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January 1, 1990

6CONOMIG
COMMeNTORY
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland

Does The Fed Cause Christmas?
by Charles T. Carlstrom and
Edward N. Gamber

/conomists, policymakers, and even
the general public frequently make the
mistaken assumption that the Federal
Reserve System can effect predictable
changes in real output simply by manipulating the short-term money supply.
While it is certainly true that a positive
correlation exists between nominal
money and real output (see figure 1), the
jury is still out on whether this correlation indicates that changes in money
cause changes in output.
Specifically, it is unproven whether
short-run increases in money above
trend cause increases in real output
above its trend level. And perhaps most
important, even if money does affect
output in the short term, it is not clear
how this relationship could be used by
the Federal Reserve to enhance social
welfare.
This Economic Commentary will explore two reasons why the perception
that money causes output has maintained its grip. First, as a general rule,
correlation is frequently taken to imply
causality — often an incorrect assumption. As figure 1 demonstrates, changes
in money do precede changes in output, inevitably causing some to conclude a causal relationship. However,
simple temporal ordering does not concretely indicate causality. Even though
changes in nominal money precede
changes in output, that observation in
and of itself is not sufficient evidence to
warrant any particular conclusion about
the direction of causality between
ISSN 0428-1276

money and output. Second, a number of
early macroeconomic models were constructed using the assumption that shortterm deviations in money would cause
changes in output, a view that coincided
with the conventional wisdom of economists and policymakers.We will offer
an alternative explanation for the positive correlation between money and output. It argues that although we cannot
reject the notion that short-run fluctuations in money do not result in shortterm fluctuations in output, we also cannot reject the opposite hypothesis that
changes in real output, or the expectations of future output, cause changes in
money.
After exploring the reasons for this
misperception about money and output, this Commentary also looks at the
policy consequences resulting from it.
In particular, since it cannot be known
with certainty whether the Federal
Reserve has control over real output,
the wisdom of conducting policy as if
it does must be questioned. We conclude by suggesting an alternative
policy based on rules.
• Correlation Does Not Equal
Causality
Does the Federal Reserve cause Christmas? A silly concept, perhaps, but consider the evidence.
As figure 2 illustrates, fourth-quarter
changes in the money supply are positively correlated with fourth-quarter
changes in output. Without further in-

The casual observer, noting that
money and output are frequently correlated, might assume that there is a
causal relationship between the two.
A closer look at the evidence suggests
otherwise.

formation, it is not possible to tell
whether increases in money cause the
corresponding increases in output, or
whether increases in output cause the
corresponding increase in money, or
whether some third, unspecified variable causes increases in both. Knowing
only the positive correlation between
the two, an uninformed observer might
easily conclude that the Federal Reserve System indeed causes Christmas!
The direction of causality is fairly easy
to identify in this particular case. Output rises in the fourth quarter because
of increased consumer spending, and
the Federal Reserve boosts the money
supply to accommodate the increased
spending. However, this does not completely explain the causal relationship
between money and output, because
the two are correlated at times other
than Christmas as well.
And even though figure 1 clearly indicates that changes in money precede
changes in output, can we conclude
from this that changes in money
"cause" changes in output? Unfortunately, inferences about the direction of

causality between two variables cannot
be based on their temporal ordering.1
To illustrate the problems inherent in inferring causality from mere temporal ordering, consider the case of the relationship between the act of carrying an
umbrella and the potential for rain. In
other words, does the act of carrying an
umbrella increase the probability of
rain, or does the possibility of rain
cause an individual to carry an umbrella? If an observer were to rely only on
the temporal ordering of umbrella-carrying and rainfall, he or she could easily
assume, in the absence of any other
data, that the act of carrying an umbrella causes rain to occur. Obviously,
people who pay attention to weather
forecasts will carry an umbrella when
precipitation is predicted, thus negating
the earlier conclusion of a temporal
relationship indicating causality.
The relationship between money and
real output can be subject to the same
misperception. Again referring to the
umbrella/rain relationship, it is entirely
possible that some additional, unknown variable or variables, such as
the expectation that future output is
going to increase, cause money to increase before real output. Thus, the
Federal Reserve reacts to the known
trend for increased consumer spending,
and for corresponding increases in output, by providing extra cash reserves
for the holiday season.
• The Real Business Cycle
Explanation
Yet another basis for the misperception
about the money/output relationship,
and for its persistence, is the fact that
most undergraduate textbook macroeconomic models assume that the
Federal Reserve controls real output.
Traditional Keynesian and monetarist
models assume some type of rigidity,
such as sticky nominal wages, in order
to generate the result that the Federal
Reserve can control output by changing
money supply. Other models emphasize
the difference between the effects of anticipated and unanticipated changes in
the money supply. If people in the
economy behave rationally, then only un-

FIGURE1 REAL GNP AND M2
Percent deviations
2.01

1963

1968

1973

1978

1983

1988

NOTE: Sample period is from 1959:1Q to 1988:IVQ.
SOURCES: Data Resources, Inc., and Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

anticipated changes in the supply of
money can affect real output.
While these models adequately explain
certain facts, some econometric studies
have found that little of the variation in
real output can be accounted for by
variations in nominal money. The
failure of money to account for a large
portion of business-cycle fluctuations
has prompted economists to consider
alternative explanations of both the
business cycle and the correlation between real money and output. One
such alternative explanation is commonly referred to as the real business
cycle explanation.
The real business cycle explanation of
cyclical fluctuations differs from previous models in that it assumes
economic fluctuations to be generated
by changes such as technological innovations or other economic "shocks"
—positive or negative—and not by
money. These innovations or shocks
may be productivity-enhancing, such
as the invention and subsequent proliferation of personal computers, or
productivity-diminishing, as in the case
of an increase in the price of raw
materials (oil, for example).

Unlike previous models of the business
cycle, the success of real business cycle
models rests on their ability to generate
artificial data to match observed comovements among output, investment,
consumption, and employment.
If these models explain cyclical fluctuations without relying on money, then
how do they explain the correlation between real output and money? Recall
that correlation and causality are two
different concepts. Although these models assign no causal role to money, they
do yield predictions for the correlation
between money and output. In particular, real business cycle theory predicts
that the positive correlation between
money and output is due to reverse
causality. In other words, nominal
money and real output are positively
correlated because changes in real output cause changes in nominal money.
Suppose, for example, that scientists
discover a material that is superconductive at room temperature. Such
a discovery would be considered a
positive technological shock that
would, in the long run, lead to higher
potential real output in the economy.
The immediate effect, however, would
be an increase in the demand for

to suggest that the Federal Reserve has
any real ability to control real output
simply by manipulating the money
supply.

FIGURE 2 REAL GNP AND MONETARY BASE
Monetary base, not seasonally adjusted
•

• IQ
o IIQ
• IIIQ
A IVQ

2 —
-

1 —
-

A

Sin HE RSa-w—
•

-1 -

fc°s°

4

oo

o
I
-

4

1
-

1
i
1
3 - 2 - 1 0 1 2 3
Real GNP, not seasonally adjusted

l

1

NOTE: Sample period is from 1959:IQ to 1988:IVQ.
SOURCES: Data Resources, Inc., and Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.

money as firms attempted to finance
new investment projects and as consumers, anticipating a permanent increase in income, spent more money.
As the demand for money increases,
the banking sector supplies a larger
quantity of money in the form of checking and savings accounts. We should
therefore observe a positive correlation
between real output and broader
measures of money such as Ml and
M2, with changes in money preceding
the changes in output. The Federal
Reserve would be inclined to accommodate the increased demand for
money as well. If this was the case,
then we would also observe a positive
correlation between the monetary base
and real output.
The correlations between real output
and different measures of money are
qualitatively consistent with real business cycle theory. These correlations indicate that the bulk of the relationship
between money and real output can be
found within the components of money
determined by the banking sector. They
also indicate that monetary changes
occur prior to changes in real output.

In particular, the correlation between
the monetary base and real output is
small relative to the correlation between real output and Ml or M2. The
contemporaneous correlation between
real output and Ml is 0.59, and the correlation between real output and M2
(lagged two quarters) is .68.5
Few economists disagree with the
hypothesis that at least some of the correlation between real output and money
is due to reverse causality. The point of
disagreement centers on whether this is
the only link between short-term
money fluctuations and output. While
these correlations do not imply reverse
causality, they are at least consistent
with it. The data do not reject the possibility that changes in real output can
either partially or totally explain movements in nominal money.
• Policy Implications
The popular media continuously report
that the Federal Reserve is either tightening or loosening the money supply in
order to inhibit or stimulate the growth
rate of real output. The general public
and policymakers alike act as if shortrun money can, and therefore should, be
used to control output. As we have
shown, there is no conclusive evidence

Given our ignorance about the moneyoutput relationship, how should the
Federal Reserve conduct policy? At
first glance, it would seem that the effects of current policy would be benign
if short-term fluctuations in money do
not cause output. However, we argue
that acting as if monetary policy affects
output is at worst benign and may actually be harmful. And most would
agree that policy should, first and
foremost, do no harm, to borrow the
physician's maxim.
Even if money does affect real output
through "Keynesian channels" such as
nominal wage contracts, it is unclear
whether using monetary policy to stabilize output would actually increase output. Similarly, a neoclassical model
by Lucas (1977) predicts that output
changes induced by monetary policy
are actually welfare-reducing. Policies
that lead to increased variability of
money also lead to price instability,
and are thus ultimately detrimental to
social welfare.
There is also some evidence indicating
that countries with the highest growth
rates of money actually have lower
growth rates of real output. The
theoretical explanation for this is that
higher inflation, typically associated
with higher money growth, is in reality
a tax on real money balances. Like any
other tax, this particular one lowers output below its potential level. Higher
growth rates of money are also usually
accompanied by higher variability of
money growth, adding an additional element of distortion to the economic picture. The uncertainty generated by
changes in this tax lowers output even
further.
Although a pure real business cycle
model predicts that money is completely neutral, it is quite possible that the
true explanation of why output has
recurrent fluctuations will require both
Keynesian and real business cycle

elements. Some movements in real
output — deviations from trend —
may be optimal, as described by real
business cycle theorists, and some may
be due to market failures, as described
by Keynesians. At the present time,
however, it is impossible to distinguish
between these two types of cyclical
fluctuations.
Even if money can be used to control
output, how would the choice be made
between which shocks to offset and
which to leave alone? Even in the most
optimistic scenario, where the choice
to act is very clear, the gain from doing
so is reputedly small. Lucas (1988)
points out that the welfare gains made
by smoothing business cycle fluctuations are small and are dwarfed by the
potential gains from increasing longrun growth.
Given this, and the need for the money
supply to be as predictable as possible
to prevent output changes that are clearly welfare-reducing, we believe that it
would be better for the Federal Reserve
to commit to a monetary policy rule.
One such rule would be for the Federal
Reserve to commit to a long-run goal
such as price stability. However, if
such a long-run policy is intended to
reduce uncertainty, it should specify in
advance a complete target path for a
particular price index. Then people
could see how the Federal Reserve

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Research Department
P.O. Box 6387
Cleveland, OH 44101

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intended to lower the current rate of inflation and how it would respond to future deviations of the price level from
the announced path.

• Footnotes
1. For example, see James Tobin, "Money
and Income: Post Hoc Ergo Proper Hoc?"
Quarterly Journal of Economics, May 1970,
84,301-17.
2. SeeLucas(1972)fora formal model of
this theory, and Lucas (1977) for a more
heuristic discussion of the model. Robert E.
Lucas, Jr., "Expectations and the Neutrality
of Money," Journal of Economic Theory,
April 1972,4, 103-24; and Robert E. Lucas,
Jr., "Understanding Business Cycles," in
Stabilization of the Domestic and International Economy, edited by Karl Brunner and
Allan H. Meltzer, Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy, Amsterdam:
North Holland Publishing Co., 1977,5, 7-30.
3. For a review of this literature, see Prescott (1986) and Stockman (1988). Edward
C. Prescott, "Theory Ahead of Business
Cycle Measurement," Quarterly Review,
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Fall
1986, 9-22; and Alan C. Stockman, "Real
Business Cycle Theory: A Guide, an Evaluation, and New Directions," Economic Review,
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Quarter
IV, 1988,24-47.
4. See Robert C. King and Charles I.
Plosser, "Money, Credit, and Prices in a
Real Business Cycle," American Economic
Review, June 1984, 74, 363-80, for a formal
model of this mechanism.
5. All correlations are calculated using percent deviations from trend.

6. Hoehn (1989) shows that the optimal
policy under nominal wage contracting is
nominal output stabilization. See James G.
Hoehn, "Procyclical Real Wages Under
Nominal-Wage Contracts with Productivity
Variations," Economic Review, Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Quarter IV,
1988, 11-23.
7. See Lucas (1977), second title under footnote two.
8. See Robert C. Kormendi and Philip G.
Meguire, "Macroeconomic Determinants of
Growth: Cross-Country Evidence," Journal
of Monetary Economics, September 1985,
16, 141-64.
9. This argument is due to Stockman
(1988). See second title under footnote three.
10. See Robert E. Lucas, Jr., "On the Mechanics of Economic Development," Journal
of Monetary Economics, July 1988,22,3-42.

Charles T. Carlstrom is an economist at the
Federal Resene Bank of Cleveland. Edward
N. Camber is an assistant professor of
economics at the University ofMissouri-St,
Louis and was formerly a visiting scholar at
the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. The
authors wish to thank John Carlson, Randall
Eberts, William Gavin, William Osterberg,
and Alan Stockman for helpful comments. In
addition, we wish to thank Susan Black for
valuable research assistance.
The views stated herein are those of the
authors and not necessarily those of the
Federal Reseiye Bank of Cleveland or of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System.

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