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October 1, 1903

eCONOMIC
COMMeNTORY
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland

Credibility Begins with a Clear
Commitment to Price Stability
by Jerry L. Jordan

A n the summer of 1971. the United States
suspended the limited convertibility of
the dollar for gold. Convertibility had not
been operational for some time, except
to foreign governments by special arrangement. Nevertheless, with the suspension
came the recognition that America had
cast aside its last formal commitment to
gold convertibility and was now operating
on a purely fiat currency. The idea of the
dollar first being one-twentieth and then
one-thirty-fifth of an ounce of gold, then
being "worth" what a dollar would buy.
without reference to some more basic
standard of value, was a gradual process.
The performance of currencies lacking
a nominal anchor has been an important
factor in determining economic conditions in the United States—and throughout the world—since that time. Without a
long-run anchor of valuation such as gold,
the decisions and actions of monetary
policy authorities start to have a significant influence on long-run economic
performance. The vagaries of the gold
market that often led to sharp upswings
and downturns in the price level, but
around a constant trend, have been replaced by the day-to-day judgments of
central bankers. Although policymakers
have eliminated the large cyclical fluctuations in the price level, they have done
so at the cost of a long-term decline in
the purchasing power of money.
The actual effects of Federal Reserve
policy actions depend, in part, on the
public's prior expectations of current
policies and on iis current expectations
of future policies. Expectations influence

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the results of policy through a variety
of channels. Expectations of future
prices in financial markets affect interest
rates and a wide variety of contracts
that, in turn, affect prices and real economic activity, particularly through
decisions about saving and investing.
A broad set of factors influences the
public's expectations of Federal Reserve
policy, including history, recent public
announcements, and individual perceptions of the views held by monetary
policymakers. Actual policy decisions
depend importantly on the incentives and
constraints facing policymakers. These
incentives and constraints color how
people form expectations about future
intlation and how firmly they adhere to
them in the face of changing economic
circumstances and political pressures.
• The Importance of Expectations
Almost every decision we make in our
lives is based on expectations about the
behavior of others. When driving on a
two-lane road passing motorists going
the other way at 60 miles per hour, you
do so under the assumption that they
will stay in their own lane: After all,
this is the law, the custom, and in the
self-interest of everyone involved. Such
expectations are so well founded and so
seldom wrong that we don't give them a
second thought.
Another example might be our expectations about work, which also consider
the future behavior of others. Employees
expect certain working conditions, pay,
and job security, whether or not these

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
President Jerry L. Jordan advocates
a policy of price stability based on an
explicit objective for the Consumer
Price Index, a plan that would provide
a nominal anchor for the dollar as well
as a clear standard by which to measure the success of monetary policy.

factors are written into contracts. Policies, both governmental and within the
company, help people form expectations:
how the company has treated others in
the past also enters the equation. The
employer gets a reputation for playing
(or not playing) by the rules, which
affects the quality of the people that apply
for future employment.
Many of the stressful situations we see
in the labor arena today are a result of
frustrated expectations. Some companies
have found that they promised employees too much relative to current and expected future income. This change in
expectations leads to difficult adjustments that may show up in national
economic statistics and represent substantial human suffering.
Expectations about economic policy are
also important. The recent tax policy
changes will have profound effects on
the economy. Apart from the merits of
the particular changes, though, is the
adjustment cost that occurs just because
the policies were enacted. People who

made decisions based on one tax structure now find themselves living in a
world with different rules, (t can be a
little like pulling onto the highway, only
to find that everyone else is suddenly
driving on.the left side of the road.
Expectations about future monetary policy are my immediate concern. Think
about the problems people have encountered by investing in real estate over the
last two decades. The run-up of inflation
in the 1960s and 1970s led many investors to bet on land, real estate, and other
inflation-sensitive assets. Real estate
prices rose much faster than the general
price level for decades. As the rate of
inflation accelerated in the 1960s and
1970s, real estate prices soared to levels
that could be supported only by a continuation and, in some cases, a further
acceleration of inflation.
• The Need for a Credible
Commitment to Price Stability
The lack of a credible commitment to
price stability after the gold standard
was abolished meant the end of a crucial
constraint on monetary policy actions.
Without a clear nominal objective,
money growth and the consequent implications for prices were set adrift. In
the past 20 years, they have floated
where the political winds and various
external shocks have taken them.
Today we are left in a situation in
which expectations about the future
value of the dollar reflect the public's
knowledge—borne of and verified by
experience—that while monetary policymakers may have the best of intentions, the value of the dollar depends
strongly on their judgments about the
nature of economic conditions and
about the appropriate level of short-term
interest rates. As a result, expectations
vary greatly among economic decisionmakers and respond to events in largely
unpredictable ways. At present, expectations embody higher long-term inflation than is healthy for the economy or
than the monetary policymakers desire
and plan to produce.
When people base their decisions on
the assumption that future inflation will
be higher than policymakers intend to
deliver, the economy's performance

shudders, like a machine with sand in
the gears. An inflation risk premium is
built into long-term interest rates and
raises the cost of capital. Labor negotiations become contentious as workers try
to protect themselves from the expected
inflation while employers try to insulate
themselves from the risk of being
caught with rising costs in a world where
price stability is possible.
Because they have been fooled so often
in the past, people are reluctant to modify their expectations without hard evidence—and quite rightly so. It wouldn't
do policymakers any good to revise
their objectives upward, because people
would then simply adjust their expectations even higher. The only solution
is to find a way to enable the central
bank to commit to an explicit long-term
objective of price stability.
• Households and Inflation
Although the rising inflationary trend
of the 1970s was halted in the 1980s,
inflation has continued to lift the general
price level by 3 to 4 percent per year.
Consequently, it should come as no surprise that people do not believe that the
Federal Reserve is committed to a longterm objective of purchasing power stability. In the University of Michigan's
Survey of Consumers, for example,
households continue to forecast inflation
exceeding 4 percent over the next five
to ten years. Although long-term interest
rates have declined substantially, current
levels still indicate that the public expects
inflation to trudge forward. At best, the
steeply upward-sloping yield curve suggests that market participants envision
little further progress on price stability.
The key to even lower long-term bond
yields and mortgage rates is tied to the
public's beliefs about the future purchasing power of the dollar.
In the 1950s and early 1960s, people
were more inclined than they are today
to view increases in inflation and interest rates as temporary. Consumers, it
seemed, expected a sound dollar. Then,
sometime in the late 1960s and 1970s,
people began to view declines in inflation and interest rates as temporary.
They have now come to expect a continuing depreciation in the value of the dollar.
The challenge to today's monetary policymakers is to reverse that expectation

once again—to persuade people to make
decisions as they did in the 1950s, on
the belief that any rise in inflation and
interest rates will be temporary.
The Federal Reserve System was created,
in part, to deal with short-run liquidity
problems and cyclically variable prices
that were pervasive under the gold standard. These problems have been largely
solved, but a new one was created.
Instead of being anchored by a credible
commitment to price stability, today's
monetary policy process focuses on the
current state of the economy and on
short-term policy actions. One of the
reasons why the policy process is difficult to understand is that economic conditions are complex and subject to
change. But these complications reflect
the problems of choosing among shortterm monetary actions in the absence of
a clear, credible long-term objective.
Short-term monetary actions without
such an objective are no more sensible
or coherent than a driver's decisions on
which direction to turn without first determining a destination. As the popular
saying goes, "If you don't know where
you are going, any road will take you
there." The view might be nicer on the
road to the left, but a better path may
lie straight ahead. Short-term monetary
actions—even if chosen optimally—
have less desirable effects on the economy without a clear and credible longterm goal.
• Time Consistency
and Commitment
The well-known analysis of the time
consistency of policy conclusively
demonstrates that a central bank's ability to commit credibly to a long-term
objective enhances the effectiveness of
its policy and can improve overall economic performance. The problem stems
from people's response to expected policy actions. Perhaps the clearest example of the time consistency problem is
the public's reaction to government provision of flood insurance. If people
know that the government will pay for
rebuilding homes that are destroyed by
floods, then they will tend to keep
building homes in floodplains despite
the negative consequences.

The time consistency problem arises
because many Americans are under the
mistaken impression that a little more
inflation would lead to a healthier economy. There is some logic that suggests
a surprise increase in the inflation rate
will have a temporary, and positive, effect
on real growth. This is thought to occur
if prices rise faster than wages and if
firms respond to inflated profits by increasing production. In this case, inflation must be not only a little higher, but
a little higher than people expect it to be,
if it is to have these supposedly beneficial
effects. But if people know the government has an incentive to surprise them
with a little more inflation, then they
will count on an even higher inflation
rate, and so on, until the rate is so astronomical that its detrimental effects are
obvious and no one would seek a higher
rate. The result of this kind of thinking is
what led to the spiraling inflation of the
late 1970s and the political support for the
disinflationary policies of the early 1980s.
The challenge is to restore credibility to
the idea that the price level will be stable
over long periods of time. The ideal is
a monetary regime that would have the
credibility of the pre-World War I gold
standard without the destabilizing elements that led to its demise. Establishment of such an environment requires a
clear and credible commitment, backed
by incentives and constraints, to maintaining the purchasing power of the
dollar—and not simply in the short term.
• A Specific Proposal
An anchor for the value of money can
be created by adopting a long-term objective for the Consumer Price Index.
The research staff at the Federal Reserve
Bank of Cleveland has been studying
the strengths and weaknesses of the CPI
for this purpose. We urge others in the
Federal Reserve System and in academic
research centers to continue such work.
So far, we have found little reason to
choose anything but the CPI as a longrun measure of the purchasing power
of the dollar. Over shorter horizons,
however, we do find it useful to look
closely at the index and to temporarily
disregard erratic movements in sectors
that are suffering extreme supply conditions. For example, there have been
several times in the last decade when

the CPI excluding food and energy was
a better measure of the underlying inflation trend than was the full index.
But this is important only in using the
CPI as a short-run guide; over the long
haul, these factors wash out.
Our long-run goal should be to stabilize
the level of the CPI at some future date.
Because the decisions of businesses and
households are conditioned by past
experience, an immediate move to pricelevel stability would cause significant
misallocation of resources and redistribution of wealth. Minimization of such
transitional effects requires the adoption
of both a valuation and a future date that
delivers the purchasing power that is
widely expected over the short term.
The CPI averaged 100 during the 198284 period; today, the index stands at 145,
meaning that the average level of prices
is now almost 50 percent higher than it
was 10 years ago. Stated differently, a
dollar today buys just under two-thirds
of what it did in 1983. Rather than attempting to freeze the dollar's purchasing
power at the current level, it seems wise
to allow current expectations of some
further erosion to be fulfilled.
In my view, it would make sense to reduce the current rate of inflation gradually, perhaps by one-half percentage
point per year, until the price level is
stabilized. We could seek this objective
in a number of ways. For instance, assuming that the CPI increases by 3 percent this year, annual successive halfpercentage-point decelerations would
stabilize the price level in 1999 at 154
percent of the 1982-84 base. So, one
method of reaching price level stability
would be to target a CPI level of 155 in
the year 2000, and then conduct monetary
policy to keep the index fluctuating
around that value. There are, of course,
other acceptable paths to a similar end.
No one should expect the CPI to follow
such a predetermined path slavishly. My
judgment is that the index would probably fluctuate within one-and-a-half
percentage points around such a trend.
It would be useful to establish limits, say
3 percent above and 3 percent below its
permanent trend, in order to make explicit some range of discretion—a band
within which the Federal Reserve could be
given a free rein to respond to changing

economic conditions. These 3 percent
limits would serve as a warning, alerting policymakers and the public when
short-term policies were becoming inconsistent with the long-term objective.
• The Implementation
Short-run policy decisions would be
based on the long-term path and, as
they are now, on incoming information
and on the Federal Open Market Committee's best judgment about the future
effect of recent policy actions. Explanations for the policy decisions would be
framed in the context of the long-term
objective. Publication of actual price data
and the Federal Reserve's explanations
about policy actions would help the public to decide whether policymakers were
acting credibly to achieve the objective.
It would be important not to overreact
to short-term movements in the CPI.
The role of incoming information about
the index would become more critical
as the CPI deviated from the long-run
path: When it began to move in a way
that was unexpected and contrary to
stated policy, we would pay more attention to the data and rely less on judgment. Monetary policymakers could use
this framework in deciding how to vote
on the annual monetary targets and on
short-term policy actions. In explaining
policy actions to the public, reference
to future objectives would be superior
to reference to real economic variables.
It is a mistake to think that a monetary
policy that tolerates inflation would be
better for the economic prospects of
this nation. The financial press has not
been effective in its coverage of this
message. Reporters like to see everything in simple contrasts: hawks versus
doves, or real growth versus inflation.
Academic researchers have moved beyond the simple monetarist/Keynesian
debate that gave rise to the hawks versus
doves analogy and have now adopted the
view that expectations are important for
price formation in all markets. Under this
general view, targeting the price level directly is a good idea because it allows expectations to work for the policymaker to
help achieve the objective.

This research doesn't seem to have had
much impact in the policy arena, however. There, where policymakers have
lost confidence in the M2 target as a
guide for policy, the latest fashion is a
credit view of monetary policy. This
is really just another attempt to oversimplify a rather complicated process.
People who take this view think that
monetary policy operates by creating a
gap between the cost of funds to banks
and the rate at which they lend. It also
suggests that understanding the stance
of monetary policy requires a close
look at interest rates and bank lending.
This is not a new view, but I find it
increasingly less compelling as people
and firms find ever-new sources of
financing. While it is certainly important
to keep communication simple, it is
also useful for many purposes to understand how monetary policy affects bank
lending and how bank lending, in turn,
affects the real economy. But the channels of policy encompass more than this

Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Research Department
P.O. Box 6387
Cleveland, Ohio 44101
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one view. Both concepts, the monetarist
emphasis on the monetary aggregates
and the recent reemphasis on credit, are
incomplete: They fail to account for the
way expectations about future inflation
influence economic decision-making at
all levels and in all markets.
• Benefits of an Explicit
Objective for the CPI
We argue for a nominal anchor for the
price level because we want to limit the
range of expectations about future inflation, as well as to ensure that the outcome
will be consistent with those expectations. In the last 30 years, economists
have uncovered little additional information about how monetary policy
works, except for the finding that expectations of future policy are vitally important in the process. We have learned
that resource allocation decisions today
depend on individuals' expectations
about the future price level, a situation
that in turn depends on what people
expect of monetary policy.

Unfortunately, without a nominal an-.
chor, it is difficult for people to learn
about future monetary policy. A policy
of price stability based on a constant
value of the CPI would provide a nominal anchor for the dollar. Further, it
would enhance credibility by providing
a clear standard by which to measure
the success of policy.

Jerry L. Jordan is president and chiefexecutive
officer of the Federal Reser\'e Bank of
Cleveland. This paper is based on a speech
that President Jordan presented to the Iowa
Society of Financial Analysts in Des Moines
on October 6.1993.

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