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Economic Brief

April 2017, EB17-04

What Two Billion Retail Transactions Reveal
About Consumers’ Choice of Payments
By David A. Price, Zhu Wang, and Alexander L. Wolman

Although cash continues to be a major form of payment in retail transactions,
data on the use of cash are challenging to obtain. Research at the Richmond
Fed has exploited a large dataset of cash, check, credit card, and debit card
transactions at a nationwide retail chain to examine consumer payment
choice based on transaction size and location, day-of-week and day-of-month
cycles, and longer-term trends.
The types of payments available to consumers
have evolved significantly in recent decades, as
have consumers’ payment preferences. Of particular significance, the U.S. payments system has
seen the rise of electronic forms of payment at
the point of sale, such as debit and credit cards,
along with a concurrent decline in the use of
paper forms of payment — cash and checks.
Researchers have sought to measure trends and
patterns in the use of these forms of payment to
better understand a variety of microeconomic
and macroeconomic questions. In research that
looks at the use of cash in relation to other forms
of payment, the data generally have come from
consumer surveys — a choice driven in large measure by the difficulty of obtaining transactional
data on the use of cash.1 Unlike transactions with
card payments and checks, a cash transaction
does not generate a discrete record within the
banking system. It’s important to overcome this
difficulty because cash continues to be a highly
important component of the payments mix.
Recent research at the Richmond Fed has analyzed transaction-level trends at the point of

EB17-04 - Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond

sale for cash payments as well as card and check
payments. This work has been based on access
to a private dataset from a large national retail
chain; the data cover approximately two billion
transactions involving millions of consumers. The
breadth of the data enabled two of the authors
of this brief (Wang and Wolman) to look in detail
at several major areas regarding consumer payment choice: patterns in payment choice related
to transaction size and location, patterns related
to the day of the week or the day of the month,
and underlying longer-term trends.2
Transaction Data from a National Retailer
The dataset was provided by a discount retail
chain with thousands of stores throughout the
United States, typically in lower-income zip
codes. These zip codes also have higher percentages of blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans and lower percentages of Asians and
non-Hispanic whites than the country as a
whole. On the other hand, the demographic
characteristics of the zip codes generally resemble the national average in terms of age, gender,
and share of households that are families. The
chain sells a wide range of goods; most transac-

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tions are for household consumables such as health
and beauty aids and food.
The data cover the chain’s sales of goods during the
three-year period from April 1, 2010, through March
31, 2013. For each transaction during this period
made with cash, check, credit card, or debit card,
the dataset provides the method of payment, date
and time, location, and amount. (Transactions with
multiple payment types are not included.)
Wang and Wolman analyzed the data using a regression model to assess the relationships between
various potential influences on consumer behavior
and the extent to which each of the four payment
methods was used (in terms of the share of the total
number of transactions). In particular, their model
looked at the statistical relationships between these
factors and the payment shares for each of the four
methods on a given day at the chain’s stores within
a given zip code.
Effects of Transaction Sizes and Locations
The data show that while cash use has been declining, cash continues to play a major role at this large
retailer. (See Figure 1.) A common framework for

Figure 1.
FractionType
of
Figure 1: Percent of Transactions
by Payment

looking at cash use is to posit that each consumer
has a cash threshold — that is, a transaction size
below which he or she generally will use cash and
above which he or she will use some noncash payment method.
To assess whether such a pattern was present, Wang
and Wolman divided the transactions into twentytwo bins by transaction size and ran regressions for
each. Consistent with the notion of a cash threshold,
the fraction of cash transactions decreased as the
transaction sizes increased. For transactions between
$1 and $1.99, consumers used cash in about 90
percent of transactions at most locations. For transactions of $50 and above, in contrast, consumers
used cash in only 42 percent of transactions at the
median location. At the same time, the share of debit
card transactions increased over this range, as did
the shares of credit cards and checks (but to a much
more modest degree).
As consumers’ payment behavior changed with
transaction size, the dispersion of their behavior by
location also increased, a novel empirical finding. For
example, in the preceding scenarios, while payment
behavior was tightly clustered across locations for

Transactions by Payment Type

0.9
90
0.8
80
0.7
70
0.6
60

Percent

0.5
50
0.4
40
0.3
30
0.2
20
0.1
10
0

4/1/10

Cash

Cash

Credit

4/1/11
Debit

Debit

Check

3/31/13

4/1/12

Credit

Check

Source: Zhu Wang and Alexander L. Wolman, “Payment Choice and Currency Use: Insights from Two Billion Retail Transactions,” Journal of
Monetary Economics, December 2016, vol. 84, pp. 94-115.
Note: See Figure 2 for more detail on noncash payment types.

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transactions between $1 and $1.99 — with, as noted,
nearly universal use of cash — the use of cash in
transactions of $50 and above ranged from as little
as 30 percent at the 5th percentile location to as
much as 55 percent at the 95th percentile location.
Wang and Wolman tested a number of locationspecific factors (by zip code) for their association
with changes in payment behavior. These included
variables related to demographics of the area, crime
(robberies), bank competition, and the density of
bank branches.3 For the demographic variables —
share of households that are families, share of housing that is owner-occupied, age, race and ethnicity,
gender, and education — customers of this retailer
might not have the same characteristics, on average, as those of residents of the store’s zip code. With
that caveat in mind, a notable finding with regard to
demographics is the association between age and
form of payment: a higher representation of the age
group 55–69 is associated with significantly greater
use of cash, while a higher representation of ages 70
and older is associated with greater use of checks.

A higher robbery rate would be expected to reduce
the use of cash, and the results supported the existence of such an effect. A higher level of local bank
competition — as measured by the HerfindahlHirschman Index (HHI) within the local banking market (either a Metropolitan Statistical Area or a rural
county) — would be expected to improve the terms
available to consumers on deposits, thereby increasing consumers’ opportunity costs of holding cash and
reducing cash use. The results were consistent with
this reasoning in rural areas but not in metropolitan
areas. The authors believe the latter result could
reflect that in a metropolitan area, a concentrated
banking market may simply represent the presence
of a small number of highly efficient institutions. A
higher density of bank branches per capita would be
expected to reduce the consumers’ costs of obtaining
cash and thereby increase cash use, and this conjecture was borne out by the regression results.
Day of Week and Day of Month Effects
The usage patterns of the four payment types show
marked monthly cycles, as well as higher-frequency

Figure
2. Usage
of Noncash
Payment
Figure 2: Percent of Transactions
by Noncash
Payment
Type

Methods

0.25
25

0.2
20

Percent

0.15
15

0.1
10

0.055

1
28
55
82
109
136
163
190
217
244
271
298
325
352
379
406
433
460
487
514
541
568
595
622
649
676
703
730
757
784
811
838
865
892
919
946
973
1000
1027
1054
1081

0
4/1/10

4/1/11

Debit

Credit

4/1/12

Credit

Check

Debit

3/31/13

Check

Source: Zhu Wang and Alexander L. Wolman, “Payment Choice and Currency Use: Insights from Two Billion Retail Transactions,” Journal of
Monetary Economics, December 2016, vol. 84, pp. 94-115.

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cycles that, in fact, are weekly. (See Figures 1 and 2.)
These patterns may reflect constraints related to
events such as paydays, receipt of Social Security
benefits, and making rent payments and other bill
payments. For example, consumers who are creditconstrained and have a limited savings cushion (or
who are reluctant to use consumer credit or dip into
their savings) might shop less as more time passes
since their previous payday or receipt of government
benefit payment.
To analyze the consumer shopping behavior that may
potentially affect payment patterns, Wang and Wolman ran regressions with the volume of transactions
(again divided into twenty-two bins by transaction
size and separated by zip codes) as the dependent
variable and with the same explanatory variables as
in the payment-share regressions. They found that for
both the day-of-week cycles and the day-of-month
cycles, the variation in the number of transactions
was high, and the variation increased with transaction
size. Over the course of a week, the volume of transactions between $1 and $1.99 varied by approximately
20 percent between the low day of Sunday and the
peak days of Friday and Saturday; at transaction sizes
over $50, however, the variation was nearly 40 percent
(and Monday and Tuesday joined Sunday as low days).
Over the course of a month, transaction volume hit
a low point five or six days before the month’s end.
Here again, the extent of the variation was sensitive
to the transaction size: for transactions in the $1 to
$1.99 range, there was less than a 10 percent difference between the highest-volume and lowest-volume
days; for transactions of $50 and above, the difference
was over 50 percent. These day-of-week and day-ofmonth shopping patterns are largely consistent with
the weekly and monthly frequencies at which people
receive wages or transfer payments.
Longer-Term Trends
The researchers’ analysis showed a longer-term decline in the share of cash transactions at the retailer
as well as a longer-term increase in the share of debit
card transactions and, to a lesser extent, in the share
of credit card transactions. These trends were most
pronounced with higher transaction sizes. For example, the share of debit card transactions increased

less than 1 percentage point per year for transactions
in the $1 to $1.99 range but 2.6 percentage points
per year for transactions over $50.
Wang and Wolman considered a number of possible explanations for these trends. One possibility
is changes in the chain’s payment acceptance policies, perhaps arising from implementation of the
Durbin Amendment limits on debit card interchange
fees. But the chain reported that more than half of
its debit transactions are exempt from the Durbin
regulation. Moreover, the regulation has resulted in
higher interchange fees on small-ticket transactions.
Thus, if anything, the chain should have been motivated to try to reduce rather than increase debit card
use. The researchers also rejected macroeconomic
and demographic explanations for the trends.
The most plausible explanations, Wang and Wolman
suggested, are technological progress in electronic
payments and changing consumer perceptions of
debit payments. “These attributes include but are not
limited to adoption costs, marginal cost of transactions, speed of transaction, security, record keeping,
general merchant acceptance, and ease of use,” they
wrote. They noted that the Boston Fed’s annual Survey of Consumer Payment Choice has indicated that
consumers’ perceptions of debit card security relative
to cash have become more positive over time.
While Wang and Wolman’s study is informative for
understanding cash use at this retailer, they noted that
caution is warranted when applying it to the overall
retail sector given the characteristics of the retailer
in the study.4 Nevertheless, the findings of the study
highlight important factors for cash use, in particular
the rise of debit, which are likely to be shared in the
broader retail sector. In fact, debit has seen tremendous overall growth in the past decade. According to
the 2016 Federal Reserve Payments Study, debit has
become the top noncash payment instrument in the
U.S. economy in terms of the number of transactions,
with more than double the number of transactions
of the next most commonly used instrument (credit
cards). The Richmond Fed study provides firsthand
micro evidence that the increase in debit came at the
expense of cash at a large cash-intensive retailer.

Page 4

Avenues for Future Work
A large transaction-level dataset that incorporates
cash transactions has provided insight into changes
in consumer payment choice. Ongoing work at
the Richmond Fed analyzes a larger version of the
retailer dataset, spanning an additional three years
through March 2016. The analysis finds, among other
things, continuing decline in the share of cash transactions at this retailer, mostly replaced by debit.
In addition, research analyzing data from other retailers, especially those serving areas with different
demographic profiles from the stores in this study,
and selling a different range of goods, could lead to a
richer picture of payment choice. Related questions
that could be addressed using such data together
with an explicit model include the welfare cost of
inflation, the optimal rate of inflation, and the costs
and benefits of proposals to eliminate most physical
currency (as suggested by Kenneth Rogoff).5 Further
insight could be gained from incorporating product
and consumer information, such as that in the KiltsNielsen consumer panel data, into the research.

3

B
 ecause the American Community Survey does not provide
annual estimates for areas with fewer than 20,000 residents,
the authors used the 2011 values of these zip-code-level variables. Research in progress reexamines the data using annual
estimates of these variables.

4

D
 ata from the 2012 Diary of Consumer Payment Choice —
which, as the name implies, is based on diaries recorded by
consumers — show 15 percent cash use for $50 retail transactions at grocery stores, pharmacies, liquor stores, and convenience stores, compared with approximately 40 percent
shown by the transaction data in the Richmond Fed research.
See Tamás Briglevics and Scott Schuh, “This Is What’s in Your
Wallet ... and Here’s How You Use It,” Federal Reserve Bank
of Boston Working Paper No. 14-5, June 2014.

5

K
 enneth S. Rogoff, The Curse of Cash, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 2016. Rogoff’s proposal is to phase out all
currency denominations greater than $10.

This article may be photocopied or reprinted in its
entirety. Please credit the authors, source, and the
Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond and include the
italicized statement below.
Views expressed in this article are those of the authors
and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank
of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System.

David A. Price is senior editor, Zhu Wang is a senior
economist, and Alexander L. Wolman is vice president
for monetary and macroeconomic research in the
Research Department at the Federal Reserve Bank
of Richmond.
Endnotes
1

 n exception is Elizabeth Klee, “How People Pay: Evidence
A
from Grocery Store Data,” Journal of Monetary Economics,
April 2008, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 526–541.

2

The research is set out in more detail in Zhu Wang and Alexander L. Wolman, “Payment Choice and Currency Use: Insights
from Two Billion Retail Transactions,” Journal of Monetary Economics, December 2016, vol. 84, pp. 94–115. A working paper
version is available online. An analysis of a somewhat longer
period, covering only zip codes in the Fifth Federal Reserve
District, is presented in Zhu Wang and Alexander L. Wolman,
“Consumer Payment Choice in the Fifth District: Learning from
a Retail Chain,” Economic Quarterly, First Quarter 2016, vol. 102,
no. 1, pp. 51–78.

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
OF RICHMOND
Richmond Baltimore Charlotte

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