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Home / Publications / Research / Economic Brief / 2024

Commuting Patterns and Characteristics of Fifth District
Counties
By Santiago Pinto and Sierra Stoney

Economic Brief
Aug ust 2024, No. 24-24

This article extends our previous work on the categorization of counties in the
Fifth District based on their economic connectivity. Using commuting
patterns to proxy for connectivity, we group counties into four categories. We
next compare our classi cation with the USDA/ERS RUCC classi cation system.
Finally, we characterize each category using di erent socioeconomic
indicators. We claim that the information conveyed by this study is relevant
when designing regionally targeted policies.
Commuting ows allow labor markets to extend across geographies. T hey also reveal how
residents cross boundaries to access employment opportunities in neighboring
jurisdictions. Beyond work-related travel, these ows suggest broader interactions, such as
commerce or recreation. In essence, commuting patterns re ect the degree of economic
and social connectivity across locations.
T his article investigates the commuting dynamics within the Fifth District,1 focusing on
intracounty, out ow and in ow movements. Our primary objectives are twofold:
T o categorize counties based on their observed commuting patterns
T o provide a comprehensive characterization of each resulting category
Our analysis centers on four distinct categories, each grouping counties characterized by
their unique commuting patterns.
Our main message is that the design of regional development programs should consider
that the outcomes may vary across counties with di erent levels and types of connectivity.
While existing classi cations (notably the Rural-Urban Continuum Codes [RUCC] from the
U.S. Department of Agriculture's Economic Research Service [USDA/ERS]) serve as valuable
reference points, we seek to o er an alternative that complements those classi cations.
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Speci cally, we aim to see how our framework of analysis could enhance the understanding
of regional dynamics beyond established classi cations. T his allows us to contribute to the
broader research on commuting patterns and their implications for economic development
and policy.

Methodology of Our Commuting Pattern Analysis
LODES Data and Commuting De nitions

We begin by describing the general patterns of commuting ows in the Fifth District. Our
analysis uses the 2019 LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (LODES).2 T he
LODES data provide information on where workers live and work at the block level, along
with select economic and demographic characteristics. For our analysis, we aggregate
these commuting ows at the county level.
Counties exhibit distinct commuting behaviors: An individual county receives workers from
other counties (commuting in ows), sees some residents commute to jobs in other
counties (commuting out ows) and still other residents live and work within its borders
(intracounty commuting).
T o ensure consistency in cross-county comparisons, we adopt the same approach as the
one used in our previous article "Commuting Patterns and Economic Connectivity in the
Fifth District." Out ows from each county are expressed as a share of the resident
workforce residing within the county's boundaries. Conversely, both in ows from other
counties and intracounty commuting are expressed as a share of the total employed
workforce within each county.
Virginia's Counties and Independent Cities

T his article uses the Bureau of Economic Analysis' (BEA's) approach for aggregating select
independent cities and surrounding counties in Virginia. Politically, independent cities are
the functional equivalent of counties. T here are 38 independent cities in Virginia (versus
only three in the rest of the U.S.), and they vary signi cantly in terms of size and economic
connectedness to their surrounding counties. Smaller independent cities tend to have
higher commuting in ows and out ows, meaning they pull median measures for in ows
and out ows for the Fifth District up when treated as county equivalents.
Adopting the BEA's approach for this analysis avoids overstating intercounty commuting
levels in this way. For instance, the median share of commuting in ows when treating all
independent cities as counties was 56.2 percent, versus 54.4 percent when smaller
independent cities are aggregated with their surrounding counties.

Commuting Patterns in the Fifth District
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Median county commuter ows vary a lot across states in the Fifth District. Figure 1 shows
that Virginia and South Carolina exhibit median out ow rates above the Fifth District
median. Washington, D.C. — which represents a single county — is by far the district with
the largest median in ow rate, followed by Virginia. West Virginia has the largest median
intracounty commuting rates.

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Commuting ows also vary signi cantly at the county level, as seen in Figures 2-4.
Clustered counties with relatively high in ow and out ow rates — such as those in the
central Virginia region — are indicative of cross-commuting patterns among neighboring
and nearby counties. At the other extreme, several counties with relatively high in ow
rates are adjacent to counties with lower in ow rates, such as Botetourt County in western
Virginia or Bladen County in southeast North Carolina. Counties with relatively high
out ow rates do not follow a similar geographic pattern.

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Looking across Fifth District counties, we observe the following median commuting
behavior:
Out ow: About 65.7 percent of residents commute out of their home counties to work
elsewhere.
In ow: Around 54.4 percent of local employees commute into the county from other
areas.
Intracounty: About 45.6 percent of the people who work in the county (complement of
the in ow rate) are county residents.
T hese numbers, however, mask a large degree of dissimilarity across counties within the
Fifth District, as seen in Figure 5. Notably, the distribution of out ow rates is less
concentrated (as measured by a standard deviation of 13.9 percent) than the in ow and
intracounty distributions (which both have standard deviations of 10.4 percent).

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Categorization
T he complex dynamics of commuting patterns within a region indicate how economic
activity, spatial connectivity and workforce mobility mesh. In this article, we extend our
previous work by categorizing counties within the Fifth District based on their distinctive
commuting behaviors.
Comparing a county's commuting out ow and in ow rates to median rates for the Fifth
District yields four distinct categories, each revealing unique characteristics and
implications.3
Connected Counties: High In ows and Out ows

Connected counties includes counties where commuting ows exhibit robust
bidirectionality. T hese counties (shown in the northeast section of Figure 6) attract
workers from neighboring jurisdictions and simultaneously export their labor forces.
Prince George's County in Maryland and Arlington and the City of Alexandria in Virginia (all
of which share a border with D.C.) are examples of Connected counties.
Bedroom Community Counties: Low In ows, High Out ows

Bedroom Community counties predominantly experience outward mobility. Residents in
these counties often commute to neighboring urban centers for employment, contributing
to the daily workforce in ux in those areas. However, their in ows remain modest. T hese

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counties (located primarily in the southeast section of Figure 6) serve as residential areas,
places where workers reside but seek economic opportunities elsewhere. Bedroom
Community counties could play a crucial role in supporting the labor needs of adjacent
Employment Centers. In North Carolina, Stanly County is an example of a Bedroom
Community for Charlotte, as about 16 percent of employed people living in Stanly County
worked in Charlotte in 2019.
Employment Center Counties: High In ows, Low Out ows

T he Employment Center category includes counties characterized by substantial in ows
but limited out ows. T hese counties (clustered in the northwest section of Figure 6) act as
magnets for workers from surrounding regions. T heir in ows result from thriving job
markets and diverse industries. Yet, the relatively low out ows suggest that these counties
retain their workforces, creating a concentration of economic activity. Counties in this
category could play a key role in regional development and infrastructure planning. T he
City of Richmond, the City of Baltimore, and Washington, D.C., are among the Employment
Centers in the Fifth District.
Intracounty Commuting Counties: Low In ows and Out ows

Intracounty Commuting counties exhibit the smallest commuting ows both inward and
outward. T hese counties (in the southwest section of Figure 6) represent areas where
residents predominantly work within their boundaries and, correspondingly, where local
jobs predominately employ local workers. T hey lack the degree of mobility observed
elsewhere. Understanding the factors shaping intracounty dynamics is important for
sustainable development. Intracounty Commuting counties in the Fifth District include
Kanawha County in West Virginia (where Charleston is located), Mecklenburg County in
North Carolina (where Charlotte is located) and the City of Virginia Beach in Virginia.

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As Figure 7 shows, Virginia has the largest share of Connected counties in the Fifth District
followed by South Carolina. D.C. stands out as an Employment Center, while Bedroom
Community counties are relatively more common in West Virginia.

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Figure 8 shows that while Connected counties are geographically clustered in Virginia,
Maryland and South Carolina, they are much more spread out in North Carolina. In West
Virginia, Intracounty Commuting counties are in the state's mountainous areas.

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Comparing Our Approach With the RUCC Classi cation
T he USDA/ERS maintains several geographic classi cation systems to designate areas by
their degree of rurality. T he underlying assumption is that economic outcomes tend to
vary across the rural-urban continuum. T he classi cations are designed to provide a
standardized framework for capturing the inherent internal variation that characterizes
both rural and urban areas. T his framework facilitates nuanced and context-dependent
analyses.4
We next examine how much our proposed categorization scheme overlays with the
existing ERS classi cations. We focus here on establishing a comparison with the RUCC
system, which is de ned at the county level. While RUCCs primarily consider a county's
urbanization level and proximity to a metropolitan area, our framework introduces an
additional contextual dimension: the county's economic ties to other regions.
Counties coded RUCC 1, 2 or 3 are generally classi ed as urban (metro) counties, while
those coded RUCC 4-9 are designated as rural (nonmetro) counties. Our analysis, however,
shows that counties classi ed as RUCC 2 (metro with population of 250,000 to 1 million)
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and RUCC 6 (nonmetro, with population of 2,500 to 19,999 and adjacent to a metro area)
exhibit a remarkable degree of similarity according to the proposed categorization
scheme, despite their distinct groupings within the RUCC system.
Additional key takeaways from this analysis are:
Among metros (RUCC 1-3), large metros are most likely to be Connected, while smaller
metros are more likely to be Intracounty Commuting.
Large nonmetros (RUCC 4 and 5) are more likely than smaller nonmetros (RUCC 6-9) to
be Intracounty counties (75 percent for large nonmetros, versus 29 percent to 67
percent for mid/small nonmetros).
Metro-adjacent nonmetros (RUCC 4, 6 and 8) are more likely than similar-sized nonadjacent nonmetros (RUCC 5, 7 and 9, respectively) to be Connected counties.
Metro-adjacent mid/small nonmetros (RUCC 6 and 8) are more likely to be Bedroom
Communities or Employment Centers than similarly sized non-adjacent nonmetros
(RUCC 7 and 9, respectively).

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Characterizing the Four Categories
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Following the identi cation of the four distinct categories, we now intend to o er a general
characterization of each. T he analysis emphasizes the importance of acknowledging not
only the broad di erences between the categories (established in this case by county
commuting behavior), but also the variability that may exist within each classi cation
category (internal variation).
We underscore, however, that this characterization does not intend to support nor
establish a causal relationship. Rather, our focus lies in understanding the complex
dynamics of commuting behaviors and their implications for regional development and
policy. T he variables considered in the analysis include labor market characteristics in
terms of local employment by sector and resident labor market activity, resident income
characteristics, and resident demographics in terms of educational attainment and age.
Labor Market Characteristics

Both labor force participation (Figure 10) and the employment-population ratio (Figure 11)
are greater among residents in Connected and Employment Center counties while being
lowest for Bedroom Communities. However, compared to Intracounty Commuting
counties, Bedroom Communities exhibit a higher degree of dissimilarity among each other.

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We also examined local industry diversity within each category of counties. We use the
Shannon-Weaver Index (SWI) as a measure of industry diversity within a county. T he index
assesses the extent to which employment is evenly distributed among various industries.
Speci cally, the SWI compares the actual distribution of employment across industries to a
hypothetical scenario where all industries employ workers in equal proportions. T he index
ranges from zero (indicating minimum diversity or complete specialization) to 1 (maximum
diversity, all industries are present, and employment is evenly distributed across them).
We calculate county-level SWIs based on two-digit NAICS codes for the Fifth District and
use this information to characterize each of the previously de ned categories.
Employment Centers have the largest median and average SWI relative to the other
categories (indicating high industry diversity), while Bedroom Communities have the lowest
(indicating more specialization). It should be emphasized, however, that even though
Connected Communities and Intracounty Commuting counties have about the same
median SWI, the distribution within the Connected group is more spread out. T his indicates
a wider range of industry mix within Connected counties, compared to the more
concentrated industry mix in Intracounty Commuting areas.

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Resident Income Characteristics

Household earning characteristics suggest that Connected counties are relatively a uent.
T hey have the lowest poverty rates (Figure 13) and largest median household income
(Figure 14) among the four categories, even though both measures vary considerably.
By contrast, counties in the Intracounty Commuting category have the largest poverty
rates and tend to be more like each other in terms of this variable. Bedroom Communities
have about the same median household income as Intracounty Commuting counties but a
much more disperse distribution.

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Resident Demographics
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Educational attainment — as measured by a county's share of residents ages 25 and older
with a bachelor's degree or higher — exhibits the most pronounced variation across the
categories, as seen in Figure 15. Employment Centers have the highest proportion of
residents with such degrees. Conversely, Bedroom Communities exhibit the lowest share.
T his contrast, however, extends beyond the median or average of each category. T he
variability among the counties within the Bedroom Community group is remarkable small
in terms of educational attainment, while Employment Centers appear to include a more
dissimilar set of counties.

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Although residents under age 18 represent similar shares of the population across the
four categories (as seen in Figure 16), adult resident age characteristics vary across the
four categories. In Employment Centers, residents are more likely to be between the ages
of 18 and 64 (as seen in Figure 17), although counties in this category exhibit the largest
degree of dissimilarity by this measure. In Bedroom Communities and Intracounty
Commuting counties, residents are relatively more likely to be age 65 or older, as seen in
Figure 18. T he distributions of these measures are relatively concentrated in the Bedroom
Community category.

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Conclusions
Our analysis underscores the relationship between economic connectivity (proxied by
county-level commuting patterns) and regional dynamics and opportunities. T o examine
the relationship between connectivity and socioeconomic well-being, we classi ed counties
in the Fifth District into four categories based on their commuting behavior. We then
examined a range of socioeconomic indicators to explore how these characteristics
systematically di ered across the categories and the extent to which they varied within
each category.
Within the Fifth District, commuting characteristics varied depending on a county's rurality.
While large metropolitan counties are most likely to be connected (exhibiting both high
commuter out ow and in ow rates), intracounty commuting patterns are more common
among smaller metropolitan counties. Nonmetropolitan counties are more likely to be
categorized Intracounty Commuting overall, but those adjacent to metropolitan counties
are more connected than nonmetropolitan counties with similar population.
While Connected counties and Employment Centers demonstrate higher levels of labor
force participation, employment rates and industry diversity, Bedroom Communities
exhibit a more specialized economic pro le, lower median household income and higher
poverty rates.
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Disparities in educational attainment and demographic composition further highlight the
complex nature of regional economies. Employment Centers tend to have a higher share
of residents with higher educational attainment and a larger share of residents in the 1864 age group. Counties in the Bedroom Community category have a lower share of
residents with a bachelor's degree or higher, a lower share of residents between 18 and 64
years old, and a higher share of residents 65 or older.
Recognizing these disparities is crucial for the design of e ective regional policies aimed at
promoting economic growth and reducing socioeconomic disparities. T ailored
interventions that leverage the strengths and address the challenges of each community
type are essential for promoting sustainable regional development. T he insights of our
analysis could provide policymakers additional tools to better address the challenges and
opportunities inherent in regional economic connectivity.
Sierra Latham is a senior research analyst and Santiago Pinto is a senior economist and
policy advisor in the Research Department at the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond.

1 The Fifth Federal Reserve District includes the District of Columbia, Maryland, North Carolina,

South Carolina, Virginia and most of West Virginia.
2 Although LODES data are available for 2020 and 2021, we chose to focus on 2019 to assess

commuting patterns that were not in uenced by employment and remote work decisions made
in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
3 For robustness, we conducted a sensitivity analysis, varying the in ow and out ow thresholds

that determine the categories. Our ndings remain largely una ected by these changes.
4 Examples of these classi cation systems include the RUCC, the Urban In uence Codes (UIC),

and the Farm Analysis Regions (FAR) and the Rural-Urban Commuting Area (RUCA) codes.

To cite this Economic Brief, please use the following format: Latham, Sierra; and Pinto, Santiago.

(August 2024) "Commuting Patterns and Characteristics of Fifth District Counties." Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond Economic Brief, No. 24-24.
T his article may be photocopied or reprinted in its entirety. Please credit the authors,
source, and the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond and include the italicized statement
below.
Views expressed in this article are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System.

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Topics
Human Capital and Labor

Small Town and Rural Communities

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