining them. Dooley, Helkie, et al. emphasize that a reduction in real interest rates could have a larger near-term effect than more rapid growth in industrialized countries. Cline also notes Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland Research Department P.O. Box 6387 Cleveland, OH 44101 nrlrl nn 'Vinnn J ill;! kIt 611~~i Ud .~i/. ;;."""~ tt \ ~TJr'rr~~'r~~! !{: :. ,~ f:f { '; \ \.' !'~ ( :~ that further sharp declines in oil prices could have a detrimental impact on the debt situation. Oilexporting countries owe large amounts of debt, and the effects of an oil-price decline are more severe for oil exporters than beneficial to oil importers. Both studies assume an increase in oil prices in their scenario for an improved debt situation. In addition, the developing countries should adopt policies to reduce domestic consumption, restrict imports, and encourage exports. They also would need additional external credits to finance their imports of vital com modities. In the absence of such credits, their economic growth could falter and inhibit the reduction of their debt burdens. The dangers posed by the international debt situation will not easily, or quickly, be defused. There is always a chance that some desired aspect of international economic conditions would not materialize, creating new tensions and pressures. Only by recognizing what all nations stand to lose as a result of crisis mismanagement will we have the patience and courage to prevent a true crisis. BULK RATE Paid Cleveland,OH Permit No. 385 u.s. Postage Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland January 3, 1984 rSSN 0428-1276 The International Debt Situation by Owen E Humpage The precarious international debt situation clouds the economic outlook, worrying bank regulators and complicating international commerce. The world's developing countries, excluding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have debts outstanding totaling approximately $575 billion. Of this amount, U.S. banks hold approximately $100 billion.' The economic climate of the past few years has left many developing countries unable to meet the interest and principal payments on their debts according to their original loan agreements. Although no country has repudiated its debt, many have entered into negotiations with their creditors to extend repayment schedules. A default or major disruption in meeting payments on debts might shake confidence in the U.S. banking system, producing a contraction in both domestic and international bank lending. Such developments could reduce international trade and slow the pace of the economic recovery worldwide. This Economic Commentary provides some perspective on the development and implications of the international debt situation, focusing on Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela. These four Latin American countries account for roughly 63 percent of all U.S. bank loans to developing nations. Situations in these countries are fairly typical of economic trends in other developing economies. Argentina and Brazil are oil-importing countries, while Mexico and Venezuela are oil-exporting countries. The Gathering Storm The most important factor underlying the debt build up was the oilprice shocks of 1973 and 1979. Following the initial price hike, gross oil imports of the non-OPEC developing countries jumped from $4 billion in 1973 to $15 billion in 1974. Gross oil imports for these countries subsequently grew more slowly and steadily to $20 billion in 1978, but the second oil-price shock in 1979 lifted their gross oil imports to $50 billion in 1980.2 Many oil-importing countries initially borrowed to finance their higher oil-import bills. Borrowing permitted these developing countries to mitigate the immediate impacts of the oil shocks on their standards of living and presumably provided them with time for adopting longer-term adjustment policies. International banks played an important role in this adjustment process by recycling funds from surplus countries to borrowing countries. Despite initial concerns, the recycling process went rather smoothly following the 1973 oilprice shock. Ironically, the sharp oil-price increase also encouraged many oilproducing countries to borrow •• •• t ,-~ ~'- ~,({,.~;,\.t\ U~'\~J/ •• ~ ::;:! (":: ~:;i(:,\~:;!)'\,j~ Address Correction Requested: Please send' t... ~.' 1••. corrected mailing label to the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Research Department, P.O. Box 6387, Cleveland, OH 44101. 1 ,,', ',. L , •• Economist Owen Humpage follouis the international sector for the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. The views stated herein are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland or of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. 1. For data on total debt, see remarks by Paul A. Volcker, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Annual Convention of the American Bankers Association, Honolulu, HI, October 10, 1983, p. 3; processed. 2. For data on oil imports, see statement by Paul A. Volcker, Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, before the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, House of Representatives, February 2, 1983, Table 1; processed. heavily. Some, like Mexico, initially borrowed to develop their oil-proTable 1 Outstanding LOans to Non-Oil Developing Countries ducing capacity. Many countries Total capital Total assets borrowed against expected future Nine Nine Nine oil receipts to expand and diversify All largest All largest All largest reporting reporting reporting reporting reporting reporting their industrial bases. Number of banks .banks banks banks banks banks reporting The oil-price shocks in themPercent Date banks Billions of dollars Percent selves did not create an unmanage12177 124 115 163 46.9 30.0 6.5 8.1 able debt situation. As a group, 31.0 6178 164 124 115 48.7 6.5 8.0 the developing countries demon33.4 176 12178 129 52.2 6.3 116 7.9 strated excellent real GNP growth 54.4 6179 166 128 35.0 6.3 115 7.8 throughout the 1970s despite 61.8 12179 182 130 6.6 39.9 124 8.2 higher oil-import bills. Between 41.9 66,2 6,6 6/80 143 182 8.2 123 1973 and 1982, on average, the 75.4 12/80 153 7.1 199 47.9 9.0 132 major industrialized countries 7.4 51.6 6/81 158 82.3 9.3 137 206 experienced real GNP growth of 12/81 159 92.8 57.6 8.0 10.2 148 220 2.5 percent per year; the develop6/82 167 98.6 60.3 8.3 10.6 149 222 ing countries enjoyed real GNP 12/82 11,0 171 103.2 64.2 8.2 146 222 growth of 4.7 percent per year, 11.0 6/83 ' 190 212 103.7 8.1 64.1 139 while developing countries in the SOURCE: Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council. western hemisphere experienced real GNP growth of 4.5 percent per year.' Moreover, not all developing with expertise in the area. The equaled $30 billion in 1977, or nine largest U.S. reporting banks, 163 percent of their capital. Lendcountries experienced trade deficits for example, held 62 percent of the ing by the nine largest reporting during the 1970s. Argentina and banks increased at a 16.5 percent Venezuela, for example, usually ran total reporting-bank claims on developing countries as of June 1983. average annual rate through 1982. trade surpluses, while Brazil and This amount equaled 212 percent Again, foreign loans rose relative Mexico had trade deficits that were of the large banks' capital. to total assets and capital. not strikingly large. It is difficult to define what U.S. banks have concentrated The excellent growth potential of would constitute a "too-high" level their international lending to a relthe developing countries, the relaatively small group of "middleof foreign lending. Total bank loans tively high returns on capital that typically exceed bank capital many income" developing countries. The this growth implied, and a foreign world's poorest nations rely priloan-loss record no worse than that . times over. Observing changes in the data over time provides a clue marily on international organizaof domestic loans attracted U.S. banks to the international lending tions such as the World Bank to (see table 1). Although the total. market. As of June 1983, the 190 finance their development. Argennumber of reporting banks has U.S. banks reporting to a lending tina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela changed since the FFIEC survey survey of the Federal Financial began, blurring comparisons, the account for 63 percent of the total U.S. reporting-bank claims, with Institutions Examination Council nine largest reporting banks have (FFIEC) had claims on non-oil remained the same in this period. Brazil and Mexico accounting for developing countries of nearly In 1977, the first year of 'the FFIEC 20 percent and 24 percent, respec$104 billion, an amount equal to tively. Loans to Argentina, Brazil, survey, the 124 reporting banks 139 percent of the capital of these lent non-oil developing countries Mexico, and Venezuela equal 88 perbanks.' Although many regional cent of the total reporting-bank $47 billion, or 115 percent of their and small banks entered the intercapital. Over the next five years, capital and 131 percent of the capinational lending market in the tal of the nine largest reporting total reporting-bank claims grew at 1970s" international lending rebanks. Consequently, banks are an annual average pace of approxmained the domain of large banks vulnerable to adverse developments imately 17 percent, and foreign in these countries. loans rose as a share of total assets and capital. For the nine largest reporting banks, total claims •• 3. For data on growth rates, see Nancy H. Teeters and Henry S. Terrell, "The Role of Banks in the International Financial System;' Federal Reserve Bulletin, vol. 69, no. 9 (Septernber 1983), pp, 663·71. •• 4, The Federal Financial Institutions Exarnination Council includes the Office of the Compo troller of the Currency, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Its Country Exposure Lending Survey is conducted biannually and currently covers 190 U.S. banking organizations, The data are released approximately six months after the surveys are conducted. A Changing Climate Although the ultimate causes of debt-servicing problems often are endemic to a specific country, events of the late 1970s and early 1980s drastically altered the international debt climate, making it difficult for many developing countries to service their debts. World interest rates rose sharply in the late 1970s. U.S. Treasury bill rates, for example, averaged 6.3 percent in December 1977 but rose to 14.9 percent by December 1980: Throughout much of the 1970s, real interest rates (nominal rates adjusted for inflation) remained low and often negative. Negative real interest rates reduce the real burden of debt servicing. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, as an inflationary psychology became widespread and the Federal Reserve System and other central banks adopted disinflation monetary policies, both nominal and real interest rates rose sharply. Also reflecting the inflationary psychology of the late 1970s, banks began writing international lending agreements in such a way as to permit frequent adjustments of interest payments to changes in market rates. Consequently, the sharp rise in market interest rates in the late 1970s and early 1980s rapidly translated into increased debt-servicing costs for developing countries. Soon after the sharp rise in real interest rates, world economic activity began to slow. Economic growth among the industrialized countries was very sluggish in 1980 and 1981, and economic activity fell 0.2 percent in 1982, a decline equal to that experienced in industrial-country output in the world- wide recession of 1975. The industrialized nations constitute the major market for developing country exports; as the economic growth of major industrial countries slowed, so did the volume of exports of developing countries. The worldwide recession also depressed commodity prices, which fell approximately 15.0 percent in 1981 and 12.0 percent in 1982, after rising nearly 15.0 percent per year on average since 1973. The exports of many developing countries are concentrated in commodities and, hence, are very sensitive to commodities' price trends. As a result of these price and quantity trends, the dollar value of exports fell 11.5 percent in 1982 for Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela after increasing at an average annual 17.5 percent since 1973. Export growth is crucial to debtor nations, as it is the primary means by which these nations earn foreign exchange to service their debts. For that reason, economists often measure a country's foreign-debt burden relative to its exports. Because of higher interest rates and a decline in exports, the debtservice ratios (interest payment and amortization divided by exports) of developing countries grew rapidly after 1982. According to one expert, the combined debtservice ratios of Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela increased from 172 percent in 1981 to 269 percent in 1982.5 As previously suggested, the debt-servicing problems of certain countries largely reflect specific debt-management and economic policies of those countries. The Latin American countries, for example, generally have permitted inflation rates well above world standards and have maintained exchange rates at artificially high •• 5, William R. Cline, International Debt and the Stability 0/ the World Economy, Policy Analysis in International Economics, No, 4, Washington, D,C,: Institute for International Economics, September 1983, levels. As the economic climate in these countries worsened in recent years, wealthholders moved funds out of these countries, fearing capital controls or currency devaluation. The shift of investable funds outside these developing countries increased their need to borrow externally for investment purposes. A significant portion of total external borrowing has financed capital flight in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela/' Banks have become increasingly reluctant to extend further credits to developingcountries. The growth of total reporting bank claims to non-oil developing countries slowed in 1982, as the seriousness of the international debt situation became widely understood. Between December 1982 and June 1983, claims of banks in the lending survey showed virtually no growth. In part because of this reluctance to lend, the reporting banks have been able to improve their exposure over the past year relative to their capital. The Impact of Loan Losses It is difficult to speculate on the effects of a major disruption in the servicing of international loans, such as a moratorium or repudiation, as much depends on the extent of the disruption and the response of regulatory agencies, commercial banks, shareholders, and depositors. U.S. banks consider a loan as non performing when borrowers have not made interest and/ or principal payments for a period of 90 days. The banks have some recourse to tax laws that permit losses to be carried back and offset •• 6, See Michael Dooley, William Helkie, et aI., "An Analysis of External Debt Positions of Eight Developing Countries through 1990;' International Finance Discussion Papers, No. 227, August 1983, especially table 1. heavily. Some, like Mexico, initially borrowed to develop their oil-proTable 1 Outstanding LOans to Non-Oil Developing Countries ducing capacity. Many countries Total capital Total assets borrowed against expected future Nine Nine Nine oil receipts to expand and diversify All largest All largest All largest reporting reporting reporting reporting reporting reporting their industrial bases. Number of banks .banks banks banks banks banks reporting The oil-price shocks in themPercent Date banks Billions of dollars Percent selves did not create an unmanage12177 124 115 163 46.9 30.0 6.5 8.1 able debt situation. As a group, 31.0 6178 164 124 115 48.7 6.5 8.0 the developing countries demon33.4 176 12178 129 52.2 6.3 116 7.9 strated excellent real GNP growth 54.4 6179 166 128 35.0 6.3 115 7.8 throughout the 1970s despite 61.8 12179 182 130 6.6 39.9 124 8.2 higher oil-import bills. Between 41.9 66,2 6,6 6/80 143 182 8.2 123 1973 and 1982, on average, the 75.4 12/80 153 7.1 199 47.9 9.0 132 major industrialized countries 7.4 51.6 6/81 158 82.3 9.3 137 206 experienced real GNP growth of 12/81 159 92.8 57.6 8.0 10.2 148 220 2.5 percent per year; the develop6/82 167 98.6 60.3 8.3 10.6 149 222 ing countries enjoyed real GNP 12/82 11,0 171 103.2 64.2 8.2 146 222 growth of 4.7 percent per year, 11.0 6/83 ' 190 212 103.7 8.1 64.1 139 while developing countries in the SOURCE: Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council. western hemisphere experienced real GNP growth of 4.5 percent per year.' Moreover, not all developing with expertise in the area. The equaled $30 billion in 1977, or nine largest U.S. reporting banks, 163 percent of their capital. Lendcountries experienced trade deficits for example, held 62 percent of the ing by the nine largest reporting during the 1970s. Argentina and banks increased at a 16.5 percent Venezuela, for example, usually ran total reporting-bank claims on developing countries as of June 1983. average annual rate through 1982. trade surpluses, while Brazil and This amount equaled 212 percent Again, foreign loans rose relative Mexico had trade deficits that were of the large banks' capital. to total assets and capital. not strikingly large. It is difficult to define what U.S. banks have concentrated The excellent growth potential of would constitute a "too-high" level their international lending to a relthe developing countries, the relaatively small group of "middleof foreign lending. Total bank loans tively high returns on capital that typically exceed bank capital many income" developing countries. The this growth implied, and a foreign world's poorest nations rely priloan-loss record no worse than that . times over. Observing changes in the data over time provides a clue marily on international organizaof domestic loans attracted U.S. banks to the international lending tions such as the World Bank to (see table 1). Although the total. market. As of June 1983, the 190 finance their development. Argennumber of reporting banks has U.S. banks reporting to a lending tina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela changed since the FFIEC survey survey of the Federal Financial began, blurring comparisons, the account for 63 percent of the total U.S. reporting-bank claims, with Institutions Examination Council nine largest reporting banks have (FFIEC) had claims on non-oil remained the same in this period. Brazil and Mexico accounting for developing countries of nearly In 1977, the first year of 'the FFIEC 20 percent and 24 percent, respec$104 billion, an amount equal to tively. Loans to Argentina, Brazil, survey, the 124 reporting banks 139 percent of the capital of these lent non-oil developing countries Mexico, and Venezuela equal 88 perbanks.' Although many regional cent of the total reporting-bank $47 billion, or 115 percent of their and small banks entered the intercapital. Over the next five years, capital and 131 percent of the capinational lending market in the tal of the nine largest reporting total reporting-bank claims grew at 1970s" international lending rebanks. Consequently, banks are an annual average pace of approxmained the domain of large banks vulnerable to adverse developments imately 17 percent, and foreign in these countries. loans rose as a share of total assets and capital. For the nine largest reporting banks, total claims •• 3. For data on growth rates, see Nancy H. Teeters and Henry S. Terrell, "The Role of Banks in the International Financial System;' Federal Reserve Bulletin, vol. 69, no. 9 (Septernber 1983), pp, 663·71. •• 4, The Federal Financial Institutions Exarnination Council includes the Office of the Compo troller of the Currency, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Its Country Exposure Lending Survey is conducted biannually and currently covers 190 U.S. banking organizations, The data are released approximately six months after the surveys are conducted. A Changing Climate Although the ultimate causes of debt-servicing problems often are endemic to a specific country, events of the late 1970s and early 1980s drastically altered the international debt climate, making it difficult for many developing countries to service their debts. World interest rates rose sharply in the late 1970s. U.S. Treasury bill rates, for example, averaged 6.3 percent in December 1977 but rose to 14.9 percent by December 1980: Throughout much of the 1970s, real interest rates (nominal rates adjusted for inflation) remained low and often negative. Negative real interest rates reduce the real burden of debt servicing. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, as an inflationary psychology became widespread and the Federal Reserve System and other central banks adopted disinflation monetary policies, both nominal and real interest rates rose sharply. Also reflecting the inflationary psychology of the late 1970s, banks began writing international lending agreements in such a way as to permit frequent adjustments of interest payments to changes in market rates. Consequently, the sharp rise in market interest rates in the late 1970s and early 1980s rapidly translated into increased debt-servicing costs for developing countries. Soon after the sharp rise in real interest rates, world economic activity began to slow. Economic growth among the industrialized countries was very sluggish in 1980 and 1981, and economic activity fell 0.2 percent in 1982, a decline equal to that experienced in industrial-country output in the world- wide recession of 1975. The industrialized nations constitute the major market for developing country exports; as the economic growth of major industrial countries slowed, so did the volume of exports of developing countries. The worldwide recession also depressed commodity prices, which fell approximately 15.0 percent in 1981 and 12.0 percent in 1982, after rising nearly 15.0 percent per year on average since 1973. The exports of many developing countries are concentrated in commodities and, hence, are very sensitive to commodities' price trends. As a result of these price and quantity trends, the dollar value of exports fell 11.5 percent in 1982 for Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela after increasing at an average annual 17.5 percent since 1973. Export growth is crucial to debtor nations, as it is the primary means by which these nations earn foreign exchange to service their debts. For that reason, economists often measure a country's foreign-debt burden relative to its exports. Because of higher interest rates and a decline in exports, the debtservice ratios (interest payment and amortization divided by exports) of developing countries grew rapidly after 1982. According to one expert, the combined debtservice ratios of Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela increased from 172 percent in 1981 to 269 percent in 1982.5 As previously suggested, the debt-servicing problems of certain countries largely reflect specific debt-management and economic policies of those countries. The Latin American countries, for example, generally have permitted inflation rates well above world standards and have maintained exchange rates at artificially high •• 5, William R. Cline, International Debt and the Stability 0/ the World Economy, Policy Analysis in International Economics, No, 4, Washington, D,C,: Institute for International Economics, September 1983, levels. As the economic climate in these countries worsened in recent years, wealthholders moved funds out of these countries, fearing capital controls or currency devaluation. The shift of investable funds outside these developing countries increased their need to borrow externally for investment purposes. A significant portion of total external borrowing has financed capital flight in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela/' Banks have become increasingly reluctant to extend further credits to developingcountries. The growth of total reporting bank claims to non-oil developing countries slowed in 1982, as the seriousness of the international debt situation became widely understood. Between December 1982 and June 1983, claims of banks in the lending survey showed virtually no growth. In part because of this reluctance to lend, the reporting banks have been able to improve their exposure over the past year relative to their capital. The Impact of Loan Losses It is difficult to speculate on the effects of a major disruption in the servicing of international loans, such as a moratorium or repudiation, as much depends on the extent of the disruption and the response of regulatory agencies, commercial banks, shareholders, and depositors. U.S. banks consider a loan as non performing when borrowers have not made interest and/ or principal payments for a period of 90 days. The banks have some recourse to tax laws that permit losses to be carried back and offset •• 6, See Michael Dooley, William Helkie, et aI., "An Analysis of External Debt Positions of Eight Developing Countries through 1990;' International Finance Discussion Papers, No. 227, August 1983, especially table 1. against taxes, but extensive loan write-offs probably would affect bank profits and shareholders' earnings. Write-offs also could affect bank capital. Banks must maintain capital against loans, although the required amount is only a small share of total loans. Consequently, any reduction in capital could restrict bank lending and raise interest rates. Higher interest rates and reduced lending, moreover, could slow domestic economic activity, but the extent of this effect would depend on the monetary policy of the Federal Reserve System. Debtor-country defaults on outstanding loans also would greatly restrict their ability to conduct international trade. A default would leave the debtor nation unable to obtain foreign credits to import vital commodities. This in turn could impinge on its ability to produce other goods for domestic consumption and for exportation. Without exports, these countries would find it difficult to earn foreign exchange. Moreover, the developing countries are important markets for developed-country exports. In 1982 the United States exported approximately $84 billion to the developing countries, an amount equal to 38 percent of total U.S. exports. The contraction of these markets would further reduce economic growth and employment in the United States. A Climate for Improvement Just as changes in the economic climate contributed to the crisis atmosphere in international lending, an improvement in the international economic environment would help resolve the international debt situation. Dooley, Helkie, et al. (1983) and Cline (1983) describe such an outlook. Both studies recognize the importance of real growth and suggest industrial-country growth of approximately 3 percent per year to reduce the burden of debt in developing countries. This assumption seems to preclude another worldwide recession in this decade. Both studies recognize the importance of low interest rates but differ somewhat in the relative importance attached to attaining them. Dooley, Helkie, et al. emphasize that a reduction in real interest rates could have a larger near-term effect than more rapid growth in industrialized countries. Cline also notes Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland Research Department P.O. Box 6387 Cleveland, OH 44101 nrlrl nn 'Vinnn J ill;! kIt 611~~i Ud .~i/. ;;."""~ tt \ ~TJr'rr~~'r~~! !{: :. ,~ f:f { '; \ \.' !'~ ( :~ that further sharp declines in oil prices could have a detrimental impact on the debt situation. Oilexporting countries owe large amounts of debt, and the effects of an oil-price decline are more severe for oil exporters than beneficial to oil importers. Both studies assume an increase in oil prices in their scenario for an improved debt situation. In addition, the developing countries should adopt policies to reduce domestic consumption, restrict imports, and encourage exports. They also would need additional external credits to finance their imports of vital com modities. In the absence of such credits, their economic growth could falter and inhibit the reduction of their debt burdens. The dangers posed by the international debt situation will not easily, or quickly, be defused. There is always a chance that some desired aspect of international economic conditions would not materialize, creating new tensions and pressures. Only by recognizing what all nations stand to lose as a result of crisis mismanagement will we have the patience and courage to prevent a true crisis. BULK RATE Paid Cleveland,OH Permit No. 385 u.s. Postage Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland January 3, 1984 rSSN 0428-1276 The International Debt Situation by Owen E Humpage The precarious international debt situation clouds the economic outlook, worrying bank regulators and complicating international commerce. The world's developing countries, excluding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have debts outstanding totaling approximately $575 billion. Of this amount, U.S. banks hold approximately $100 billion.' The economic climate of the past few years has left many developing countries unable to meet the interest and principal payments on their debts according to their original loan agreements. Although no country has repudiated its debt, many have entered into negotiations with their creditors to extend repayment schedules. A default or major disruption in meeting payments on debts might shake confidence in the U.S. banking system, producing a contraction in both domestic and international bank lending. Such developments could reduce international trade and slow the pace of the economic recovery worldwide. This Economic Commentary provides some perspective on the development and implications of the international debt situation, focusing on Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela. These four Latin American countries account for roughly 63 percent of all U.S. bank loans to developing nations. Situations in these countries are fairly typical of economic trends in other developing economies. Argentina and Brazil are oil-importing countries, while Mexico and Venezuela are oil-exporting countries. The Gathering Storm The most important factor underlying the debt build up was the oilprice shocks of 1973 and 1979. Following the initial price hike, gross oil imports of the non-OPEC developing countries jumped from $4 billion in 1973 to $15 billion in 1974. Gross oil imports for these countries subsequently grew more slowly and steadily to $20 billion in 1978, but the second oil-price shock in 1979 lifted their gross oil imports to $50 billion in 1980.2 Many oil-importing countries initially borrowed to finance their higher oil-import bills. Borrowing permitted these developing countries to mitigate the immediate impacts of the oil shocks on their standards of living and presumably provided them with time for adopting longer-term adjustment policies. International banks played an important role in this adjustment process by recycling funds from surplus countries to borrowing countries. Despite initial concerns, the recycling process went rather smoothly following the 1973 oilprice shock. Ironically, the sharp oil-price increase also encouraged many oilproducing countries to borrow •• •• t ,-~ ~'- ~,({,.~;,\.t\ U~'\~J/ •• ~ ::;:! (":: ~:;i(:,\~:;!)'\,j~ Address Correction Requested: Please send' t... ~.' 1••. corrected mailing label to the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Research Department, P.O. Box 6387, Cleveland, OH 44101. 1 ,,', ',. L , •• Economist Owen Humpage follouis the international sector for the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. The views stated herein are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland or of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. 1. For data on total debt, see remarks by Paul A. Volcker, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Annual Convention of the American Bankers Association, Honolulu, HI, October 10, 1983, p. 3; processed. 2. For data on oil imports, see statement by Paul A. Volcker, Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, before the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, House of Representatives, February 2, 1983, Table 1; processed.