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November 15, 1987

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Economic Commentary is a bi-weekly periodical published by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. Copies
of the titles listed below are available through the Public Information Department, 216/579-2047.
Does Dollar Depreciation Matter:
The Case of Auto Imports from Japan
Gerald H. Anderson
John B. Carlson

Loan-Quality Differences:
Evidence from Ohio Banks
Paul R. Watro

1/1/87

5/1/87

Is the US. Pension-Insurance
System Going Broke?
Thomas M. Buynak

Ohio Banks: Hitting the Interstate
Acquisition Road
Thomas M. Buynak
John McElravey

1/15/87
Should We Intervene
in Exchange Markets?
Owen F. Humpage

5/15/87

2/1/87
The Decline in US. Agricultural
Gerald H. Anderson

Exports

2/15/87
The Japanese Edge in Investment:
The Financial Side
William Osterberg

3/1/87
Debt-Deflation and Corporate
Jerome S. Fons

Finance

3/15/87
Requirements for Eliminating
the Trade Deficit
Owen F. Humpage

4/1/87
Seeking Safety
E.J. Stevens

Home Equity Lines:
Characteristics and Consequences
KJ. Kowalewski

6/1/87
Reappraising the 1987-88 Outlook
John Erceg
William G. Murmann

6/15/87
MIA - M.I.A.?
William T. Gavin
Michael Pakko

7/1/87

iSSN 0428·1276

A Critical Look at SIPC
Jerome S. Fons

7/15/87
Interbank Exposure in the Fourth
Federal Reserve District
James B. Thomson

8/1/15
Lessons from the European
Monetary System
Nicholas V. Karamouzis

8/15/87
US. Dependence on Foreign Saving
Gerald H. Anderson
John B. Carlson

9/1/87
Competition, Concentration,
in the US. Airline Industry
Paul Bauer

and Fares

9/15/87
FDIC Policies for Dealing with Failed
and Troubled Institutions
Daria Caliguire
James B. Thomson

10/1/87
Two Neglected Implications
Dollar Depreciation
Gerald H. Anderson

of

10/15/87

4/15/87

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Research Depdrtrnent
P.O. Box 6387
Cleveland, OH 44101

Material may be reprinted provided that the
source is credited. Please send copies of reprinted
materials to the editor.

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ECONOMIC
COMMENTARY
The 1980s have been especially difficult
years for industrial areas of the country. We have experienced an enormous
transformation in our economies. Onceprominent industries have declined in
absolute and relative importance. Under
the pressures of competition, firms have
been forced to alter operations and restructure facilities. Change of this sort
is usually painful for the people and the
communities involved, but if change is
inevitable and leads to a better world,
then much has been accomplished.
Here in the Fourth Federal Reserve
District, the results of change are
emerging, and two observations can be
made concerning the future of our
economy. First, the manufacturing sector will continue to be important, but
will employ a smaller proportion of the
labor force. Second, the service sector
will continue to grow, as measured
both by employment and output.
The service sector's dramatic rise
has not meant the deindustrialization
of our region or the country, any more
than the massive shift of employment
from agriculture to industry at the turn
of the century led to a loss of output in
agriculture. Manufacturing will continue to be a basic component of our
economy and the nation's economy. In
fact, it still claims roughly the same
percentage of GNP that it did after
World War II-a share that may well
rise somewhat in the next several years
as we close the trade deficit-even
though its employment share has
declined sharply.

W Lee Hoskins is president of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland. The material in this
Economic Commentary was prepared using economic information that was available in January
1988. Material in this article was presented to the
Greater Cleveland Growth Association at that time.

Nineteen eighty-seven has been
heralded as the "Year of Manufacturing." Nationally, manufacturing output
in 1987 rose by 5.7 percent over 1986,
and manufacturing employment also
rebounded. Last year, over 300,000 factory jobs were added, an increase of 1.6
percent. Although the increase last
year was the largest since the early
part of this expansion, it comprises
only 11 percent of the 2.8 million jobs
created between October 1986 and
October 1987. The service sector,
which claims 24 percent of the economy's jobs, generated 1,045,00 jobs, or
37 percent of the total new jobs, over
the same period.
These statistics tell us that manufacturing output continues to expand, but
with fewer workers. The general shakeout in manufacturing experienced over
the last eight years has resulted in a
leaner, more competitive manufacturing sector. Productivity in the manufacturing sector has been rising at a
rate of 3.5 percent per year since
1980-twice the rate of growth of productivity in the total business sector.
Industries have made conscious efforts
to modernize their facilities. According
to recent surveys, new plant investment is being targeted more toward
modernization than toward expansion.
We expect the structural change that
has been underway in our local economy
to continue. In order to see continued
positive results from this restructuring,
we will have to see continued improvement in the productivity of our manufacturing sector and of our service sector.
We are after all going to be forced to

Economic Policy
Issues for 1988
and Beyond
by W. Lee Hoskins

compete with other regions and countries in export markets for services.
This can be accomplished only in a
stable economic environment-an
environment of stable prices and stable
taxes. We have to remove the uncertainties that are created by high and
varying rates of inflation, and consequently, high interest rates. In a stable
economic environment, industries can
make long-term investments in plant
and equipment that will contribute to
further increases in productivity.
We have made much progress towards
a noninflationary, more market-driven
economy, but we are not there yet. As
the turbulence in financial markets of
the past several months so clearly indicates, some people doubt that we will
conclude the voyage successfully. To
get back on track, I believe economic
policymakers here and abroad should
focus again on long-term objectives. We
should specify the objectives and
announce them publicly. We should
make the objectives clear, and we
should assign priorities to them. These
steps will strengthen the commitment
of policymakers to achieve the objectives, and if policy makers take actions
to achieve their stated objectives, they
will strengthen the credibility of policy.
Sources of Uncertainty
in Financial Markets
Of course some degree of uncertainty is
inherent in financial markets, but I
believe the developments of recent

months are symptomatic of a deeper
underlying problem-a problem that I
might characterize as growing uncertainty about economic policy, including
the market's inability to perceive a commitment by economic policymakers to
achieve a noninflationary environment.
After all, consumer prices did rise last
year by 4 percent.
It seems to me that there are several
major sources of uncertainty about
economic policies. It is also obvious
that many uncertainties cannot be
removed or even alleviated without
resolving several fundamental issuesissues that have been long debated but
that remain unresolved.
At the top of any list is the federal
budget issue. Simply put, how large
should government be and how will the
services we demand of our government
be paid for? It may well be that in some
technical or theoretical sense the budget
issue is not the root of some of our problems. Perhaps the Federal Reserve, for
example, can be counted on to achieve
and maintain price stability regardless
of the budget deficit. In an environment
where government becomes larger, as it
has, and government services are paid
for with debt issue, as they have been,
some market participants may suspect
that pressures on the Federal Reserve
to inflate the economy will mount. The
Federal Reserve has resisted such pressures over the past eight years of disinflation. Eventually, however, failure to
resolve the budget issues could cause
some market participants to believe
that either a weakened resolve by the
central bank or an erosion of its independence will occur.
Protracted debate and discussion over
the budget has produced neither meaningful action towards change nor assurance that change is on the way. From
the vantage point of financial markets,
the issue has assumed even greater
importance, to the point of affecting the
pricing of the entire range of domestic
and international financial assets.
From fiscal years 1984 to 1986, federal debt in the hands of the public
grew at about 15 percent annuallyabout twice as fast as national income.
The growth of federal debt slowed in
1987, but this reflected only a temporary bulge in tax revenues. The recent
protracted budget impasse demonstrated that there is still no apparent
consensus about how to slow the growth
of federal debt. Failure to agree on how

to slow it means that there is still great
doubt about whether it will be slowed.
And this uncertainty is reflected in the
increased volatility and higher risk
premiums in financial markets.
A second issue contributing to uncertainty centers on the exchange rate,
trade policy, and our trade imbalance.
Early in this decade, we reached a
workable consensus that the value of
the dollar was a matter best left to the
markets. We recognized that we did not
know what the equilibrium exchange
rate was and, mindful of the damage
done in the 1970s with inappropriate
exchange rates, we also recognized that
policies designed to maintain an inappropriate exchange rate were detrimental to our domestic economy.
To meaningfully influence exchange
rates, policymakers have to make fundamental changes in monetary and fiscal policies. Surely we are moving
toward a more global economy. Nevertheless, nations still tend to do what
they perceive to be in their own best
interest, regardless of prior commitments made in international agreements. The political process through
which countries define and implement
their self-interest virtually guarantees
that policies will seek a mixture of shortand long-term interests. These interests will change more in accord with
domestic short-term political desires in
each country than with the longer-term
demands of a truly global economy.
Consequently, market participants are
forced to make judgments on a wide
range of issues that have very uncertain outcomes.
An equally important issue is the
protracted debate over trade policy. Following World War II, governments
reached consensus and made basic
commitments to achieve expanded
trade and open borders. Over the intervening four decades, progress was
spectacular, but our resolve to continue
down this path seems to have weakened in recent years as a result of the
disinflation strains and steadily growing competition from foreign producers.
Strong pressures for protectionist
legislation in the U.S. reflect the sensitivity of management and labor to the
inroads of foreign competition. Fortunately, our trade position began to
improve in late 1986 as foreign
exchange rates began to correct, and
this trade correction is expected to
gather steam in 1988. However, protectionist legislation could threaten continued progress. Closing ourselves off
from foreign markets would produce

significant adverse impacts in capital
markets as well. While financial
markets cannot keep governments from
taking protectionist actions, they can
and will reflect the follies of such
actions by marking down prices of
those governments' securities.
A third major source of uncertainty
involves monetary policy. One problem
in recent years is the weakened link
between the money supply and spending. This weakened link has greatly
diminished the usefulness of a money
growth rule of thumb to guide policy
judgment and to communicate policy
objectives to the public. Determining
whether policy is actually compatible
with those objectives has also become
more difficult.
The weakened link between money
and spending has forced the Federal
Reserve even more explicitly into a
judgmental policy unrelated to any single measure of money or other financial
or nonfinancial measure. Generally
speaking, the Federal Reserve has exercised its judgment pretty well over the
past several years. While I believe
monetary policymakers have done a
good job, the methods we have been
forced to use have obscured our ultimate objectives so that markets cannot
tell whether our policies are compatible
with a noninflationary outcome.
Lacking a rule of thumb for monetary policy has added greatly and
unavoidably to uncertainty even about
near-term prospects for business activity and inflation. In fact, some, including myself, are concerned that the
recent slowdown in money supply
growth, unless reversed, may result in
a weaker economy in 1988 than is now
commonly expected. Others see more
strength in business activity this year
than I do and believe that policy based
on judgment, in an election year, is
likely to mean even more inflation.
A similar uncertainty prevails abroad
where economic growth has been sluggish. Keeping inflation low has received
a high priority but, in recent months,
money growth has accelerated beyond
target ranges in Germany and Japan.
As their currencies appreciate, their
export growth is threatened. Whether
policies abroad will be driven by concern for future inflation or by concerns
for sluggish economies and a rising
exchange rate continues to be a source
of considerable uncertainty.
I suggest that the relative calm of
1986, and much of 1987, rested on a

monetary policy stance that was a reasoned accommodation to the situation
and the underlying uncertainties. But,
it seems to me recent events suggest a
substantial increase in market uncertainty about the ultimate outcome. The
fundamental political and economic
issues remain unresolved and the
markets question whether those issues
will be resolved in a manner compatible
with noninflationary economic growth.
General Policy Principles
Today, financial markets hold the attention of policymakers around the world.
The October 19 crash reemphasized the
reality that markets serve as a constraining force on economic policy choices.
Ultimately, policymakers have little
choice but to reexamine policies and
attempt to alleviate some uncertainties.
As policymakers reexamine policies, I
recommend that they keep in mind two
old principles. One is simply that a
government's ability to issue debt is
constrained by the willingness of the
public to buy its debt. The other is that
inflation is a problem not a solution.
The government can run deficits, but
the government cannot, indeed, will
not, be allowed to ignore the constraint
placed on its ability to float debt by the
willingness of markets to purchase that
debt. Markets will reprice financial
assets and recognize accordingly the
underlying economic reality. The ongoing federal budget discussion may be
too narrowly focused on the deficit, but
my point here is to suggest that the
issue is simply that federal debt may be
growing rapidly enough that the public,
both here and abroad, increasingly may
show greater reluctance to buy it. I
suspect this would be less worrisome to
markets if the government showed
greater determination to reduce the
growth of federal debt, or if the U.S.
economy were less close to a condition
of full employment.
The second principle is as familiar as
the first: inflation is a problem, not a
solution. While this principle may seem
so obvious that it does not merit mention, it is a principle that continues to
be challenged. The lessons of the 1970s
seem clear. We cannot achieve a stable
economic expansion in an inflationary
setting. In a world of floating exchange
rates, it can be difficult to know in the
short-run whether a nation's policies
are too loose, for example, or too tight.
The inflation principle provides good
guidance.

West Germany and Japan have inflation rates that are close to zero, while
the U.S. inflation rate is around 4 percent and some fear that it will be moving up. The presumption should be that
it is the United States that should be
aiming at lower inflation. Our inflation
rate is the one that should be declining
toward convergence with theirs, rather
than theirs rising toward convergence
with ours. While that is the responsibility of the Federal Reserve, the matter is not as simple as it appears. One
can, and indeed markets do, question
whether the Federal Reserve can or
will be allowed to proceed toward an
inflation-free environment.
I am convinced that policy decisionmaking based on these two old principles would reduce both exchange-rate
volatility and pressures for protectionist
legislation. Volatility and the attempt
to change market outcomes by legislation reflect uncertainty about macroeconomic policy. Inflation-rate uncertainty becomes interest-rate uncertainty
and exchange-rate volatility. Exchangerate volatility gets reflected in legislation to protect industries from uncertainty about exchange rates.
Setting and Stating Monetary
Policy Objectives
Clarifying objectives and obtaining
support for pursuing them should be
the order of the day for policymakers.
Stating goals and setting priorities for
the monetary policy process would be a
very useful step. It would promote discussion of these goals and assist in the
formulation of a broader consensus on
the primary responsibility of monetary
policy. It might also clarify the goals
that monetary policy cannot achieve,
except at the cost of the primary inflation goal. Of course, once goals are
stated explicitly, we must take actions
to achieve them. Only through effective
actions will policymakers restore their
credibility with financial markets.
I believe that a more forthcoming
statement of monetary policy objectives
can make a material contribution to
reducing market uncertainty.
Obviously, it is not the complete
answer. The uncertainty from the federal budget and protectionism issues
are beyond the reach of the monetary
authorities. But we can help reduce
uncertainty by making an inflation-free
environment our primary goal, and also

by specifying a time path, perhaps
three to five years, over which we will
achieve it. By making zero inflation the
overriding priority, lesser objectives
will be assigned a lower priority and
will assume a less prominent part in
the formation of market expectations.
We might also reduce confusion and
uncertainty by specifying some of the
things we are not trying to do. For
example, we might indicate that
beyond providing an inflation-free
environment, which is conducive to
economic growth, we do not intend to
smooth the business cycle or affect the
exchange rate.
This is a long-run view, of course.
But unless we lift our eyes from the
problems of the day, we have little
assurance that conditions will improve
in the long run. At the moment, the
monetary policy impact on and
response to short-run market conditions is foremost in our thoughts, but
the underlying problems will reemerge.
Markets will not allow us to forget
these problems. They are assessing
daily the likely course of economic policy in 1988 and beyond.

months are symptomatic of a deeper
underlying problem-a problem that I
might characterize as growing uncertainty about economic policy, including
the market's inability to perceive a commitment by economic policymakers to
achieve a noninflationary environment.
After all, consumer prices did rise last
year by 4 percent.
It seems to me that there are several
major sources of uncertainty about
economic policies. It is also obvious
that many uncertainties cannot be
removed or even alleviated without
resolving several fundamental issuesissues that have been long debated but
that remain unresolved.
At the top of any list is the federal
budget issue. Simply put, how large
should government be and how will the
services we demand of our government
be paid for? It may well be that in some
technical or theoretical sense the budget
issue is not the root of some of our problems. Perhaps the Federal Reserve, for
example, can be counted on to achieve
and maintain price stability regardless
of the budget deficit. In an environment
where government becomes larger, as it
has, and government services are paid
for with debt issue, as they have been,
some market participants may suspect
that pressures on the Federal Reserve
to inflate the economy will mount. The
Federal Reserve has resisted such pressures over the past eight years of disinflation. Eventually, however, failure to
resolve the budget issues could cause
some market participants to believe
that either a weakened resolve by the
central bank or an erosion of its independence will occur.
Protracted debate and discussion over
the budget has produced neither meaningful action towards change nor assurance that change is on the way. From
the vantage point of financial markets,
the issue has assumed even greater
importance, to the point of affecting the
pricing of the entire range of domestic
and international financial assets.
From fiscal years 1984 to 1986, federal debt in the hands of the public
grew at about 15 percent annuallyabout twice as fast as national income.
The growth of federal debt slowed in
1987, but this reflected only a temporary bulge in tax revenues. The recent
protracted budget impasse demonstrated that there is still no apparent
consensus about how to slow the growth
of federal debt. Failure to agree on how

to slow it means that there is still great
doubt about whether it will be slowed.
And this uncertainty is reflected in the
increased volatility and higher risk
premiums in financial markets.
A second issue contributing to uncertainty centers on the exchange rate,
trade policy, and our trade imbalance.
Early in this decade, we reached a
workable consensus that the value of
the dollar was a matter best left to the
markets. We recognized that we did not
know what the equilibrium exchange
rate was and, mindful of the damage
done in the 1970s with inappropriate
exchange rates, we also recognized that
policies designed to maintain an inappropriate exchange rate were detrimental to our domestic economy.
To meaningfully influence exchange
rates, policymakers have to make fundamental changes in monetary and fiscal policies. Surely we are moving
toward a more global economy. Nevertheless, nations still tend to do what
they perceive to be in their own best
interest, regardless of prior commitments made in international agreements. The political process through
which countries define and implement
their self-interest virtually guarantees
that policies will seek a mixture of shortand long-term interests. These interests will change more in accord with
domestic short-term political desires in
each country than with the longer-term
demands of a truly global economy.
Consequently, market participants are
forced to make judgments on a wide
range of issues that have very uncertain outcomes.
An equally important issue is the
protracted debate over trade policy. Following World War II, governments
reached consensus and made basic
commitments to achieve expanded
trade and open borders. Over the intervening four decades, progress was
spectacular, but our resolve to continue
down this path seems to have weakened in recent years as a result of the
disinflation strains and steadily growing competition from foreign producers.
Strong pressures for protectionist
legislation in the U.S. reflect the sensitivity of management and labor to the
inroads of foreign competition. Fortunately, our trade position began to
improve in late 1986 as foreign
exchange rates began to correct, and
this trade correction is expected to
gather steam in 1988. However, protectionist legislation could threaten continued progress. Closing ourselves off
from foreign markets would produce

significant adverse impacts in capital
markets as well. While financial
markets cannot keep governments from
taking protectionist actions, they can
and will reflect the follies of such
actions by marking down prices of
those governments' securities.
A third major source of uncertainty
involves monetary policy. One problem
in recent years is the weakened link
between the money supply and spending. This weakened link has greatly
diminished the usefulness of a money
growth rule of thumb to guide policy
judgment and to communicate policy
objectives to the public. Determining
whether policy is actually compatible
with those objectives has also become
more difficult.
The weakened link between money
and spending has forced the Federal
Reserve even more explicitly into a
judgmental policy unrelated to any single measure of money or other financial
or nonfinancial measure. Generally
speaking, the Federal Reserve has exercised its judgment pretty well over the
past several years. While I believe
monetary policymakers have done a
good job, the methods we have been
forced to use have obscured our ultimate objectives so that markets cannot
tell whether our policies are compatible
with a noninflationary outcome.
Lacking a rule of thumb for monetary policy has added greatly and
unavoidably to uncertainty even about
near-term prospects for business activity and inflation. In fact, some, including myself, are concerned that the
recent slowdown in money supply
growth, unless reversed, may result in
a weaker economy in 1988 than is now
commonly expected. Others see more
strength in business activity this year
than I do and believe that policy based
on judgment, in an election year, is
likely to mean even more inflation.
A similar uncertainty prevails abroad
where economic growth has been sluggish. Keeping inflation low has received
a high priority but, in recent months,
money growth has accelerated beyond
target ranges in Germany and Japan.
As their currencies appreciate, their
export growth is threatened. Whether
policies abroad will be driven by concern for future inflation or by concerns
for sluggish economies and a rising
exchange rate continues to be a source
of considerable uncertainty.
I suggest that the relative calm of
1986, and much of 1987, rested on a

monetary policy stance that was a reasoned accommodation to the situation
and the underlying uncertainties. But,
it seems to me recent events suggest a
substantial increase in market uncertainty about the ultimate outcome. The
fundamental political and economic
issues remain unresolved and the
markets question whether those issues
will be resolved in a manner compatible
with noninflationary economic growth.
General Policy Principles
Today, financial markets hold the attention of policymakers around the world.
The October 19 crash reemphasized the
reality that markets serve as a constraining force on economic policy choices.
Ultimately, policymakers have little
choice but to reexamine policies and
attempt to alleviate some uncertainties.
As policymakers reexamine policies, I
recommend that they keep in mind two
old principles. One is simply that a
government's ability to issue debt is
constrained by the willingness of the
public to buy its debt. The other is that
inflation is a problem not a solution.
The government can run deficits, but
the government cannot, indeed, will
not, be allowed to ignore the constraint
placed on its ability to float debt by the
willingness of markets to purchase that
debt. Markets will reprice financial
assets and recognize accordingly the
underlying economic reality. The ongoing federal budget discussion may be
too narrowly focused on the deficit, but
my point here is to suggest that the
issue is simply that federal debt may be
growing rapidly enough that the public,
both here and abroad, increasingly may
show greater reluctance to buy it. I
suspect this would be less worrisome to
markets if the government showed
greater determination to reduce the
growth of federal debt, or if the U.S.
economy were less close to a condition
of full employment.
The second principle is as familiar as
the first: inflation is a problem, not a
solution. While this principle may seem
so obvious that it does not merit mention, it is a principle that continues to
be challenged. The lessons of the 1970s
seem clear. We cannot achieve a stable
economic expansion in an inflationary
setting. In a world of floating exchange
rates, it can be difficult to know in the
short-run whether a nation's policies
are too loose, for example, or too tight.
The inflation principle provides good
guidance.

West Germany and Japan have inflation rates that are close to zero, while
the U.S. inflation rate is around 4 percent and some fear that it will be moving up. The presumption should be that
it is the United States that should be
aiming at lower inflation. Our inflation
rate is the one that should be declining
toward convergence with theirs, rather
than theirs rising toward convergence
with ours. While that is the responsibility of the Federal Reserve, the matter is not as simple as it appears. One
can, and indeed markets do, question
whether the Federal Reserve can or
will be allowed to proceed toward an
inflation-free environment.
I am convinced that policy decisionmaking based on these two old principles would reduce both exchange-rate
volatility and pressures for protectionist
legislation. Volatility and the attempt
to change market outcomes by legislation reflect uncertainty about macroeconomic policy. Inflation-rate uncertainty becomes interest-rate uncertainty
and exchange-rate volatility. Exchangerate volatility gets reflected in legislation to protect industries from uncertainty about exchange rates.
Setting and Stating Monetary
Policy Objectives
Clarifying objectives and obtaining
support for pursuing them should be
the order of the day for policymakers.
Stating goals and setting priorities for
the monetary policy process would be a
very useful step. It would promote discussion of these goals and assist in the
formulation of a broader consensus on
the primary responsibility of monetary
policy. It might also clarify the goals
that monetary policy cannot achieve,
except at the cost of the primary inflation goal. Of course, once goals are
stated explicitly, we must take actions
to achieve them. Only through effective
actions will policymakers restore their
credibility with financial markets.
I believe that a more forthcoming
statement of monetary policy objectives
can make a material contribution to
reducing market uncertainty.
Obviously, it is not the complete
answer. The uncertainty from the federal budget and protectionism issues
are beyond the reach of the monetary
authorities. But we can help reduce
uncertainty by making an inflation-free
environment our primary goal, and also

by specifying a time path, perhaps
three to five years, over which we will
achieve it. By making zero inflation the
overriding priority, lesser objectives
will be assigned a lower priority and
will assume a less prominent part in
the formation of market expectations.
We might also reduce confusion and
uncertainty by specifying some of the
things we are not trying to do. For
example, we might indicate that
beyond providing an inflation-free
environment, which is conducive to
economic growth, we do not intend to
smooth the business cycle or affect the
exchange rate.
This is a long-run view, of course.
But unless we lift our eyes from the
problems of the day, we have little
assurance that conditions will improve
in the long run. At the moment, the
monetary policy impact on and
response to short-run market conditions is foremost in our thoughts, but
the underlying problems will reemerge.
Markets will not allow us to forget
these problems. They are assessing
daily the likely course of economic policy in 1988 and beyond.

November 15, 1987

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Economic Commentary is a bi-weekly periodical published by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. Copies
of the titles listed below are available through the Public Information Department, 216/579-2047.
Does Dollar Depreciation Matter:
The Case of Auto Imports from Japan
Gerald H. Anderson
John B. Carlson

Loan-Quality Differences:
Evidence from Ohio Banks
Paul R. Watro

1/1/87

5/1/87

Is the US. Pension-Insurance
System Going Broke?
Thomas M. Buynak

Ohio Banks: Hitting the Interstate
Acquisition Road
Thomas M. Buynak
John McElravey

1/15/87
Should We Intervene
in Exchange Markets?
Owen F. Humpage

5/15/87

2/1/87
The Decline in US. Agricultural
Gerald H. Anderson

Exports

2/15/87
The Japanese Edge in Investment:
The Financial Side
William Osterberg

3/1/87
Debt-Deflation and Corporate
Jerome S. Fons

Finance

3/15/87
Requirements for Eliminating
the Trade Deficit
Owen F. Humpage

4/1/87
Seeking Safety
E.J. Stevens

Home Equity Lines:
Characteristics and Consequences
KJ. Kowalewski

6/1/87
Reappraising the 1987-88 Outlook
John Erceg
William G. Murmann

6/15/87
MIA - M.I.A.?
William T. Gavin
Michael Pakko

7/1/87

iSSN 0428·1276

A Critical Look at SIPC
Jerome S. Fons

7/15/87
Interbank Exposure in the Fourth
Federal Reserve District
James B. Thomson

8/1/15
Lessons from the European
Monetary System
Nicholas V. Karamouzis

8/15/87
US. Dependence on Foreign Saving
Gerald H. Anderson
John B. Carlson

9/1/87
Competition, Concentration,
in the US. Airline Industry
Paul Bauer

and Fares

9/15/87
FDIC Policies for Dealing with Failed
and Troubled Institutions
Daria Caliguire
James B. Thomson

10/1/87
Two Neglected Implications
Dollar Depreciation
Gerald H. Anderson

of

10/15/87

4/15/87

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
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ECONOMIC
COMMENTARY
The 1980s have been especially difficult
years for industrial areas of the country. We have experienced an enormous
transformation in our economies. Onceprominent industries have declined in
absolute and relative importance. Under
the pressures of competition, firms have
been forced to alter operations and restructure facilities. Change of this sort
is usually painful for the people and the
communities involved, but if change is
inevitable and leads to a better world,
then much has been accomplished.
Here in the Fourth Federal Reserve
District, the results of change are
emerging, and two observations can be
made concerning the future of our
economy. First, the manufacturing sector will continue to be important, but
will employ a smaller proportion of the
labor force. Second, the service sector
will continue to grow, as measured
both by employment and output.
The service sector's dramatic rise
has not meant the deindustrialization
of our region or the country, any more
than the massive shift of employment
from agriculture to industry at the turn
of the century led to a loss of output in
agriculture. Manufacturing will continue to be a basic component of our
economy and the nation's economy. In
fact, it still claims roughly the same
percentage of GNP that it did after
World War II-a share that may well
rise somewhat in the next several years
as we close the trade deficit-even
though its employment share has
declined sharply.

W Lee Hoskins is president of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland. The material in this
Economic Commentary was prepared using economic information that was available in January
1988. Material in this article was presented to the
Greater Cleveland Growth Association at that time.

Nineteen eighty-seven has been
heralded as the "Year of Manufacturing." Nationally, manufacturing output
in 1987 rose by 5.7 percent over 1986,
and manufacturing employment also
rebounded. Last year, over 300,000 factory jobs were added, an increase of 1.6
percent. Although the increase last
year was the largest since the early
part of this expansion, it comprises
only 11 percent of the 2.8 million jobs
created between October 1986 and
October 1987. The service sector,
which claims 24 percent of the economy's jobs, generated 1,045,00 jobs, or
37 percent of the total new jobs, over
the same period.
These statistics tell us that manufacturing output continues to expand, but
with fewer workers. The general shakeout in manufacturing experienced over
the last eight years has resulted in a
leaner, more competitive manufacturing sector. Productivity in the manufacturing sector has been rising at a
rate of 3.5 percent per year since
1980-twice the rate of growth of productivity in the total business sector.
Industries have made conscious efforts
to modernize their facilities. According
to recent surveys, new plant investment is being targeted more toward
modernization than toward expansion.
We expect the structural change that
has been underway in our local economy
to continue. In order to see continued
positive results from this restructuring,
we will have to see continued improvement in the productivity of our manufacturing sector and of our service sector.
We are after all going to be forced to

Economic Policy
Issues for 1988
and Beyond
by W. Lee Hoskins

compete with other regions and countries in export markets for services.
This can be accomplished only in a
stable economic environment-an
environment of stable prices and stable
taxes. We have to remove the uncertainties that are created by high and
varying rates of inflation, and consequently, high interest rates. In a stable
economic environment, industries can
make long-term investments in plant
and equipment that will contribute to
further increases in productivity.
We have made much progress towards
a noninflationary, more market-driven
economy, but we are not there yet. As
the turbulence in financial markets of
the past several months so clearly indicates, some people doubt that we will
conclude the voyage successfully. To
get back on track, I believe economic
policymakers here and abroad should
focus again on long-term objectives. We
should specify the objectives and
announce them publicly. We should
make the objectives clear, and we
should assign priorities to them. These
steps will strengthen the commitment
of policymakers to achieve the objectives, and if policy makers take actions
to achieve their stated objectives, they
will strengthen the credibility of policy.
Sources of Uncertainty
in Financial Markets
Of course some degree of uncertainty is
inherent in financial markets, but I
believe the developments of recent