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U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR

BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
ROYAL MEEKER, Commissioner

BULLETIN OF THE UNITED STATES )
J WHOLE 1 Q 1
BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS) * * * \NUMBER lZJj
WOMEN

I ND US T R Y

SERI ES:

NO.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR
WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS

MAY ALLINSON, Ph. D.

SEPTEMBER, 1916

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1916

ADDITIONAL COPIES
OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM
THE SUPERINTENDENT OP DOCUMENTS
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON, D. C.
AT

20 C E N TS P E R C O P Y

CONTENTS.
Page.

Introduction........................................................................................................
5 .9
Chapter I.—Evolution of the trade in the United States................................... 1 1 -2 1
Chapter II.—The dressmaking trade of to-day..................................., ............. 23-52
1. The family dressmaker.....................................................
29
2. The journeyman dressmaker.............................................. 29,30
3. The private dressmaker..................................................... 31-33
4. The dressmaker of the transition stage............................. 33-37
5. Thedressmakerof the shopof specialized workers............37-42
6 . The commercial dressmaker............................................. 42-49
7. The manufacturing dressmaker......................................... 49-52
Chapter III.—Industrial conditions in the trade............................................... 53-81
Business administration........................................................53,54
The problem of capital......................................................... 54-61
The problem of competition................................................. 61-64
The labor force.................................................................... 64-81
Chapter IV.—Irregularity of employment........................................................ 83-111
The seasons............................................................................ 83-93
The workers' season............................................................. 93-106
Instability of the labor force.............................................. 106-111
Chapter V.—Overtime in the dressmaking trade............................................ 113-126
Chapter VI.—Wages and earnings in Boston.................................................. 127-146
Chapter V II.—Teaching the trade..................................................................147-159
Chapter V III.—Summary and outlook...................................... ................... 161-165
Bibliography.................................................................................................... 167-175

Tliis study was begun in the fall of 1909 by the
author as a fellow in the Department of Research of
the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union of
Boston in cooperation with the Boston Trade School
for Girls and was completed by her while assistant
and associate director of the department. It has been
accepted as a thesis by the faculty of political science
of Columbia University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy.
The work was done under the general direction of
Dr. Susan M. Kingsbury, director of the Department
of Research.

BULLETIN OF THE

U. S. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
w h o le n o . la s.

WASHINGTON.

S e p te m b e r , i9 ie .

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
BY MAT ALLINSON, PH. D.

INTRODUCTION.

The occupation of dressmaker ranked third in the United States in
1900 in the number of women employed, 338,144 women 16 years of
age and over being engaged in it.* Only two occupations—that of
servant and waitress and that of agricultural laborer—surpassed it in
the number of women employed, but in none did women form a larger
proportion of the total employees. Because of the numbers the trade
employs, because it is woman’s traditional occupation, and because it
provides opportunities for development, training for the dressmaking
trade has held a large and a logical place in the curriculum of voca
tional schools for girls. The growth of the movement for industrial
education and for vocational guidance has called for a thorough
knowledge of the various industries. Especially is this important in
the case of those trades which hare been recognized as in some degree
desirable, and for which the trade schools have attempted to prepare
young workers. Almost two-thirds (62 per cent) of the girls who
went out from the three Massachusetts trade schools in 1914 had been
trained for the dressmaking trade.
Dressmaking is a difficult trade subject for the casual and superfi
cial observer to grasp, because of the variety of types of shops and
methods of production which it presents. Dressmakers who go out
by the day, small shops, large shops, factories of various types, give
the superficial impression that every shop is different. Primitive and
highly developed systems exist side by side, yet careful study shows
that all may be classified within some six groups, each having a char
acteristic method of production. The student of census figures may
be convinced that custom dressmaking is a declining trade and ques
tion if educators are justified in training young workers for this occu
pation. But in the development and growth of the large shop and
the opportunity open to the day worker in the home, the investigator
i Special Reports of the Census Office, 1900. Statistics of Women at Work, p. 70. A total of 344,794
women was reported for 1900 and 343,101 for 1910. See Thirteenth Census of United States, 1910. Occupa
tion Statistics, p. 56.

BULLETIN OF THE BUKEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

discovers tendencies not shown by the census, since it has abandoned
statistics of the hand trades.
The seasonal fluctuations of dressmaking and the consequent irreg
ularity of employment have been causes for worry and doubt to those
intrusted with the direction of the young prospective worker. If,
however, we study the returns of the United States census, we are
able to find practically no industries which do not have slack seasons
and times of pressure. Again, some of those trades which offer the
greatest prospects are the most seasonal trades. Custom dressmaking
and millinery, the most seasonal of all trades, show opportunities for
self-development and financial advancement discovered in few other
industries open to the woman of limited education. The question is
not, then, “ Should girls avoid or should they go into these trades?”
but rather, “ How can those features which complicate and hinder
opportunity for advancement be met or eliminated?”
“ It is impracticable to stop the fluctuations in demand,” wrote
the Webbs in 1911. “ But here, also, it is not necessary that the
fluctuations should be permitted to work havoc with the workers’
lives. * * * Though there is a slack season in nearly all trades,
this occurs at different parts of the year. * * * The seasona
alternations of overpressure and slackness to which so many workers
are subjected, with such evil results, are due only to failures of adjust
ment. Now, it is not suggested that there is any way by whioh the
local and temporary supply of each particular kind of labor can be
precisely adjusted to the local and temporary demand for it. But it
is clear that if only we put a little more deliberate organization into
the matter a great deal could be done to avert the worst of the
calamities.” 1
Comparison with other industries shows that, whatever may be its
disadvantages, and though undergoing a marked decline, dress
making still remains one of the desirable occupations for women in
the industrial world.
A conference interested in the promotion of industrial education
has defined a skilled occupation as one which meets three conditions:
(1) Provision of a living wage for the worker; (2) a content which
offers the possibility of differences in the quality of work turned
out; (3) provision for promotion, through a series of progressive
steps in the industry leading to something better.2 Dressmaking
meets these tests fairly well. While no woman-employing indus
try has been discovered in which the majority of workers earn
a living wage, dressmaking ranks among the best in this respect.
Since the fundamental and underlying principle of women’s dress is
variety, the dressmaking trade is one of the least standardized in
* The Prevention of Destitution, by Sidney and Beatrice Webb. London, 1911, p. 126.
The Survey, Vol. X X X I, No. 17 (1914), p. 496.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

process and product. Opportunity for promotion is unique in a cus
tom trade where originality of thought and of design and artistic sense
determine its very existence. Naturally few possess these qualities,
which are not common to the masses, but increased opportunities for
training would doubtless enable more to develop latent possibilities
and to bridge the gap from the manual skilled processes to those
requiring artistic ability.
Dressmaking is distinctly a domestic trade, only recently dis
turbed and stimulated by the modem industrial system. Thus,
while geographically a universal occupation, its greatest develop
ment and largest opportunities appear only in large centers where
the social and economic demand necessitates large scale develop
ment and business efficiency. Since the personnel is primarily
feminine and the trade but recently emerging from its primitive
domestic character, there is little development in business admin
istration, practically no organization or community of action on
Hie part of either the employers or workers for the protection of
their particular interests, and but little official regulation or super
vision.
Because of its tardy industrial development, custom dressmaking
has received little attention from economists and statisticians. The
standpoint of the former is expressed by Mss Abbott: “ Although
the ‘ sewing trades’ are too important numerically from the point of
view of the employment of women to be entirely neglected, their his
tory can be given here only in outline * * * partly because of the
fact that the employment of women in the making of clothing is less
interesting than in the other industries which have been discussed.
Sewing, needlework of any kind except, perhaps, the making of
men’s garments, has always been regarded as within women’s
‘ peculiar sphere,’ and the point of interest is, therefore, not that
so many women are employed in the sewing trade, but that so
many men have come into the industry as their competitors.” 1
The United States Census Office, after several attempts to secure
statistics for the hand trades, abandoned the attempt “ in view of the
demonstrated inaccuracy of a hand-trade census and the impossibility
of making it otherwise than inaccurate.” 2 The census of occupa
tions, made by the'United States every ten years and that made by
the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics every intervening five years,
give some statistics relative to numbers, nativity, and age secured
in the population census.
From the industrial standpoint, no official statistics relative to
numbers employed, seasons, and wages have been given since 1900,
nor are they to be given in future censuses. Such statistics, when

* Women in Industry, by Edith Abbott, p. 215.
* United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Vol: I, p. xl.

BULLETIN OF THE BTTBEAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

given, are inadequate for such an intimate acquaintance as is essen
tial to the vocational educator or the placement agent. Those in
charge of the direction of workers and prospective workers must
know types of shops, method of production in each, processes avail
able to young workers of limited experience, opportunities for ad
vancement, the wages in relation to training and length of experi
ence, types of girls who can avail themselves of the opportunities
offered, the time of employment, length of working season as affected
by experience and skill, conditions in the trade which explain the
instability of labor or give suggestions for lessening it, and the trend
of the industry itself.
This investigation was begun in the fall of 1909 by the writer as a
fellow in the department of research of the Women’s Educational
and Industrial Union of Boston in cooperation with the Boston
Trade School for Girls. The investigator agreed to visit all graduates
of the dressmaking course who were in the trade, for information
concerning their trade career and for suggestions which might, be
helpful to the school in formulating its program. Eighty-four were
discovered and visited who had been graduated before the fall of
1909. In all, 200 women workers and 100 employers of various
types were interviewed in Boston concerning processes of the trade,
means of learning these processes, the various occupations, requisite
qualifications, length of time necessary to acquire these, the wage
paid for the various kinds of work, the seasons and their significance
to the different types of workers; in addition, the means and oppor
tunity for supplementing their primary trade, and the home condi
tions and responsibilities of the workers were also considered. In
1910 a study wa3 made by the department of research for the Mas
sachusetts State Board of Education of the “ Industrial opportuni
ties in Worcester, Cambridge, and Somerville,” and statistics
collected during the study of the dressmaking shops in these cities
were incorporated in this report.
In 1911 Miss Jennie Clement, a Simmons student who lived in
Lowell, volunteered to make a survey of the trade in that city under
the direction of the writer, and these returns also were incorporated
in this report. Because the city directory and statistics of occupa
tion massed together without distinction dressmakers of every
degree of skill, shop, factory, and home workers, and employers and
employees, an attempt was made to secure a general survey of each
city as a whole and to determine the opportunities open to the
worker who has learned her trade and proposes to follow it seriously.
The results are reported in the following chapters.
After all this information was collected it was felt that the data
concerning wages, actual earnings, and seasons were inadequate,
and that to obtain satisfactory information on these subjects pay

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

rolls must be studied. The investigator explained the situation
to employers, and pay rolls were secured from 14 custom shops of
varied types, covering 735 workers, and from two dressmaking fac
tories, covering 522 workers. These were the only factories turning
out a product comparable to that of the custom shops. While the
information thus secured concerning seasons agreed to a surprising
degree with the returns of the United States census in 1900, the
wage statistics secured were unique and original, and made it pos
sible for the first time to know the actual wage possibilities of a large
number of workers in this trade. Some totally unexpected statistics
relative to overtime, instability of labor, and the significance to the
small employer of small capital and long credit also threw light.on
some of the most important problems of the trade.
The information gathered has been presented in considerable de
tail, with the hope that the statistical information gathered for the
first and only time in this trade might be of service to employers,
workers, educators, placement agents, and customers, all of whom
may through increased knowledge do their share toward the solu
tion of the problems presented.

CHAPTER 1.
EVOLUTION OF THE TRADE IN THE UNITED STATES.

The women’s clothing trade is unique among the industries of the
twentieth century in its resistance to monopoly of wholesale manu
facture, and is one of the few present-day industries which shows all
stages of industrial evolution from a simple to a highly industrialized
system existing side by side. Woman’s insistence on individuality
of style on the one side, and the large place occupied by women as
producers on the other, have hindered and delayed large scale pro
duction, but the opening of the twentieth century shows that even
this industry is being caught up in the current of centralized and
large scale manufacturing. Still the five stages of chronological
evolution observed in industry as a whole can be traced in the growth
of an occasional small dressmaking shop of a couple of decades past
into a great commercialized shop of to-day and can also be observed
in the various types of shops about us.
These different systems of production typifying five different stages
of evolution may be called (1) the family system, observed in home
dressmaking; (2.) the help or hire system, seen in the dressmaker who
goes out by the day to the home of the customer; (3) the custom
system, as seen in the “ mistress dressmaker” who conducts a shop
to which her customers come to have their work done; (4) the com
mercialized system, exemplified in women’s furnishing stores, which
combine a sales and a custom dressmaking department, and (5) the
manufacturing system for retail and for wholesale' trade. A brief
sketch of this evolution through the three centuries of American
history may provide a helpful background for a study of the presentday development.
In the American colonies, naturally, the earliest or family stage of
industry, where “ production was carried on within the family, by
the family, and for the family,” 1 predominated and still exists to a
large degree in the rural parts of the United States. Before the mid
dle of the seventeenth century the second stage, the help or hire sys
tem, developed, by which the independent workman (usually a man)
went from place to place offering his services and performing the work
in the home of his customer.2 Before the end of the century the third
* Principles of Economics, by E. R. A . Seligman, p. 88.
s A Simple Cobbler of Agawam, by Nathaniel Ward, p. 28; An Account of Pennsylvania and Virginia,
by Gabriel Thomas, p. 41; Connecticut Colonial Records, Vol. n , p. 283.

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

stage, the custom system, appeared, under which the independent
worker established himself and made garments in his own shop at the
order of a special customer. But it was not until the eighteenth
century that seamstresses appeared to any extent beside the journey
man tailor, and the mistress dressmaker owned a shop side by side
with the master tailor. The fourth stage, the commercialized system,
was exemplified in the dealers who imported clothing from Europe or
manufactured it in their own shop, and their advertisements occu
pied a large place in the local newspapers of the eighteenth century.
The early nineteenth century saw the rapid development of this
stage of this industry. Men and occasionally women became im
porters of European models which were exhibited to local dress
makers. The second half of the nineteenth century brought tho
manufacturing system, which has taken over every kind of clothing
in the past few decades. The highest point reached thus far is in the
ready-to-wear garment, a competitor of and a compromise between
custom and ready-made wear. Ready-to-wear clothing is “ stock,”
single, exclusive patterns, made up by the large fashionable custom
dressmakers in advance of the specific order of a customer, offering
an individuality of style which is lacking in the ready-made garment
in its many duplications and its various sizes and materials.
No wealth of material exists to show the characteristics of each
successive phase of industrial activity, and especially is this true of
the needle trades. Colonial records, papers, correspondence, arch
ives have been diligently searched for historical pictures of the
producers of women’s wear, with results which show that certain
characteristics are common to the trade regardless of difference in
time and place.1
At the beginning of colonial times, as has been said, dressmaking
was conducted mainly under the household system, the women of
each family making the clothes it needed. Naturally the bound or
indentured servants, when there were such, shared in this labor, or
perhaps had entire charge of it. Advertisements may be found in
old newspapers dwelling on the ability as seamstresses of negro slaves
offered for sale. Indentured servants and slaves, however, really
formed part of the household, and their labors can not be regarded as
a beginning of the hire system.
It is not possible to say when the second system, under which the
worker goes out for hire, appeared in the colonies, but if we may
judge by the practice of frontier communities to-day, it must have
been at a very early date. The natural tendency is for a woman
who can sew to turn her ability to account among her neighbors.
In early days, however, this tendency was limited by the multi
tudinous employments which kept women busy within their own
JA bibliography and list of documents searched will be found on pp. 160 to 172.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

homes. The unattached woman seems to have been rare. As
late as 1698 Gabriel Thomas remarks that there were no “ old maids
to be met with, * * * for all commonly marry before they are
20 years of age.” 1 Forty-two years earlier another writer had
observed that “ loose persons,” i. e., those free to dispose of their
services as they pleased, “ seldom live long unmarried if free.” 2
This relative scarcity of women or the fact that home dressmaking
was largely done by servants and slaves may have been one reason why
commercial dressmaking was largely in the hands of men. During
the entire seventeenth century men tailors seem to have predominated
in the commercialized sewing trades, for they are frequently mentioned
by various writers, while women, when mentioned at all in this con
nection, are reported as scarce.
Before the end of the century dressmakers had reached the third
stage, that of conducting a shop to which customers come to have
work done, and by 1679 there was at least one instance of the fourth
system, the women’s furnishings stores which combine a sales
department with custom dressmaking. In that year William
Sweatland was conducting such a store at Salem, selling furnishings
and making clothes for men, women, and children. There is still
extant a bill of his against Jonathan Corwin, from which it appears
that making and altering women’s and children’s garments formed an
important part of his trade.3
Although women had apparently not reached this fourth stage
during the seventeenth century, they had evidently attained the
third, for in 1699 Jane Latham, ‘ ‘ Seamstress and Manto Maker,”
wife of Joseph Latham, of New York, and Catharine White, ‘ 6Tailor
Woman,” wife of Peter White, joyner, of the same State, were
each doing enough business to take on a young apprentice to whom
they contracted to teach the trade.4 Taking apprentices presup
poses the maintenance of a shop, as there is no record of dressmakers
going out by the day and taking assistants with them.
Thus, by 1700, the first four systems under which dressmaking
is carried on were in existence side by side in the colonies, though
the first and second systems were probably very much in the lead.
Throughout the seventeenth century the colonists, in addition to
the clothes made by their own dressmakers and tailors, were receiv
ing importations from abroad, especially from England. The
writings of the times contain frequent references to the arrival of
ships bearing, among other things, garments and finery for men and
women alike.
» An Account of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey (1698), by Gabriel Thomas, pp. 45-51.
* Leah and Rachel (1656), by Hammond, p. 15.
» See Weeden’s Economic and Social History of New England, p. 287, where a copy of this bill, covering
the period from Sept. 29,1679, to Feb. 26,1681, is given.
« New York Historical Society Collections, 1885, pp. 582,583.

BULLETIN, OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

During the eighteenth century changes in the dressmaking trade
were more in the nature of shifting the emphasis on certain aspects
than of introducing new features. The four systems continued to
coexist. The household system does not appear to have diminished
in importance, and the papers contain frequent advertisements for
household servants who could combine sewing with the performance
of their domestic duties. The help or hire system was also main
tained, and a transition stage between this and the custom-shop
system is shown by “ Elizabeth Sanders Porter, Mantua-Maker from
Boston,” who “ begs leave to inform the Ladies of this Town
(Essex) that she makes Gowns, Hats, Cloaks and Biding Habits
in the best and neatest Manner, at her own Home or at the Ladies’
Houses.” 1
Shops carried on under the third and fourth systems became
increasingly numerous and important, and more and more com
monly women were found at their head. The first half of the century
was marked by closer relations with Europe and by greater pros
perity than had prevailed before. The increasing wealth of the
colonies and their growing commerce tended to introduce European
standards of dress, while the coming of royal governors and the
establishment of official social life in the cities gave an added impetus
to the movement. English dressmakers, tailors, and staymakers
came over to find their prosperity in meeting the growing demand
for rich and fashionable garments, and though men preceded the
women, the latter soon became prominent as mistress dressmakers.
From this position they soon developed into merchant dressmakers
selling the completed garment made from materials, chosen by
samples, manufactured at home or imported. Before the close of
the first half of the eighteenth century, women appear as full-fledged
merchant dressmakers, importers, and merchants of women’s cloth
ing. A Boston newspaper in 1733 announced: “ To be seen at Mrs.
Hannah Teatts, Mantua-maker at the head of Summer St., Boston,
a Baby drest after the Newest Fashion of Mantues and Night Gowns
and every thing belonging to a dress, lately arrived in Capt. White,
from London, any Ladies that desire to see it may either come or
send and she will be ready to wait on ’em, if they come to the House
it is Five Shillings, and if she waits on them it is Seven Shillings.” 2
Thus, there existed in the early eighteenth century, some of the most
modern present-day features of the custom dressmaking trade—a
mistress custom dressmaker, an importer of European models,
carrying a varied stock of “ Mantues, Night Gowns and every thing
belonging to a dress,” which she was prepared to display either in
her shop or in the home of her customers.
* Essex Gazette, Aug. 14-21,1770.

* New England Weekly Journal, July 2,1733.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOE W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

During the latter half of the eighteenth century the woman mer
chant dressmaker assumed a more prominent place among the
importers of goods and clothing. Jane Eustis in 1756 had developed
all the characteristics of the modem commercialized custom shop.
In 1756 she dissolved her “ copartnership” with Mary Purcell and
opened a shop “ next door to Mr. Kent’s office, opposite the north side
of the Town House,” where she “ sold for the lowest rates for cash
. . . Hoops, stays . . . stomachers . . . bonnets, hair hats, Padusoy cloaks . . . umbrilles . . . Men’s, Women’s, and Children’s hose
. . . women’s black silk kid and lamb gloves and mittens. N. B.
Said Eustis makes in the neatest and newest fashion Capuchine3,
Cardinals, Hatts, Bonnets and Pallances, etc., etc.” 1 Ten years
later, 1766, in the same shop she had just “ imported . . . from Lon
don” and was selling “ for cash at her shop opposite the North Side
of the Town-House, Boston . . . Brown and black Padusoys . . .
Ducapes, pink and brown Mantuas, white and buff ground Brocades
. . . quilted pettieoats . . . Lady’s habit . . . brocaded shoes and
dogs . . . black and coloured bonnets and jockeys, plumes for ditto
. . ., silver and silk trimmings for gowns . . . chip hats and bonnets
. . . with a great variety of Haberdashery and Millinery, too many
to be ennumerated.” a
By 1756 this woman of the American colonies had developed her
custom dressmaking and millinery establishment to a commercialized
shop where she sold imported ready-made wear beside her own manu
factures. But in 1766 Jane Eustis made no mention of custom or
order work. If this omission indicates that this phase of her business
had sunk into insignificance beside the more profitable sales depart
ment, the similarity to modem conditions and tendencies becomes
almost complete.
The importation of clothing from abroad continued throughout the
century, although naturally it was greatly diminished during the
Revolution. After the break with England, and indeed for some
time before it, such importations were attacked on the ground that
patriotism demanded the use of home products. It & impossible to
say to what extent this attitude affected the dressmakers. Adver
tisements of dresses and dress materials from England and France
continued to appear in the city papers, but in 1790 Hamilton claimed
“ in a number of districts that two-thirds, three-fourths, and even fourfifths of all the clothing of the inhabitants are made by themselves.” *
Outside of the larger cities dressmaking had developed very little
beyond the first two systems, while the third and fourth probably
appeared very little, if at all.
i Boston News Letter, June 24,1756.
3 Boston Gazette, Feb. 17, Dec. 8,1766.

* American State Papers. Finance, vol. 1, p. 132.

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

In the nineteenth century, the women’s clothing trade, still retain
ing all its primitive stages, developed the characteristics of “ la grande
industrie.” There was still the “ young lady [who] wishes a situation
in a private family where she can do sewing, or assist in the domestic
concerns to pay for her board,” 1 “ a Young woman from England
[who] wishes to engage herself in a genteel family to do needlework,” 2
and “ a Lady possessing unusual taste and skill, and experience in
fitting and making all kinds of Ladies’ and Little Boys’ and Girls’
Garments, [who] would like to work for a few families in Charlestown
or vicinity.” 8 Beside these appeared the master tailor and mistress
dressmaker, employers of labor. To what extent tailors and dress
makers employed help before the Revolution it seems difficult to
determine, but undoubtedly the evolution of the larger shop during
the eighteenth century increased the demand, and the recruiting of
workers through advertisements in the newspapers, the usual method
to-day, became apparent at the opening of the nineteenth century.
For example, “ M. Boyles, Mantua-maker from London,” advertised
for “ Two young women, wanted as apprentices,” in Boston in 1799.4
As her advertisement ran in the paper for four weeks, the applicants
were apparently no more numerous or desirable than at present. In
1800 there was “ wanted at the Tailoring Business a smart young
Woman 18 or 20 years of age,” 5and in 1828 “ Six first-rate tailoresses
to whom steady employ and the highest wages will be given . .
were wanted immediately.” * M. Gillespie, dressmaker, “ wanted
immediately [in 1827] several persons as apprentices.” 7
The fourth stage of the dressmaking industry, the merchant dress
maker and milliner, is typified by “ Eliza Bancroft [who] Respectfully
informs her Friends and the Public that she has received a fresh
supply of Fancy Goods Suitable for the Season—among which are
black and white cambrics, black silk shawls . . . silk for Bonnets,
and Gowns . . . She continues the Mantua Making and Millinery
Business in the newest fashions.” 8 Thus, before the War of 1812
there was developed the prototype of the modem woman’s furnishings
houses, which combine under one business management the three
departments: (1) The sales department of materials and furnishings
for women’s clothing; (2) custom dressmaking; and (3) millinery.
Although the development on a large scale of the big furnishing
houses with their millinery and dressmaking departments and the neces
sary capital gave the supremacy to men as “ better prepared for rea-

»Boston Daily Advertiser, Mar. 24,1813.
* Independent Chronicle, July 23,1800.
* Bunker Hill Aurora, May 6,1865.
* Boston Commercial Gazette, June 10,17,24, July 1,1709.
* Columbus Centinel, Mar. 5,1800.
« [Boston] Evening Gazette, Mar. 15, 1828.
» Ibid., Sept. 15,1827.
* National Aegis, Apr. 8,1812.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

soiling and calculations,” 1 the woman European importer, wholesale
dealer, and merchant dressmaker appeared in Boston before the
middle of the nineteenth century.
A woman merchant dressmaker and importer of European models
was established in Boston by 1840, who arranged “ openings” for the
display of the latest styles and modols to the dressmakers of the sur
rounding country, thus exhibiting a prototype of the movement for
“ democratization” of styles in Amcrica, which is now centered
almost exclusively in New York City and has practically disappeared
from Boston.
Women conducted stores which carried a stock of materials and of
clothing, not only in the large ports but in many surrounding cities.
Grace Smith in Norfolk,* Mrs. dapp “ at the Noted Store” in Ded
ham,3“ Mrs. Charlotte H. White . . . [who] . . . has opened a shop in
the dwelling House of Deacon Tilly Flint” in Rutland,4advertised “ a
general assortment of English goods.” Imports in the large cities
increased in value, and merchants in Boston offered for sale “ a com
plete assortment of new and fashionable Goods . . . Richball dresses,
Lace dresses, Embroidered French cambric and sheer muslin dresses,
India Muslin dresses, Mantles, Silk, and gold dotted muslin for dresses
. . . 5 a few splendid French embroiderod Muslin and Cambrick
Dresses, worth from 35 to 55 dollars. These being lately imported,
are the most modem style and truly elegant.” 6 Stephen Rhoads,
in November, 1827, had received by the London Packet, “ 1 case of
Ladies Imperial Pelerines, Sable, and Ermine, a very rich article.” 1
The influx of European goods and increasing luxury in the first
half of the nineteenth century had, however, met opposition from
many quarters. The manufacturers and statesmen of New England
in the early nineteenth century vigorously resisted European impor
tations of manufactured articles. The remedy urged was increasing
taxation and the climax was reached in the tariff of 1828.
Apart from the political agitation, many opposed the trend toward
extravagance, and especially as manifested in the introduction of
European clothes and ornaments and the submission to European
fashions, on grounds of duty, morality, and patriotism. There is
little evidence that this opposition produced any particular effect.
The last half of the nineteenth century contributed the final phases
of development in the women’s clothing trade—the wholesale manu
facture of women’s machine-made clothing with the resultant socalled sweating system, and the custom ready-to-wear garments.
* France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le V&ement k Paris, 1896, p. 395.
* Norfolk Kepository, May 28,1805.
s Ibid., June 4,1805.
* National Aegis, July 3,1805.
frThe Evening Gazette, Jan. 6,1527.
* Ibid., Oct. 6,1827.
7 The Evening Gazette, Nov. 15,1S27, Oct. 20,1827, Aug. 2,1828.
2 9 8 8 5 °— B u ll. 193— 16------- 2

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

Thus by the end of the century all stages of development existed side
by side. The large commercialized shop and department store of the
latter part of the nineteenth century represent a stage of evolution in
degree purely. They existed in the eighteenth century. They in
creased in size, amount of capital invested, and stock carried, in the
nineteenth century. But the last stage of development, wholesale
manufacture, originated and developed rapidly in the latter half of
the nineteenth century. Wholesale manufacture of men’s clothing
existed to some extent in the first half of the century. The manufac
ture of women’s clothing on a large scale in advance of the orders of
prospective buyers involved a more difficult problem. A most serious
obstacle to making up large quantities of women’s clothing in vary
ing sizes and in like and in different materials after a single model
appeared from the beginning. Two factors, which M. du Maroussem
calls “ la coquetterie feminine,” 1 complicated the development—the
attitude of the clientele, which insists that no two gowns shall
be alike, necessitating infinite variations, and the desire for an
adaptation of the fashion, style, and material of a garment to the
particular form and personal characteristics of the individual woman.
This individualization, which constitutes the radical contrast between
masculine and feminine dress, was still further complicated by the
rapidly changing styles in women’s clothing. Each client required
a garment adapted peculiarly to herself, but it must conform in its
general lines to the exigencies of the general fashion, which in turn
are uncertain because dependent on “ the universal suffrage of the
ladies of fashion.” “ How then,” says M. du Maroussem, “ in view
of this unconquerable economic demand, manufacture large stocks in
advance, as is the custom established in the manufacture of men’s
ready-made clothing? The process must be transformed.” The
promoters of the new idea sought to separate the common elements,
to some extent, from the most diversified styles, and apply to them,
as an invariable basis of the system, the anticipated fashion.2 The
promulgation of the styles is effected through two mediums: The cre
ation of models in picture form, which are spread broadcast through
special fashion publications, and the creation of models in the actual
form of costumes made in advance and sold with the purpose of mak
ing reproductions and variations from them. Paris controls this phase
of the trade. The United States has always looked to western Europe
for initiative in style of dress. Certain large houses in some of the
largest American cities create “ Americanized styles” and models,
but always in accordance with the decrees laid down by Paris leaders.
i France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Ydtement k Paris, p. 393 et seq. See also
Le Development de la Fabrique et le travail h domicile dans les Industries de l’Habillement, par A.
Alffcalion. Paris, 1906.
* See discussion by M. du Maroussem. France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le
VStement k Paris, p. 393 et seq.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

The development of the “ ready-made,” using the word in its ver
nacular sense, was a matter of some four decades. Beady-made wear
had been imported from Europe in colonial times, but wholesale ready
made clothing produced in large quantities in many sizes and varie
ties of materials showed a comparatively slow evolution. No at
tempt was made at first to invade the sphere of the fitted garment.
With the introduction of the sewing machine in 1850, however, ready
made clothing soon took rapid strides in the looser and more masculine
type of wear, such as outside cloaks, coats, and mantillas, as well as
in corsets and similar furnishing goods, hoop skirts, and millinery.
The census of 1860 reported—“ This branch of the domestic cloth
ing trade, which thus employs nearly half a million dollars in capital,
and with the labor of less than 1,600 hands, produced upwards of two
and a quarter million dollars’ worth of cloaks and mantillas annually,
is one of quite recent growth, and has received its principal develop
ment within the ten or fifteen years preceding the last census. The
manufacture has its principal seat in New York, which has 15 large
establishments, one of which employs 100 girls and makes goods to
the value of $120,000 per annum. Two others employ 70 and 40
hands, respectively, and make each about $100,000 worth. The whole
value of cloaks and mantillas made in that city in 1860 was $618,400.
A large manufacturer in that city who commenced business in 1849
was the first to introduce sewing machines in the business, as well as
the first to employ young women in the retail sales department. The
largest establishment in Boston also employs 100 females and makes
$150,000 worth of ladies’ cloaks and mantillas annually, while two
others in that city employ each about 75 hands, and manufacture
to the value of $125,000 each. All but $13,000 of the product in
Massachusetts was made by 10 factories in Boston.” 1
During the four decades from 1860 to 1900 the ready-made-garment
manufacturers invaded every branch of the women’s clothing trade.
Increasing development of skill and perfection of machinery and work
manship have made possible the manufacture of close-fitting gar
ments. The development of popular taste and demand through the
show windows and salesrooms of retail dealers has justified the man
ufacture of great quantities of stock. The decreased cost of the
ready-made has resulted in its world-wide adoption. In the early
eighties the manufacturers began making ladies’ suits, in the nineties
lingerie, soon to be followed by shirt waists, fancy waists, skirts, gowns
of all sorts and materials, and finally neckwear on a large scale.
With increasing perfection and popularity of the ready-made, there
has appeared a new phase in the development of the trade—the readyto-wear, which represents the last resort of custom dressmakers and

i United States Census, 1860. Manufactures, p. Ixxxiii.

BULLETIN' OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

tailors to combat the ready-made. Exclusive large custom houses
still refuse to recognize or carry the ready-made, but they are attempt
ing to cater to public demand for the completed gown or garments at
short notice by making up stock in advance. “ Ready-to-wear,” said
a member of such a firm, “ is a single gown made up on a single ex
clusive pattern in advance of the specific order of a customer, but
offering an individuality and exclusiveness of style in the finished
product which the ready-made in its many duplications in various
sizes can not do.” This development has brought in its wake two
most important results—first, the partial abolition of the necessity
for late rush orders, as the customer can often find ready for use a
gown suitable for her needs; and second, the partial alleviation of
the slack season, as the workers fill in the time in which they are not
busy with orders of customers by making up “ stock.” This readyto-wear is offered for sale to customers wishing gowns on short notice,
or preferring the finished product to the waste of time and energy:
and the uncertainty of satisfactory results sometimes experienced in
custom work.
The attempt to cater to all the various needs of the clientele is
resulting in many combinations, either of .the two branches, custom
and ready-to-wear, or of the three branches, custom, ready-to-wear,
and ready-made. Many a custom tailor or dressmaker of a few
decades ago has now been transformed into the head of a large estab
lishment or has formed a partnership or corporation combining the
two or three branches of the trade. Meanwhile the increasing tendency
toward centralization and the competition of two powerful factors—
the manufacturing and the combination establishments with their large
capital and unlimited credit—have rapidly diminished the field of op
portunity for the small custom dressmaker. She is brought face to face
with the three great problems of modem industry—competition, capi
tal, and the labor problem. The ready-made, with its increasingly fine
product, good style, and low cost due to the manufacture of large
quantities under a highly developed business system and administra
tion, encroaches on the field from the one side; the large combination
establishments encroach on the other side in two ways, for first, with
practically unlimited capital they are able to work on a large scale
with the highest degree of business finesse, to employ time and
labor saving machinery, and to secure experts, who, with their origi
nality and initiative, can give a certain characteristic exclusiveness
in style and taste; second, because of the extensive scope of their
business some of the more far-seeing firms so arrange their work as
to eliminate to a large extent the seasonal aspect of the trade, thus
attracting the workers and aggravating the labor problom for the
small dressmaker.

DHESSMAKIKG AS A TBADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

On the other hand, there are certain important influences reacting
in favor of custom work and of the small dressmaker. Custom work
will probably always retain its superiority of workmanship—i. e., fine
handwork, accuracy, and fine finishing. It will also meet and solve
most effectively the peculiar needs of the individual. For these two
reasons every stage of custom work can still retain its position in the
labor world. The dressmaker going “ out by the day” obviates for
herself the problem of large capital and irregular payment of cus
tomers and meets the needs of customers who still insist on custom
work in lingerie, children’s wear, house dresses* and even the more
elaborate gowns.
In spite of the problems enumerated above, the small dressmaker,
also has Certain advantages which cause her competition to react on
the large establishments. First,' the “ democratization” of styles
effected by the semiannual importation of Parisian models by large
New York importers and their “ openings,” at which all the newest
Parisian styles are displayed to their customers (dressmakers) from
far and near, enables the smallest (within these limits) as well as the
largest dressmaker to give to her customers the newest style. One
of the members of an old and well-established firm considered this
the greatest menace to the high-class establishments. Formerly, he
said, only the large establishments who could send a representative
abroad twice a year could give exclusive and original styles to their
customers. Now the smallest dressmaker of ability and ingenuity
is enabled to give exactly as good style at smaller cost because of
her lower expenses. Second, the small dressmaker gives her own
talent, taste, ingenuity, and originality to the making of her gowns
with no financial expenditure for this service. The large firm pays
one or more head women salaries ranging from $1,000 to $10,000 a
year for this contribution, but the small dressmaker not only furnishes
this herself but by personal supervision of the workroom effects
greater economy of time and materials and the more interested coop
eration of her employees. The small dressmaker has a more steady
and regular clientele, enabling many of the more far-seeing ones to
meet in a fairly satisfactory manner the seasonal problem. She is
not expected nor does she attempt to maintain the standard of luxury
and spaciousness of quarters, location of establishment, etc., required
of the larger firms, with their resultant heavy expenditure.
Thus a nice balance of opposing, interacting, and reacting forces
still makes possible at the present day the existence side by side of
all stages of the clothing trade from the primitive to the most modem
and scientifically developed.

CHAPTER n.
THE DRESSMAKING TRADE OF TO-DAY.

The dressmaking trade of the twentieth century is developing along
three diverging lines: (1) In the increasing growth of the large
wholesale manufacturers at the expense of the custom trade; (2) in
the development of the large custom shop and decline of the small;
and (3) paradoxically, in the comparatively large place occupied by
the home dressmaker and day worker. Directors of vocational edu
cation and guidance must, therefore, know the industrial trend and
predominant types in the neighborhoods to which they cater to solve
their problem satisfactorily.
The manufacture of ready-made clothing has grown by leaps and
bounds during the last two decades, increasing more than 100 per
cent in practically every phase during the decade 1890 to 1900, and
in some details to an even more phenomenal extent during the decade
1900 to 1910.
Table 1, immediately following, shows the development of the two
branches, wholesale manufacturing and custom dressmaking, during
the decade 1890-1900, while Table 2 shows the growth of the whole
sale manufacturing trade during the decade 1899-1909.
TABLE 1 .— DEVELOPMENT OF WOMEN'S CLOTHING TRADE, FACTORY PRODUCT AND

CUSTOM DRESSMAKING, IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE DECADE 1890-1900.1
[Based on United States Census, 1900, Vol. IX , Manufactures, Pt. in , p. 302.]
Factory product.

Item.
1890

Number of establishments___
Capital................. ....................
Wage earners, average num
ber.........................................
Men, 10 years and over.. .
Women, 16 years and over.
Children under 16 years. -.
Total wages..............................
Men....................................
Women....................... .......
Children............................
Cost of materials used.............
Value of products....................

1900

Custom dressmaking.
Per
cent
in*
crease,
1900
over
1890.

1890

1900

2,701
$21,259,528 $48,431,544

120.7
19,587
14,479
127.8 $12,883,097 $13,815,221

39,149
83,739
26,109
12,963
56,866
25,913
273
764
$15,428,272 $32,586,101
$7,386,955 $15,790,572
$7,994,203 $16,675,390
$47,114
$120,139
$34,277,219 $84,704,592
$68,164,019 $159,339,539

113.9
101.4
119.5
179; 9

111.2

113.8
108.6
155.0
147.1
138.8

48,613
45,595
1,056
4,379
47,164
40,835
393
381
$13,145,734 $14,352,453
$616,438 $2,0 3,175
$12,482,362 $11,3*3,683
$46,934
$45,595
$23,393,829 $16,503,754
$57,071,732 2|48,356,034

Per
cent
in
crease,
1900
over
1890.

7.2

Per
cent
de1900
from
1890.
26.1

6.2
314.7
9.2
377.5

*i3.*4
3.1
9.0
2.9
29.5
15.3

i Factory product covers all clothing manufactured for the wholesale trade; custom dressmaking deals
with product made for retail orders.
* Includes custom work and repairing.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 2 . — DEVELOPMENT OF WOMEN'S CLOTHING TRADE, FACTORY PRODUCT, IN

THE UNITED STATES DURING THE DECADE 1899-1909.*
{Based on the United States Census, 1910, Vol. V III, Manufactures, p. 609.]

Item.

1899

2,701
Number of establishments.....................................................................
Capital..................................................................................................... $48,432,000
83,739
Wage earners, average number.............................................................
Total wages.............................................................................................. $32,586,000
6,715
Salaried employees, total number.••....................................................
Total salaries. .*.......................................................................................
*6,574,000
Cost of materials used............................................................................. $84,705,000
Value of product.................................................................................... $159,340,000

1909

4,558
$129,301,000
153,743
$78,568,000
18,796
$20,418,000
$208,788,000
$384,752,000

Per
cent
in
crease,
1909
over
1899.
68.8
167.0
83.6
141.1
179.9
210.6
146.5
141.5

* In 1900 the chief statistician recommended the abandonment of all inquiries into hand trades because
of the impossibility of securing accurate and complete returns and the high cost for dubious returns.

In the manufacturing branch it is evident that the increase in
capital and wages during the second decade was greater than in the
first, but a corresponding increase does not appear in the number of
establishments or workers. This indicates a process of consolidation
and the development of the larger shop. The greater increase in
wages than in number of wage earners indicates the employment of
more highly skilled workers. This is also emphasized in the 179.9
per cent increase in salaried'officials and 210.6 per cent increase in
total salaries paid.
In the first decade while the manufacturing branch of the women’s,
clothing tradp showed an increase of 120.7 per cent in the number of
establishments, 113.9 per cent in average number of wage earners,
147.1 per cent in cost of materials and 138.8 per cent in value of
product, custom dressmaking decreased in all these phases of the
trade. But while custom dressmaking lagged far behind in the race
during this decade, the decrease in the number of establishments
(26.1 per cent) was out of all proportion to the 6.2 per cent decline in
the number of wage earners. During the same period the amount of
capital increased 7.2 per cent and the total wages 9.2 per cent, all this
indicating consolidation or the development of the large shop.1
The development and competition of the factory product has
brought about a very uneven distribution of product between the
factory and custom dressmaker. The census of 1910 describes,
women’s clothing, factory product, as comprising “ not only com
plete suite, but also dresses, skirts, petticoats, kimonos, dressing
sacques, wrappers, jackets, cloaks, capes, underwear, infants’ cloth
ing, shirt waists, linings, dress stays, belts, dress shields, and similar
articles.” 2 Custom dressmaking is, on the other hand, being in
creasingly limited to only the high-class, exclusive product; fancy.
i See Table 1.

* United States Census, 1910. Manufactures, Vol. VIII, p. 398.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

house dresses, street suits, and fancy waists, which, because of indi
vidual style and exclusive patterns and materials, can compete with
the cheaper ready-made product.
Although the factory branch of the trade is largely centered in
New York, the value of its product representing 70.8 per cent of the
total output of the United States,1the clothing trade throughout the
country feels the effect of its competition through the distribution of
New York's product.
This increase in the importance of the factory branch is bringing
about new conditions and necessitating new adjustments within the
custom branch of the trade. Four great problems—capital, compe
tition, scarcity of skilled labor, and seasonal fluctuation—must be
met by shops of all types, and the degree to which they are or are not
solved determines the survival of the type. Out of the struggle is
emerging, on the one side, the large custom shop and, on the other, the
domestic or day worker, with the resultant submergence of the small
shop.
The evolution of the large establishment in custom as in factory
dressmaking has undoubtedly continued during the first decade of
the twentieth century, though the lack of census statistics makes
comparison impossible. Members of the trade, both in Boston and
in other cities^ almost unanimously testify to the increasing difficulty
the small shop finds in competing on the one side with the large cus
tom establishments, with their prestige and almost unlimited capital,
and on the other with the wholesale manufacturing establishments
turning out a cheaper product. Many who formerly conducted a
shop find it more profitable to work on a salary or go out by the day.
A head dressmaker of a large, fashionable shop in Boston, receiving
$50 a week, had for five or six years conducted a shop with a force of
20 to 30 workers, but could not meet the problem of capital. A
Worcester dressmaker who used to conduct a shop abandoned it
because of the scarcity of good workers and now takes in only such
work as she can do herself. Many of the smaller dressmakers are
dosing their shops because of the difficulty of competing with the
large custom and ready-made establishments and are going out by
the day or taking only such work as they can do alone.
The growth of the wholesale manufacture of women’s clothing is
clearly shown by the census, and the development of the large custom
dressmaking shop, though not so easily .proved, is evident. It is
more difficult to ascertain the numbers and importance of dress
makers working in their own homes or going out by the day, yet
there is reason to believe that these constitute a large proportion of
the workers in the trade, except perhaps in large cities where dress
making is highly industrialized. Although the census gives no sta
* Calculated from data from United States Census, 1910. Manufactures, Vol. V III, pp. 574,575.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

tistics concerning these workers, a comparison of its data in two
different reports may throw some light upon their numbers. In the
special report on occupations of women (based on the population
schedules) the number of dressmakers 16 years of age and over
in the United States is given as 338,144.* In the report on manu
factures for the same year (based on establishment schedules) the
number of women aged 16 or over employed in custom dressmak
ing is given as 40,835; in addition, 908 salaried officials are given,
and the number of establishments is placed at 14,479.* If it be
assumed that each establishment had at least one proprietor, and
if these be added to the salaried officials and others engaged in
dressmaking, the total is 56,222. Subtracting this figure from
the 338,144, given in Statistics of Women at Work as representing
the number of dressmakers in the United States, there would seem
to be 281,922 women engaged in dressmaking who are not classed
as such in the census report on manufactures. It can not be assumed
that all of these are women who make dresses at home or go out by
the day; various causes may account for the difference between the
two reports. Nevertheless, the figures are significant Mid give some
idea of the proportion the domestic dressmaker forms of the total
workers in the trade.
The difficulty of determining the relative importance of different
types of dressmaking is much increased by the vagueness with which
the term “ dressmaker” is used. Thus, the United States census for
1900 reported 6,312 dressmakers in Boston.3 But what is the defini
tion of “ dressmakers” and how are they distinguished from seam
stresses or tailoresses ? The census does not enlighten us. The census
figures by occupations, moreover, include both employers and em
ployees', while the employees include not only the skilled workers who
might legitimately be called “ dressmakers,” but a great many “ seam
stresses” or plain sewers who do the finishing work on the gowns.
These workers may have reported themselves as “ dressmakers” or
“ seamstresses” to the census enumerators. Others undoubtedly
reported themselves as dressmakers who were not; so the statistics
are far from satisfactory.
The term “ dressmaker” is so vague and so inaccurately applied
that women are frequently listed as dressmakers in the city direc
tory year after year who never have done dressmaking for others or
who work only occasionally. A Mrs. G. is summarized on the credit
list of a large store in Worcester as follows: “ Above is not a dress
maker; never was. Said she was not when questioned, February
1, ’07.” Yet she was still so listed in the city directory for 1909.
i Special Reports of the Census Office, 1900. Statistics of Women at Work, p. 70.
a United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Vol. IX , Pt. I ll, p. 302.
» Special Reports of the Census Office, 1900. Statistics of Women at Work, p. 222.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Others who do some dressmaking may not be reported. A house
keeper, occasionally finding spare time in the spring or fall, goes
into a large dressmaking shop for a month in the busy season.
She is not a dressmaker, yet may be put under that heading by the
census enumerator. Because of the lack of a fixed definition of the
terms “ dressmaking” and “ dressmaker,” statistics by occupation
are of little value for practical or educational purposes.
In the absence of complete census returns we are forced to a study
of local conditions to discover the predominant types in the trade.
The Boston city directory records 696 “ mistress” dressmakers in
1910, of whom only 240, or about one-third, can be regarded as regu
lar employers. Nearly two-thirds of those recorded as independent
dressmakers by the directory are day or home workers, showing the
surprising extent to which the women’s clothing trade still retains its
domestic characteristics in a city like Boston.
The following table shows the extent of custom dressmaking in
the cities studied:
TABLE 3 .—EXTEN T OF CUSTOM DRESSMAKING IN 5 CITIES IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Number of establish
ments in cities, based
on specified sources.

City.

Rank
ac
Popula cord
Fac Ining
tion in
tory
to
1910.1 size
United City in- vestigaStates direc
of
tor's
city. Census, tory, tor's esti
1900.* 1910. re- mate,
1910.

Boston.....................
Worcester................
Lowell.....................
Cambridge..............
Somerville..............

670,585
145,986
106,294
104,839
77,236

1
2
4
5
10

271
56
155
15
16

696
398
217
167
149

181

(8)

(*)

(8)
(8)

240
18
33
12
2

Number employed, based on specified
sources.

United
States

Factory inspec
tor's report,
1910.

Number
reported
in shops
visited.

flAnfiiifi

1900.
H en.

1,605
645
327
24
21

Wo
WOr
men. Girls. M en. men.

97 1,926
(8)
(*)
(3)
(8)
(8)

2,032
201
50
54
10

i United States Census, 1910. Population. Vol. II, p. 862.
* The United States census of 1900 includes only the shop having an annual product of $500 or more.
United States Census, 1900, Manufactures, Part I , pp. xxxix and ccxlii-cexlv. The census of 1910 ex
dudes custom dressmaking entirely from the reports on manufactures.
* Not reported.

While in Boston only about one-third of the dressmakers given in
the city directory were employers, the proportion was even smaller
in the other cities, ranging from 15.2 per cent in Lowell to 1.3 per
cent in Somerville. This difference is mainly due to the proximity
of the other cities to Boston, which makes large shops not only
unnecessary but impracticable. The large fashionable custom
shops of Boston with extensive capital, credit, prestige, and close
connection with European centers of fashion are invincible com
petitors in the high-class trade. The large department stores of
Boston offering ready-made clothing compete with the middle and

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

low-class establishments. Only the simpler stages of the trade,
therefore, are found in Massachusetts outside of Boston.1
In Worcester, which ranks second in population in Massachusetts,
only 18 of the 398 dressmakers listed in the city directory could be
classed as regular employers. Fully 95 per cent were home or day
workers.* Lowell, though ranking as the fourth city in the State,
is a great textile center, with absentee owners and a large mill popu
lation, and has developed only the simple stages of the dressmaking.
trade. Only 33 mistress dressmakers were found on investigation.3
In Cambridge, a residence and manufacturing city with a popula
tion of more than 100,000, only about a dozen dressmakers could be
classed as employers and only six of these employed six or more
girls. In Somerville, primarily a residential suburban city with a
population of 77,236, only one dressmaker could be found who em
ployed three or four girls, and one with six or eight girls. The rest
were home or day workers, many sewing only occasionally for friends
and others working in Boston shops.
The relative importance in the cities studied of day and home
workers, as compared with custom dressmakers, is shown in the
following table:
T a b l e 4.—TYPES OF DRESSMAKERS IN

Boston.
Type of dressmakers.

Worcester.

5 CITIES IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Lowell.

Cambridge. Somerville.

Total.

Num Per Num Per iNum- Per Num Per Num Per Num Per
ber. cent. ber. cent. j ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent.

Pay workers and home
dressmakers1...................
Custom dressmakers*.........

456 65.5
240 34.5

380 95.5 1 184
18 4.5 j 33

Total 2 ........................

696 100.0

398 100.0 1 217 100.0 j 167 100.0
‘
1
i

i Investigator’s estimate.

84.8
15.2

155 92.8
12 7.2

98.7 1,322
1.3
305

81.3
18.7

149 100.0 1,627

100.0

147
2

2 According to <*ity directories, 1910.

From this table it appears that the “ custom dressmaker,” using
the term in its economic sense to indicate the “ mistress dressmaker,”
who conducts a shop of her own and makes up the gowns of her
customers in accordance with their specific demands, forms a very
small proportion, only 34 per cent of those reporting themselves as
dressmakers in Boston, 15 per cent in Lowell, 7 per cent in Cambridge,
less than 5 per cent in Worcester, and about 1 per cent in Somer* The dressmaking trade of Worcester, Cambridge, and Somerville was studied in connection with a
larger investigation on the industrial opportunities for women which was made by the research department
for the State board of education. See United States Bureau of Education Bulletin No. 17, A Trade
School for Girls: A Preliminary Investigation in a Typical Manufacturing City, Worcester, Massachu
setts. 1913.
3 This statement was made by the credit clerk in the largest department store in Worcester, who turned
all credit records over to the investigator. It was substantiated by personal investigation.
* The trade in Lowell was studied under the direction of the writer by Miss Jennie Clement, a semen*at
Simmons College.

DBESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

ville. The home and day workers, who form from 85 to 99 per cent
of the independent dressmakers in Worcester, Lowell, Cambridge,
and Somerville and 66 per cent of those in Boston, never appear in
official statistics for the trade, yet a knowledge of the opportunities
and demands for such workers is essential to educators and voca
tional advisers.
-Custom dressmaking, like the factory branch, shows a tendency
to concentrate in cities where large demands necessitate business
and industrial organization, and here only are the various types of
shops and methods of production found. Here seven distinct sys
tems of economic production are seen in (1) the home dressmaker
who sews for herself and family, (2) the dressmaker who goes out
by the day, (3) the “ private dressmaker,” (4) the medium-sized
shop of the transition stage where the first rudiments of division of
labor appear, (5) the large shop of specialized workers and marked:
division of labor, (6) the commercialized shop, and (7) the manu
facturing dressmaking shop. These seven stages show ascending
stages of industrial evolution (1) in place of production, (2) in method
of production, and (3) in relation between producer and consumer.
The first stages of the trade show a close relation between place of
production and the home, a simple system of production where the
dressmaker and her small force of general helpers work side by side,
and a close relation between producer and consumer. The more
advanced stages show continuous evolution toward more highly
specialized industrial organization. A description of these stages
affords a picture of the trade as it exists to-day.
1. THE FAMILY DRESSMAKER.

The family system, the most primitive and simplest form of pro
duction, based on the family as an economic unit, still exists in the
twentieth century and can be found in rural parts of the United
States. The family produces for family needs (at least, those of the
feminine element) and producer and consumer are identical. It is
interesting to observe in this connection, however, that while dresses
and hats can still be made at home by the family, shoes, stockings,
knit underwear, etc., have been entirely monopolized by wholesale
manufacturing.
2. THE JOURNEYMAN DRESSMAKER.

The dressmaker who goes out by the day typifies the next stage
of evolution, the so-called help or hire system, in which the industry
has developed beyond the capacity of the family group, and assist
ance is called in from outside sources. The producer goes to the
home of the consumer where she makes up the materials owned and
furnished by the client in accordance with her orders and sometimes

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

with her cooperation. She works “ by the day,” the wage usually
including luncheon and sometimes dinner.1 This, then, is but one
step in advanoe of the family system. The producer who supplies
the labor force is not a member of the family, so that producer and
consumer are differentiated, but ownership of the work place, the raw
materials and the instruments of production are still vested in the
family, which also retains personal supervision of the work.
In spite of its simplicity as an economic unit of production, this
primitive stage presents a wide variation in the character and ability
of the workers as well as in the kind of work done and shows a result
ant tendency toward specialization. Some day workers act only as
“ seamstresses” for the making of children’s clothing, lingerie, and
simple house dresses, receiving from $1 to $1.50 a day. Others go
out by the day as “ full-fledged dressmakers” who can be intrusted
with entire charge of the making of any part of the customer’s ward
robe. Such work requires not only initiative and ability, but knowl
edge and experience in designing, cutting, and making, and conse
quently commands a corresponding compensation. A capable and
trustworthy dressmaker of this class can command from $2 to $4 a
day. A good worker soon acquires an extensive clientele and the
demand often far exceeds her ability to supply it, so she must either
work beyond the regular eight and one-half or nine hour day, or
become herself an employer, with one or more helpers at $1 or $1.50
a day.
The journeyman stage in the dressmaking trade has also an im
portant place in England and France. Even in Paris, the world’s
center of the women’s clothing trade, a proprietor of one of the large
shops maintained that “ the very great number of home dressmakers
and dressmakers who go out by the day at three and four francs
[58 and 77 cents] (besides meals) and even two francs and two francs
fifty [39 and 48 cents],” proved one of the three greatest sources of
competition for the custom dressmaker. She insisted that “ there
is an increase of these workers, who penetrate even into the rich
clientele for house dresses and ‘ transfoi'inations ’ .” 2
The custom system in which the mistress dressmaker establishes
herself in her own shop is a natural development from the journey
man stage and takes the form of either (1) the “ private dressmaker”
with a few general assistants, (2) the transition stage seen in the
small shop with the beginnings of division of labor and differentiation
between employer and worker, or, (3) the specialized shop in which
work and workers are highly specialized.
* Similar conditions are reported for the day workers in Paris. See La Petite Industrie, VoL II, Le
Vltement h Paris, pp. 406-408. France, Office da Travail.
2 Op. ©it., p. 447.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

3. THE PRIVATE DRESSMAKER.

As the “ day worker” or perhaps “ the head woman” 1 of a larger
shop acquires a sufficiently wide acquaintance and experience to in
dulge her aspiration to become a “ mistress dressmaker,” the first
stage of custom production appears. This class of workers is in
creased by the young woman or widow thrown upon her own resources
who does not wish to go out by the day or the wife who wishes to
augment her husband’s income, and can not withdraw from the re
sponsibilities of the home.2 In this stage the dressmaker has become
an independent producer, provides her own work room and instru
ments of production, and may either work alone or employ from one
to six assistants. But the close personal relation with her customers,
who are almost wholly relatives and friends, has given her the trade
term “ private dressmaker.”
The following table shows the numerical importance of the private
dressmaker in the cities studied:
Table C^-NUMBEK AND PER CENT OF SHOPS OF SPECIFIED STAGES OF CUSTOM
DRESSMAKING IN 5 CITIES IN MASSACHUSETTS.
Boston.

Private dressmakers............
Transition............................
Specialization......................
Commercial..........................
Total......................

Worcester.

Lowell.

Cambridge. Somerville.

Total.

Num Pot Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per
ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent.
I ll
58
63
8

46.3
24.2
26.2
3.3

240 100.0

33.3
22.2
44.4

28 84.9
4 12.1
1 3.0

18
4

18 100.0

33 100.0

12 100.0

i6
4
8

66.7
33.3

Stage of dressmaking.

1
1

154
71
72
8

50.5
23.3
23.6
2.6

2 100.0

305

100.0

* The larger proportion of private dressmakers do not show here because those employing only casual
workers were not visited*

It is significant that the private dressmaker constitutes the largest
proportion of “ mistress dressmakers” in all five cities studied, ranging
from one-third in Woroester to more than four-fifths in Lowell.
Almost one-half (46.3 per oent) of the custom dressmakers of Boston
came within this elementary stage of the trade.
While this first phase of the custom system shows some variation
in the place of production and in the relation between producer and
consumer, the system is fairly uniform.® The shop of the private
dressmaker shows still a close relation to the home, and private
dressmakers were discovered in a single room in a house or in small
suites of rooms, combining living and business quarters, and tucked
away in the back and on the upper floors of a business building. A
1 See schedules presented by Office du Travail (France). La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vfctement h
Pads, pp. 414,417,419.
2 Op. cit., pp. 410,411,412.
* Op. cit., pp. 409,523. Also Makers of our Clothes, Meyer and Black, pp. 90,91.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

few had one or two room shops in the business district, which wore
used for business purposes only. The majority had no sign or
business advertisement of any sort, depending wholly on the per
sonal relation with customers to spread their fame. In Cambridge
and Somerville all dressmakers carried on their business in their
homes; but in Boston, Worcester, and Lowell more variation was
discovered. But 13 of the 27 visited in Boston combined living and
working quarters, while 5 out of 6 employing regular help in Worces
ter, and 4 out of 9 in Lowell, maintained the shop in the home.1
The workroom of the private dressmaker in the home is usually
large, well lighted, and adequate for the small force employed; but
a few very small workrooms were discovered in a business block
where the rents were high. In some cases a small separate room and
in others a single room divided by curtains constituted the work
room, in which cases the light and ventilation were insufficient. In
this system of production the dressmaker is herself still the aotual
producer. She meets the customers, plans and designs the gowns
(with or without the advice of the customer), cuts, fits, sews, and
does the main part of the work. The majority of private dress
makers in the five cities studied cither employed no helpers or took
on a casual worker, usually an older woman, in the rush season,
preferring the older seamstresses because they required less super
vision and direction. The professional dressmaker, however, who
has a definite clientele and does a fairly high class of work usually
employs from two to six helpers, and prefers young girls just
acquiring the trade. The younger workers, they say, bring a fresh
ness and originality into the work, but after several years’ expe
rience the more capable are ready for promotion beyond the oppor
tunities offered in a small shop. “ My girls must go somewhere else
when they have gotten beyond the $9 stage,” said one dressmaker.
“ I have no need for the specialized or expert worker.”
According to the number of their employees, the private dress
makers visited in each city were grouped as follows:
T a b l b 6 .—SIZE OF WORKING FORCE OF PRIVATE DRESSMAKERS VISITED IN 5 CITIES

IN MASSACHUSETTS.
Number of shops having specified number of workers in—
Size of force.
Boston.

Worces
ter.

No workers...................................................
1 to 3 workers.......... ...... ..............................
4 to workers................................................
V to 8 workers...............................................

1
15
11

1
4
2

Total...................................................

Cam
bridge.

Lowell.

3
2
1

1
6
2

Somer
ville.
11
1

Total.

2 13
24
21
4

‘ See similar state of affair^ quoted in schedules in La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vfttement h Paris,
pp. 409,414,416,418. France, Office du Travail.
» Not included in Table 5.

DBESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

The beginner has a good opportunity for learning her trade in
the shop of the private dressmaker, first, because she works under
the immediate supervision of her employer, and second, because as
the work is not highly specialized she is not confined to one process.
The organization of the force is simple and informal, the workers
sitting about the employer, who does the skilled part of the work
and turns it over to the helpers, finishers, or plain sewers, by what
ever term they may be called, for the simpler processes, such as
sewing on hooks, eyes, and buttons, making button holes, collars,
ornaments for trimmings, basting and seaming up linings, sewing
and overcasting straight seams, and putting on braid. Since there
is little division of work, the young learner under the supervision of
her employer has opportunity to acquire general training and expe
rience on all parts of the gown and to see the relation of the parts
to each other.
The wage scale of the private dressmaker commonly ranges from
$3 to $9. The young learner usually earns from $3 to $5 a week and
the older or more experienced worker from $6 to $9. This wage
scale remains the same for this type of worker, the plain sewer,
throughout all the stages of her trade.
The business relation between producer and consumer is simple.
The consumer comes to the producer instead of vice versa as in the
journeyman stage, and in the smaller shops may provide all materials
and trimmings and determine in detail how the gown shall be made.
In the more advanced stages, however, the producer furnishes some
or all of the materials and turns over the finished product to the con
sumer, thus profiting by the rebate (10 per cent in Boston) allowed
by the furnishing stores.1 In the private dressmaker stage, therefore,
producer and consumer are removed one step farther in that the
workroom, instruments of production, and, in the more advanced
stages, the materials are provided by the producer instead of by the
consumer. The private dressmaker, however, still remains in vary
ing degrees the worker, according as she does or does not delegate the
work to her helpers.
4. THE DRESSMAKER OF THE TRANSITION STAGE.

The second stage of custom work is distinctly one of transition
from the primitive stages of close personal relationship between pro
ducer and consumer, and identity of employer and worker, to the
more highly developed stages involving increasing division of labor.
In this stage are seen the beginnings of differentiation between con
tractor and producer, employer and worker, and gradations among
* M. du Maroussem says the large furnishing stores of Paris allow 2 to 3 per cent rebate to dressmakers.
France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, VoL II, Le VGtement k Paris, pp. 420, 441.

29885°—Bull. 193—16----- 3

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

the workers according to their skill, capacity, and wage. As the
trade grows, the employer’s time is increasingly occupied with cus
tomers and buying on the one side, and with the greater amount of
work to be arranged and supervised on the other. So with decreasing
time and increasing work, the employer must delegate some of her
work to “ heads,” and the advantage of more specialization of workers
and further division of labor becomes apparent.
The dressmaker of this stage occupies a smaller place in the trade,
forming about one-fourth of those studied in Boston and Worcester,
one-third in Cambridge, and one-eighth in Lowell.1 In Cambridge
and Somerville and, with but one exception, in Lowell, this is the
highest stage of development found in the trade. There are about
60 establishments of this type in Boston, 4 each in Worcester, Cam
bridge, and Lowell, and 1 in Somerville. The dressmakers in Cam
bridge, Lowell, and Somerville carry on the business in the home.
The four in Worcester had shops in a business block, and only five of
the twenty-seven visited in Boston combine home and shop. The ma
jority of the shops consist of suites of two rooms, the reception and fit
ting room and the workroom, located in large business buildings in the
business section. Signs on doors and windows advertising the place
and kind of work now become more common. The private dress
maker works for personal friends and relatives. The dressmaker of
the stage of transition seeks the patronage of a more general public.
She therefore moves her shop to a more conspicuous and accessible
location and seeks to attract the attention of the casual passer-by.
The dressmaker of the transition stage delegates her duties in
varying degrees, according to the size of her force and her trade.
Although she devotes her time increasingly to the business manage
ment and the supervision and direction of the production, she still
cuts and fits the gown, and, in the smaller shops, retains in her own
hands one or several of the more skilled processes. The degree to
which responsibility is delegated in shops of different sizes is illus
trated by the following data concerning the working force of two
fairly representative shops:
Shop N, with a maximum force of 7 workers, has2—
2 waist girls, of whom—
1 head waist girl receives $12 .
1 finisher receives $8 .
1 coat girl, who receives $12 .
3 skirt girls, who receive $8 , $7, and $5, respectively.
1 plain sewer, who receives $5.
Shop K, with a maximum force of 11 workers, has—
4 waist girls, of whom—
1 head waist girl receives $9.50.
3 finishers receive $7, $6 , and $5, respectively.

i See Table 5, p. 31.

Based ou pay rolls.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

1 coat girl, who receives $12 .
4 skirt girls, of whom—
1 head skirt girl receives $14.50.
3 finishers receive $8 , $7, and $6 , respectively.
1 errand girl, who receives $1.50.
1 office girl, who receives $8 .

In shop N a head waist girl or “ draper” drapes the soft, delicate
materials on the figure, and must put them together so they will have
artistic lines but fit the figure snugly, which requires artistic sense,
deftness, and skill. The coat girl works with heavy, so-called
“ mannish” materials, which she must put together so they will fit
the figure but retain the loose mannish effect and have the tailored
appearance. Such work requires much greater strength, precision,
and accuracy. The employer in this shop still retains charge of the
skirts, delegating the simpler processes to the “ plain sewers.” In
shop K the employer has delegated the more skilled work on waists,
coats, and skirts to a head girl in each of these sections, and has also
intrusted some of the business management to an office girl or book
keeper. The increased force and trade has necessitated increased
delegation of the responsibility to special workers.
As shown in the following table the characteristic working force
of the shop of the transition type in Boston ranges from 5 to 15
girls, in Worcester from 5 to 12, in Cambridge and Lowell from 5
to 10, and in Somerville from 5 to 8. Thus, an interesting relation
between the size of the force and the city in which it does business
is apparent.
T a b l e 7 .-S IZ E OF W ORKING FORCE OF DRESSMAKERS OF THE TRANSITION STAGE

IN 5 CITIES IN MASSACHUSETTS.
[Based on reports of employers.]
Number of shops having specified number of workers in—
Size of force.
Boston.

Worces
ter.

Lowell.*

Cam
bridge.^

Somer
ville.

5 to 8 workers...............................................
9 to 12 workers..............................................
13 to 15 workers............................................

11
10
4

2
2

3
1

17
14
4

Total....................................................

Total.

1 No shop in this city employed more than 10 workers.

About one-half (25) of the shops in the stage of transition in
Boston, one of the four in Lowell, and all that could be found in
Worcester (4), Cambridge (4), and Somerville (1), were visited.
The wage scale of the shop of the transition stage shows the intro
duction of the more skilled workers. While the $3 to $9 scale was
characteristic of the private dressmaking shop, the $9 to $15 rate
appears for the “ heads” in the larger shop. The “ head girl” in

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

the smaller shop or “ tlic waist draper” or “ skirt draper” in the
larger shop who assumes any initiative or responsibility receives a
weekly wage of $9 to $10. In the Boston shops the majority of
waist drapers fall within the $10 to $12 group, the skirt drapers
being in the $10 group, since their work does not offer or require so
much opportunity for originality of ideas and for artistic and con
structive ability. In the suburban cities, where the force is smaller
and work perhaps of not so high a grade, the head girl or draper
frequently receives $9, and only one instance of a wage of more than
$10 was discovered.
T a b l e 8.—MAXIMUM W EE K LY WAGE OF TWO CLASSES OF SKILLED WORKERS IN

SHOPS OF THE TRANSITION STAGE, B Y SIZE OF FORCE.
[Based on reports of 35 employers visited.J
Boston.
Skirt
drapers.

Waist drapers.

Size of force.

$12

$15

1
1

Under 6 workers.......................................
0 and under 9 workers...............................
9 and under 12 workers.............................
12 and under 16 workers.*..........................

2
5
5
9

T otal...............................................

Smaller cities.*

$10

$12

$9
1

2
6

Skirt
drapers.

Waist drapers.
$10

$11

1
1

$10
1
6

» Worcester, Cambridge, Lowell, and Somerville.

The “ sleeve girl” when employed in the larger shop of the transi
tion stage receives from $7.50 to $9. She makes the sleeves, but is
necessarily subordinate to the head waist girl, who must plan the
waist as a whole. One shop in Worcester reported a coat maker at
$9 and three in Boston a coat maker at $10 to $15. Three reported
so-called forewomen at $15, who cut the materials and supervised
the workroom in general, thus anticipating the stage of specialization
in which the hired supervisors or heads of the workroom are com
mon.1 The wage of the skilled workers varies with individual skill
and with the amount of responsibility assumed and corresponds to
a certain extent to the size of the force, and to the extent to which
the employer retains supervision of work and workers. The wage
scale for the finishers and plain sewers remains the same as in the
private shops.
In the workroom of-the shop of the transition stage the young
worker’s opportunity to acquire her trade is even better than in the
shop of the private dressmaker. She still comes under the personal
i See also Women’s Work In Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin; Great Britain, Royal Com*
mission on Labor, 1893; Condition of Work in Scotland, by Margaret Irwin, p. 292. Also Women and the.
Clothing Trade in Amsterdam, by Mine. Treub-Cornaz, Women’s Industrial News, London, September*
1901, p. 250, concerning division of labor.

DRESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

supervision and direction of her employer, gains a fairly general expe
rience, works on a higher class product, and under more systematized
management. The work is still fairly regular and continuous, though
less so than in the private shop.
The furnishing by the dressmaker of materials chosen from sam
ples now becomes the more common method of doing business. This
affords a distinct profit to the dressmaker in the rebates allowed by
furnishing houses, but is counterbalanced by the necessity of
increased capital and credit. A large force of more specialised and
consequently more highly paid help necessitates heavier expenses
and the business system necessitates large purchases in advance. As
a result the problem of capital now assumes increasing proportions.
5. THE DRESSMAKER OF THE SHOP OF SPECIALIZED WORKERS.

Hie stage of specialization in custom dressmaking was presaged in
the transition stago. Increasing demands by the customers on her
time and attention and the increased size of her force and of the
amount of work gradually force the employer to relinquish still fur
ther to employees the more important phases of production as well
as the supervision of details. However, the large shop of specialized
workers is characteristic only of the larger cities. No shops of this
type were found in Cambridge and Somerville, but more than onefourth of the shops visited in Boston (26.2 per cent) and almost onehalf (44.4 per cent) of those visited in Worcester came within this
class.
The shop of this stage assumes increasingly the appearance of a
business establishment. The large quarters are emphasized and
advertised by gilt signs on the door and on many windows over
looking the street. On entering the reception room, a wide selection
of materials, laces, embroideries, and trimmings of all sorts may
tempt the eye of the visitor, or the room may present the luxurious
appearance of a private parlor. Separate fitting rooms and work
rooms lead off the reception room, and a separate workroom for each
division of production, as a skirt room, sleeve room, waist room, and
tailoring room, is observed in many of the larger shops.1 Only occa
sionally is a shop of this kind found in the home of the dressmaker,
though one of the largest dressmakers in Boston, employing 100
workers, and one in Worcester with 24 or 25 employees, carry on
their business in the large residences where they make their homes.
Even at this stage, which involves large finances, women predominate,
although to succeed here a woman must combine shrewd business
capacity with a high degree of professional skill and artistic ingenuity.
1 Similar division of labor and specialized workers characterize the large shops of Paris. See description
of shops in La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le VStement hr Paris,p. 447. France, Office du Travail. Also '
Women's Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin, Glasgow, p. 33.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

Men are found in the trade at this stage, however. Sometimes a
husband or brother has charge of the financial department and some
times a man appears as sole head of such an establishment, while a
man tailor occasionally combines dressmaking with his tailoring
department to meet the needs of his customers and better to solve
and equalize the seasonal difficulties. As the street suit needs waists
and blouses, the more progressive tailor is adding a department for
waists, which occasionally develops into a dressmaking department.
Virginia Penny wrote in 1863, “ In Germany many dressmakers are
men, and there is one on Broadway, New York,” 1 but the develop
ment and popularity of the tailor-made suit in the last half century
has greatly increased the opportunity for and number of men in the
dressmaking trade.2
The size of the establishment and of the working force varies widely
in the shops of the specialized workers. As shown in the following
table, one-half of the shops visited in Boston and Worcester employed
from 12 to 18 workers; about one-fourth of the shops in each city
employed from 20 to 25. Eleven visited in Boston and one in
Worcester employed from 30 to 60, and one exceptionally large shop
in Boston employed 112 workers.
T a b l e 9 .-S IZ E OF THE WORKING FORCE IN SHOPS OF THE SPECIALIZATION STAGE

IN BOSTON AND WORCESTER.
[Based on employers’ reports.]
Number of shops having speci
fied number of employees in—
Size of force.
Boston.

Worces
ter.

Total.

12 to 18 workers......................
20 to 25 workers.....................
30 workers or more................

21
9
1 12

o
2
«1

26
11
13

Total.............................

1 One shop had a force of 112 workers.

2 Force of 30 workers.

In the majority of the shops of specialized workers the employer
still retains the planning, cutting, and fitting of the gowns, but in 7
of the 50 shops visited she had delegated even these most skilled
processes. In shop B, with a maximum force of 65,8the distribution
and wages of the employees are as follows:
1 head waist girl receives $30, and supervises—
9 waist drapers, of whom—
2 receive $15.
1 receives $12.
2 receive $11.
4 receive $10.
i The Employments of Women, by Virginia Penny, p. 324.

* See Table 1.

* Based on pay rolls.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

finishers, of whom—
3 receive from $9 to $9.50.
4 receive from $3 to $8.50.
2 receive from $6 to $6.50.
1 receives $4.
1 receives $3.
1 head of linings receives $12 .
1 power machine operator receives $12 .
1 head sleeve girl receives $15, and supervises—
4 finishers, who receive $10, $9, $7.50, and $5.50, respectively.
1 head tailor (man) receives $45, and supervises—
6 tailors, of whom—
1 man receives $2 2 .
3 men receive $21.
2 women receive $15.
3 finishers, of whom—
2 receive $10 . .
1 receives $2.50.
1 head skirt girl receives $24, and supervises—
22 assistants, of whom—
2 receive $14.
1 receives $13.
1 receives $1 2 .
2 receive $1 1 .
2 receive $1 0 .
5 receive $9 to $9.50.
5 receive $8 to $8.50.
1 receives $7.50.
2 receive $5.
1 receives $3.
4 office girls receive $14, $10, $8.50, and $5.50.
11

The head waist girl, head skirt girl, and tailor plan in consultation
with their employer the different gowns and execute the work in their
respective departments. Seven shops reported one or more men
tailors. The tailor (or head tailor where several are employed) is
usually also a cutter, and receives from $18 to $45 a week, according
to the degree of skill and responsibility.
The employer in the stage of specialization as in that of transition
is increasingly delegating her powers. The size of the force and the
amount of responsibility assumed, therefore, explain the variation in
the wage of the head workers. In a shop employing 12 to 18 workers,
the employer still retains general supervision of the work. In shops
employing 20 to 40 workers, the responsibility is increasingly assumed
by the head girls, while in a force of 60 to 100 each head worker is
practically in charge of her section of the work, and occupies the
place which the employers hold in the stages of transition.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

The following table shows the relation between the size of the work
ing force and the wages of the skilled workers:
T a b l e 10.-M A X IM U M W EEK LY WAGE OF THREE CLASSES OF SKILLED WORKERS IN

SHOPS OF THE SPECIALIZATION STAGE, BY SIZE OF FORCE.1
[Based on reports of 49 employers visited.)
Number of shops reporting classified maximum wage for—
Waist drapers.

Skirt drapers.

$10
and
un
der
$12

$12
and
un
der
$15

$15
and
un
der
$20

$20
$10
and $25 and
un and un
der over. der
$25
$12

$12
and
un
der
$15

$15
and
un
der
$20

5
1
2

13
3
2

7
5
4

2
1

Sleeve drapers.

Size of force i n -

Boston: 2
12 and under 20 workers.........
20 and under 30 workers.........
30 workers and over.......... .
Worcester:
12 and under 20 workers.........
20 and under 30 workers.........
30 workers.................................

1
4

3
3

1
1
1

1
i

3
1
1

$20
$9
and $25 and
un and un
der over. der
$25
$12

$12
and
un
der
$15

$15
and
un
der
$20

5
2
2

3
2
3

2
1

1
1;
i

i See similarity of conditions presented in Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor Statis
tics of New York, 1908, p. 158.
* Not all shops reported on all workers.

The head waist girl earns from $10 to $15 in a force of 12 to 18
workers; $12 to $25 in a forcc of 20 to 40 workers, and $18 to $35 in
a force of 60 to 100 workers. The head skirt girl earns from $10 to
$18 in a force of 12 to 18 workers, $10 to $20 in a force of 20 to 60
workers, and $20 as a minimum in a force of 80 to 100 workers.
In the stage of transition the employer assumed general responsi
bility and the direction of production. Nine to fifteen dollar drapers
on waists and skirts performed the more skilled work and finishers and
helpers did the simpler processes. In the stage of specialization fhe
employer delegates the responsibility and the direction of the processes
to head waist, skirt, and sleeve drapers, these positions being merely
superimposed on the system of organization of the smaller shops.
The $18 to $35 draper, now taking, in a certain degree, the place of
the employer of the transition stage, supervises the $9 to $15 drapers,
who are in turn assisted by the $6 to $10 finishers.
Miss Irwin, in the report of her investigation of the dressmaking
trade in Glasgow, notes the “ great discrepancy in wage * * *
between the rank and file and the ‘ first’ and ‘ second’ hand, but, of
course,” she says, “ there is a corresponding difference in their respec
tive skill and ability,” 1 which is quite obviously the situation in
Boston. The advanced stages of the trade require at the one extreme'
mere mechanical labor and continual repetition of several processes.
The workers capable of meeting this demand are numerous, the value
* Women's Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin, p. 36. Be* ;>!*<> Le Salaire des
Femmes, par Poisson, p. 72, and La Femme dans 1’Industrie, par Gonnurd, p. 109.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

of their work is comparatively small, and their compensation is corre
spondingly low. At the other extreme is offered the opportunity for
originality, initiative, highest artistic skill, judgment, administrative
ability, and tact. Few workers possess or can acquire these qualifi
cations, and the demand for those who have them greatly exceeds
the supply. But, though few can qualify for these higher positions,
“ still the chances are there,” as Miss Irwin expresses it, “ and are to
the dressmaker’s apprentice what the marshal’s baton was in the
knapsack of Napoleon’s young recruit.”
The opportunity for the young worker in a large specialized work
room is problematical. Ordinarily she must enter as an errand girl
whope work, specialized like that of all the others, seldom leaves time
or opportunity for learning the sewing processes. If a girl by her
own ability secures a transfer to the sewing room, or if she has suffi
cient maturity and capacity to enter as a sewer, she still faces great
difficulties. The workshop is divided into separate sections or work
rooms where particular parts of the work are turned out. The
workrooms are large but crowded and rushed in the busy season,
and the organization is much more formal than in a small shop. A
“ head girl” assumes responsibility for a certain part of the gown, and
her subordinate workers are usually grouped around a table over
which she presides. The work for the day is systematically planned;
she distributes the work among her drapers and finishers, each of
whom does one process only. She must make her division pay, and
has therefore little time or inclination to divert her attention to
systematic training of inexperienced young workers, so the learner
must “ pick up” the trade as best she can, if the head girl allows her
to remain at all. When she has acquired proficiency in one process,
it is not surprising if neither she nor her employer is inclined to
change her employment. The employee must complete her work
promptly and satisfactorily, and the young girl is contented with the
easily and quickly acquired processes. The young worker, therefore,
becomes in time a sleeve finisher, waist finisher, or skirt finisher, and
may never see the relation of her section of the work to the whole.
“ I make sleeves all day long,” said one girl in a large shop, “ and
never see the waists to which they belong. The waists are made in
another room.” 1
The large shop does, however, have two great advantages by which
the girl gifted with initiative and ability profits—the high-class work
and the highly paid positions. The high class of work provides a
valuable training which could not be acquired elsewhere. “ I could
make more money,” said a young girl who came in each day from a
suburban city, “ by working for a dressmaker at home. After seeing
1 Mme. Treub-Cornaz describes a similar situation in .Amsterdam. Women's Industrial News, Septem
ber, 1901, p. 250.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

the kind of work done I couldn’t be induced to work there. She
is a *regular country dressmaker/ I love to work at W-------- I
am working right under the head sleeve girl and learning how to
drape sleeves. We work with beautiful materials.” The highly paid
positions in a large shop are open to the gifted worker. Individual
instances of rising from errand girl to head girl, draper, or fitter are
occasionally encountered, though opportunities for such advance
ment decrease with the increasing specialization in industry and the
consequent lack of opportunity to acquire training.
The employer of the large shop furnishes all the materials. She
may produce a garment at a price based on an itemized computation
of the cost of work and materials, as in the previous stage, or she
may name a set or contract price for the completed gown sufficient
to cover various possible contingencies, such as long credit and several
changes of mind on the part of the client. This system is possible
only for the dressmaker who has a large reserve capital and extensive
credit, for the business is increasingly placed on a credit basis. Many
of the firms of this type purchase large and assorted stocks of mate
rials and furnishings from New York and European importers who
allow a three, four, or six months1 credit, according to the standing
of the local firm. A dressmaker of this type can not attempt business
without sufficient capital for at least a season’s or even a year’s
running expenses, as her customers’ credit runs from 3 to 18 months.
In dealing with shops of this stage the customer occupies a position
of independence as to the production and is in a position to accept
or refuse the finished product, which is, until she accepts it, the prop
erty of the contractor throughout. Some firms report that an
unscrupulous customer occasionally takes advantage of this situation
to refuse a gown made for her, in which case the dressmaker may
lose not only the cost of making and the anticipated profit, but even
the cost of the materials used. This possibility exposes the head of
a specialized shop to a risk not incurred by dressmakers in the simpler
stages of the trade, who make up the materials of their customers
and who at the worst lose only the labor involved. According to
M. du Maroussem, the risk of such refusals constitutes a serious factor
in the problem of the Paris dressmaker.1
6. THE COMMERCIAL DRESSMAKER.

The *‘ industrialization of the trade, as M. de Seilhac 3 has aptly
termed it, is a natural development which has been presaged in the
preceding stages. It is the culmination of efforts to evolve a more
highly developed system of administration, by which the great prob
lems of capital, competition, labor, and seasonal fluctuation may
meet a satisfactory solution. The establishment of this stage is seen
i France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vetement a, Paris, p. 486.
* L’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confection k Pads, par Leon de Seilhac, p. 12.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

in two forms—the commercialized shop and the manufacturing
establishment.
The large custom dressmaker frequently develops into a merchant
or commercial dressmaker for several reasons. The short season of
the shop of specialized workers makes it difficult to maintain a regu
lar force, and the stock of materials must find an outlet. The com
mercial dressmaker employs her force in the dull season in making
up these materials in advance of orders, and offers for sale her readyto-wear gowns as superior to the ready-made product of her closest
competitor, the wholesale manufacturer. Then, too, she gradually
incorporates in her stock the various accompaniments of her cus
tomers’ wardrobes. Four different lines of stock are observed in the
commercialized shops in Boston: (1) Ready-to-wear or ready-made
waists, gowns, suits, and cloaks; (2) millinery; (3) neckwear and
lingerie; (4) furs.1
A forerunner of the large commercialized shop is seen in the estab
lishment of the small private dressmaker who has her girls in slack
time make fancy ornaments and trimmings which she offers for
sale to her customers, as well as in the shop of the large dressmaker
who frequently makes up “ Paris models” in the dull season, thus
solving the labor and seasonal problems and disposing of materials
which had not yet been made up. The commercial dressmaker merely
emphasizes the making and sale of gowns produced in advance of
specific orders of customers.
The commercial dressmaking shop is usually owned and conducted
by a man, by a partnership of a clever woman dressmaker and a
business man, or by an incorporated company.2 “ This seeming
anomaly” (predominance of men), says M. Leon de Seilhac, “ is ex
plained by the fact that in a ‘ grande industrie’ a woman is little
fitted to direct affairs. Even if she had the power of administration
and could combine this with economy (of management) she would
be afraid to make the plunge. She would not dare risk enormous
expenditures when she was not assured of recovering them. Or
even the woman with a head for business, who had taste and was
an ‘ artiste/ would too often be incompetent. The man alone can
direct an ‘ industrie’ so considerable.” 3 However much truth
there may be in M. de Seilhac’s reasoning, the predominance of
men in “ commercialized” or “ industrialized” dressmaking is as
evident in America as in Paris.
i See similar cases in La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vfitement k Paris, pp. 442,455, 457, 461,462, 468.
France, Office du Travail.
* M. du Maroussem reports a similar situation in Paris: “ Grande Couture—The dressmakers, this mas
culine group which dominates the whole, representing the ‘ grande commerce/ draw the greatest profits
from a combination of specialties (dressmaking, lingerie, furs, millinery).” France, Office du Travail.
La Petite Industrie, Vol. n , Le Vdtement k Paris, p. 488. Also L’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confec
tion k Paris, par Leon de Seilhac, p. 12.
aL’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confection k Paris, par Leon de Seilhac, p. 13.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

The commercialized shop usually presents all the characteristics
of a large mercantile establishment. The output of the department
of production must be disposed of. Such a shop must, therefore,
appeal to the general public, and is usually located on a street floor
in the shopping section of the city. Tempting show windows dis
play the waists and gowns made in the shop or purchased from manu
facturing establishments and attract the attention of the casual passer
by, Spacious show and sales rooms require a force of saleswomen.
The large business necessitates a force of clerical and secretarial work
ers, who have had precursors in the occasional bookkeeper and stock
girl of the larger dressmakers, but who now become a regular and
necessary part of the force. The show and sales rooms, fitting rooms,
and workrooms are all conducted and managed under a highly de
veloped administrative or commercial system.
The working force of the “ commercialized” shop shows still
greater division of labor than prevails in the large custom shop.
Secretarial and clerical workers, saleswomen, custom workers, and
alteration hands now comprise the force.1 In a large establishment
of this kind the employer is occupied with the general supervision
and administration, and as a result has less personal connection with
the actual production. The degree of connection retained varies
in different establishments.3
In the' most advanced stage the whole charge and direction of the
department of production is vested in a “ designer,” “ forewoman,”
or “ head dressmaker,” under whatever title she may be described.
One establishment, shop A, employing 100 girls in the store, assigns
the whole charge of designing and producing fancy and lingerie wear,
custom and ready-to-wear, to a force of 61 workers, thus divided as
to work and wages:3
1 designer and head dressmaker, who receives $50.
1 designer and fitter, who receives $30.
1 fitter and head of stock, who receives $18.
1 shopper, who receives $12 .
13 tailors, of whom—
2 men receive $35.
1 man receives $25.
1 man receives $22 .
2 men receive $2 1 .
3 men receive $20.
* See description of similar establishments In La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vetement a Paris, p. 463.
France, Office du Travail.
* Similar variations are reported in the schedules of La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le VStement a Paris,
pp. 455,457. France, Office du Travail. An employer of the Quartier du Palais Royal, head of a large
establishment combining custom and ready-to-wear production, “ is occupied wholly with the commercial
side of the enterprise.” Ibid., p. 457.
Another, of the Quartier de POp&a, “ is occupied with the commercial side of the enterprise; also
to some extent with the purely industrial, the fitting, because of lack of confidence in the head girls.”
Ibid., p. 455.
* Based on pay rolls.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

45-

I man receives $12.
1 man and 1 woman receive $11 each.
1 man receives $9.
5 waist drapers, of whom—
2 receive $18.
3 receive $16, $11, and $9, respectively.
8 waist finishers, of whom—
1 receives $10.50.
3 receive $9.
1 receives $8 .
1 receives $5.
2 receive $4 to $4.50.
2 workers on waist linings, who receive $7 and $4, respectively.
4 embroiderers, who receive $10, $8 , $7.50, and $7, respectively.
1 sleeve draper, who receives $16 and supervises—
I finisher, who receives $8 .
1 head skirt girl, who receives $30 and supervises—
4 skirt drapers, who receive $18, $12, $11, and $10.50, respectively.
I I skirt finishers, of whom—
1 receives $1 2 .
2 receive $10 to $10.50.
3 receive $9 to $9.50.
1 receives $8 .
2 receive $5.
2 receive $3.50.
2 office girls, who receive $10 and $8 , respectively.
1 errand girl, who receives $4.50.
4 unclassified by occupation, who receive $10, $8 , and $6 (2), respectively.

The members of another firm having 100 employees retain in their
own hands the designing, but delegate the direction and supervision
of the actual production to a “ head dressmaker” receiving $40 a
week, and an assistant dressmaker on $20 a week, with a 10 to 10J
months* season. A woman merchant dressmaker, who assumes the
responsibility for a force of 30 and who takes the general supervision
herself, pays her fitter $30. While the head dressmaker or designer,
the expert fitter, and the heads of stock in the commercialized shop
replace the employer of the shop of specialized workers, the organiza
tion and wage scale of the subordinate producing force is practically
the same as shown in shops A and B.1
T a b l e 11.—MAXIMUM W EEK LY WAGE OP WORKERS IN THE PRODUCING DEPART-

MENT OF COMMERCIALIZED SHOPS, B Y SIZE OF FORCE.
[Based on reports of 5 employers visited.)

Size of force.

Assistant
Head dress head
dress*
makers.
makers.

Waist
drapers.

$17
25 workers..................................... ................
25 workers......................................................
27
30 workers....................................................
$30
15
100 workers....................................................
40
18
$20
100 workers....................................................
40

Skirt
drapers.

$20
25
12
12
50 30

1 See list of workers reported for shop A, above, and list for shop B on pp. 38 and 39.

Sleeve
drapers.

$14
14
12
12

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

With the complication of the business and the detailed division of
labor, the salaried “ head dressmaker” has acquired a position of high
importance. The employer or firm has become emancipated from
any personal relation with the producing department, since complete
charge has been turned over to the “ head dressmaker.” The system
of “ contract by the job,” in labor parlance, or contract price for the
completed product now becomes customary. The capitalist employer
provides the raw materials and disposes of the finished product, hav
ing no longer any direct or personal connection with the intermediate
processes. The customer has lost connection with all but the final
stage, acceptance or rejection of the finished product. The large
establishment involves a greater outlay for rent and general expendi
tures, and requires the employment of higher priced workers, but
possible returns are kept down by the competition of the small dress
makers on the one side and of the factories producing ready-made
garments on the other. Profits must now depend primarily on the
large numbers of garments produced and disposed of.1 The tendency
in the majority of such establishments is toward the predominance of
the sales department and the gradual decline of the department of
custom production. This is partially due to the increasing demand
for the ready-to-wear garment, but the primary cause is the fact that
the sales department yields greater profits than the department of
custom production.
After reaching a certain size the custom department yields a loss
rather than a profit. This instance of the law of diminishing returns
seems to be due to three causes. First, as the size of the force in
creases a correspondingly increasing number of specialists, heads of
the various sections of production, must be employed at large sal
aries.* Second, a hired supervisor or forewoman who secures the
most economical use of time, labor, and materials is the exception.
Third, the profits on the ready-to-wear can be definitely foreseen by
setting a fixed price, with additional sum for alteration. A profit on
the custom work can never be assured, as innumerable changes may
increase the cost of production indefinitely. The customer who sees
a completed garment may try it on for effect, and if it meets her
approval, purchase it at the specified sum. If, however, she orders a
custom-made gown, it may, when fairly near completion, fail to please
her. It must then be taken apart and sometimes altered or made
over again and again to please a whim or fancy, so that the total cost
of additional labor, materials, and trimmings sometimes exceeds the
contracted price, which must stand as originally set regardless of all
changes. For instance, in one exclusive establishment a ready-toi A large French firm of the same category tells the same story. France, Office du Travail. La Petite
Industrie, Vol. IT, Le VStement b Paris, p. 464.
* Compare wage scales of shops on pp. 34,35,38, 39, 44, and 45.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

wear gown costing $6 sold for $40. A custom-made gown in the
same establishment actually costing $85 by the time it met with the
customer’s approval sold for $85, the original contract price. The
labor alone on a gown in such an establishment sometimes costs $125.
Many instances could be cited of garments being taken apart three,
four, and five times to please a customer, making the cost of labor
just so much greater than the amount calculated by the employer
when setting the price. In this stage, then, the high-class custom
work is not only less profitable than the production of ready-to-wear
garments, but also involves much more worry and presents a serious
problem in the necessity of securing expert workers. This situation
tends to bring about a further development, either the total abandon
ment of manufacture by the firm, except for the alteration depart
ment, or the production of ready-to-wear for a wider and more general
market. The custom work has sometimes been continued in order
to retain old customers, or for the disposal of materials sold in the
merchandise department. The department of custom production in
either case, however, assumes the r61e of an accessory rather than of
the principal.1 Only one of the large furnishing houses of Boston has
retained the department of custom production, which the firm says
“ does not pay.”
The origin of a large, fashionable women’s furnishing goods house
of the first type dates back 30 years to the custom dressmaking estab
lishment of a dressmaker who conducted a private business in her
home. Her business gradually increased until, upon the maturity of
her sons, it was decided to develop its scope. They established them
selves in a commercialized shop in the business section of the city, and
gradually added to the department of custom production millinery,
ready-to-wear and ready-made clothing, and imported gowns, coats,
suits, waists, skirts, lingerie, neckwear, and all feminine furnishings.
After seven years’ experience in this line the custom department was
abandoned as a loss rather than a profit. The unreasonable demands
of customera made it impossible to fix prices which would insure
profits, while continuous leakage in the workroom, due to the im
possibility of personal supervision and the heavy expense of highly
^specialized workers, made the outgo larger than the income.
The commercialized shop which has abandoned all custom produc
tion still usually retains an alteration department for altering gowns
to fit the buyer. Alteration work does not demand the highest
creative and artistic ability nor does it usually need young and inex
perienced plain sewers and finishers, hence neither highly paid heads
nor young helpers appear and a greater uniformity of workers find
wages results. While young and unmarried workers predominate
1M. du Maroussem descril>es a similar development in Paris. France, Office du Travail. La Petite
Industrie, Vol. n , Le VStement a Paris, p. 398.

BULLETIN OF THE BUKEAU OF LAB0B STATISTICS.

in custom dressmaking, the older, middle-aged, married, or widowed
women predominate in alteration work. The woman who has never
gotten beyond the “ finisher stage” and who, as a result, can secure
employment in custom dressmaking only during the rush season, or
the woman who has had to go to work in middle or in later life with
out the specialized training needed for custom work, finds in altera
tions an opening within her reach.1 Alteration work, therefore, pro
vides an opportunity which is lacking in the custom shop where origi
nality, artistic lines, and adaptability are essential.
The workroom of the alteration department, which has no direct
connection with the customer, is usually in some remote part of the
store. One of the most fashionable ready-to-wear shops in the city
uses the basement underneath the shop for a workroom. Two small
windows opening on the sidewalk furnish very inadequate light and
air. Large furnishing stores or ready-made clothing houses which
do not use the basement for salesrooms often have their workrooms
in the basement. Department stores, however, usually have fairly
good workrooms on one of the upper floors, where better light and air
are secured.
The alteration departments of eight houses of varied types carrying
ready-made wear exclusively showed a range of from 35 to 125 altera
tion workers. The organization of the work and workers varies in
different establishments. In one of the largest and best women’s
furnishings houses the alteration workers are under the supervision of
fitters, who preside over individual tables around which work 10 or
15 alteration hands. In another the fitters never come to the work
room at all and the foreman assumes general supervision over the
work. The alteration hands work about tables on each of which a
particular kind of work is done, the gown workers, for instance, being
at one table, skirt workers at another, and coat workers at another.
In any case the workroom is supervised by a foreman or forewoman
receiving $20 or more a week. The wages of fitters range from $12
to $30, one shop reporting $15, another $18, and another $20 as the
lowest wage. Alteration hands are paid from $7 to $14, while one
firm reports some beginners at $5 to $6 and another basters at $6, $7,
or $8. Two establishments have inaugurated the piecework system,
making a wider range of pay both in rush and dull seasons, and caus
ing greater fluctuation in the labor force. Here is seen competition
among men and women coat workers. Four firms employed men
with some women finishers on coats, while one employed all women
because of the inferior social type of men engaged in this work. One
foreman explained that of men and women working side by side on
coats the women received $8 to $10, the men $14 to $15. Men, he
i It is interesting to find M. Aine, Les Patronnes, Employees, et Ouvri&res de l’Habillement it Paris,
Rdforme Social© (1898), Vol. V , pp: 61-76, making a similar statement of the situation in Paris.

DRESSMAKING AS A IBADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

said, could turn out three to four times as much work in a week and
showed more stability and less effects of nervous strain and overwork.
Most of the men are foreigners, trained by a long system of appren
ticeship and experience, who know the business thoroughly, and hence
are superior to the woman worker. The heavy work also requires
exceptional strength, making most women ineligible.
7. THE MANUFACTURING DRESSMAKER.

The merchant dressmaker may begin to look farther afield for a
more general patronage than can be reached in his own city. Increas
ing capital and the means of transportation and communication make
available more attractive and profitable openings elsewhere. He may
fill orders by mail or by salesmen who sell directly to the customers
in other cities. This stage calls for a more highly differentiated and
systematized business management; in other words, it is a stage of
highly centralized capitalistic production.
The development of a more than local market may be seen in
various stages of evolution long before its final and formal appearance
as centralized capitalistic production exclusively for a general market.
Virginia Penny wrote in 1863, “ Some dressmakers have kept the
patterns of ladies in the South and made their dresses for years,” 1
and “ A French lady on Broadway had a great run of southern
custom.” *
Some of the Boston custom shops even in the stage of transition
have patrons from Maine and surrounding districts, while one reported
a New York customer. One of these large shops in Boston caters to
women in Washington, D. C., and other cities, for whom gowns are
made and orders filled on measure. A fashionable merchant dress
maker of Boston now sends salesmen to the southern winter resorts
to dispose of the stock ready-to-wear gowns made in her shop.
A still wider development of a general market is seen in the largest
women’s furnishings store in Boston, which combines a large sales
department of raw materials, ready-to-wear and ready-made clothing,
a large custom and retail manufacturing department, and an altera
tion department. The department of production has most of the
characteristics of a factory, with 400 to 500 workers, minute subdi
vision of labor, the piecework system, and the most expensive and
modem labor-saving machinery. The head dressmaker goes abroad
twice a year for styles, buys models and materials for production,
meets customers, and plans and designs the gowns.
A forewoman receiving a weekly wage of $40 hires and supervises
the working force and superintends the details of production. Fitters
and head drapers are week workers and receive from $20 to $45. They
i The Employments of Women, by Virginia Penny, p. 326.

29885°—Bull. 183—16------1

* Ibid., p. 326.

BULLETIN OF THE BTjBEATJ OF LABOR STATISTICS.

have charge of 10 to 20 subordinate workers, drapers receiving from
$8 to $15 and finishers from $6 to $9. The great body of subordi
nates, both machine operators and handworkers, are pieceworkers,
whose weekly wage depends on two factors, (1) their individual speed
and (2) the amount of work available.
The stock is still sold only at retail, to the local market by the
sales force and in the showrooms of the store and to the general
market by traveling salesmen and saleswomen. Each one of these
carries with him through the country a force of 8 to 10 fitters and
saleswomen and a large stock of models of ready-to-wear garments
which are displayed to the public in the showrooms of large hotels.
The general trade is carefully systematized, divided into definite
districts, and covers a large part of the United States.
So far as the mass of the working force is concerned all the attri
butes of the factory system arc realized in this stage of development.1
The capitalist employer provides the raw materials, disposes of the
finished product, and controls all the intermediate processes. The
costly power and labor-saving machines are the property of the
employer and are established in the building owned by him. The
laborer or producer has again reached the original position of the
dependent in the help or hire system. She provides merely the
human labor force at the dictation and in accordance with the orders
of her employer. From the standpoint of the establishment but one
step remains for the realization of the factory system—the abandon
ment of the department of custom work and the introduction of a
standardized product sold at wholesale for a general market.
Factory production of the best class of dresses is, however, almost
negligible in Boston because of the competition of New York City.
But two factories making high-class dresses comparable to the product
of a custom shop and selling wholesale at $18 or more were found at
J,he time of the study, one employing a maximum number of 37 and
the other 228 workers. These two factories made a similar product,
high-class silk, chiffon, and wash dresses, and each employed one sales
man2 to introduce the samples to retail dealers in New England, be
sides maintaining a sales and show room in the factory. Since the
wholesale manufacturing establishment does not cater to retail trade,
a salesroom on the street floor is no longer necessary, and the factory
is usually found in an upper story of a large business block, reaching
its patrons through its salesmen and by correspondence. In the
smaller establishment, with a maximum force of 37, the owner still
retains the designing and planning of the gowns, employing a man
cutter at $20 a week and a forewoman at $18 to direct and carry on
the department of production. In the larger establishment, employ
1 See definition of the ''factory system,*’ in Principles of Economics, by Seligman, pp. 93,94.
* One employed a saleswoman on the road.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEST IX MASSACHUSETTS.

ing a maximum force of 228, the designing and planning of the whole
output is vested in a man designer at $60 a week for 52 weeks in the
year. Forewomen at $30, $20, and $18 direct and supervise the
work of particular sections. The employer in the large factory has
divorced himself entirely from the actual production and devotes his
time to the business administration, holding the designer responsible
for turning out a salable and profitable stock. Machine operators
who manipulate power machines and hand finishers who put on the
finishing touches which the machine can not do constitute two-thirds
of the working force, earning $5 to $15 a week.
The small shop employing from 6 to 20 workers is the characteristic
type (37.1 per cent of the total number of shops) in New York, the
center of the trade, but employs only 15 per cent of all the workers.
The larger shop of 21 to 50 workers, forming 29 per cent of the total
number of establishments, employs the largest proportion of workers
(29.3 per cent). The shops with forces of 51 to 100 and 100 to 250,
representing 10.5 per cent and 5 per cent respectively of the total
number of shops employ each 22.5 per cent of the average number
employed.1 The two Boston factories, though isolated, are, therefore,
representative of the prevalent types in the trade.
This general survey of the dressmakers’ trade in Massachusetts
shows that the trade here is far from being “ chaos,” as Miss Black
concluded it was in London.* Although the industry is in a state of
transition and the simplest forms may be found existing by the side
of the most complex, and though variations of a local, personal, or
transitional nature are common, yet fairly general conditions and
tendencies may be traced. Omitting from consideration the woman
who makes clothes only for herself or her family, the trade shows a
continuous development through six fairly well defined stages, i. e.,
the stage of the day worker, of the private dressmaker, the shop of
the transition stage, the large shop of specialized workers, the mer
chant dressmaker, and the manufacturer As no statistics can be
obtained showing the number of dayworkers, it is not possible to say
what proportion of the trade belongs to each of the stages. Two
tendencies are apparent, however. Production under the factory
system—the stage of the manufacturer—has shown a phenomenal
i Calculated from United States Census, 1910, Vol. I ll, Manufactures, 219.
* “ We have now presented a survey of the three trades which we set out to investigate [in London]; and
looking back upon our assemblage of facts, the word that rises in our mind is chaos. As far as we can
see, the chief characteristic of these trades is an absence of uniformity. In very few is there parity of pay
ments. Over by far the greater part of the field there is not a standard wage and hardly even a current
wage. Individualism run wild, a lack of coordination, a swelter of persons all striving separately, this is
the spectacle presented * ♦ * in the higher walks of the bespoke branch of dressmaking; there are
traces of a customary wage for ‘ full hands’ that once was current but that now is being broken down.'!
Makers of our Clothes, by Meyer and Black, p. 143.
Miss Irwin reaches the contrary conclusion, that “ the dressmaking trade [in Glasgow] presents little
variety in remuneration and conditions of employment.” Women’s Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking,
by Margaret Irwin, Glasgow,' 1900, p. 33.

BULLETIN OF THE BUEEAU OF I.ABOE STATISTICS.

growth within the last few decades; and in the custom branches of
the trade the small and medium-sized shops are disappearing before
the competition of the domestic or dayworkers on the one side and
the large shop on the other.
As the trade passes through these successive stages, the place of
production shows a continuous movement away from the home
toward increasingly commercialized and industrialized quarters.
The size of the working force and to a certain extent the quality of
the product alter from stage to stage so that each has certain charac
teristic conditions as to division of labor and wages paid. The plain
sewer receives from $6 to $9 a week, this wage remaining about the
dame whether she goes out by the day or works in a specialized shop.
As the trade develops, more and more specialized workers are added,
until each department has its head worker, whose wages range from
$10 to $50 or $60 a week, depending on the degree of responsibility,
with a force of assistants whose wages range downward to $6 or less
according to the character of their work.
The opportunities for young workers to learn the trade vary with
the different types of shops. In general they are best in the shop of
moderate size, where the worker is still under the immediate super
vision of the employer, where subdivision of labor has not been
carried to a point which deprives the learner of an all-round training,
but where the class of the work done enables her to fit herself for the
higher branches of the trade. The medium-sized shop, however, is
being crushed out by competition. At best the opportunities for
acquiring the trade in a shop are limited and unsatisfactory. Modem
industrial conditions make it doubtful whether a young learner can
satisfactorily acquire a skilled trade by working at it, and the majority
doubtless can best secure their training through an outside agency
which gives the foundation principles of the trade.

CHAPTER in .
INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS IN THE TRADE.
Three problems, the need of capital, competition, and the dif
ficulty of securing skilled workers, are vital factors in determining
the development of the dressmaking trade. These problems should
be appreciated by educators because they determine the conditions
and opportunities in the different types of shops and show for what
pupils must be prepared; by customers because their influence and
thought may aid in solving them. These problems of capital, com
petition and labor appear in varying degrees of intensity in the dif
ferent types of shops but must be faced and solved by all.
BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION.

The problem of capital assumes first place among the present-day
questions of custom dressmaking because it is largely a woman’s
trade which has until recently been mainly a domestic industry,
so that the importance of businesslike methods and scientific admin
istrative system are only beginning to be realized. The passing of
the dressmaking trade from the primitive stages of a domestic
character to the industrialized and capitalistic system of production
is so recent that a large part of the trade is still monopolized by the
small dressmaker who does not understand business principles nor
attempt to utilize them in her shop. The small dressmaker, both
“ private” and in the stage of transition, keeps few, if any, records of
her income or expenditures. The business and administrative
aspect of the trade is relegated to secondary place, usually with
unfortunate results. “ Why, I have no pay roll,” said an employer
of 14 girls in an injured tone of voice. “ When would I ever get time
to keep it?” “ No, I never keep any records of any sort,” said
another. “ I never even know whether the cost of a particular
gown exceeds or is less than the price I have set.” Only two of the
twenty-five shops in the stage of transition visited in Boston showed
any attempt at separation of the business administration from the
production. In both, two women as partners conducted the shop,
one supervising the workroom and one the buying and accounts of
merchants and customers.
The growth of the shop and development of the business, however,
force the dressmaker to delegate clerical work and supervision of
income and expenses as she has delegated her powers in the work-

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

room. Although some of the smaller shops of specialized workers
have no records, the occasional young stock girl or “ office” girl
implies the evolution of the bookkeeper who keeps systematic and
intelligible accounts. In the large shops where a great deal of busi
ness is done, a head bookkeeper and one or more assistants are usually
found, and there may be an office wholly devoted to clerical work.
Scientific computation of cost of production is still in its infancy,
however. One shop of twenty-five workers was discovered where an
itemized account of the time spent by each worker and the ultimate
cost were recorded on tickets attached to each article made. The
employer had previously been a head waist draper in a large com
mercial dressmaking shop where she had been trained in business
principles. But such system is unusual even in the large shops.
A large commercialized shop, conducted under the partnership of a
successful business woman and her brother, had developed a very
scientific system of. administration by which “ we know the cost of the
air they breathe.” The male member of the firm made a careful
study of cost of time, materials, and production, which was explained
to the workers when he inaugurated the system of accurately record
ing upon an attached ticket the time spent on each article. After
a year’s experiment, however, the plan was abandoned as unprofit
able and unnecessary.
THE PROBLEM OF CAPITAL.

The problem of capital has a varied significance for the different
types of dressmakers. Since the itinerant dressmaker goes to the
home of her employer, she need not consider the problem of rent;
as her client furnishes all materials, she has no need of credit at stores,
and as she does not, as a rule, employ assistants, she is not con
fronted with a weekly pay roll. If she has a helper, however, as
she herself is paid by the day, she can easily pay her help.1 For her,
therefore, capital is a negligible matter.
As soon, however, as the dayworker realizes her ambition to have
a shop of her own—to become a “ mistress dressmaker”—the problem
of sufficient capital becomes an important matter for consideration.
To pay rent until the business becomes self-supporting, to secure
credit from stores and extend it to customers, and to meet the weekly
pay roll, she must have reserve capital. A small private dressmaker
may avoid the problem of rent by carrying on her trade in her home,
or, if she has no home, may rent a room or suite of rooms in a business
block down town. A dressmaker who does a small business usually
combines living and business quarters as a measure of economy and
financial necessity. Location is unimportant, as she caters only to
* See similar condition reported in France. Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le V6tement k Paris, pp. 406-408.

DBESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

personal friends who can find her even in a remote or somewhat
inaccessible spot. The dressmaker of the stage of transition, how
ever, seeks a wider clientele, maintains a larger force, and has a
larger trade, and so makes a larger investment in her business quar
ters, not only because the needs of her increased business require it,
but because a good location and prosperous appearance are good
business investments. The dressmaker of the large shop of specialized
workers usually occupies commodious and pretentious quarters in
the fashionable shopping district. Her large force of workers neces
sitates large workrooms; her increased trade necessitates stock rooms,
and her enlarged clientele requires reception rooms, showrooms and
fitting rooms. The merchant dressmaker of the commercialized
shop emphasizes the making and sale of ready-to-wear gowns, the
disposal of which suggests the advantage of a street floor. Easy
access and tempting show windows appeal to a still larger clientele,
attracting the casual buyer or passer as well as regular customers.
Spacious showrooms and large workrooms in the fashionable shop
ping district necessitate heavy expenditures in rent as well as in
materials and in the weekly pay roll. In each step is seen an increas
ing need of capital. Extended credit and scientific business methods
as well as large capital are essential to cany on the large establish
ment, and the woman dressmaker, as has been pointed out, is unusual
in this stage of the trade.
The problem of capital is accentuated by the system of extending
credit which is so common in the business world but which proves
a serious handicap to the woman dressmaker without a bank account.
As soon as she opens a shop she is confronted with her patrons’
demand for credit. The growing custom of furnishing materials
increases the difficulty. In this day of keen competition the chief
profits of the custom dressmaker lie in the furnishings bought at
10 per cent rebate and sold at retail prices to the customer.1 The
small dressmaker, however, with little or no reserve capital has only
30 days’ credit at the local stores. If her bill is not paid within
the specified time, the rebate is lost. Seven of the 27 private dress
makers visited in Boston reported customers who insisted on the
six months’ credit system, while others undoubtedly had such cus
tomers. A small establishment with limited capital, or none at all,
is unable to exist on this basis. Customers, moreover, often delay
payments unnecessarily, seriously handicapping the small dress
maker in meeting her own expenses. Those who have automobiles
and other luxuries can not pay an $80 or $100 dressmaker’s bill.
One customer can not pay her bill because “ I am going to Europe
i Miss Irwin reports a similar statement from the dressmakers of Glasgow. “ The mere making does
not pay. W e have to get what profit we can oat of trimmings and furnishings.” Women’s Work in
Tailoring and 3>ressmaking (Glasgow), bv Margaret Irwin, p. 34.

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

this summer and must be economical.’.’ Another “ will not be able
to pay for these clothes this fall because John is going to college
this winter and there are so many expenses.” “ Why, I never real
ized that it made any great difference,” said a wealthy customer as
she leisurely wrote out a check for $250 which had caused months
of worry to her dressmaker. “ I just wait from one visit of the
mailman to the next, hoping for a check,” said one dressmaker.
“ That is one of the greatest hardships.”
The matter of credit becomes still more serious for the dressmaker
in the stage of transition because she makes a wider appeal for
patronage, which results in more credit customers. She furnishes
the materials to an increasing extent, and her enlarged force in
creases the running expenses and weekly pay roll, which necessitates
ready capital. She does not carry a stock of materials, as does the
dressmaker of the stage of specialization, but her patrons choose
from samples which she secures from the stores. This custom, as
well as the other phases of development observed in this stage, is
in a state of transition, some dressmakers insisting on furnishing
the materials, some leaving the choice with the customer, and some
furnishing only the trimmings. The furnishing of materials yields
a profit, but intensifies the difficulty of extending credit, for the
dressmaker invests a large proportion of her capital in the product,
and delay on the part of her customer involves her in financial diffi
culties with the furnishings stores.1 Reports from 11 of the 25 estab
lishments of the transition stage visited in Boston revealed financial
difficulties resulting from the long credit system. The case of a young
dressmaker, formerly a $25 waist draper in a large fashionable estab
lishment, who recently opened up a small shop in a back room with
a capital of $350, illustrates this point. Her business was at first
necessarily done on a cash basis. She had to pay cash for her pur
chases and her customers must do the same. By the beginning of
the second year she had drawn enough of her previous customers
from her former place to enable her to take larger quarters and a
larger force. She was now able to secure extended credit from
women’s furnishings establishments, but she catered to customers
who paid once in six months or “ still more commonly once a year.”
In her second year she was doing an annual business of $12,000,
but had $4,000 in outstanding bills of six months’ duration.
“ Regular customers pay twice a year,” said one of these dress
makers. “ Customers have often come and ordered a gown when
it was impossible for me to take the order because I had no money
or credit to obtain the materials to fill the order.” “ Customers are
* One of the dressmakers of Paris reported that one of the three greatest obstacles to her success was
the discrediting of rebates on bills, caused by the delay of her clientele, which robbed her of the greatest
part of the profits. France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le V&tement & Paris, p. 423.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOE WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

§7

slow to pay their bills and some fail altogether/’ said another.
“ Last year We lost $600 in outstanding bills. We had one customer
for whom we worked 20 years. She was wealthy—her husband
made money fast—but her bill with us reached $2,300, $200 to
$300 of which dated back to 1904. Finally we refused to make
anything more until the bill was paid to date. We finally got the
last of the amount this fall, but offended and lost the customer.”
Some of the more independent small dressmakers are refusing to
cater to credit customers. One employer who has been in the
trade for 30 years reduced her clientele to those who pay cash,
and as a result cut her force and custom down to one-third its
former size, but secured results more satisfactory to herself. An
other employer with sufficient capital in outstanding bills was
forced to close shop because of inability to meet running expenses.
In the meantime an order came for some expensive work from a
wealthy customer. “ I should be glad to do the work for you,”
said the dressmaker, “ but must ask that payment be made on
completion of the work.” The order was immediately withdrawn.
The majority of dressmakers of this type manage with some
reserve capital in the bank, credit with large firms, and a sufficient
number of cash or three-months’-credit customers to meet satisfac
torily their running expenses, though large profits are lost through
lack of capital in hand.
The large shop of specialized workers does business almost wholly
on a credit basis. The largest and most prosperous firms buy their
materials from European importers who allow three, six, or more
months’ credit according to the standing of the local firm, while the
customers of such shops pay once in 6, 12, or 18 months. “ Large
capital or a very good credit and wide acquaintance are absolutely
necessary,” said the manager of a large commercial dressmaking
shop. “ The custom of paying bills once a year or once in 18 months
is quite general. We send out a statement the first of each month
to certain customers and usually can collect 87 per cent of the bills
within three months. Some may not pay within a year or 18 months,
but we don’t bother them with statements. We know their money
comes in slowly, but they are perfectly sound and reliable. We
have one customer whose bill for this year amounts to $2,200. We
can’t afford to offend these customers. They are sure pay, but they
don’t like to pay more than once a year, and then they send in a
check for the full amount without the least effort. The rich people
are the ones who allow bills to run the longest. Although this is
true in many businesses, I believe it is worse in dressmaking than in
anything else.”

BULLETIN OF TH E BVBEAU OF LABOE STATISTICS.

The capital problem is thus one of the most serious problems of tho
trade for all types of shops. Reserve capital is necessary to meet the
immediate expenses, such as rent, light, and wages. Credit is neces
sary to secure materials and furnishings in advance. The system of
giving credit established by the large firms is one of the most effective
weapons against small establishments, which can not exist on this
basis,
“ Why don’t you inaugurate a 30 days’ credit system like the
stores?” asked the investigator of a great number of dressmakers.
“ That would be impossible,” was the reply. “ Our customers would
simply leave and go to some one who would grant the long credit.”
Cooperative action alone could solve this great problem of long credit
for the majority of dressmakers. Some, because of their independ
ence of spirit, individual capacity and ability, can set the terms upon
which they will work for their customers, but the majority are not
able to do this alone. A small Boston dressmaker declared her
intention of starting out anew next year and informing customers
that interest would be charged on outstanding bills, but the result
is questionable in a trade so dependent on the client’s good will. The
large shops, however, are able to meet the difficulty by fixing a
“ contract price” which is made sufficiently large to cover all such
delays.
Unfortunately the hardships of the capital problem reach beyond
the dressmaker to her employees, especially in the small and medium
sized shops where the bank account is limited. The small employer
with no reserve capital can pay her girls only as her bills are paid.
Three or four weeks often go by without payment. Sometimes the
employer pays part of their week’s wage to pacify them. One girl
said “ We used to go to Mrs.-------- and ask if we might at least have
car fare.” “ How can I pay you,” her employer answered, “ until
my customers pay me?” It does not seem possible that the small
dressmaker who does not keep a pay roll can remember whom, when,
and how much she has paid, and tinder these circumstances disputes
frequently result over the amount due. The financial difficulties of
a medium-sized shop are illustrated in the accompanying pay-roll
record taken for two periods, one in 1905-6 and one in 1910-11.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IX MASSACHUSETTS.
T a b l e 1 3 . — W EEK LY PAY ROLLS OF A DRESSMAKER WITHOUT LARGE

RESERVE

CAPITAL, FOR THE YEARS 1905-6 AND 1910-11.

Week of the month.

Number
em
ployed.

1905-6

1910-11

Amount
paid to
workers.

Amount
i Amount
remaining ! Number
•
" d i n ein‘
' Paid to
workers. ! Plo>e<l- ! workers.
i

September:
1st week..
2d week..
3d week...
4th week.,
October:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
5th week.,
November:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
December:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
£th week.
January:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week..,
4th week..
5th week.,
February:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
March:
1st week..
2d week..,
3d week...
4th week..
5th week..
April:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
5th week*.
May:
1st week..
2d week*..
3d week...
4th week..
5th week..
June:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week..
4th week.,
July:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week..,
4th week..
5th week..
Length of season.

$68.08
76.70

33.25 !
35.08

$98.59
70.25

Amount
remaining
due
workers.

$4.82
36.19

51.92
93.08
74.00
76.08

50.50
35.00
41.50
43.00
62.50

75.22
66.83
63.67
78.92
54.73

10.00
43.00
55.83
96.83

•81.33

74.50
77.17
77.00
140.98

124.67
97.25
61.17
53.50

80.16
93.16
134.80
188.33

119.06
83.25
73.25
54.61
5.00

75.34
59.67
55.92
17.67
11.67

170.67
116.74
136.08
109.25

127.16
124.75
104.33
78.33

63.50
75.63
53.08
52.33
13.54

•4.91
5.50
17.00
58.00

106.83
97.67
93.33
92.66
83.66

78.00
77.00
75.00
78.00
80.00

30.00
79.50
54.02
73.25

90.00
104.25,
102.57
89.93

83.00
163.08
11.00
78.98

81.00
3.00
27.09
38.09

93.35
70.89
38.67
46.58
13.67

99.08
86.70
129.71

81.08
72.74
92.25
88.08

40.09
41.84
47.00
56.00

154.86

12.33

71.12
44.25
62.87
91.45
22.25

121.36
161.99
191.60
199.88
225.12

107.33
U9.00
100.50
106.25

53.00
46.33
34.60
51.00

121.79
82.67
57.80
104.74
25.00

215.50
236.67
232.00
231.50

89.33
102.50
107.50
137.00

50.50
51.00
45.00
6.00
4.00

95.67
56.42
68.00
21.35

194.08
217.83
200.76
254.57

96.50
91.66
107.50
99.50

5.00

85.50
74.67
159.83
50.35

228.89
217.72
33.00

61.51
38.50
56.33
12.50

2.00

48 weeks.

2.00

47 weeks.

The owner opened a shop in a business building about 15 years ago
and has at present a force of 10 to 15 workers, the majority of whom
began with her as young learners. In 1905-6, when the first pay-roll
record was taken, she had been in business 10 years. Yet there was

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

a deficit in the weekly pay roll every week of the 48 except 2. The
amount remaining due exceeded the amount of wages paid in more
than one-half of the 48 weeks worked. By 1910, five years later, she
was on a somewhat better financial basis. There was no deficit on
the pay roll 9 of the 47 weeks the shop was open, and the amount
remaining due exceeded the wage paid in only six (12.9 per cent) of
the 47 weeks worked.
In 1905-6 the deficit in the pay roll shows two peaks, one in Novem
ber and one in May. These correspond to the heights of the dress
making season, and are due to the fact that few people pay their bills
until their wardrobe is complete, but the money begins to come in as
the finished gowns are sent out. In 1910-11, the fall peak still oc
curred in November, but in the spring March shows the greatest
deficit.
The significance of this situation to the individual girl is shown by
the weekly wage record of a $10 (later $12) draper working in the
shop.
T able 13.—WAGES PAID AND DUE A *10 D R ArER (RAISED TO *12 IN 1910 -U ) WORKING
IN THE SHOP OF THE PRECEDING DRESSMAKER.
[Based on pay roll.]
1905-6
Week of the month.

September:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
3d w e e k ..................... .........
4th week....................................
October:
1st week....................................
2d week ....................................
3d week.....................................
4th week....................................
5th week....................................
November:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
3d week. T..................................
4th week..................................
December:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
3d week.....................................
4th week...................................
5th week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
January:
1st week
...............................
2 d w a a 1c _

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3d week ............................. .
4th week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5th week....................................
February:
1st week...................................
2d week ................................ .
3d week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4th week...................................
March:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
Q d w a a It

_____ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

4th week....................................

Number;
of days j
worked j
per week.|

1910-11

Amount.
Paid.

Owed.

Number <
of days i
worked
per week.

Amount.
Paid.

Owed.

I
4
3
6

$10.00

$5.00
5.00

5
6

$10.00
12.00

6
6
6
6
6

6.00
11.00
7.00
10.00

9.00
8.00
11.00
11.00
20.00

6
5
6
5$
5f

12.00
10.00
5.00
8.50
3.00

$7.00
10.00
18.00

6
6
6
5

7.00
10.00
10.00

23.00
20.00
20.00
28.33

5
6

14.00
12.00
5.00
2.00

15.00
15.00
20.00
30.00

51
4
6
4

12.00
16.00
5.50
16.17
5.00

25.50
16.17
26.17
10.00
11.67

20.00
15.00
14.00
14.00

21.00
18.00
16.00
12.00

5
6
5
5
6

15.00
15.00
8.33
8.33
5.00

5.00

12.00
11.50
12.00
12.00
11.00

12.00
12.00
12.00
12.00
10.00

6
6
5
6

2.00
10.00
6.67
10.00

13.00
13.00
15.00
15.00

8.00
24.00

12.00

8.00

4.00
4.00

6
4
6
6

1.00
15.00

24.00
9.00
19.00
32.67

6
5
6
6

10.00
10.00
10.00
12.00

10.00
10.00
12.00
12.00

1 .0 0

3.00

6
6 1

?
6
4*

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

T a b l e 1 3 . — WAGES PAID AND DUE A *10 DRAPER (RAISED TO *12 IN 1910-11) WORKING

IN THE SHOP OF THE PRECEDING DRESSMAKER—Concluded.
1905-6

1910-11
1

Week of the month.

April:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
3d week.....................................
4th week....................................
5th week..........................."........
Hay:
1st week....................................
2d week.................... ...............
3d week.....................................
4th week....................................
5th week...................................
June:
1st week....................................
2d week.....................................
3d week.....................................
4th week....................................
July:
1st week....................................
2d week......................*.............
3d week.....................................
4th week....................................
5th week....................................
Total......................................

Number
of days
worked
per week.

Amount.
Paid.

Owed.

Amount.

Number
of days
worked
per week.

$11.00
1.00
4.00
11.67

$32.67
43.67
51.67
51.50
61.50

6
5

6
6
6
5

15.50
6.00
6.00
10.00

6
6
5
6
5
5
6

Paid.

Owed.

$12.00
10.00

$12.00
12.00
10.00
10.00

60.00
66.00
72.00
72.00

5
6
6
6
3

10.00
11.00
12.00
18.00
8.00

11.00
12.00
12.00

9.00
12.00

73.00
73.00
81.33
91.33

5
5
6 !
5

9.00
15.00
12.00
10.00

5.00

93.00
90.00
50.00

4
4 !

8.00
8.00
12.00

12.00
13.00
52.00
61.50
7.00

253

457.67

?
6

3 !
240B !

9 .00

11.00

6.00
4.00

474.00

In 1905-6 there were only 6 weeks in the 46 when her employer was
not in debt to heir. In the last week of June and in the first two weeks
of July her weekly arrears in wage were at least $90. In 1910-11 the
improvement in the financial condition of her employer resulted in
better conditions for the workers. Twelve of the 45 weeks showed
no deficit and the weekly arrears in wage reached the maximum of $30.
The customer of the small dressmaker, therefore, has a serious obli
gation which she often does not recognize, because she does not realize
the far-reaching effects of her negligence or failure to pay her bills
promptly. The girl ultimatelybears the brunt, for her employer, with
no reserve capital, can pay her girls only as her own bills are paid.
The large shops with reserve capital, for this reason, offer another
strong inducement to the girl, for the advantage of a regular weekly
wage often counterbalances the advantages of a longer season. On
this basis alone, the large shops compete seriously with the small
dressmaker.
THE PROBLEM OP COMPETITION.

Capital, credit, and cost and character of product form the basis
of the struggle for existence carried on by the custom dressmaker
versus the wholesale manufacturer, the large custom shop versus the
small, and the woman dressmaker versus the man tailor, and this
struggle forms the second great industrial problem in dressmaking—
competition. The development of the ready-made wear has had two

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

definite results—(1) decreasing tlie amount and (2) changing the kind
of work done by the dressmaker. The scope of business of the private
and of the transitional dressmaker is now largely limited to fancy
and lingerie dresses and to alterations of custom or ready-made wear.
“ Most of the work left to dressmakers is the making of fancy gowns,
and work for people not of regulation size and figure,” said a private
dressmaker. “ Some of my old customers now depend altogether on
ready-made wear. Others may have one fancy gown made in a
year.” By the irony of fate, a large part of the work which has
passed out of the hands of the dressmaker into the factory comes
back to her to be altered to fit the customer. “ We altered the
prettiest little silk dress this afternoon,’' said a forewoman in a
dressmaking shop. “ The customer bought it down town for $18.
We couldn’t have made one like it for less than $35 or $40.”
While the large manufacturer has competed most seriously with
the dressmaker doing a small or medium-sized business, the increasing
perfection of] the ready-made product is resulting in its adoption by
the wealthier classes. Custom work, because more’ expensive, must
maintain its position chiefly by superiority of product. While the
small dressmaker has only this weapon, the large custom dressmaker
is adopting other methods of maintaining her position by introducing
variety as well as superiority of product—a movement which explains
the growth of the large shop. Some 8 to 10 employers in Boston have
faced squarely the popularity of the ready-made wear and added a
department of ready-to-wear or ready-made. Since the prevalence and
popularity of the tailored street suits transferred to the ladies’ tailor
a large proportion of the high-grade custom tailored work, the large
dressmaker is meeting this situation by adding a department con
ducted by men tailors or by making some combination with a man
tailor. Thus the large shop is meeting all its competitors by adopt
ing their own weapons.
The small dressmaker can compete with the large custom dress
maker because of smaller expenses and lower prices. While the
dressmaker doing a moderate business is being crowded out, the
importance of the. day and home worker in the trade has been already
noted. M. du Maroussem was convinced of the increasing importance
of the small dressmakers in France and pointed out three factors
which were facilitating this development: First, the great furnish
ings stores put at the disposal of the patrons quite as wide a choice of
materials as do the great dressmaking establishments; second, the
journals of the modes furnish the artistic idea and provide the intel
lectual part of the task for the most humble dressmakers; and third,
the pattern houses perform the same service in a less public way.
To this list might be added a fourth factor in the American situation—
the importation of European models. The importers are bringing

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

about a remarkable democratization of the trade, and, as a member
of a large Boston firm explained, are helping the smallest dressmaker,
if clever and ingenious, to become a serious competitor of the largest
establishment.
The increasing popularity of the tailored street suit has made the
man tailor an important competitor, for it is generally admitted that
men excel in heavy tailored work. The small tailor who does his
own work can underbid the dressmaker who must employ a tailor..
The large tailors are gradually adding waist departments and dress
making for the convenience of their customers and for the equaliza
tion of the seasonal fluctuation through a wider variety of product.
“ The competition of the ready-made and ready-to-wear of the Jewish
tailors and of small dressmakers who turn out work for lower prices
is making a serious invasion on high-class large establishments,”
said the owner of a high-class shop. “ It is only within the last few
years—the era of the importer—that they have appeared on the
scene as serious competitors. Now that importers bring the Euro
pean models to New York twice a year, the small manufacturer and
small dressmaker and tailor can see the styles and get the ideas just
as well as the large firms who have gone to Europe to get them.
They can turn out the product at much less cost because they do not
maintain the pretentious establishments and specialized workers of
the large shops.”
Dressmakers of suburban cities have an additional problem in
competition. Wealthy people of Worcester, Cambridge, and Somer
ville go to Boston for their better costumes. Not only the large
stores offering high-class ready-made and ready-to-wear, but large
custom dressmakers as well, draw the trade away from the home city,
little need or opportunity for the development of high-class dress
making therefore exists. The prestige of fashionable Boston estab
lishments makes impossible high charges in the smaller centers. “ We
could do just as good work as the Boston shops,” stud a Worcester
dressmaker, “ but we can’t ask half the price.” The statement was
well borne out by a wealthy woman, who said “ I had a suit made at
-------- in Boston this fall which cost $100. I could have gotten it
for half the price in Worcester, if 1 hadn’t been in a hurry and had to
have it in a few days.” Department stores and mail-order houses
also secure the trade of the less prosperous. This competition, there
fore, forces the dressmaking trade in these cities to remain largely in
the elementary stages of the trade.
The lack of development in Lowell is due to a different cause.
Lowell is a mill city with a large population and with large invest
ment of capital, but the capitalists do not live in Lowell, and the
population which resides there creates small demand for high-class
work.

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.

Thus the dressmaking trade in small cities shows little develop
ment for various reasons, which may be summed up in the one
reason, lack of demand.
The two great industrial problems—capital and competition—are
the barriers which are retarding and changing the current of develop
ment.
The women’s clothing trade, which has longest retained its domes
tic character, has within the last two or three decades been brought
sharply face to face with the industrial development and organization
of the twentieth century. Capital and credit have become essential
for existence for all but the dayworker and assume increasing impor
tance with the increasing size of the shop. The small dressmaker
has only a limited credit, and must have reserve capital to meet
running expenses. Large establishments have long credit, but have
enormous current expenses, necessitating large available capital.
The extension of credit to customers has become so thoroughly estab
lished that there are few shops which do not have a large or small
number of credit customers. The small and medium-sized shops are
collapsing under this system. The large shops, though often seriously
inconvenienced, can use the credit system as a powerful weapon
against the small competitor.
THE LABOR FORCE.

Besides the problems of capital and competition the recruiting of
workers has become one of the most serious questions which face the
employer in the dressmaking trade, for the disappearance of the
apprenticeship system and of opportunities for learning the trade in
the shop, together with the increasing demand for skill and artistic
ability, are leaving both employer and worker in a practically unten
able position. These conditions within the trade, together with the
great increase in the number and variety of openings for women
workers, have left the trade commonly regarded as peculiarly belong
ing to women almost stranded for lack of good workers.
The scarcity of skilled workers menaces the dressmaking trade in
Boston. The labor situation in a city like Worcester seems to be less
acute than in a larger city like Boston. The large employers of
Worcester say they seldom take on a new worker, holding their regu
lar force year after year, and some of their workers have been with
them 10, 14, and even 18 years. One employer of 12 girls has not
taken on a new girl for 5 or 6 years, and some girls have been with her
14 years. The greater stability of the force in such a city is due to
the longer seasons, to the fact that comparatively few shops employ
help, giving little opportunity for shifting from one to another, and
to the fewer opportunities in other lines of work for the girl who feels
superior to the factory.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS,

The scarcity of skilled workers, however, is noticeable there as in
other cities. Seventeen of the eighteen regular employers complained
of the great scarcity of workers. The superintendent of a large store
which conducts a custom dressmaking department said he could “ get
plenty of fitters in the dressmakers who have had to give up business
because of inability to get efficient help, but I have had an advertise
ment in the paper for a head sleeve girl for a week, and no one has
even applied.” Another dressmaker, who used to keep several assist
ants, can not get satisfactory help anywhere at present, so only does
such work as she can manage herself. “ Many dressmakers who used
to do a big business,” she said, “ have given it up for lack of workers,
and now go out by the day.”
How are these workers recruited? Advertisements in the news
papers, placards in doors and windows, and passing the word through
employees to their friends are the most common methods.
T a b l e 14.—METHOD OF SECURING POSITIONS AS REPORTED B Y WORKERS

THEMSELVES.
[Based on personal interviews.]
Workers using specified
methods.
Method of securing position.
Number.
Personal relation:
Friend...............................
Relative............................
Forewoman......................
Employer..........................

65
18
16
7

Per cent.

Total..............................

106

33.5

Advertisements......................
Application.............................
Agency....................................
Trade school...........................

39
40
8
124

12.3
12.6
2.5
39.1

Grand total...................

317

100.0

While 39.1 per cent of the positions reported by workers visited
were secured through the Boston Trade School for Girls, this means
is open to only a small proportion of the workers as a whole, the large
number here shown being because all graduates of this school were f ollpwed up.1 The personal relation, hearing of and securing a position
through friend, relative, or friendly forewoman, seems to be the most
common method for the more stable workers, 33.5 per cent of the 317
positions reported by workers visited having been secured by this
means. Advertisements, application (on seeing a sign in the window or
by chance), and the employment agency are rather the resort of the
drifters and less competent workers or strangers and new workers,
27.4 per cent of the 317 positions being secured through this means.
i Eighty-four graduates, who had been trained in dressmaking, were interviewed.

29885°—Bull. 198—16------5

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

Good workers are so scarce that, once having demonstrated their
ability, they have small need of outside agencies to secure work for
them.
These methods of recruiting the working force result in a motley
assemblage of aspirants, so employers say. “ I advertised the other
day for four girls,” said one employer, “ and about four dozen applied.
I tried four, but they are not much good.” “ American girls are still
going into dressmaking,” said a French dressmaker, “ but they don’t
seem to have sufficient fundamental training and experience. They
make so many serious blunders and ruin beautiful materials by care
lessness and awkwardness. A woman of 36 came to the shop the
other day, and I took her on at $1 a day. She could not do any
thing well. Custom dressmaking can exist only by putting out a
product superior to the ready-made wear.” “ There are many old
women going about applying at shops for work. They give a long
list of places where they have worked. They are absolutely inefficient,
and I have to do the work over after them.”
The most promising applicants are engaged, although personally
unknown to the employer. He usually asks some questions regarding
former positions, but gives little heed to the answers. “ We can’t fol
low up the references the girls give us,” said one. “ We would not
get anything else done.” The girls frankly admit that they always
“ tell a good story.” “ If I was getting $7 a week at my last place, I tell
the next employer I was getting $8,” said one girl. The girls are en
gaged on the spot. If they prove competent and faithful workers,
every inducement is offered to hold them; if not, they are dismissed at
the earliest possible moment. Where the forewomen and head girls
remain fairly stable and permanent and when they are women of tact,
consideration, and administrative ability, the trade does not suffer as
much as might be expected from this haphazard method, but where
such conditions do not prevail the workroom is sometimes chaotic.1
The labor force may be classified into three groups, (1) the nucleus
or core of the force, which is employed throughout the shop season,
(2) the finishers and helpers, who are an essential part of the force
but are laid off twice a year in dull seasons, and (3) the “ rush hands”
who are taken on only during the height of the rush season to aid in
getting out on schedule time the work which rapidly accumulates for
immediate completion.* The core of the force, which works about 40
weeks or more, the characteristic season, constituted but 21.8 per cent
of the 600 custom workers and a still smaller proportion, 15.3 per
i This haphazard method of securing workers is described by M. Aine as the prevailing situation in Paris.
Les Patronnes, Employees, et Ouvri&res de rHabillement k Paris, par Aine, en Rgforme Sociale (1898),
Vol. V , p. 68.
* M. du Maroussem describes the three classes as (1) “ ouvrteres da noyau,” who have an average working
season of 260 to 300 days a year; (2) “ oavri&es de la catfigorieintermSdiaire,” who average 200 to 230days;
and (3) “ ouvr&res supplementaires,” who average from 60 to 160 days. France, Office du Travail. La
Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vdtement k Pads, p. 494.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

cent, of the 522 factory workers studied from pay rolls. In the cus
tom shops thia core forms a varying proportion ranging from 9.4 per
cent in shop A to 55.2 per cent in shop F, but a median of 26.2 per
cent appears in the 14 custom shops studied intensively.1 The stable
portion of the working force, therefore, constitutes a much larger
proportion in custom than in factory dressmaking, where the median
of the two shops studied is 17.2 per cent.
This nucleus force comprises the workers necessary for production,
but all are not necessarily the highly paid. Waist, skirt, and sleeve
workers, and tailors, where employed, are necessary in the nucleus
force, while the head workers are usually retained through the shop
season. A few of the less skilled receiving less than $10 a week also
secure the long season.
T able IS .—OCCUPATION AND WAGE OF NUCLEUS FORCE IN FOUR LARGE CUSTOM
SHOPS.
[Based on pay rolls.]

Case
num
ber.

Shop A .
Occupation.
Head fitter___
Head tailor.. .
C u tte r and
fitter.
Tailor.............
H e a d skirt
draper.
Fitter..............
Waist draper..
Sleeve draper.
Shopper....
Designer...
Waist draper..
C lerical....

Shop B.
Wage,
$30
30
25

Occupation.
Head fitter...
Head w aist...
Head skirt.. .

21 Coat tailor.. .

ShopC.
Wage.

Occupation.

Wage.

Occupation.

$45
30
24

Forewoman...
Head coat.......
Waist draper..

$25
15
13

Waist draper..
.......do.............
Skirt draper...

13
12

Waist finisher.
Skirt finisher..

15
12*

Waist finisher.
Skirt helper...

12
10

Stock..............
Waist helper..

10
9

.......do.............
.......do.............

7
6

18 .....d o ...........

Head sk irt....
Head sleeve...

18 .......do.............
16 Waist draper..

Waist finisher.

14 .......do.............
12 H ead sleeve
draper.
10 Office..............
Coat................
8 Skirt...............
.......d o............
Waist..............
.......do.............
Office..............
Waist..............
Sleeve.............
Waist..............
----- do.............
Skirt...............
Coat................
Waist.............
Sleeve.............
Waist..............
Skirt...............
Waist..............
Office..............
W a ist...........
Skirt...............

16
16

operator.
Waist finisher.
Coat tailor___

Shop D.

15
15
14
14
12
12

Ma c h i n e

Skirt finisher..
Waist finisher.
.......do.............
Stock..............
Finisher.........

Wage.
$19
19
17

7
6

11
11
11
11

10
10

The less skilled workers form a varying proportion of the nucleus
(force, being 16.7 per cent in shop A, 26.7 per cent in shop B, 27.3 per
cent in shop D, and 35.7 per cent in shop C. The medium-skilled
;workers can, in small numbers, thus obtain long working seasons in
ithe large shop, a situation which enables a limited number to profit
i See Table 30. Those working 35 to 40 weeks in shops D and N are considered the core.

BULLETIN OP TH E BUBEAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.

by the opportunities there offered for wider experience and advance
ment. Needless to say, those who are thus retained are the most
valuable and promising workers.
The second group of finishers and helpers, who are an essential part
of the force but have two distinct seasons, constitute about 20 per
cent of the force in custom dressmaking, and only about one-tenth
(11.5 per cent) of the factory workers. The third group, the drifters
and rush hands, working less than six months, claims the largest
proportion of workers in both branches, more than one-half (58.2 per
cent) of the custom workers and almost three-fourths (73.2 per cent)
of the factory workers. An element of error enters into this figure
which can not be checked up definitely because the group necessarily
includes also those who left in the middle of the year because of
illness, to be married, because of a quarrel with the forewoman, or
because of some personal reason, but the proportions are probably
approximate.
Three reasons are most frequently heard from workers- for their
choice of this trade as an occupation: natural taste and inclination,
knowledge acquired at school, and advice of family or friends.
Almost one-half (41.5 per cent) of the 200 women visited went into
the trade because they had a natural taste for it and had always
sewed at home. “ It just came natural. I knew how to sew ever
once I was a little girl, and always sewed at home,” was the general
statement, or “ I just naturally knew how to sew. I wanted to get
into some business with an opportunity for use and development.”
“ I came to Boston, wishing to get office work,” said one. “ I could
not get a place; sewing was natural to me, so I went into a dress
making shop.” This is frequently the reason influencing the woman
suddenly thrown upon her own resources, who naturally turns to
the work for which she has some natural capacity. “ My husband
died, and I must support myself and children,” said a woman of 40.
“ I owned a little store, but I couldn’t make it pay so I went into a
large dressmaking shop where I run a power machine.” “ I have no
father,” said a young girl, “ and I wanted to help put my small sister
through school. I naturally took up the thing I liked and could do
best.” Some (10 per cent) had learned the fundamentals of sewing
at school, either in the public school, private school, or convent, and
naturally utilized the one accomplishment which could be turned to
money-making. Many children who would otherwise have to go to
work at 14 may be sent to a trade school at some sacrifice if they can
within a limited time prepare themselves for a trade.
Initiative or advice of family or friends is also an important in
fluence in determining a girl’s career. The dressmaking trade, like
millinery, carries a certain prestige not accorded other industries
because it has an apparent relation to woman’s much-talked-of

DRESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOE W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

sphere, because of the type of product, place and conditions tinder
which the work is done, and because the social level is generally higher
than that of factories. Parents, therefore, frequently determine
for the girl that she shall be a dressmaker just as those of a higher
social level decide the daughter shall become a teacher, because it is
the “ genteel” thing to do. “ The family think it much nicer work for
a girl than the factory.” “ Mother thinks it is the nicest trade for
women.” The prejudice against “ the factory” in the families of the
middle class of Boston and surrounding cities is a problem which has
frequently baffled the directors of trade schools and vocational
bureaus for girls.
Since the small wage and short season of the young worker brings
a very small income, one is curious to know from what type of family
these young workers come. For dressmaking is a trade which assumes
a professional character and necessitates years of training and ex
perience, and the majority of its workers, when entering the trade,
must not of necessity be economically dependent on the trade itself,
this being true of any occupation of a semiprofessional nature. The
parent of the $4 and $5 worker ranges as to occupation from the
laborer to the professional man, but the family income in the majority
of cases is not large, and the nominal annual income of the young $5
worker ranges only from $152 to $238.
Yet Hie parents were putting their daughters into a seasonal trade
which requires some years of experience before an adequate wage
can be earned. Five girls contributed to the family income by turn
ing their entire wage over to the mother, while others contributed
something to the family and met part of their own expenses from their
wage.
The attitude of the parents is, however, expressed by an Italian
girl of 15 on a weekly wage of $5 who lived in a miserably dirty brick
tenement house in.a very poor neighborhood. “ Mother likes dress
making as a trade,” she said. “ She knows about the long vacations.
It is hard for her if the children are out of work, and if they can find
something to do she likes it better. But if not, sh9 is willing that
they should be at home.” A girl of 17 on a $4 wage lived in a neat
but poorly furnished home with her mother. She “ had thought of
bookkeeping, but mother didn’t like the idea of girls working in
offices, so when I couldn’t finish high school, she wished me to learn
dressmaking. I always liked sewing.” The parents of these girls,
while realizing the long period of apprenticeship and semidependence
involved, often make the effort to give their daughters a training
which they believe will give them “ a good trade.”
.. Whatever the motive for entering the trade, the woman who goes
into a skilled trade does so because she has some taste or capacity
for that kind of work or because she sees in it the opportunity for a

BU LLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

profession. In this respect the worker in the skilled trade disci’s
from the one in unskilled trades, who is very apt to hare left school
to go to work as soon as the law allowed, without any special guidance
or inherent fitness for work. Proximity to a factory or an opening
obtained through mother, father, brother, or sister who has worked
there before seems to be the determining influence in the question of
the factory child’s future.1
But dressmaking does not invite the young girl just out of school
with wide-open doors as do the unskilled trades, and for the same rea
son offers little opportunity to the old woman, because it is an art
and a skilled trade which excludes the two extremes. One per cent
of the 200 personally visited were under 16 years of age, though less
than one-third of 1 per cent were reported as in this age group for
the United States as a whole; 12.5 per cent of the 200 visited were
under 18 years of age and but 8.5 per cent over 40. The census
reports a large percentage of older women because of the “ fact that
dressmaking can be pursued at home by women whose household
duties do not permit them to participate in shop or factory work,” 3
and all census returns by occupations necessarily include the women
who go out by the day, who are women of more maturity and expe
rience.* But since this study attempts to deal only with the profes
sional worker and primarily the worker in the shop, the domestic
worker has not been included and the dayworker only as a means
of comparison. The majority of shopworkers are neither very young
nor very old. Sixty per cent of the 200 visited were under 25
years of age and four-fifths under 35.4 Miss Irwin reported that the
ages of the more skilled workers in Glasgow range from 20 upward,
one employer reporting the average marriage age about 24,® and M.
Aine found the majority of custom workers in Paris “ jeunes et gaies.”
“ Few married women,” he said, “ work in the shops.” “ The per
sonnel of the dressmaking shops is primarily young; one encounters
on the other hand more elderly women in the cloak-making establish
ments.” * The older woman who has never progressed beyond the
$9 stage is occasionally encountered as an “ extra” in the large shops
or as a helper to the private dressmaker, but usually drifts, as she
i Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Education No. 17, 1913. A Trade School for Girls: A
Preliminary Investigation in a Typical Manufacturing City, Worcester, Mass. Washington, i913, p. 27.
* Special Reports of the Census Office, 1900. Statistics of Women at Work, p. 71.
s Census of Massachusetts, 1905, Vol. II, p. 155, which reports 3,284 (57.5 per cent) of the 5,711 dressmakers
in Boston within the 25 to 44 years of age group.
•* Carroll D . Wright in 1884 determined the average age of dressmakers (employers) in Boston to be
30.59 and of employees 26.48. Fifteenth Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Labor, 1884.
Working Girls of Boston, p. 39. This average is based on a small number of cases: Employers, 38 cases;
employees, 62 cases.
.
6 Women's Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin, Glasgow, 1900, p. 34.
« Les Patronnes, Employees et Ouvr&res de l'Habillement & Paris, par Aine, en Rgforme Sociale (1898),
Vol. V , p. 69. Also Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en R6vue de Paris, Sept. 15,
1904, p. 367.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

becomes more incompetent with, increasing age, either into alteration
departments, ready-made-clothing factories, or into home work for
these factories. The main working force in custom dressmaking,
therefore, by this process of elimination continues to consist primarily
of comparatively young workers with a certain degree of skill.
Professional workers in custom dressmaking have, on the whole,
gone to work at an early age. More than one-half (54 per cent) of
the 200 visited began at the age of 16 or under, 14.5 per cent beginning
at 14 or under,1but two influences, conditions in the trade itself, and
legislation, are tending to advance the age at entrance.
TABLE 1 6 . — AGE AT BEGINNING W ORK, AS REPORTED B Y W ORKERS.

[Based on personal interviews.]
Age at beginning work.

Number. Per cent.

13 years............... ................... .
14 years..........................................
15 years.'.........................................
16 years..........................................
17 years..........................................
18 years.........................................
19 years......................
20 years.......................
21 years.........................................
22 years.....................................
23 years..................................
24 years and over..........................
Not reported..................................

7
22
37
42
37
14
7
11

Total....................................

200

4
1
1
17

14.5
39.5
29.0

8.5
8.5
100.0

The increasing complexity of the work and specialization of
workers is resulting in the practical disappearance of the apprentice
ship system or use of young Workers, so there are continuously decreas
ing opportunities for girls under 16 years of age. Moreover, legislation
requiring age and schooling certificates for minors between 14 and
16 at work and limiting the working day to eight hours in New York
and Massachusetts is also lending its influence toward their exclusion.2
More than one-fourth (29 per cent) of the workers visited began
work between 17 and 19 years of age and 8.5 per cent did not go to
work until 20 or over. “ Girls should enter the trade young,” say
most dressmakers, though few wish to bother with “ very young
girls.” Not all these girls who have gone to work at an early age
went into the dressmaking trade immediately. One-fourth of the
200 visited had done some work previously, so they had not entered
the dressmaking trade as early as the previous table seems to show.
* Carroll D . Wright in 1884 reported the average age at beginning work for employer dressmakers as
17.47 and employees 18.82. Fifteenth Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Labor, 1884. Working
Girls of Boston, by Carroll D . Wright, p. 39.
*New York Department of Labor, Twenty-sixth Annual Report of Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1908,
Pt. I, p. 158.

BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.

The following table shows the earlier occupation of those who had
worked at something besides dressmaking:
T a b l e 17— PREVIOUS EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN IN THE DRESSMAKING TRADE,

[Based on personal interviews.]
Workers.
Previous occupation.
Number. 1 Percent.

Professional: Teacher.............

Clerical: Office worker...........

1 |

Mercantile:
Sales gfrl. . . , x.. r____
Check girl.........................
Bundle girl.......................

4
1
2

Total..............................

Custom work:
Millinery...............................
Embroidery............... ; ___
Tailoring.............................

3
1
1

Total.............................

Domestic and personal service:
Housework for p ay.........
Housework at home........
Waitress...........................
Child’s nurse....................
Lady’s maid.....................
All kinds...........................
Total.............................

4
6
1
5
1
1

2.0
2.0

14.0

10.0

18 |

30.0

M an u factu rin g:

Machine-made clothing...
Miscellaneous..................

7
11

Total..............................

36.0

Grand total..................

100.0

Three lines of work, personal and domestic service, manufacturing,
and that in mercantile establishments, provided transitory or juvenile
employment for the majority of workers who had been previously
employed. Personal and domestic service is especially an opening
for young foreign girls who do not know the English language. “ I
have done all sorts of things, anything to learn the language,” said
a young Swedish girl, “ first housework, then second girl, cook, lady's,
maid, and combination of lady’s maid and family seamstress.”
Finally, she was a finisher in a large dressmaking establishment, earn
ing $7 a week. A young Scotchwoman, however, who was not.
handicapped by language difficulties, had been caretaker of a house
when she first arrived, then plain sewer at $6, filling in her summers
with housework and taking care of children, and at the end of 12
years had risen to the position of head waist girl in a large dressmaking
shop with a weekly wage of $30.‘
* Additional illustrative cases of girls who have had previous employments:
Case A.—Bom and educated in Sweden; came to Boston at age of 15; housework 4 to 5 years, $5 a week;
at present, age 26, head sleeve girl in small shop, $10 to $12.
Case B —Bom and educated in Newfoundland; came to Boston at age of 19; spent 10 yearsin various
kinds of work: Shoe factory, $6 to $7 a week; lady’s maid, housework, seamstress; now head of
shirtwaist table in middle-class shop, $12 a week.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB W OM EN IK MASSACHUSETTS.

Young girls frequently begin work early as child’s nurse until they
have reached a more mature age, while the older woman has frequently
spent her earlier life in the home, taking the place of the mother who
has died. After the family has grown and scattered she enters the
sewing trades in which she has acquired some experience in her home
duties.
Temporary or immediate economic pressure often forces young
girls into the undesirable trades. Some find a way out but others,
once there, are there for life. A young dressmaker of 33 whose father
had died when she was 6 years old, leaving her mother, younger
brother and sister and herself to work out the problems of thair exist
ence, could not finish school and went to work when only a child in a
factory. She drifted from factory to factory and at the age of 19
found herself working in a gelatine factory for $6 a week. “ I realized
that I could stay there forever and never make more than $6. The
youngest and poorest worker could earn $6 a week as well as the oldest
and best.” A friend in a dressmaking shop offered her an oppor
tunity to learn the trade. She entered the shop as errand girl at $3
a week. At the end of 14 years she was head sleeve girl in a large
fashionable shop at $15 a week and filled in her vacations by “ going
out by the day” at $2.50 a day.
A thoughtful woman of 40 had gone to work in a shoe factory at
the age of 14 and worked there for 16 years. “ I used to wonder
what I could do which would offer better opportunities and possi
bilities when I really settled down for my real life work.” She
“ always knew how to sew” and decided to go out sewing by the day.
Gradually she realized the need of more knowledge and wider experi
ence and through a customer secured a position in a large shop in
Boston where she learned “ the system.” After going out by the
day for several years, she tried going into business for herself, but
could not meet the capital problem. “ Customers insisted on running
bills from six to ten months. They would go away for the summer
and not pay their spring bills until fall. So I had to give that up
and became head sleeve girl in a small shop, receiving $12 a week.”
Mercantile establishments had provided juvenile employment for 14
per cent of the workers who had had a previous trade. The young
workers had been check and bundle girls and the older women,
sales girls. Ten per cent had worked in the closely allied needle
trades, millinery, embroidery, and tailoring, while 4 per cent had done
professional and clerical work before entering the dressmaking trade.
The majority of women employed in some previous work had
been engaged in something having little or no connection with their
subsequent skilled trade. They had gone to work, blindly, either
from choice or necessity. Some had gradually felt the need of a
better trade with wider opportunities and found their way out

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

through their own initiative while others had been, pushed Into
dressmaking through efforts of their friends.
While the majority of workers in the dressmaking trade—about
four-fifths of the 200 visited in Boston—are or must be content with
elementary schooling, almost one-fifth of those visited in Boston, as
shown in the following table, had had further education.
T able 18^-SCHOOLING OF 200 W ORKERS in t h e d r e s s m a k in g t r a d e .
fBased on personal interviews.]
Workers.
School and grade.
Number. |
I Percent.
T^piversitygrfld^iAtft_
High school:
Graduate.........................
3 years...............................
2 years.............................
1 year... ............................
Awhile.............................
Night school.....................
Total..............................

0.5

3
5

n
2

3
34

17.0
•

Grammar school:
Graduate.... ......................
9th g r a d e .......................
8th grade...........................
7th grade...........................
6th grade..........................
Not specified....................

Total..............................

102

51.0

Commercial school..................

1.0

Catholic schools:
Convent........ ...................
Parochial.................... .

Total..............................

Private schools.....................
Country schools.and schools in
other States.. . . . . . . . ...........

1.5

5.5

Foreign schools:
Belgium............................
British-American Prov
in ce s..........................
British Isles.....................
Norway and Sweden.......
Russia................ ..............
Portugal...........................

44
3
g
10
5

5.0

1
12

5
4
2
1

Total..............................

Unclassified.............................

6.0

Grand total...................

200

100.0

12.5

The majority of those having more than an elementary schooling
had gone to high school, one was a university graduate, one came
from a fashionable girls’ seminary, and two had attended a com
mercial college. A few others might have had further schooling,
but “ never cared much for books.” Forty per cent of the 54
workers studied in the shops of Worcester were high-school girls,
and 39 per cent from the ninth grade. The girls in the dress
making trade of a city like Worcester are from distinctly a higher

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OM EN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

social stratum than those found in the manufacturing industries.
Many came from families where financial pressure did not prematurely
force them into the industrial world, yet when they were ready to
earn their: living, the custom trades, dressmaking and millinery,
seemed the only or most desirable openings available.
Whether the higher educational status in the dressmaking trade
represents a definite and commensurate cash value would be difficult
to determine from the 200 cases visited, for many influences such as
length of experience, physical condition, artistic sense, and adminis
trative ability complicate the problem. It might be suggested,
however, that the higher educational status and higher wage scale
observed in custom dressmaking doubtless have some relation.1 And
a very obvious relation may be seen between the educational status
and the higher social status which characterize the dressmaking trade,
raising it above the manufacturing industries.
Nationality is also an interesting factor in determining success and
advancement. But 4 of the 24 foreign bom and bred who were
personally visited earned less than $9, and two of these were less than
20 years of age and had had but 2 years’ experience. More than onehalf (58) of the 100 firms visited expressed a distinct preference for
girls of foreign birth or descent, especially Irish, Swedes, and Nova
Scotians; and their reasons are sometimes most suggestive. One
of the large fashionable dressmakers prefers “ European girls trained
in the trade schools of Europe.” Another says, “ Foreign girls are
the best workers. They are willing to adapt themselves to shop
conditions. They are anxious to leam, are quick and bright. A
little Austrian girl who could not speak the English language started
in with me four years ago on $1 a week. She is now making $8 a
week.” “ I have had two Italian girls this year,” said another,
“ who were trained in the shops of Venice. They are the best workers
I ever had.” The superiority of trade training on the continent and
the greater facilities for obtaining it are, in the opinion of English
students of the subject, the explanation of the superiority of the
European worker,3 which in turn explains the greater demand for
her services.
Forty-three per cent of the 5,711 women dressmakers reported in
Boston in 1905 were foreign bom, and almost three-fourths (71.8
per cent) were of foreign parentage.8 This predominance of women
of foreign descent is probably due to the fact that sewing is still more
i See forthcoming bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics on Industrial Efficiency of
Girls Trained in Massachusetts Trade Schools.
* Boy and Girl Labor, by N . Adler and R . H . Tawney, London, 1909. London County Council,
Women’s Trades. Fifteenth Report of the Education Committee of the London County Council (1908),
by Mrs. Oakeshott, p. 16.
8 Census of Massachusetts, 1905, Vol. II, Occupations., p. 155. Forty-five per cent of the 6,568 reported
in 1910 were foreign born and 73.3 per cent were of foreign parentage. United States Census, 1910.
Occupation Statistics, p. 473.

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

prevalent in the homes of these people than among Americans of
native parentage, and still occupies an important place in the schools
and convents, so that the sewing trades offer the obvious opportunity
for a livelihood. The men in the trade, though relatively few, are
practically all (90.9 per cent) foreign bom, the majority being Rus
sian Jews. Of the women of foreign parentage, 30.2 per cent were
Irish and 20.2 per cent British American, only 5 per cent being Rus
sian or Italian.
According to the United States census for 1900,1 women of French
parentage formed the largest proportion of women in the trade.
Very few such women were found among the dressmakers of Boston,
and in the State as a whole they formed, according to the Massa
chusetts census of 1905, less than 1 per cent of those in the trade.
Several years ago the largest and most exclusive shop in Boston tried
the experiment of importing several expensive dressmakers from
Paris to take charge of the dressmaking department, but after several
years’ experience the firm was forced to admit the scheme a failure.
In spite of American dependence on Paris, Parisian creations' must
bo modified and Americanized to meet popular acceptance, and the
conclusion from long experience is that Americans or Americanized
women best know and appreciate American needs, demands, and
tastes.
Both the industrial and living conditions of the workers in the
dressmaking trade contribute to individualism and isolation and
make organization or cooperative action difficult. While the workers
in certain trades, such as machine-made clothing and many manu
facturing industries, congregate to a marked degree in certain sec
tions of the city, those in the custom dressmaking trade of Boston
are to a large extent suburbanites. To the north, the south, the
east, and the west they were found in neighboring suburbs and even
in surrounding cities. The character of the industry partially explains
this situation. The workers are presumably in the trade because
of some aptitude for the work, hence go to the city where lies the
best opportunity for development. The worker in the unskilled
industry may take one kind of work as well as another and usually
chooses that near home or easily accessible. The working force
of certain industries, especially the unskilled, are, moreover, charr
acterized by certain racial groups which tend to congregate in par
ticular neighborhoods, but dressmaking is the meeting place of a
great variety of social and racial elements.
The majority, over three-fourths of the 200 workers visited, lived
at home; 137 of these formed a part of the family group, while 16
were in homes of thoir own.

* United States Cenus, 1900. Statistics of Women at Work, p. 71.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

T artu 19,-LIVINa CONDITIONS OF 200 WORKERS PERSONALLY VISITED.
i

Number.

Per cent.

Contributing:
Bnpportintr f a r r ^ ily ,________
All of wages..................................
Part of wages...............................
Paying board...............................
Service..........................................

17
43
34
8
12

8.5
21.5
17.0
4.0
1.0
52.0

Living conditions.

With fam ily.

Total..........................................

104

Not contributing..... ........................
Not reporting as to disposition of
wages..............................................

4.0

12.5

Total, living with family___

137

68.5

In subsidised homes.........................
With relatives ..............................
With friends......................................
With others.......................................

12
6
8
20

6.0
3.0
4.0
10.0

Total........................................

23.0

5
11

2.5
5.5

8.0

B oarding .

H ousekeeping .
Cooperative.......................................
Independent.....................................
Total.................................
Unclassified.......................................

Grand total.............................

200

100.0

i These 2 contributed by sewing for the family.

A small number, 17, of those living with the family group, had
dependents such as a widowed mother or invalid sister. None
earned less than $9, though one-half did not exceed $12. The 16
in homes of their own have been tabulated under the heading
“ housekeeping.” Two were mothers with two children dependent
on them, one earning $18 and one but $9. The young son of the latter
earned $5. Five formed part of a cooperative scheme, where several
brothers and sisters with neither mother nor father maintained a
home on the cooperative basis, each contributing to a common
housekeeping fund.
To what extent the family may be dependent on the young worker
it is difficult to determine. While her small wage in many cases
was a very helpful supplement to the family income, yet the family
could subsist in case of the child’s illness or idleness during slack
season. Twenty-five of the 137 workers living with their families
made no report as to the disposition of their earnings. The extent
to which the reminder used their wages for family purposes is shown
by the following table.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 2 0 . — EXTENT TO WHICH WORKERS LIVING AT HOME CONTRIBUTED TO THE

FAMILY INCOME.
[Based on personal interviews.]
Workers.
Contribution.

Contributing all wages..
Contributing service___
Contributing part wage.
Paying board.................
Making no contribution.
Not reporting..................
Total.

Number.

Per cent

17
43

8
25

12.4
32.1
1.5
24.8
5.1
5.9
18.2

137

100.0

12
34
8

i These 2 contributed by sewing for the family.

The majority of those who contributed all their wages to the
family were not over 21 and did not earn more than $8, though a
German girl of 23 and an English girl of 22, each earning $10 a
week, turned in the pay envelope untouched. Among those who
turned in part of their wages, the contribution ranged from one-fifth to
five-sixths of the wage, the rest being retained for personal expenses,
such-as clothes and carfare. More than three-fourths of these were
over 18 years of age, but the income of almost two-thirds of them
was less than $9.
A very small proportion (5.9 per cent) contributed nothing to
the family income. One girl of 20, earning $6 a week, said her
money was her spending money. The parents of the others were
able and willing to give the girl experience in managing her own
finances, from which she clothed herself and paid all expenses except
board. But one of this group was over 20 years of age. A girl of
17, earning $6, gives her mother $2 when she wants it, but usually
uses her earnings for her own expenses. Another girl of 19, earning
$8.50, gives “ some to the family, according to what it needed.” Four
girls, earning $6.50, $7, $12, and $13.50, “ pay board while working.”
An equally small proportion (5.1 per cent) controlled their own in
comes from which they paid board to the family, all being 20 <Srmore
years old.
Married women, as M. Aine reported for Paris, form a small pro
portion of the custom workers in Boston. But 2$ per cent of the
200 visited and 6 per cent of the 545 (16 years of age and over) studied
from the pay rolls were married women. However, they consti
tuted three times as large a proportion (17.6 per cent) of the 500
factory workers studied from pay rolls. These statistics corroborate
conclusions drawn from study of the trade both at home and
abroad—that, in general, the older women and those who have had
to reenter the industrial field find more opportunity in the less
skilled branch of the industry.

DBESSMAKING A S A TBADE FOB W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Less than one-fourth of the 200 workers personally visited could
be termed “ adrift” and almost one-third of these lived with rela
tives or friends, showing the desire for connection with some family
group. One-fourth of this group lived in subsidized boarding houses
for women, doubtless because of the low cost of living but perhaps
to some extent because of the social life offered. Slightly more than
half earned less than $9, the remainder earning more. Combining
the workers living in subsidized houses with those living with rela
tives and friends, more than one-half of this group may be said to
be questionably independent.
The great majority of the workers visited are therefore “ women
living at home” and their homes provided an interesting sociological
study, ranging from an attractive suburban residence surrounded by
ample lawn and beautiful flowers to a miserable tenement in a poor
and crowded section. The visitor could often form little conception
from a glance about the house of the type of girl she might expect
to see. A ring at the door-befl of a tumble-down frame house in
one of the poorest sections of the city might be answered by a welldressed girl with the unquestionable “ air” of one who comes in
contact with people of refinement. She was a fine lady to her sister
who worked in a factory and to the rest of the family, who had not
had her opportunities to see, to imitate, and to develop ease of
manner, and good taste in dress.
In general, the beneficent influence of the better industry was
apparent. The girl from the poor uncultured home most certainly
profits by her experience in the custom shop. Contact with a class
of workers superior to that in manufacturing industries, experience
in handling beautiful materials, incidental if not actual connection
with artistic creation, and training in a trade which she can utilize
in her everyday life undoubtedly give her an advantage which is
apparent.
ATTITUDE TOWARD UNIONS.

Social gradations, industrial conditions, the predominance of
women, and the recent development of the trade from its domestic
stages all militate against organization, so characteristic of the
other branches of garment making but lacking in the custom
dressmaking trade. Although an organization called the Ladies’
Tailors’ and Dressmakers’ Union existed in Boston at the time of
the investigation, it was composed almost entirely of men and repre
sented largely tailoring shops where there was much overtime and
nightwork. The women who were approached on the subject of
unionism expressed contempt for and superiority over such con
nection. This attitude of the women custom workers is due to
various causes. First, custom dressmakers are of a higher social
stratum and feel superior to the factory workers, among whom

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.

unionism has made greatest progress. Second, they know little of the
purpose and meaning of unionism, which to them in their ignorance
means strikes and disorder. Third, they have not felt the need of
organization because they are not exposed to the many petty griev
ances faced by the factory worker, since owing to the character of
the work and size of the shops, fines, piece wage, “ cuts,” and “ speed
ing up” hare not been developed. Fourth, the comparative isola
tion of the custom worker in the small and medium-sized shops
which have been characteristic of the trade does not tend toward
community of understanding and cooperation among the workers of
the trade as a whole. As dressmaking develops toward greater
industrialization, unionism will doubtless make more progress. The
conditions in the industry itself up to the opening of the twentieth
century have militated against such progress.
The labor problem of the dressmaking trade, however, menaces
the existence of the industry, where the disappearance of the ap
prenticeship system has not been followed by other adequate means
of training and preparing workers for the trade, though the develop
ment of the trade itself has increasingly demanded greater skill and
ability. Provision of an adequate working force has become one
of the great problems for solution, for the welfare both of the trade
and of the individual worker. Difficulties in the way are the inca
pacity of the mass of workers to meet the demands of the trade, the
seasonal character of the industry, the lack of system and proper
arrangement of work in individual shops, and a maladjustment of
the labor force due to the lack of an adequate labor and information
bureau through which can be realized the necessary connection
between demand and supply. While sewing is a natural resort for
women, not only for the young women who are directed into it be
cause it seems to be a “ genteel” occupation but for many untrained
women thrown upon their own resources, many are unable to measure
up to the requirements. An adequate system of specialized train
ing or an efficient bureau of guidance and direction might save both
these types the misfortune of failure and find for them the opening
for which they are best fitted.
Since dressmaking is such a skilled trade that it can utilize very
few young girls, many who must earn as soon as the law allows
must first enter unskilled industries, which always offer wide-open
doors to the immature girl. While the capable and more ambitious
may graduate from these unskilled industries, very few do or are able
to, because they do not know what industries offer opportunities for
advancement, or how or where to secure training for something
better, or because they are too tired to take advantage of such train
ing after a long working day of nine or ten hours. Four social
agencies are, therefore notably needed at the present time: (1) Day

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

trade schools which can hold and train the child whose parents can
dispense with her small earnings until she is 16 years old; (2) social
agencies which can keep ambition and courage kindled in the child
who must go to work at 14 in unskilled industries, and can develop
the desire for additional training and advancement; (3) bureaus of
information, vocational advice and guidance to show what indus
tries offer good opportunities for advancement, the requisite quali
fications and ways of developing these qualities, and to make con
nections between employer and worker; and (4) educational agencies
providing part-time schooling in the daytime for the young workers
and more advanced systematic night schools for the older workers
employed during the day.
29885°—Bull. 183—16----- 6

CHAPTER IV.
IRREGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT.
THE SEASONS.

Irregularity of employment in dressmaking depends upon two main
factors, the seasonal nature of the trade and the character of the indi
vidual worker. In other words, seasonal fluctuations and the insta
bility of the working force both have a part in causing irregular
employment.
The social life of a community largely determines the dressmaker’s
season. The tendency of the wealthy class to live in the city only
about six months in the year and to spend an ever-increasing length
of time in the country, causes social festivities to concentrate within
the months of November to January. Upon return from the country
in the fall, the feminine element deluges the dressmakers with orders for
new gowns which must be completed within these few months. Again
in the spring, the first warm day, June weddings, college commence
ments, preparation for a trip abroad or for a sojourn in the country,
all bring in a rush of orders from March to June. But a beautiful
autumn may tempt people to stay in the country later than usual
or a cold, rainy spring may delay the demand for new summer clothes,
thereby affecting the welfare of thousands of workers, for they are
not employed until there is work for them to do.
Moreover, changes in the habits and customs of the people mean new
adjustments for those who serve them, and especially is this true in
the custom dressmaking trade where the relationship is direct and
no intermediate agency equalizes the fluctuation of demand and
supply. The general use of automobiles is making a serious invasion
in the trade, because this, prevalent outdoor pastime decreases the
need for fancy indoor gowns, which largely constitute the work of the
custom dressmaker. The opera in Boston during the last few years
has, on the other hand, greatly increased the amount and value of
product. The earlier exodus to summer resorts brings an earlier
end to the spring “ busy season” and the later return to the city in
the fall a later opening of the shops for the •winter season. The
increasing exodus to the South in midwinter, on the other hand, has
lengthened the winter season in Boston. “ The winter season for
merly was on the decline by Thanksgiving,” said a dressmaker of
long experience; “ now it lasts through December and in some shops
well through Januaiy. Customers must have new clothes suitable
to the southern climate, and their orders help fill in the slack season.”
Business men and women, the Parisian arbiters of fashion, have
still further involved this complex interdependence of the worker

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

and purchaser for their own profit. Taking advantage of the fact that
women of many parts of the world look to Paris for the fashions,
they have formed a dose corporation for mutual protection against
the commercial competition of other cities, and have agreed to exhibit
the new styles in models and fashion books only at specific dates.
No models for summer gowns are shown before February 1, or
for winter gowns before August 1; for summer cloaks before Janu
ary 15 or for winter cloaks before July 15.* Buyers for the United
States and western Europe, therefore, gather in Paris between Janu
ary 15 and February 15, and between July 15 and August 1 to learn
the new styles, and manufacturers, dressmakers, and the fashionable
world await in respectful inactivity the decrees of the great designers.
The frequent and abrupt changes in style decreed by Parisian
fashion leaders may greatly affect the seasons of individual workers.
The vogue of “ princess” and whole dresses meant “ out of work”
earlier for the specialized skirt workers, who made no claim to work
on waists with artistic lines. The “ kimono sleeves ’ ’ meant small need
of specialized sleeve makers, for the waist girl made the sleeves with
the waist. The dainty chiffons left small opportunity for the plain
finisher, as the delicate, perishable materials must be handled with
deft and skilled hands. The increased use of embroidery trimmings
offered occupation to the foreign girls and women who do beautiful
handwork, some of them working in their own homes.
Dependence on Parisian fashion with its consequent congestion
of the working season is largely due to the customer. The ultra
fashionable dressmaker whose customers insist on the latest Parisian
whims must wait for the new models. “ If I had two models side
by side, one of my own and one of Parisian make,- the customer would
choose mine, if she was not aware that it was American made, but
if told, of course would wish the Parisian model,” said one dress
maker. “ One must have 'models’ ” (which always means Parisian
models), say all dressmakers who cater at all to fashionable people;
so they must go to Europe once or twice a year, and the workrooms fre
quently are idle until their return. Social festivities then come with
a rush, and the workrooms are suddenly transformed from barren,
deserted rooms to crowded, busy workshops and hundreds of orders
are rushed through at high speed. The work is soon turned out and
the workers are rapidly laid off. The less “ exclusive” shops depend
on importers who bring the models from Paris to New York, while
the still more modest dressmakers depend on fashion books and shop
windows for the new styles. The dressmaker who caters to the
middle and lower classes is much less bound by Parisian decreed,
and as a result has a longer and more regular season. The small
1 L’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confection & Paris, par L6on de Seilhac, p. 29. A new and more
rigid syndicate has been organized by Paul Poiret during 1915-16. See report In New York Times, Jan.
23,1916.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

dressmaker who is clever and has good taste and inventive genius
makes her own “ Paris models ’ ’ in the dull season, or persuades her cus
tomers that there is to be little change in the styles of evening gowns,
and since they do not desire the latest freaks of fashion, she is not
delayed by waiting for Parisian mandates.
The working, or “ busy, seasons” vary for different localities, dif
ferent shops, and different years,1 but on the whole the orders for
summer work tend to come in from March to June and for the winter
work from September' to December. The two seasons, spring and
fall, characterize the dressmaking trade. The working force is grad
ually taken on through March and reaches its maximum in April and
May. During the five months, April to August, which mark the
heights and depths of the dressmaking season, the maximum number
employed during the year has been gathered into the folds of the
trade and scattered again to the four winds. While there is a pre
cipitous drop in the number employed in June, July, and August, an
equally rapid rise occurs in September and October, when the workers
are again assembled for the winter’s work, and the season reaches its
height in November. However, the decline in January and February is
never so great as in summer, as the majority of shops resort to various
makeshifts to hold their best workers for the coming spring season.
An intensive study of the pay rolls of 14 custom shops in Boston,
chosen so as to include varied types, shows a striking similarity to
the seasonal fluctuation reported by the United States census.*
This is plainly shown in the following table:
T a b l e 2 1 . — AVERAGE NUMBER OF WORKERS EMPLOYED IN CUSTOM DRESSMAKING

IX THE UNITED STATES IN 1900,« AND IN 14 SHOPS IN BOSTON IN 1910,» B Y MONTHS.
United States.
Month.

Average
number.^

14 shops in Boston.

Per cent of
Average
median
number.c
number.

Per cent of
median
number.

January...............................................................................
February............................................................................
March..................................................................................
April...................................................................................
Ma y ...................................................
June....................................................................................
July.................................................................................
August....................... - .....................................................
September..........................................................................
October...............................................................................
November...........................................................................
December............................................................................

39,593
38,345
48,349
56,700
57,596
50,412
34,076
23,615
39,159
52,276
54,962
52.057

80
78
98
115
117
102
69
48
79
106
111
105

256
257
268
319
314
275
181
11
150
275
329
296

94
95
99
117
115
101
67
4
55
101
121
109

Median number........................................................

49,381

100

272

100

« Calculated from United States Census. 1900. Manufactures. Vol. V III. Pt. I. p. 54. (Men. women,
and children combined.)
'
&From pay rolls of 14 Boston shops, September, 1910, to September, 1911.
c The average number employed each month is secured by adding the numbers employed each week
during the month in each of the shops, A . B. etc. (see Table 23), and dividing this total by the number
of wee>.s worked that month for each individual shop; the resultant monthly averages in the 14 shops
are added for the total average number employed each month in the combined shops. This method
makes the monthly averages comparable with those secured by the census from individual employers,
j. ( ' Miss Irwin, in her study of the trade in Scotland, recognized this fact. “ The busy and slack seasons
in the dressmaking trade are naturally largely dependent on social and local causes in different districts.’*
Great Britain, Royal Commission on Labor, 1893. Conditions of Work in Scotland, by Margaret Irwin,
p. 292.
8 See Chart A .

BULLETIN- OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

C h a r t A __ FLUCTUATION OF THE WORKING FORCE, B Y MONTHS, IN' CUSTOM DRESS-

MAKING IN THE UNITED STATES IN 19001 AND IN 14 SHOPS IN BOSTON IN 1910.«

------- United States.................... 14 Boston shops.

The curve for Boston does not drop as low in the dull winter
months of January and February as that for the United States as a
whole, but falls lower in August. Almost exactly the same variation
appears between the curves for custom shops in London and for the
United Kingdom as a whole.8 These differences may be partially
due to the fact that on the one hand the majority of Boston dress
makers attempt by various expedients to tide over the dull winter
season because of the scarcity of good workers and the danger of
laying them off, and, on the other hand, the established custom among
the wealthy and middle classes of Boston of spending the summer
out of town results in little or no demand in the summer months.4
Moreover, this variation may be due not only to the differencein
demand among the city and the country people as a whole, but also
to the fact that the fluctuations of employment over a larger area
neutralize each other and smooth the curves.
The two branches of the women’s clothing trade have different
working seasons. Thefactorv dressmaking busy seasons precede those
in custom dressmaking, since the ready-made gowns must be com
i United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Vol. V III, Pt. I, p. 54.
* From pay rolls of 14 Boston shops, September, 1910, to September, 1911.
* Clothing and Textile Trades. Summary tables by L . W . Papworth and D. N . Zimmern, published
by Women’s Industrial Council, London, 1912. (Summary tables based on census returns.)
« These Boston returns do not cover any private dressmakers, because none could be found who kept
pay rolls, but they are for that reason more comparable to the census returns, which do not include dress*
makers working in their homes or turning out an annual product of less than $500.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

pleted, shipped to their destination, and placed on sale in time to
meet the demand for new winter and summer clothes/
The following table shows the difference between the two branches
in this respect:
T able

2 2 .—AVERAGE NUMBER OP W ORKERS EMPLOYED IN

14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, B Y MONTHS.

[Based on pay rolls.]
Manufacturing shops.

Custom shops.
Month.

Average
number.

Per cent
of median
number.

Average
number.

Percent
of median
number.

July.....................................................................................
August............... ................................................................
September..........................................................................
October..............................................................................
November................ .........................................................
December.......... ................................................................

256
257
268
319
314
275
181
11
150
275
329
296

94
95
99
117
115
101
67
4
55
101
121
109

164
189
194
166
116
121
141
132
180
189
137
105

108
124
128
109
76
80
93
87
113
124
90
69

Median number........................................................

272

100

152

100

January............................................................................
February.......... ...............................................................
April.................. ...............................................................
May.................... ; ...................................... ........................

C h art

B .—FLUCTUATION OF THE WORKING FORCE, B Y MONTHS, IN 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON.
{Based on Table 22.]

.. .......Custom s h o p s ...................... F a c t o r i e s •

The factory force is, therefore, being taken on in January when
custom workers are being laid off and the busy season reaches its

1 See Chart B .

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

height in March, one month ahead of the custom season. After a
reduction of the working force of factory dressmaking in April and
May, it increases with more or less fluctuation through the summer
months, June, July, and August, but it is not until September that
the orders of timid and uncertain merchants justify a definite increase.
In October the height of the fall season is reached, one month earlier
than in the custom branch.
The difference in seasons in custom and factory dressmaking would
seem to offer a good opportunity for dovetailing work in custom shops
and factories, but the opportunity is not so great as appears on the
surface. First, the seasons overlap, the factory season beginning
about one month earlier but not ending before the custom season
begins. Employers are averse to employing workers who will
not remain through the season, and the worker, once located,
frequently remains rather than change. Second, the methods
of work in custom and factory dressmaking are very different.
Custom dressmaking is largely fine handwork, and great care
is required in basting, measuring, and fitting. Factory dressmaking
is largely machine work, which necessitates skill and experience in
putting the parts together quickly without basting, and running
them through the machines rapidly and accurately. The handwork
in the factory is for the most part very elementary, such as sewing
on buttons, snipping threads, etc., though the work of drapers, who
constitute less than 15 per cent of the force, is more closely akin to
custom work.1 Machine operators, however, dovetail work in custom
shops and factories fairly well.2
The range of seasonal fluctuation is less marked for the shop force
in factory dressmaking (128 per cent to 69 per cent) than in the
custom branch (121 per cent to 4 per cent), since the manufacturer
need not wait for the order of the individual wearer to utilize his
large and expensive plant. Because the factory works 52 weeks in
the year while the custom shop has a usual year of 40 weeks, and
because the fluctuation of the force as a whole is less marked, the
impression has become established that factory dressmaking offers
steadier and more continuous work for the individual workers. Inten
sive study of fourteen custom shops and two factories which seem to
be representative types do not bear out this supposition.
Individual shops show a great variation in working season. The
dates of opening and closing, the steadiness of the force during the
working season, and the length of the busy season and of the work
ing year vary widely in different shops. Only two of the fourteen
shops in Boston from which pay-roll records were taken were open
i Drapers constituted 14 per cent of 215 factory workers employed in week of maximum employment.
* L ’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confection & Paris, par L4on de Seilhac. M. Seilhac also points out
the possibility for dovetailing work in custom shops with work in ready-made clothing factories in Pads.

DRESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

the first week in September and the last week in August. Six of
the fourteen shops opened the second week in September, one the
third week, three the fourth week, one the first week in October, and
one the second week in November, while even greater variation is
observed in the date of closing. But the different types of shops
have characteristic working seasons which become apparent from
the study of 139 establishments in Boston and surrounding cities.
The following table giving the weekly working force throughout
the year in 16 establishments studied in Boston shows the extent of
these differences:
T a b l e 83.—NUMBER OF W ORKERS EMPLOYED IN 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2

MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, B Y W EEKS.
[Based on pay rolls, September, 1910, to September, 1911.]
Number employed in specified—
Manufactur
ing shops.

Custom shops.

Month and week.1
A*

To
tal.

September:
2
2
4 22 145 167
1st w e e k ...........
6
6
2 10
2
3
41 20 155
2d week............... 9 3
175
2 11 *6* 3
7
13
106 29 153
182
3d week............... 25 27 12
10 20 17 i2
5 10 6
1
7
213 35 160 195
4th week............. 51 46 28
4
16 14
62
7
7
110
5th w eek...
i
October:
4 260 30 158 188
20 22 17 18 10 10 6
7
7
1st week.............. 61 50 28
6
21 22 17 21 11 11
7
7
5 266 33 151
2d week............... 59 54 25
184
24 23 17 20 11 14
8
5 284 37 153
7
7
3d week............... 61 57 30
190
24 23 19 19 13 14
9 .6
6 278 37 159
50 57 31
7
196
4th week..........
8
56 29
24 22
14
6 159 37 147
5th week.___
184
November:
8
25 22 20 20 14 15 10 5
7 292 37 145
1st week.............. 60 56 30
182
9 5
6 330 35 120
8
2d week............... 61 57 31 *34* 24 23 20 20 16 16
155
9 5
8
6 331 24
3d week............... 59 60 32 31 25 24 20 19 16 17
87
111
8
6 328 23
76
4th week.............. 54 61 32 31 25 24 21 18 16 17 10 5
99
8
8
5 th week...
December:
8
6 327 21
98
1st week.............. 50 61 30 31 27 24 27 18 14 16 10 5
119
8
5 316 21 111 132
2d week............... 46 65 30 28 27 24 24 17 13 15 10 4
8
3d week............... 38 62 31 31 29 24 24 16 12 15 10 4
5 309 10 103
113
8
4 296
8
4th week.............. 35 62 27 29 29 24 22 16 12 14 10 4
97
105
6
10 3
41
5 224
41
5th week............ 21 58 26 18 22 23 19 13
January:
6
4
8
4 260 11 120 131
8 14
1st week.............. 18 62 22 25 25 23 19 22
4
2d week............... 18 55 22 27 24 22 16 22 12 13 5
4 251 14 149 163
7
9
4
8
4 253 18 161
3d week............... 19 54 22 26 24 22 13 22 13 13
179
4
9
4 257 15 166 181
9
4th week.............. 20 54 24 26 22 24 12 22 14 13
12
12 16
5th week...
16
February:
8 25 24 12 21
4 11
9
9
1st week.............. 30 52 25
3 233 16 171
187
2d week............... 37 51 26 26 26 24 10 20 14 11
9
9
3 266 18 178 196
3d week............... 36 42 23 27 26 23 12 20 15 11
9 *T
9
3 257 21 169 190
4th week............ 34 28 25 27 26 25 12 20 15 13 11
2
9
3 250 29 153
182
5th week............
9
9
March:
6 29 31 27 25 12 19 15 13 11
9
3 238 37 158 195
1st week.............. 38
6 27 27 25 25 11 19 15 14 11
2d week............... 39
9
3 231 35 157
192
3d week............... 44 38 29 29 28 26 13 20 14 14 11 “ 2* 9 3 280 33 164
197
9
4th week.............. 49 52 35 30 25 27 14 20 16 13 11 3
3 307 32 158 190
16
3
5th week..............
19
April:
4 317 30 154
4 10
184
1st wee)s:.............. 48 54 34 30 26 27 16 22 17 14 11
4 312 28 147
4 10
175
2d week............... 46 56 31 32 25 26 15 22 16 14 11
4 321 29 142
4 11
171
3d week............... 49 57 33 31 28 26 15 22 16 14 11
4 321 28 137 165
5 11
4th week.............. 51 58 30 30 26 25 17 22 17 14 11
4 271 27 107
11
134
5th week.............. 51 58 30 31 27 25 15 19
i The variation in the number of weeks m the month in different shops is due to the fact that the pay
day varies. Some shops close the books Thursdays and some Fridays,
aA and L are commercialized shops.

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 23.—NUMBER OF W ORKERS EMPLOYED IS 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2

MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, B Y W EEKS-Conctaded.
Number employed In specified—
Manufacturing

Custom shops.
Month and week.i
A1 B
May:
1st week..
2d w eek..
3d week..
4th week.
5th week.
June:
1st week..
2d week..
3d week..
4th week.,
5th week.,
July:
1st week..
2d w eek..
3d week..
4th week.,
5th week.,
August:
1st week..
2d week..
3d week..
4th week..
5th week..
Total numberin year.
Maximum number at
onetime.................
Median number.........
Number of weeks in
working year..........

To
tal.

22
27
22
25

To
tal,

319
315
312
307
13

100

292
287
271
254
43

95
96
96
91
99

121

99
118
143
117

123
162
137

116

22 14
19 ] ....
16 ! . ...
15 i___

126
109

111

118

121

116
99
112

111

145
154
99

59 j 45 |39

56 j 35 | 37 | 25

35 j 34 29 j 27
28 j 28 j 25 |23

27 ! 23 j 19 ; 17
15 j 20 15 j 13

45 i 37 1 41 ! 44 . 46

; ! i i

j 45 j 45 j 47

446
215

1 See notes on p. 89.

The seasons of the dressmaker who conducts a shop depend on four
factors—the weather, the social life and habits of her clientele, the
size of her working force, and her own ingenuity and administrative
capacity—so that, while the different types of shops have each a char
acteristic working season, individual shops within that type may show
variation either way. The private dressmaker has long seasons, first,
because her clientele, consisting mostly of the middle class, does not
demand the latest Parisian whims, so she need not go to Europe nor
wait for the latest styles to begin her work; second, because their
social life and demands are comparatively uniform throughout the
year. More than one-half, 60 per cent, of the private dressmakers
visited in Boston, Worcester, Lowell, and Cambridge, reported work
ing seasons of 11 to 12 months, which seems to be characteristic of
this type in other countries as seen from reports from Paris, London,
and Glasgow.1
i Investigators report a similar situation in other countries. Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie,
Vol. II, Le VStement k Paris, pp. 412, 415, 419. Women’s Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by
Margaret Irwin, p. 34. Miss Irwin says: “ On the whole the workers for private dressmakers appeared to
have less slack time than those employed by shops, although two of the latter (employees) were very
emphatic in their statements to tho contrary. One girl said she had never lost a day in a shop, and she
had weeks of ‘ idleset ’ with private dressmakers. Probably the shops keep a regular staff of workers to
whom they give steady employment throughout the year, while there appears to be a floating body of
workers who get employment in them during the busy season, and who are discharged when the
pressure is over.’’ Women's Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin, p. 36.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

T a b l e 2 4 . — LENGTH OF W ORKING YE AR , BY TYPES OF SHOPS.

[Based on reports of 138 employers.]
Kind of shop.

Length of working year.

Commer
cialized.
Num
ber.

Per
cent.

12 months....... *.....................
11 and under 12 months.......
10 and under 11 months........
9 and under 10 months.........
8 and under 9 months...........

2
1
1
3

28.5
14.3
14.3
42.9

T otal...........................

100.0

i One employer not reporting.

Specialized.

Transition.

Private.

Total
num
ber.

Num
ber.

Per
cent.

Num
ber.

Per
cent.

Num
ber.

Per
cent.

8
28
12
1

16.3
57.2
24.5
2.0

3
8
15
7
2

8.6
22.8
42.9
20.0
5.7

9
20
14
3
1

19.1
42.6
29.8
6.4
2.1

14
37
58
25
4

1 49

100.0

2 47

100.0

138

2 Two employers not reporting.

The seasonal fluctuation and irregularity of work become more
serious for both employer and worker in the next and more complex
type of shop, in the stage of transition. The social life of the clientele
is more centered in certain social events and more confined within
certain limited seasons. Some go South for the winter, while many
leave town for the summer. Consequently the work tends to con
centrate in two fairly definite periods, spring and fall, leaving two
equally definite perioids, summer and winter,1in which little is done.
The range of variation in the clientele is, however, still sufficiently
wide to offer a fairly satisfactory solution of the seasonal problem to
a good proportion of employers. The customers who go South in the
winter provide work for January and February. Others send in their
work before the spring rush. The increasing use of shirt waists and
wash dresses, and the earlier exodus to the summer resorts, have
opened up the spring season in February, so that some employers find
the winter seasonal depression growing less marked than formerly.
While the private dressmakers showed a well-marked grouping
in the 11 to 12 months’ season, the shops of the transition stage
distinctly group in the 10 and less than 11 months’ season, 42.9 per
cent being found here. Ninety-one and five-tenths per cent of the
private dressmakers had a season of 10 or more months, but only 74.3
per cent of the shops of the transition stage came in this group; that
is, only 8.5 per cent of the private dressmakers, as compared with 25.7
per cent of the shops in the stage of transition, worked less than 10
months, the characteristic season for the trade.
The working year varies with the city in which these shops are
located, as shown by Table 25, since it is the social life of the people
which determines the seasons.
i Women’s Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking, by Margaret Irwin, p. 33., Also Cadbury, “ Women’s
Work and W ages/’ p. 102: “ Dressmaking is a season trade, but the fluctuations are much more felt in
the fashionable districts.”

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS,

T a b l e 2 5 . — NUMBER AND TYPE OF SHOPS IN 5 MASSACHUSETTS CITIES, BY LENGTH

OF WORKING YEAR .
[Cased on reports of 138 employers.)

Boston.
Length of working
year.

Lowell, Cambridge,
Somerville.

Worcester.

Com Spe
Spe |Tran- Pri
mer cial Tran Pri Total. cial
Tran Pri- *i
cial* ized. sition. vate.
•sition. vate. Total. sition. vate. Total.
ized.
ized.
1
!

12 months.......................
11 and under 12 months..
10 and under 11 months..
9 and under 10 months..
8 and under 9 Tyiptitha

2
1
1
3

Total.....................

3
125
12
1

2
3
13
5
2

6
10
28
2
1

10
17
47
22
. 4

5
3

3 41

100

1
3

1
5
1

2
13
4

i
1

2
2
2

2
5
5
1

2
7
7
3

<13

1 Two opened shops in summer resorts in July and August, thus realizing practically a 12 months* season.
* One opened a shop in a summer resort in July and August, thus realizing practically a 12 months’
season.
« One shop unclassified.
* Two shops unclassified.

In Boston over half the shops of the transition stage have the 10
months’ season, while in Worcester none have less than an 11 months’
season, because the social life of the smaller city is less concentrated
within short periods, the clientele is less dependent on Parisian
decrees and delays, and the seasonal exodus is less marked than in a
large city, these combined causes resulting in a longer and more
regular working season for the dressmaker.
Seasonal fluctuation and irregularity of work reach their height in
the large shop of specialized workers. The dependence on Parisian
fashion and the migratory habits of the fashionable patrons cause
the ordere to be massed within two or three months of the spring and
of the fall, thus necessitating a large force for a short time. A large
force demands expensive head workers, whose salaries represent
a large expenditure. Economical management, therefore, means
putting the orders through at full speed and laying off the workers
as fast as they can be dispensed with.
The characteristic year of the large custom shop is 10 months, 57
per cent of the 49 shops visited coming within this group. A smaller
proportion than of the shops in the transition stage reported a working
year of 10 months or more, and a slightly larger percentage worked less
than 10 months, most of the latter being in Boston.
The commercialized shop, combining custom and ready-to-wear
production for more than a local market, may equalize, to some
extent, the marked seasonal fluctuations experienced in some of the
fashionable custom shops, since the stock must be made up in advance
of the custom season, to be on sale when the demand comes. The
sales department also provides an outlet for the product, which may
be made up in dull season and disposed of by midwinter and summer

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

sales.1 Of the seven commercialized shops visited in Boston, two
reported a 12 months' season, one 11, one 10, and three 9 months,
but the pay-roll records of two of these show that only a small pro
portion of the workers profit by the longer season.2 The largest shop
of this type in Boston, employing 400 to 500 workers, has a piece
work system which places the employee under a double disad
vantage. She must take vacations and also frequently has slack work
and a corresponding fractional week's wage.
The solution of the seasonal problem in alteration departments
has been approached from several sides. One exclusive furnishing
store tries to hold the whole force by midsummer and midwinter
sales and transfers from one department to another. “ This shifting
is a matter of careful and scientific management.”
Some alteration establishments have two classes of employees—
the regular or week workers and the seasonal or pieceworkers, the
latter bearing the brunt of the seasonal fluctuations.
The wholesale dressmaking factory has a working season of 52
weeks, but the decline of demand in midwinter and spring causes a
reduction of the force in November and December and in May, so
that but a small proportion of workers profits by the longer shop year.
THE WORKERS’ SEASON.

While the working season of the shop varies in the main from 10
to 12 months, the season of the individual worker shows a much
wider range. The duration of employment within a given year
depends partly on the worker's own skill and ability and partly on
trade conditions over which she has no control. Taking the trade as
a whole, the number employed each month varies as shown in the
following table:
T a b le

2 6 .—AVERAGE NUMBER OF MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN EMPLOYED IN
CUSTOM DRESSMAKING IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1900,« BY MONTHS.
Men.

Women.

Average
number.

Percent
of median
number.

January.....................................
February...................................
March........................................
........................ .
April.........................................
May...........................................
June...........................................
July...........................................
August.......................................
September.................................
October.....................................
November.................................
December..................................

3,863
4,021
5,187
5,688
5,220
3,720
2,451
2,416
4,065
5,283
5,563
5,071

85
88
114
125
114
81
54
53
89
116
122
111

Median number..............

4,568

100

Month.

Children.

Percent
of median
number.

Average
number.

35,359
33,958
42,741
50,571
51,940
46,288
31,316
20,973
34,736
46,583
48,976
46,579

79
76
96
114
117
104
70
47
78
104
110
104

371
366
421
441
436
404
309
226
358
410
423
407

91
90
104
109
107
100
76
56
88
101
104
100

44,515

100

406

100

Average
number.

Percent
of median
number.

* United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Vol. V IH , Pt. I, p. 54.
* The secretary of the investigation committee of the Seasons Trades’ Conference held in London, Feb.
27,1901, reported that “ in some branches of industry (Investigated in London, Liverpool, and Leicester,
dressmaking being . . . preponderantly represented) it is possible to make up stock in slack seasons, but
In many cases the employees are discharged.” Women’s Industrial News, Mar., 1901, p. 220. The bureau
of labor reports houses in Paris which make “ modeles pour l’exportation ” as an accessory industry. Office
du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vttement k Paris, p. 467.
* See Table 23, pp. 89,90.

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOK STATISTICS.

It will be seen that for men, women, and children alike the number
employed falls below or does not exceed the median for six months
of the year. In other words, a considerable number of those em
ployed during the busy season are without work, so far as dressmaking
is concerned, for at least six months of the year.
The table also shows that while a six months’ working season pre
vails for the three component parts of the working force, men, women,
and children, as well as for the entire working force, the dates of
beginning and ending are not identical. The spring season for the
men (tailors) begins in February, which is the lowest point of the
midwinter season of the women workers, since the demand for the
tailored garment precedes that for the house dress, so more than the
median number of men workers is employed during March, April, and
May, and of women during April, May, and June.
The spring season for the men, i. e., the tailoring season, opens and
closes one month earlier than that for the women, i. e., the dress
making season. August marks the lowest depths for all -workers.
During September, men, women, and children are taken on as the
orders straggle in from the returning patrons, and October, Novem
ber, and December constitute the fall season for all three groups.1
Although six months represents the working season for at least
the median number employed in the trade, the season of the indi
vidual worker may vary considerably on either side of this limit. One
class of workers, and only one ,can be comparatively independent of sea
sonal fluctuations. The capable dressmaker who goes out by the day
can have steady work for as much of the year as she chooses. The
reports of the several workers of this kind who were visited during
this investigation corresponded with the statements of both American
and foreign students of the subject. One reported that she worked
11 months, and three that they worked from 10 to 10£ months in the
year. “ Miss D-------- makes no appointments between the middle
of July and September.” Another “ could work all the year, but I
need a rest of a month or two.” The demand for good dressmakers
who will go out by the day is so well known that shop employees
sometimes resort to this kind of work as a means of filling in their slack
seasons.
The shopworkers find their season materially affected by the kind
of shop in which they are employed. The table already given
(Table 23, pp. 89 and 90) to show the variations in the shop seasons
shows also the uncertainty of the -workers’ tenure of employment.
Since the number employed often changes every week, and since
neither the largest nor the smallest number employed is typical in
considering the relation between the season of the shop and that of the
worker, the median force will be used as a basis for the discussion,

1 Sec Chart B .

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

the term being used to indicate the weekly working force when at
least the median number employed through the year are on duty.
The following table shows the relation between the season of thi3
median force and the shop season:
37*—W ORKING YE AR OF EMPLOYEES IN 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND a
MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, SEPTEMBER, 1910, TO SEPTEMBER, 1911.

T a b le

(Based on pay rolls.]
2

Maxi
Median Number
mum
Number
number of weeks
of weeks number employed
the
the shop
of
median
workers during
was
the
number
em
open.
worked.
year.
ployed.

Shop.

Custom:
A ..........................
B ..........................
C .. . . ...................
D ..........................
E ..........................
F ..........................
G..........................
H ..........................
I...........................
J...........................
K .......... .
L ..........................
M .........................
N ..........................
Manufacturing:
X ..........................
Y ....... ..........

47
44
48
50
39

62
65
35
34
29
27
27
23
19
17
11
8
11
7

52
52

37
178

47
45
37
41
44
4ft
45

Percent
Percent
of the
Number Number
of
shop
of the
of
year the season
months months
Che
median
the
the shop median
was
number median
number
open.1 worked.
worked. number
worked.

15
13
10
4
8
4

27
24
23
19
26
32
30
27
24
33
22
32
34
31

51.9
46.2
44.2
36.5
50.0
61.5
57.7
51.9
46.2
63.5
42.3
61.5
65.4
59.6

55.1.
51.1
51.1
51.4
63.4
72.7
65.2
60.0
53.3
70.2
50.0
66.7
68.0
79.5

11.3
10.9
10.4
8.5
9.5
10.2
10.6
10.4
10.4
10.9
10.2
11.1
11.5
9.1

6.2
5.5
5.3
4.4
6.0
7.4
6.3
6.2
5.5
7.6
5.1
7.4
7.8
7.2

25
134

27
25

51.9
48.1

12.0
12.0

6.2
5.3

38.
56
28
28
25
23
15

i
1 Secured by dividing number of weeks by 4.33.

It is apparent that the season is considerably shorter-for the
median force than for the shop. Twelve of the 14 custom shops and
both the factories had a shop year exceeding 40 weeks, but in none
did the median force have a working year exceeding 34 weeks, and
in 8 custom shops and both factories they had less than 30 weeks.
Generally speaking, the median number of weeks the custom shops
were open was 45, as oompared with a 29 weeks’ season for the
median force. That is, the median force had a working season of
about two-thirds the shop year.
The two manufacturing establishments with a 52 weeks’ trade
year employed their median force 25 and 27 weeks, respectively,
about one-half the shop year. None of the 14 custom shops studied
intensively had a working season of less than 8 months, but in
none were at least the median number employed 8 months, and in
nine of the shops they were employed less than 7 months. Eight
shops had the characteristic 10 months’ season; two of these provided
a 7 months’ working season, two a 6 months’ season, and four a 5
months’ season for the median working force. Of the three shops
with an 11 months’ working year, two provided a 7 months’ season

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

and one a 6 months' season for their median force. The working
season for the median force in the large custom (A-D) shops employ
ing more than 25 in the busiest season and for the wholesale manu
facturing shops appears to be approximately one-half the working
year of the shop in which they are employed. The smaller shops
(E-N) employing less than 25 in the height of the season retain their
median force from one-half to three-fourths of the working year.
The significant fact is that 55 per cent of the 600 workers whose
records were taken from pay rolls were employed in shops haying a
maximum of more than 25 workers.
In response to the questions “ What are the seasons?” and “ How
many are employed? ” employers so frequently replied “ It is different
every year,” that the pay-roll records for two or three years were
taken in several shops to see how true this was. The variations of
five shops are shown in Table 28.
T a b l e 3 8 .— NUMBER OF W ORKERS EMPLOYED IN FIVE CUSTOM SHOPS IN DIFFERENT*

YEARS, B Y W EEKS.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Number employed in shop—
D

Month and week.1

1909- 1910- 1908-9 1909- 1910- 1908-9 1909- 1910- 1905-6 1910- 1903-4
1905-6 mi lo
11«
10
11
11
11
10
10
September:
1st w eek...
2d week.. .
3d week.. .
4th week...
October:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th week...
5th week...
November:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th week...
December:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th week...
5th week...
January:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th week...
5th week...
February:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th w eek...
March:
1st w eek...
2d week___
3d week___
4th week...
5th week...

9
22

13
28

12
30

6
13
20

2
7
11
12

2
10
11
10

23
25
28
29
29

25
26
28
29
28

33
37
41
40
41

38
42
42
42
44

22
22
23
23
22

12
13
13
13
12

10
11
14
14
14

56
57
60
61

29
29
29
29

32
31
32
32

34
31
31

41
43
42
42

44
44
45
45

22
23
24
24

13
13
13
13

60
58
58
63

61
65
62
62
58

29
30
29
29

34
34
32
33

31
28
31
29
18

42
42
43
43

44
43
43
43

24
24
24
24
23

53
57
41
42
46

62
55
54
54

28
28
27
25
26

27
28
31
31
30

25
27
26
26

43
43
43
42
44

41
42
43
41
40

44
41
31
29

52
51
42
28

26
27
30
30

32
31
32
32

8
26
27
27

44
44
46
47

3
12
41
49

6
6
38
52

31
32
33
33

33
.....

31
27
29
30

49
47
47
49

6
25

3
27
46

49*
51
55
55
51

50
54
57
58
5(3

57
57
58
63

34
32

4
11
11
8

15
16
17
17

7
7
7
7

10
10
10
9

7
6
6
6

13
12
11
4

16
15
15
14

7
7
7
7

8
8
8
8
5

6
5
5

23
22
22
24

9
10
10
10
9

14
13
13
13
12

7
7
7
7
7

5
5
5
5

4
4
4
4

40
42
42
43

24
24
23
25

9
9
7
12

11
11
11
13

7
7
7
7

5
5
5
7

3
3

43
43
44
43

25
25
26
27

14
13
14
15

13
14
14
13

7
7
7
7

7
8

5
5
6
6

B
8
8

....

3
3
3
3

1 The variation in the number of weeks in the month in different shops is due to the fact that the pay
day varies. Some shops close the books Thursdays and some Fridays.
* Now owned by former forewoman and conducted on somewhat smaller basis.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.
T a b le

28 .—NUMBER OF WORKERS EMPLOYED IN FIVE CUSTOM SHOPS IN DIFFERENT
YEARS, B Y W EEKS—Concluded.
Number employed in shop—
N

Month and week.i
1909- 1910- 1908-9 1909- 1910- 1908-9 1909- 1910- 1903-6
10
11
11
10
10
111
April:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
5th week..
May:
1st week..
2d week...
3d week...
4th week..
5th week..
June:
1st week..
2d week..
3d week..
4th week..
5th week..
July:
1st week..
2d week..
3d week..
4th week..
5th week..
Median number..

mo 1903-4 1905-6
il

mo
il

29
30
30
32
27

31
31
32'
30

1 See notes on p. 96.

Shop B varied blit one week in the date of opening and closed in
exactly the same week in two years. Shop F opened and closed in
exactly the same weeks in two consecutive years, and J and N opened
the same week in 1905 and 1910 and varied but one week in closing.
D opened on different dates in three successive years but varied only
a week in closing. While a customer may need a wedding trousseau
or a mourning outfit early in September or late, in January, or the
employer may decide to stay abroad or to rest until October, or
some such cause may lengthen or shorten a particular working year,
the seasons for the shop as a whole do not vary greatly from
yoar to year. This means that the regular force of workers may
count on a fairly uniform working season. The records of 24 of the
35 permanent workers employed in shop D both in 1909 and 1910
did not show a decreasing season in spite of the popular statement
that the seasons are growing shorter. Three workers in shop J,
whose records in 1910 could be compared with those of five years
before, had the same working year, varying only one or two weeks
The seasons for the median force of workers, however, varied more
noticeably. In the large shops, B and D, the median force, although
forming an increasing proportion of the total number employed, had
shorter seasons in 1910 than in 1909. In the smaller shops, though,
the median force seemed to be securing longer seasons.
29S85"—Bull. 193—16------7

BU LLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

T a b l e 8 9 .—WORKING SEASON* FOR MEDIAN FORCE IK 5 SHOPS IN* DIFFERENT YEARS.

[Based on pay rolls.]
Numljer of weeks for median force in—
Shop.

Season.
1905-6
/Fall
(Spring
/Fall
iSoring
m ill
iSpring
rfSll

B
D
F
J

1909-10

1910-11

10
20
6
18

14
13
8
18
10
11

13
11
7
12
11
21
15
18
18
13

12
16
11
11

fe u * "

1908-9

\Sprin«..

Turning from the working season of the median force to that of
individual workers, no more favorable conditions are found. The
following table shows the actual duration in a given year of each
worker’s employment in shops:
T a b u s 3 0 .— LENGTH OF EMPLOYMENT OF 600 CUSTOM AN'D 522 FACTORY WORKERS IN

SPECIFIED SHOPS, SEPTEMBER, 1910, TO SEPTEMBER, 1911.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Number employed in—
Classified number
of weeks worked.
B

10
3
2
19
28
25
16

A
50 weeks and over...
45 and under 50
weeks....................
40 and under 45
weeks.....................
35 and under 40
weeks.....................
30 and under 35
weeks.....................
25 and under 30
weeks.....................
20 and under 25
weeks.....................
15 and under 20
weeks................. .
10 and under 15
weeks.....................
5 and under 10 weeks
2 and under 5 weeks.
1 week or under.......
Unclassified............

Manufacture
ing shops.

Custom shops.
3)

F. G H i

L* M

N Total. X

Total............... 127

11 .. .. 13

5 ....

7 ....

3 ....

3 ___

3 ; ....

1 ....

2 ___

3 .. ..

11
13
8

5
5
5
13

2
5
5
10

6
7
12
12
1

3
3
5
2

1
9
7
3

3 ....
3 ....
2 ....

1
2 *5*
2 .. ..

2
3
5
4
i
39

Y
* T

39
15

3 ....

100

1 .. ..

2
11

Y Total.

2
1
1
2

55
85
77
72
4

600

5 36
12 72
16 102
12 83

41
84
118
95

76 446 j

522

1 “

i Shop H covers the calendar year of 1911.
* Shop L covers the year from March, 1911, to March, 1912, because the firm had dissolved partnership
and started on a hew basis jnst previous to this period.

While 90 per cent of the people employed in shop K worked six
months or more, only 26.7 per cent in shop A had such good fortune.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Taking the group as a whole, but 41.8 per cent of the 600 custom
workers and only 26.8 per cent of the 522 factory workers studied on
pay rolls for a year period worked six months or more in a single shop.
Only 21.8 per cent of the custom and 15.3 per cent of the factory
workers were employed for as much as 40 weeks, the characteristic
trade year, in one shop.
The figures taken from the United States census, it will be remem
bered, showed a six-months working season for the median force.
How far this differs from the season of the individual worker is shown
by the following table, which gives the percentage of the working
force employed 25 weeks or more, 25 weeks being about half a working
year:
T a b l e 3 1 .—STABILITY OF FORCE FOR ONE YEAR IK 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND

2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON.
[Based on pay rolls.]

Shop.

Custom:
A.....................
B................. .

Working 25 weeks Working under 25
Total
ana over.
weeks.
number
employed
during
year.
Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent.

D....................
E.....................
F.....................
G....................
H ....................
I ..............
J ..............
K .............
L.....................
M....................
N....................

127
99
59
45
39
29
56
35
37
25
11
11
17
10

34
45
25
21
21
24
12
19
12
11
10
5
9
3

26.8
45.5
42.4
46.7
53.9
82.8
21.4
54.3
32.4
44.0
90.9
45.5
52.9
30.0

93
54
34
24
18
5
44
16
25
14
1
6
8
7

73.2
54.5
57.6
53.3
46.1
17.2
78.6
45.7
67.6
56.0
9.0
54.5
47.1
70.0

Total...........

600

251

41.8

349

58.2

Y ....................

76
446

24
116

31.6
26.0

52
330

68.4
74.0

Total...........

522

26.8

382

73.2

c............

Manufacturing:

•140 |

In only 5 of the 14 shops was as much as half of the force employed
for 25 weeks, while the two factories showed each less than one-third
of their force so employed. Only a trifle over two-fifths of the work
ers in custom shops were employed as long as 25 weeks, while hardly
over one-fourth of the factor}' workers were in this group.
The working year is divided, as has been seen, into two seasons,
spring and fall. This has a double effect upon the workers. Hie
seasons seldom coincide in any two shops, since the demands of the
customers of each establishment determine the time when its work is
most pressing and when, as a result, the greatest number is employed.
This variation in the time at which they are required in the different

100

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

shops enables many workers to shift from one shop to another, thus
securing a longer season than they would have in only one. On the
other hand, the division of the working year into two distinct seasons
means for many of the workers a lay-off twice a year, with the attend
ant disadvantages of loss of wages, interruption to habits of regularity,
encouragement to instability and restlessness, and the like. The fol
lowing table shows the possibility of prolonging a short season by
transferring from one shop to another:
T able 3 2 .—DATES OF OPENING AND CLOSING OF FALL AND SPBING SEASONS FOB
MEDIAN FORCE OF WORKERS EMPLOYED IN 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2
MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, SEPTEMBER, 1910, TO SEPTEMBER, 1911.
[Based on pay roils.)
Fall season.1
Shop.

Me
dian
num
ber.

Custom:
A ........................

B ........................

C.........................

D ................

E ................

F ................

G.w.....................

H ................

I .................

J.................

K ................

L ................

M................

N ........................

Manufacturing:
X ........................

Y ........................

134

Spring season.1

Began—

Closed—

Began—

Closed—

4lh week of
September.
3d week of
October.
4th week of
September.
2d week of
November.
1st week of
November.
3d week of
October.
4th week of
September.
2d week of
October.
2d week of
November.
3d week of
October.
1st week of
November.
4th week of
September.
1st week of
November.
1st week of
October.

3d week of
December.
1st week of
January.
3d week of
December.
4th week of
December.
1st week of
January.
1st week of
January.
2d week of
January.
2d week of
November.
4th week of
November.
4th week of
January.
5th week of
December.
4th week of
January.
1st week of
January*
4th week of
January.

1st week of
March.
2d week of
April.
1st week of
March.
1st week of
March.
1st week of
February.
4th week of
January.
1st week of
April.
1st week of
January.
3d week of
* February.
4th week of
February.
4th week of
February.
1st week of
April.
3d week of
January.
1st week of
April.

1st week of
June.
3d week of
June.
3d week of
May.
4th week of
May.
2d week of
June.
3d week of
June.
4th week of
June.
1st week of
July.
2d week of
July.
4th week of
June.
1st week of
June.
2d week of
July.
5th week of
June.
4th week of
June.

3d week of 2d week of 4th week of
September. November.
February.
1st week of 1st week of 2d week of
September. November.
January.

4th week of
June.
4th week of
April.

Weeks employed.
Fall Spring
sea
sea Total.
son. son.

27
24

22
32

1 The working force occasionally drops below the median number employed. (See Table 23.)

The fall season coincides in only three pairs of shops—A and C,
B and F, and E and M—while only shops 6 and N have the same
spring season. Occasionally workers in the shops having a fall season
of only from 3 to 8 weeks have a chance of further employment in
the shops having a season of 13, 15, or 18 weeks. In the spring the
difference in length of seasons is not so marked as in the fall, but there
is still the opportunity for dovetailing work in two or more shops.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

101

This table also emphasizes the brevity of the working season for
most of the employees, unless they can find some such method of
lengthening it. In shops A, C, G, and L the median force was
assembled by the fourth week of September, but not until October
and November in the majority, while already in November and
December the process of disorganization was beginning. In the 14
custom shops and 2 factories, 6 retained the median force less than
10 weeks in the fall and 12 provided less than 15 weeks’ fall season.
All through January, February, March, and April, the median force
was being assembled for the spring season and through May, June,
and July was being turned off. The spring season provided a longer
working period, none of the 16 establishments having less than 10
weeks, while 9 had a spring season of 15 weeks or more. One-half
the 14 custom shops had a fall season of 12 weeks or more and a
spring season of 15 weeks or more for the median force. However,
if the large shops A to G, which employ three-fourths of the workers,
are separately considered, the fall season in but one instance, and the
spring season in but two instances, exceeded 15 weeks for the median
force, which again illustrates how short is the working period avail
able to the mass of workers. The manufacturing shops provided
very similar seasons for their median force, 9 and 10 weeks in the
fall, and 15 and 18 weeks in the spring.
The fall and spring busy seasons alternate with the midwinter and
midsummer dull seasons, causing dispersal or diminution of the force
twice a year. The majority of custom shops close entirely during
midsummer, but the midwinter season is usually a bridging over until
the spring rush comes on. The fashionable clientele await the new
spring models before giving orders, so the employer in shop B must
go abroad in February and her shop is closed, except for the office
force, for two weeks. The owner of shop D goes to New York for a
week to see the new spring models. For similar reasons, the ma
jority of even the most valuable workers in large shops like A and
B have an enforced winter vacation of four weeks. Table 33 shows
the extent to which the midwinter vacation prevailed in the shops
studied. In four of the 14 custom shops and one of the two fac
tories, more than one-half the force was laid off one week or more
in midwinter. In shop A, although a commercialized shop, 66 per
cent of the workers who were employed throughout the year were
laid off in midwinter with a median vacation of four weeks. In the
medium-sized shops like E, F, and G, the majority of the force were
held and in the smaller shops like M and N the whole force remained
intact.

102

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 3 3 .-R ELATION OF MIDWINTER SLACK SEASON TO UNEMPLOYMENT IN 14

CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Workers employed both seasons.

Workers em
ployed one
season or less.

Not laid off in
Laid off one
Maxi
week or more.
winter.
Total mum
number number
Per
Pat
em
Per
cent of
em
Per
ployed ployed
cent of
cent of
Num total
cent, of ber. number
during during
number
number
Num
Num
year. year. Num total
em
em
em
ber.
ber. number
ployed
ployed. ber. ployed
em
both
both
ployed.
seasons.
seasons.

Shop.

Custom:
A ........................
B ........................
C .......................
D ........................
E ........................
F ........................
G ........................
H ........................
I ..........................
J..........................
K ........................
L ........................
M........................
N .................
Manufacturing:
x ..... .7Z .......
Y ........................

127
99
159
45
39
29
156
35
37
25
11
11
17
10

62
65
35
34
29
27
27
23
19
17
11
8
ii

88
51
31
22
18
5
42
17
26
12
1
5
11

69.3
51.5
52.5
48.9
46.2
17.2
75.0
48.6
70.3
48.0
9.1
45.5
64.7
70.0

39
48
27
23
21
24
13
18
11
13
10
6
6
3

76
446

37
178

42
283

55.3
63.5

34
163

i One unclassified.

30.7
13
48.5
1
4o. 8
14
51.1
4
15
53.8
82.8
20
23.2
10
51.4.
IS
29.7
6
52.0
9
5
90.9
54.5 . . . . . . . .
6
35.3
3
30.0

33.3
2.1
51.8
17.4
71.4
83.3
76.9
100.0
54.5
69.2
50.0

14
133

41.2
81.6

44.7
36.5

26
47
13
19
*5
4
3

66.7
97.9
48.2
82.6
23.8
16.7
23.1

5
4
5
«

45.5
30.8
50.0
100.0

20
30

58.8
18.4

100*0
100.0

* Not including special finisher not called in*

This midwinter break is an important cause contributing to shifting
and instability. The majority of the custom workers are laid off
one or two weeks and the factory workers four weeks, during which
time some find other employment and do not return. In all but 2
of the 14 custom shops more than 45 per cent of the workers appear
ing on the pay roll during a year worked in that shop one season or
less, while in the two factories more than 50 per cent did not work
more than one season.
The extent to which the individual worker is affected by the dull
season is shown by the following table:
TABLE 3 4 .—NUMBER OF W EEKS’ “ LA Y OFF” IN MIDWINTER FOR W ORKERS IN 10

CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON, SEPTEMBER,
1910, TO SEPTEMBER, 1*11.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Number of workers losing—

Shop.

1 week.

Custom:
6
A ..........................
4
B ..........................
6
C ..........................
14
D ..........................
1
F ..........................
1
G..........................
I ...........................
2
J_______________ 1
K ..........................1................
L ....................... i...............
Manufacturing:
X ..........................
Y ..........................
Total................

Median
number
of weeks
More
2 weeks. 3 weeks. 4 weeks. 5 weeks. 6 weeks.
than
lost by
6 weeks. workers.
1
20
2
4
2
1
1
1
3

1
12
2

2
8
45

3
1

6
2

1
1
1
1
1

5
1
2
I
2

4
2
2
1
2
2
2
3
3
6

1
5

2
1

6
21

4
4

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN 127 MASSACHUSETTS.

103

Of the 182 workers considered, over two-fifths (44.5 per cent) lost
four weeks or more and over one-eighth (14.8 per cent) lost more than
six weeks. The midwinter dull season is therefore a problem demand
ing solution from both employer and worker, and various schemes
have been devisedl by ingenious employers to avoid the economic waste
of a scattered labor force. Two methods are most common in the
medium-sized shops—first, offering inducements to customers to bring
in work, and, second, alternating the workers on one or two weeks’
vacations. The middle-class dressmakers have their own clothes made,
alter gowns of the regular customers, and make up garments at
reduced rates.1 One of the most fashionable French dressmakers,
with a force of 25 workers, made gowns at a lower rate in these two
months and could scarcely fill the orders. Another large firm said,
“ We take in a good many gowns at $50 apiece to keep the force busy
as much as possible.” The profits are less, but the maintenance of a
steady force and the opportunity to meet current expenses justify the
effort. Wedding or mourning orders or a new outfit for a trip South
are often available in January and February for the employer who
keeps the shop open. A fashionable dressmaker, employing 55 work
ers, said: “ The southern season is doing much toward filling in and
tiding over January and February, formerly dull months.” Many
employers who have ingenuity and originality can give their cus
tomers what they wish without waiting for the latest decrees from
Paris, and the delay and rush of the later season are thus’avoided by
the customer.
Some of the large firms have sought to solve the seasonal problem
by widening their field and adding a tailoring department. “ We
have an increasingly shorter dull season in the winter because of our
tailored suit department,” said one large employer. “ The tailored
suits necessitate waists to go with them and provide work for the
dressmaking department.” The pay rolls of these shops show fre
quent instances where the mediocre worker, finisher, or helper is
transferred from one department to another as the season progresses,
thus lengthening her working season considerably. An interesting
suggestion of future possibilities appears in the example of a few
dressmakers who follow their customers to resorts and set up shop
for the season. They take only a portion of their force, but all who
have done so reported quite as busy a season as they desired.2 The
large fashionable commercialized shops are developing custom
through salesmen who are sent to the fashionable summer and winter
1Speaking’of unemployment in London, Miss Black says: “ In what would he slack seasons, i.
In January and September, regular customers may have their own materials made up, and this device
helps to keep work going, though little or no profits are made.” Makers of our Clothes, by Meyer and
Black, p. 86.
* See similarity of seasons in the dressmaking trade of Paris. France, Office du Travail. La Petite
Industrie, Vol. II, Le Vfttement & Paris, p. 412 et seq.

104

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

resorts, where they sell ready-to-wear clothing or take orders from
customers. Such ventures may in time become much more common
and have two good results—lengthening and equalizing the working
season. Alternating the workers on one or two weeks'vacations in
midwinter is also a common method of equalizing the midwinter
season and falls heavily on none,1 as the girls are often glad of an
opportunity to furbish up their own wardrobes.
Other shops, however, make no attempt to solve the problem,
either from a belief that economy consists in putting the orders
through at high speed and dropping the employees as rapidly as they
can be dispensed with, or because of lack of administrative ability
and ingenuity. The proprietor of a large shop which had a gloomy
deserted appearance in midwinter said, “ Some people get work in
early, but we never do. People usually want to wait until the Paris
styles come in before having new things made. Customers come to
me sometimes before the arrival of the Parisian models and ask if
we think such and such will be stylish. We usually say, ‘ Wait and
see.’ I have no faith in the present-day theories and attempts to
establish American styles. The French always have, and I believe
always will, set the styles.” The reason why this dressmaker has
short seasons is easily discovered. The “ wait and see” policy quite
precludes “ getting work in early.” 2 The majority of custom dress
makers seem to be able to cater to a sufficiently varied clientele to
adjust the midwinter dull season fairly satisfactorily, but the less
progressive and original employer sits with folded hands and a closed
shop and complains that the seasons grow shorter and shorter.
Likewise the ambitious and capable worker can secure fairly satis
factory working seasons, but the mediocre and incompetent, the very
young and the very old, are tossed about with every rise and fall of
demand.
The midsummer vacation is a still more important factor in the
custom dressmaking trade, because it means a longer period of idle
ness for a larger number. The majority of shops are closed through
July and August, though many workers have been laid off earlier.
The force, thus, scattered for several months, is not easily assembled
in September and October, and many new names are discovered
on the pay rolls in the fall. Table 35 shows the extent of this
dispersion in seven of the shops studied. In the large shops A and D
i See report of similar adjustments. Great Britain, Royal Commission on Labor. Conditions of Work
in Scotland, by Margaret Irwin.
* Miss Black, after making her study of the trade in London, in 1908, says: “ Few employers seem to
have devised any effective way of grappling with the grave problem of seasonal irregularity ” (p. 175),
but reports one employer filling in slack time in February with theatrical costumes, which are “ made a
month or more earlier than the opening of the fashionable season and in the dead month of September.
• . . the workers whom she keeps on during such periods are those whose need is greatest. . . some
times she is able to send girls fdr a week or more to work in the country houses of her customers, and
she makes a point of sending those whom she knows to be dependent on their own earnings.” Makers of
our Clothes, by Meyer and Black, p. 85.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

105

only about one-third of the workers and in shop G 49 per cent of
those employed in the spring of 1911 were found in the same shops
the following fall.
T a b l e 3 5 .—NUMBER OF WORKERS EMPLOYED IN 7 CUSTOM SHOPS IN THE SPRING

SEASON OF 1911 AND PROPORTION WHO RETURNED IN THE FALL AFTER THE
SUMMER VACATION.
[Based on pay rolls.]

Shop.

A ............
D............
G............
H ...........
K ...........
L............
M...........

Total
number
Per cent
Per cent
employed returning
of those
in the
in the
returning
spring
fall season, who earn
season.
1911.
$9 or less.
1911.
69
44
33
23
11
8
4

32
39
49
78
72
75
75

68
47
68 .
41
75
67
67

Iu these three large shops,1typifying several stages of development,
less than 50 per. cent of the working force employed in the spring of
1911 returned after the summer vacation.
The working force of the smaller shops H, K, L, and M, employing a
maximum of less than 25, are much less affected by the summer
vacation because of the closer personal relation between employer
and worker, the steadier and longer working season, and the main
tenance of a fairly permanent force of regular workers. About
three-fourths of the force employed in the spring returned for the
fall season in these shops. Even the stable workers are not all
highly skilled or well paid. . In all but two of the seven shops the
majority of former workers returning in the fall earned a weekly wage
of $9 or less.
The pay-roll records of several shops for a period of two or more
years throw some light on this instability of the labor force. In
shop B, 50 per cent of a total force of 96 employed in 1910-11 re
turned for work the following year. In shop D, 40 per cent of the 55
workers on the pay roll during 1908-9 returned to work the following
year, and 49 per cent of a total of 65 employed in 1909-10 returned
to work the next year. Only 26.2 per cent of the workers employed
in 1908-9 were still on the pay roll two years later. In shop F, 38
per cent of a force of 58 employed in 1908 returned the following
year, but the total force of 1909 returned in 1910 without the defec
tion of a single worker. Only 41 per cent of the total number, 76,
employed in 1910-11 in the small wholesale manufacturing shop X
were still at work the following fall, though the shop working year
is 52 weeks. In shop J, three workers of the force employed in 1905
i “ Large shop” used in this report applies to shops employing a maximum of more than 25 workers.

106

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAtT OF LABOB STATISTICS.

were still at work in the same shop in 1910 and in shop N one of the
force of 1903 was still in the shop in 1910, seven years later.
INSTABILITY OF THE LABOR FORCE.

As different types of shops have characteristic working seasons,
so may the three type groups of workers anticipate fairly definite
periods of employment. As has already been pointed out,1the work
ing force falls into three groups: the nudeus of regular workers, with
a working season of 40 weeks or more; the finishers or helpers, laid
off twice a year, with a working season of 25 to 39 weeks; and the
rush hands or drifters, employed less than 25 weeks. A survey of 600
custom and 522 factory workers shows the surprising fact that 58 per
cent of the custom and 73 per cent of the factory employees worked in
a single shop less than 25 weeks. These short-time workers are for
the most part the “ casual laborers” of the trade. They are workers
without a trade, though they may know how to handle a needle.
Especially is this true of the large group, 39 per cent of the 600 custom
workers and 57 per cent of the 522 factory workers, who were em
ployed in one shop less than 10 weeks. One-fourth of the custom
and two-fifths of the factory workers stayed less than five weeks and
12 per cent of the custom workers as compared with 18 per cent of the
factory employees remained but one week or less.
T a b le 3 6 , — EXTE XT OP "CASUAL LABOR” IN* CUSTOM AND FACTORY DRESSMAKING.

[Based on pay rolls.J
Manufacturing shops.
Custom shops.
Length of employ
ment in individ
ual shops.
Number. Percent. Number. Per cent.
Under 25 w eeks...
Under 10 weeks...
Under 5 weeks___
1 week or under. . .

349
236
151
74

58.2
39.3
25.2
12.3

382
297
213
95

73.2
56.9
41.0
18.2

This mass of floating unskilled workers is one of the gravest phases
of the labor problem to-day, and while probably greater in the
unskilled industries,2 it is more serious in a skilled trade which must
have trained and responsible workers.
* See p. 66.
2 Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Education, No. 17. A Trade School for Girls—A Preliminary
Investigation in a Typical Manufacturing City, Worcester, Mass. Washington, 1913, pp. 29, 30.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

The following table shows the reasons assigned
for leaving their positions:

107

271 workers

T a b l e 3 7 .—REASONS GIVEN FOR LEAVING POSITIONS IN DRESSMAKING SHOPS.

[Based on personal interviews.]
Positions left.
Reason for leaving position.
Number.

Percent.

Seasonal: End of season ...................

23.2

........

116

42.8

Low p a y .:........ ...............................
Better position..................................
Firm went out of business. . . . . . . . .
Unsatisfactory shop conditions.......
“ Didn’t succeed” . . . ........................
Strike i ...............................................

42
34
25
11
3
1

•industrial,

Personal...........................

“ Didn’t like it” ................................
Illness............................ .
Moved..............................................
Married...........................................
Needed at hom e...............................

51
23
10
5
3

Total...............................................

271

34.0

100.0

i Tailor shop.

It will be seen that fluctuation of demand, though important, is
by no means the sole cause of unemployment. Less than one-fourth
of the positions reported on had to be given up because of the end of
the season. Forty-three per cent of the workers left because of
other industrial causes and 34 for personal reasons.
Therefore, while dressmaking is a markedly seasonal trade, the
seasons by no means explain the startling instability observed among
the workers. Three-fourths of the reasons ascribed for leaving work
were such as might be found in any industry.1
Four underlying causes, however, may be noted as especially
applicable to the instability discovered in the dressmaking trade:
(1) The seasonal fluctuations, (2) inadequate opportunity for acquir
ing skill and for advancement, (3) the increasing necessity for a high
standard of workmanship and the inability of many workers to
measure up to the demands, and (4) peculiar conditions in particular
shops.
(1) The semiannual dispersal of the shop force throws a great
mass of employees out of work twice a year, and, having found other
positions, they frequently do not return to their former employer
when needed.
(2) The poor opportunities for learning the trade are an important
cause of the instability of workers. Few shops offer the young girl
i Miss Van Kleeck found that nearly 60 per cent of the 353 positions In bookbinding and the same
proportion for 214 positions in the making of artificial flowers had been left for other than seasonal causes.
Women in the Bookbinding Trade, p. 112, and Artificial Flower Makers, p. 49, by Mary Van Kleeck.

108

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

systematic training and she must “ pick up” her trade as best &H©
can. Unless very “ bright,” as the dressmaker expresses it, her
employer, or the head girl under whom she works, refuses to allow
her to remain at all, and unless very ambitious she seldom conquers
the obstacles in the path to the skilled processes. If she does not
develop beyond the stage of the plain sewer, her tenure is always
insecure, because the least valuable worker is last taken on and first
turned off. The art of dressmaking can not be quickly acquired
and the majority of young workers, being impatient, believe they are
not advanced by their employer as rapidly as they should be. The
very common practice is .to spend a short time in one shop acquiring
the fundamentals and then to apply for a position at another shop
as an experienced worker. While an employer may sometimes lose
sight of the advancement of an employee who has grown up in the
shop, and while a new employee has a certain opportunity for bar
gaining, the girl with such inadequate training and experience soon
finds herself at a disadvantage in competition with the really experi
enced workers and becomes a drifter. She never becomes valuable
enough to her employer to merit her interest or confidence, the
drifting habit grows, and her incapacity dooms her to short seasons
and irregular work. Thus 29 per cent of the 271 positions were left
because of low pay, because the worker wanted a better position, or
because she “ didn’t succeed.” The employer, as a rule, sees little
advantage and has little desire to cooperate in the movement for
training workers in the shop because of the unreliable and uncertain
tenure by which she holds her workers. “ I started an errand girl
two years ago at $3 a week,” said one employer. “ She is now get
ting $6 and was to get $7 at the beginning of the year, but she wants
to leave now. Girls don’t stick to it steadily. They are always
wanting to go somewhere else, continually changing. Girls can’t
be depended on. I had one woman eight years; suddenly in the
midst of the season she left with no reason.”
The uncertainty of their tenure of work is, on the other hand, one
of the grievances of subordinate workers and for this reason they fed
no compunction in leaving whenever a better opportunity appears.
“ Saturday night when I received my pay I was told I need not come
back on Monday,” said one girl. “ It is almost impossible to keep the
books straight,” said the bookkeeper of a large fashionable shop in
dull season. “ On Saturday evening I am notified to drop six or
seven workers off the.pay roll.” Subordinate workers say they
never know from one week to the next when they will be notified
that their services are no longer needed. The advantage of mobility
to the worker, therefore, depends largely on individual circumstances.
In general, it may be said that the young girl who starts in the small
shop should, after acquiring a good all-round experience, go to the

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

109

large shop for the wider experience in methods of handling finer and
more expensive materials, and the opportunity for advancement
offered there. The young girl who starts in the large shop has the
opportunity for a broad experience if she can conquer the obstacles
and advance from one process to another. Unless she is especially
bright or adapted to the work she will receive little help from her
superiors. Most of the highly paid or skilled workers visited, how
ever, had worked in very few shops, occasionally only one. They
had worked up from the bottom and made themselves indispensable
to their employers.
(3) Moreover, the increasing demands of the trade for superior
workmanship have made it very difficult for the unskilled worker to
hold a place. The increasing complexity of the artistic side of custom
dressmaking is a universally recognized fact. Dressmakers and inves
tigators, both at home and abroad, maintain that the trade has
become an art, so a decreasing number are qualified to meet the
requirements. But women when in need still, as in the past, turn
to the trade as their natural domain. They are taken on and tried
out, but only a small proportion can qualify for even the drifting type
of helper. The worker who can turn her hand to anything can in
reality turn her hand to only the most commonplace plain sewing.
Alteration departments of stores carrying ready-made wear now
attract large numbers of these mediocre workers. Factories and
dressmaking shops which employ home workers supply some of these
women with work, the embroidery on custom-made dresses being
often done by workers in the homes. Philanthropic needlewomen’s
societies provide the most hopeless with work. Some of the local
dressmakers believe that the artistic development of the trade com
bined with the lack of opportunity for workers to secure the requisite
training primarily explains the unsatisfactory labor situation.
(4) Finally, the instability of the worker may be due to conditions
in particular shops. Thirty-two per cent of the 271 positions were
left for these reasons—“ firm went out of business,” unsatisfactory
shop conditions, and “ didn’t like it.” Some shops have short seasons,
much overtime, and an absence of system which involves the shop in
a continual flux. “ X -------- ’s is hopelessly confused and mixed up.
There is constant doing over and overlapping of work. There is a
great deal of overtime there.” “ I wouldn’t advise my worst enemy
to work at X -------- ’s,” said a head girl in the same shop, “ and yet
Miss X ----- — is delightful personally.” Insufficient capital results
in irregularity and uncertainty of pay. Many employers are going
out of business. The forewoman in one shop has a ‘ *terrible temper.”
Workers are laid off in one shop, fill in a few weeks at another, have
some personal grievance in another, hear they can get higher pay in
another, and so drift from shop to shop. The large establishments

110

BULLETIN OF TH E BTJBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

carry a certain prestige, offer wider social contact, assure regular pay,
and in some cases, as in some commercialized shops and alteration
departments, have longer seasons. These conditions all complicate
the labor problem.
The stability of individual workers for a long period of time is
not easily ascertained, for while reports from some are unquestionably
accurate, others have drifted about so much they can not remember.
A suggestive report on the number of shops worked in (excluding
temporary positions of a few days) was secured from 200 workers
personally visited. The following table shows the results obtained:
T a b l e 3 8 . — NUMBER OF SHOPS IN WHICH 200 WORKERS HAVE BEEN EMPLOYED, B Y

LENGTH OF EXPERIENCE.
[Based on personal interviews.]
Number of workers having been employed in specified number of
shops.
1 shop. 2 shops. 3 shops. 4 shops. 5 shops. 6 shops
or more.
Under 1 year.........................................
1 year and under 2 years.....................
2 and under 3 years.............................
3 and under 4 years..............................
4 and under 5 years...... ..............
5 and. under 6 years........... ..................
6 and under 7 y e a r s ..........................
7 and under 8 years............................
8 and urider9 years............1...............
9 and under 10 years............................
10 and under 12 years..........................
12 and under 15 years..........................
15 and under 20 years..........................
20 and under 25 years..........................
25 years and over...................... ...........
Unclassified................. ........................

8
6
2
6
2
3

Total........... ...............................

11
9
3
3
4
1
o
1
3
4
2
2
.1
53

2
9
8
3
3
1
2
3
o
4
2
3
2
51

4
2
2
2
1
2
1
1
1
3

4
1
1
1
3

i il

Number of years in the trade.

Total.

17
31
24
23
11
11
7
6
6
5
7
it
21
11
6
3

200

1
3
3

3
1

4
1

2
6
4
2
I

The instability of the young workers employed in the trade less
than five years is at once apparent. More than one-half those em
ployed less than one year had worked in more than one shop. More
than one-half those at work two years had worked in more than two
shops. The older workers of eight years’ experience or more con
stituted one-third (33.5 per cent) of the 200 studied, and less than
one-third (31.4 per cent) of these had worked in more than four
shops. One-half of those with less than five years’ experience, as well
as of those with ten years’ or more, had worked in two to three shops.
The young workers find it difficult to meet the demands of the trade,
and the employers, driven by competition and worry, have little
patience with the girl who “ must be shown how” or who ‘ ‘ waits to
be told what to do and how to do it.” Consequently she is almost
forced to become a drifter. Present day conditions in the trade also
may make it advisable to work in different shops, some of which

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

I ll

offer better opportunity for acquiring the principles of the trade,
and others for securing advancement.
It was stated in the beginning of this chapter that irregular em
ployment in the dressmaking trade is due both to seasonal fluctuations
and to the instability of the force. The foregoing discussion has
shown that seasonal fluctuation has a very serious effect upon the
individual worker, making her period of employment both brief and
of uncertain duration. The control of this element of irregularity lies
mainly in the hands of the employer and the customer. Several
methods have been mentioned by which the employer can modify the
seasonal character of the trade, while careful forethought and con
sideration on the part of the customer would do much to prevent the
massing of orders into two brief seasons. Something might be done
also by an outside agency. Since the seasons of different types of
shops do not coincide, much waste of time and loss of earnings might
be prevented by an efficient labor bureau through which workers laid
off from one shop could be directed at once to the shops of another
type where they were needed.
But when investigation shows that more than one-third of the
custom and one-half the factory workers are employed in a particular
shop less than ten weeks and one-fourth the custom and two-fifths the
factory workers less than five weeks, it is obvious that the seasonal
demand is by no means the only reason for irregular employment.
Two causes for this instability given by workers and employers—lack
of opportunity to learn the trade and the inability of the workers
to measure up to the demand—offer suggestions to the educator and
social worker for a constructive program. The trade no longer
provides opportunity for training its workers, yet it increasingly
demands greater skill and ability. Both employer and worker are
struggling with the problem, but they will doubtless have to be
aided by an outside agency which can provide publicly supported
industrial training.

CHAPTER V.
OVERTIME IN THE DRESSMAKING TRADE.

The fashion trades in addition to the semiannual rush of work
have the consequent problem of overtime. The accumulation of
orders which must be rushed through frequently necessitates working
after the regular closing hour. “ The tendency to put off giving
orders to the last moment is easily checked,” reported the British
Association for the Advancement of Science, “ when the customers
can be met with universal legal prohibition.” 1 Has experience in
Massachusetts corroborated this comforting statement?
The ordinary working day in the dressmaking shops in Boston is a
nipe-hour day. The majority of shops open at 8 a. m. and close at
5.30 p. m., though some of the larger shops work from 8 a. m. to
6 p. m. with one hour’s rest at noon. The law in Massachusetts in
1909, when this investigation was started, permitted a ten-hour
working day, limited by the 58-hour week for children between 14 and
18 years and for women. In January, 1910, the legal working week
was changed to 56 hours, with the exception that where “ the em
ployment is by seasons” it may exceed 56 but not 58 hours, the total
number per week not to exceed an average of 56 per week for the
whole year.
What is a trade in which the employment is by seasons ? Lawsuits
arose all over the State, but no definition of a trade where “ the
employment is by seasons” was given. The legislature was occupied
with the definition of its own law for two years, and before the
definition had been secured the new law providing for an unqualified
54-hour week went into effect. That law would have greatly sim
plified the work of the inspectors and have enabled the workers to dis
tinguish between illegal overtime and permissible overtime, but it was
allowed to remain on the statute books for only one year. The next
year, 1913, the seasonal exception was slipped back into the new law,
which provided for a 54-hour week but allowed a 58-hour week
in manufacturing industries where “ the employment i3 by seasons.”
The question is, Is dressmaking a trade where the employment is
by seasons? Officials in the department of the district police, as
well as different inspectors, denied that dressmaking should come
i Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1903, p. 321.

29885°—Bull. 193—16——8

113

114

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

under this protecting clause. What were the dressmakers themselves
doing about it at the time of the investigation ? Twenty-six per
cent of 182 dressmakers posted their time schedules providing
for a 58-hour week. The largest proportion (39 per cent) provided
for a 56-hour week, and 31 per cent posted a 54-hour week schedule.
The firms did not necessarily work every day the full number of
hours posted, but could at any time work the full number posted
on the schedule, for such overtime would seem to be perfectly legal.
The word “ overtime” as used by the employees therefore might
mean either time worked beyond the ordinary nine-hour day or time
worked beyond the legal limit of 58 hours a week. Many girls did not
know the difference.1 They knew that “ a woman.goes around” and
occasionally their employer was discovered working and fined, but
they were unable to keep pace with legislation regarding hours of
labor. Miss Collet reported that the workers of the trade in London,
when informed that “ the overtime complained of is permissible by the
act if ‘due notice is given,’ . . . have in each case seemed to
accept overtime as a necessary evii, and have never suggested that
the act needed alteration. This submission to the law is most
strikingly illustrated by a girl who, speaking very warmly in favor
of her employers, said that it was quite true that they worked them
overtime in the season, but they were compelled to do so by the
factory act.” 2
Overtime may be the result of a variety of factors, but the exigencies
of the patrons are the primary causes of illegal overtime in a custom
trade. The large dressmaker has a stock of expensive materials,
and it is to her interest to dispose of them. If a customer gives a
belated order for a gown from some of these materials, the dressmaker
can not afford to lose it. “ I sometimes take an order that I know
I can not finish without working overtime,” said one dressmaker,
“ but I have the materials in stock and I must dispose of them.
The inspector came the other evening, but fortunately I had closed
up. If she had come almost any other evening this week, she would
have caught us working.”
Failure to organize the work systematically may also lead to over
time. Some well-regulated shops open and close like clockwork,
and workers who have been employed for years have never known
five minutes’ overtime. Others are unanimously reported by the
workers as regular offenders. There are not sufficient workers and
the work is poorly systematized; consequently, the gowns are not
completed at the' specified time and the workers must finish them
i Miss Collet reported a similar situation in England. Great Britain, Royal Commission of Labor. Con
ditions oi Work in London, by Clara E . Collet, p. 13. See .also Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par
Georges Alfassa, en Revue de Paris, Sept. 15, 1904, pp. 368,369*
* Great Britain, Royal Commission of Labor. Conditions o! Work in London, by Clara E . Collet, p. 13,

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

115

before they go home at night. “ There is a great deal of overtime at
A—------V said one girl. “ Everything is hopelessly confused and
mixed up and there is constant doing over and overlapping of work.
We never stopped at six, and no extra pay. I refused to work later
than 8 o’clock there;” But these conditions are not merely local.
“ Frequently,” said M. Alfassa, of the trade in Paris, “ nightwork
was the result of bad management; the materials and the trimmings
are not distributed in good time; the saleswomen are careless about
turning in the orders. It is to their interest to sell and consequently
to grant everything the clients ask without concerning themselves
with the capacity of production in the workroom.” 1
Overtime is more likely to occur in a custom trade, such as dress
making, than in the manufacturing industries. A large factory,
dependent on electric power, many lights, and a large force can
scarcely escape the detection of the inspectors, and the results are
scarcely worth the risk. Moreover union regulations make over
time impossible in many of the large factories. In a custom shop,
the workroom of which is usually remote from the street, a few em
ployees may easily work late at night with little danger of discovery.
The trade because of its semiprivate nature has, moreover, not
assumed sufficient importance in the eyes of the inspectors of Massachu
setts to merit a great deal of attention. While about three-fourths of
the estimated number of professional dressmakers in Boston appeared
at least once, though seldom twice, on the records of the factory
inspector during a period of one year, the inspectors of the other
cities studied made no reports concerning dressmakers, and pre
sumably no visits were made to the dressmakers of their respective
cities. The majority are of a private character and employ few if
any workers, hence do not seem to merit the time and attention
of the overworked inspectors.2 Nor is this neglect or perhaps over
sight of the custom workers local. M. Alfassa reported one dress
making shop in Paris which had not been visited once in eight years.3
The isolation of the workers, their distribution among many shops,
and the character and conditions of their work combine to make
their protection more difficult than that of the factory worker.
In spite of their dislike of overtime, the employees are usually wont
to protect their own interests by shielding their employer rather than
i Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en Revue de Paris, Sept. 1$, 1904, p. 384.
* The law provides for “ the inspection and licensing of buildings or parts of buildings used for industrial
purposes, the inspection and licensing of the workers therein and of all other industrial employees within
the Commonwealth.” But in prescribing the duties of inspectors with relation to “ lighting, ventilation,
and cleanliness,” and “ toilet facilities,” only “ a faetory in which five or more persons and a workshop
in which five or more women or young persons are employed” are specified. Laws Relating to Labor,
1913, compiled by the Massachusetts State Board of Labor and Industries, pp. 5,14, and 22.
* It is interesting to see that M. Alfassa found all.the causes and conditions resulting in overtime in Paris
which were found in Boston. Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges AUassa, en Revue de Paris,
Sept. 15, 1904, pp. 367-389.

116

BU LLETIN OP THE BUBEATT OP LABOR STATISTICS.

by assisting inspectors in the enforcement of the law. “ Last year,”
said the mother of a young girl of 17, ‘‘Anna used to work three or
four evenings a week until 7 or 8 o’clock (5.30 was the regular closing
time). Sometimes the employer shortened the lunch hour, if in a
hurry. When the inspector came, the girls said they never worked
overtime.”
Investigators and inspectors in London and Paris report a similar
difficulty. “ When found working by a factory inspector,” said Miss
Collet, in London, “ they falsely declared that it was the first night
they had worked overtime that week.” 1 The Parisian inspectors
complain at length of the many ruses by which they are deluded and
circumvented.* This difficulty is largely the result of the workers’
lack of organization, each girl fearing to take a stand which will
involve her in difficulties with her employer.
Overtime in dressmaking is, however, much disliked by the workers
for two reasons. It can seldom be foreseen, so the workers can not
make their plans accordingly, and many firms do not pay for the
additional time and work.8 “ I never could make engagements,”
said one much discouraged girl; “ I never had Saturday nights.
Miss M. used to say ‘ you know I can work you till 20 minutes of 7,’
but we often had to work until 9. We were told if we did not stay,
we need not come back next day.” “ About six weeks in the fall sea
son,” said another, “ the girls have to work overtime. There is no
definite arrangement. It is just according to rush orders or the
amount of work which has to be got out in a specified time. I have
had to work many times until 8 o’clock, and once until half past 10.
I am sure I worked full 58 hours and I believe more, though I never
kept count.” “ We worked six and sometimes more hours overtime
a week almost regularly in Miss 0-------- ’s shop,” said another. “ We
work two hours overtime regularly through the busy season,” said
another. “ We worked until 7 o’clock every night for three weeks.”
Another girl must work evenings and Sundays if necessary. “ If you
could only abolish overtime,” said a Boston girl, “ dressmaking
would be all right; but to work from 8 in the morning until 9 or 11
at night, and no extra pay, I would not do it any longer.”
The law of Massachusetts prohibits nightwork, from 10 p. m. to
6 a. m.,4 for women in manufacturing establishments. A girl of 21
worked until half past 10 in the heart of the city and had to go to her
i Great Britain, Royal Commission of Labor. Conditions of Work in London, by Clara E. Collet, p. 13.
* Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en Revue de Paris, Sept. 15,1904, p. 382.
8 “ At seven or half past seven,” said Albert de Mun, when testifying before the Chamber of Deputies in
France, “ at the moment when the workers are about to leave, they are informed that there will be a
*-vettlee/ they had not been informed beforehand; very often they already have their hats on their heads.”
L’Industrie de la Couture et de la Confection & Paris, par L£on de Seilhac, p. 44.
< Laws of Massachusetts, R . L. vol. 106, sec. 27 (district police). Bulletin of United States Bureau of
Labor Statistics No. 148, p. 972.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

117

home after that hour. A girl of 17 “ had worked until 11 o’clock
when dresses just had to go out that night.” “ We worked many nights
until 11 o’clock through most of the busy season,” said another.
In spite of the many reports of overtime by the workers, the exact
truth as to the actual amount is most difficult to secure from this
source. Where the workers are paid at a specific rate for overtime,
however, this can be accurately determined from the pay roll. Of
the rest, nothing definite can be known.
On the pay roll of one of the large fashionable shops, 39 of the
43 weeks of the season 1909-10, and again in 1910-11, showed
overtime. In 1909, there was a total of 1,277.6 hours overtime,
which equals 141.9 days of 9 hours each, or 23.6 weeks of 54 hours
each for a working force with a maximum of 65 workers. Dur
ing the year 1910, $409.73 was paid for a total of 1,671.3 hours
overtime, making 185.7 days of 9 hours or 31 weeks of 54 hours.
In other words, there was enough extra work to have occupied
one person 23.6 weeks in 1909, and 31 weeks in 1910. Now this
sounds as if the remedy were simple enough. Employ another per
son. But it is not so simple. All this extra work represented by the
overtime was not the work of one person, nor could it be, since no
one person in the trade produces all parts of a garment. One night a
tailor and his assistants must finish a coat. Another night, perhaps,
a dozen women must stay to finish up a dainty trousseau of delicate
chiffon and laces. Because of the extreme subdivision of labor, a
particular worker must, sometimes, stay and work overtime night
after night because her particular services are needed. Again, the
dependence of one worker on another may cause overtime. For
instance, the power-machine operator may be delayed because the
handworkers have not basted the materials together before the clos
ing hour; the waist girl may be delayed because the sleeve girls have
not completed their section; the trimmer or the tailor must put on
the last finishing touches before the garment goes out of the shop.
For this reason the instances of overtime may greatly exceed the
number of persons working. Thus, in the second week of November,
1909, 37 persons in one shop worked overtime during the week, but
some worked several nights, making 107 instances of overtime. The
following table shows the number of hours overtime worked by each
of these employees during the week.

118

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 3 9.—AMOUNT OF OVERTIME IN A SHOP IN THE W EEK OF MAXIMUM OVERTIME

ENDING NOVEMBER 6,190}.
[Based on pay roll.]
Hours of overtime worked by employees on—
Case No.

Mon
day.

..
2i.
3 ..
4 ..
5 ..
6...
7 ..
8 ..
9 ..
101.

Tues Wednes Thurs Friday. Satur
day.
day,
day.
day.

Total
hours

Sun
day.

Amount
paid for
over
time
worked. time.

over

»l

4
*9

*
n
2*

111 .

12..

21.J

131.
1 4..
1 5..
1 6 ..
1 7..
1 8..
1 9 ..

21..

2 3 ..
2 4 ..
2 5 ..
2 6 ..
2 7 ..
2 8 ..
2 9 ..
3 0 ..
3 1 ..
3 2 ..
3 3 ..
3 4 ..
3 5 ..
36».
371.

2*
Total amount...........
Number of instances
of overtime............

3.50

1.11

2.33
.28
.37
.75
1.25
3.46
.24
8.33
•50
.56
.05
1.17
.37
1.58
.13
1.67
1.39
1.00
1.25
.90
1.50
1.73
.83
.56
.17
.50
.96
.52

20 ..

22 ..

$0.12

131

30i

50 |

33}

13f

182*

30 I

107

i Men; hence not limited by legislation.

43.81

2 Not specified by days.

No. 13, a man tailor, worked every niglit and Sunday, besides;
four people worked every night; 19 workers stayed three or more
nights for extra work. The men were not subject to the law limiting
the week to 58 hours, but cases of illegal overtime appear for the
women. Since the regular working week in the shop is 54 hours, any
woman working more than four hours overtime exceeds the legal
limit, which is the case of 15 women as showninTable 39. In no case
did the women work later than 10 o’clock (closing hour of the shop
was 6 o’clock), though one young woman, No. 26, must have worked un
til 10, after which she had to reach her home in a remote suburb. The
number working overtime during that week ranged from 10 on Mon
day to 30 on Thursday, only two of whom worked less than one hour.
Any woman working more than one hour overtime in a day again
exceeds the legal limit, whic-li is a 10-hour day. On Thursday of this
week 11 women exceeded the 10-hour day; during the whole week

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OM EX IX MASSACHUSETTS.

119

there were 40 instances of women exceeding the 10-hour working day.
November was the month of maximum overtime both in 1909 and
1910, and the second week showed the greatest rush in both years.
In the second week of November, 1909, 37 people, representing 107
instances, worked 182J hours, enough for three people working a 58hour week and one person working one day. In the same week of
1910, 44 people, representing 168 instances of overtime, worked 186J
hours, again enough for three people working a 58-hour week and one
person working a day and a half. December also is a rush month
with a good deal of overtime, though it rapidly decreases during the
month.
The following table shows the variation of overtime by months in a
large shop:
T a b l e 4 0.—OVERTIME IN A LARGE SHOP FOR TWO CONSECUTIVE YEARS, 1909-10

AND 1910-11.
(Based on pay rolls.]
Overtime in 1909-10.

Month and week.

Overtime in 1910-11.

Number of per
sons.

Number of per
sons.
Num Num
Num Num
ber of ber of Amount
ber of ber of Amount
in
Work
paid.
Work
in
paid.
hours.
Em
ing stances. hours.
Em
ing stances.
ployed. over
ployed. over
time.
time.

October:
1st week..........
2d week...........
3d week...........
4th week.........
5th week.........
November:
1st week.........
2d week...........
3d week..........
4th week.........
December:
1st week..........
2d week.........
3d week...........
4th week.........
5th week.........
January:
1st week.........
2d week...........
3d week...........
4th week.........
5th week.........
February:
1st week.........
2d week..........
3d week..........
4th week.........
March:
1st week.........
2d week..........
3d week..........
4th w e e k ......
April:
1st week.........
2d week..........
3d week........ .
4th week.........
5th week.........
May:
1st W6ek
2d w e e k .......
3d week..........
4th week.........

49
51
55
55
51

2
3
8
8
25

2
3
12
8
56

13$
2
13*
14}
85*

S3.00
.65
2.82
3.26
23.47

50
54
57
58
56

4
10
12
17
21

5
13
16
19
50

3$
10}
22}
13}
58

$4.32
2.13
5.33
2.66
17.56

57
57
58
63

40
37
36
19

107
107
98
37

122$
182+
141}
58}

26.83
45.64
37.96
12.21

56
57
60
61

37
44
40
41

94
168
112
111

111$
186*
155$
127}

26.70
43.53
37.27
29.69

60
58
58
63

27
19
21
12

54
40
36
17

89$
49$
33$
28!

22.95
15.39
24.59
8.49

61
65
62
62
58

43
30
38
25
10

122
81
98
42
12

146$
104
118}
42}
13}

37.68
28.95
30.22
9.12
3.18

53
57
41
42
46

1.31

5
17

7
28

*2
40

1.59
11.43

62
55
54
54

11
10
16
14

18
12
27
19

17
9$
23
15

2.85
1.57
5.30
3.09

13
3
7

20
4
8

15}
2
8}

3.40
.39
2.02

52
51
42
23

1.04

1
1

$
$

.10
.09

1
19
2

1
32
2

4$
45$
1}

.83
14.23
.38

6
6
38
52

1
7

1
5

1.00
2.97

' i
17
18
13
20

7
34
39
26
38

13$
47$
40
23$
32

4.74
14.16
11.64
6.94
9.36

54
56
57
58
58

20
18
21
21
21

29
43
33
37
62

19}
26.
22
43$
54$

5.17
7.80
5.69
13.52
12.78

4
.7
15
17

5
8
20
23

6$
7f
21}
18

1.47
1.34
4.08
4.96

59
58
57
58

32
27
18
20

69
59
42
46

55$
46$
29}
30$

11.63
9.3H
6.52
6.70

44
41
31
29
3
12
41
49
53
52
53
52
52
52
51 .
51
50

•

120

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

T a b l e 4 0 . — OVERTIME IN A LARGE SHOP FOR TWO CONSECUTIVE YEARS, 1909-10

AND 1910-11—Concluded.
Overtime in 1909-10.

Overtime in 1910-11.

Number of per
sons.
Month and week.

Number of per
sons.

Num Num
Num
ber o! ber of Amount
ber of Num
ber of Amount
Work
in
Work
in
paid.
paid.
Em
ing stances. hours.
Em
ing stances. hours.
ployed. over
ployed. over
time.
time.

June:
1st week.........
3d week..........
4th week.........
July:
1st week.........
2d week...........
3d week..........
4th week.........
Total...........

48
46

10
9

43
18
2d week...........
12
12

44
41
43
38

3
4
5
10

4
4
7
13
1,000

8*
II

$10.23
483.18
1.35
1.85

57
12 57
56
52

12
17
18
9

16
39
31
21

141
30*
18
14

13.10
6.18
4.48
4.06

2
3
4!
lof

.46
.80
.88
2.08

46
44
41
34

28J

6.04

9
13

21
19

25
2

4.88
5.45

1,277*

342.36

1,631

M 'l i j

409.73

The relation between overtime and the seasons is apparent.1 The
maximum overtime comes in November and May, the heights of the
two seasons in this particular shop in 1910. The minimum overtime
in January, February, and first part of March corresponds with the
depths of the trade depression. The fall season in this shop is, how
ever, characterized by a great deal more overtime than the spring.
This seems to be explained by the character of the clientele. The
patrons of the shop are wealthy and fashionable people, who do not
return to the city until October. The orders precipitate a deluge of
work demanding immediate execution, for everyone has “ nothing to
wear.” Through November, therefore, the work can be completed
only by overtime for a large part of the force. The spring orders,
however, come in much more gradually and are distributed over a
greater length of time, so while there is still a great deal of overtime,
the management is better able to control it.
The labor problem which the employer faces also becomes apparent.
The cataclysmic rush of work in the fall necessitates one of two things,
overtime or more workers. But scarcity of skilled labor is one of
the most serious difficulties of the trade. Moreover, it is not one
or two workers who are needed, but different workers in the various
departments for a short time. Skilled workers can seldom be picked
up for a short rush season, as they have comparatively steady work,
and few employers can stand the expense of holding through the
year a large number of skilled workers who are needed but a few
months. The alternative appears to be overtime as long as the orders
of the customers come within a short rush period.

1 See Chart C.

DBESSMAKING AS A TKADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

121

CHAM 0 .—OVERTIME IN A LARGE SHOP DURING THE YEARS 190&-10AND 1910-11.
[Based on Table 40.]

Few pay rolls, however, give such complete record of overtime
as was found in this shop, and therefore to what extent such overtime
is characteristic of the large fashionable shops in general it is im
possible to say. The pay roll of another shop, equally large and ca
tering to the same type of people, showed very little pay for over
time and that only occasionally. The natural presumption would
be that there was little overtime there. Reports from the workers,
however, show this is not true. The majority said overtime was
compensated by equal time off, though one said she had the choice of
pay or time off. The overtime, under this system of compensa
tion, does not appear on the pay roll, nor can it be accurately ascer
tained from any source.
Another high-class shop, though employing about half as large a
force (35), showed much less overtime. Some appeared on the pay
roll during 15 of the 39 weeks working season. The second week in
November, eight workers received 50 cents extra and five workers
$1 each for overtime, but the number of hours worked was not
specified. Again, the first week in December an equal number

122

BU LLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

received varying amounts, none exceeding 50 cents. The last week
in April and first week in June four people received overtime pay,
but during t!ie remainder of the season only one or two, and in one
instance three, workers were paid for overtime. The relation of over
time to the heights of the seasons is here again apparent. But this
is not an accurate account of the overtime in this shop, as one worker
reported overtime with no compensation, an instance again of over
time that does not appear on the pay roll.
More than one-half the 200 workers visited reported overtime during
the year which may or may not have been illegal; one-third (34) of those
reporting received no pay for additional time and work. Overtime
was reported for 59 shops, though in only 6 of these was it habitual or
frequent. More than one-third (39 per cent) of the 59 shops did
not pay for overtime. One worker said she received “ nothing for
once or twice.” One was paid “ about one-half the time.” Another
said her employer “ always promised to pay them for overtime, but she
never did.” Four shops, according to the reports of the workers,
made it up to them by allowing time later, and one shop gave the
choice between pay and time off.1 “ I sometimes work until 7 o’clock
several times a week during rush season,” said one girl. “ Once I
worked until 9 o’clock. But they make it up to the girls by giving
them an afternoon off. They are perfectly fair about it. We are
never asked to exceed the legal weekly limit and are glad to work
overtime some evenings to get the afternoon off.” *
The large establishments, on the whole, may be said to pay for or
at least compensate overtime. A fashionable shop of 100 workers,
however, notorious for its continuous and extended overtime, did
not pay for it, while some of the small shops did, so it is difficult to
generalize. The payment for overtime ultimately depends on the
businesslike methods of the employer and on the employees them
selves. Some employees refuse to stay night after night without pay.
Others are afraid to refuse.8
Overtime without pay would seem to be a profitable system. To
what extent this opportunity is abused by the employer it would be
difficult to say. “ The girls worked at Miss B-------- ’s shop during
the three months of the spring season every night until 12 o’clock,”
said one worker. “ Miss B-------- would declare the gown had to be
i Miss Collet discovered a similar diversity with regard to payment for overtime in London. Great
Britain, Royal Commission of Labor. Conditions of Work in London (1893), by Clara E . Collet, p. 13.
* Miss Irwin reported a similar custom among some dressmakers in Scotland. Great Britain, Royal
Commission of Labor. Conditions of Work in Scotland, by Margaret Irwin, p. 292.
* Miss Collet, in London, and Miss Orme and Miss Abraham, in Ireland, found a similar situation. Great
Britain, Royal Commission. Conditions of Work in London, p. 13; Conditions of Work in Ireland, p. 322.
M. du Maroussem reported one employer in Paris who paid double for overtime. Nothing is said about
the others, who probably do not pay for overtime. France, Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie, Vol.
n , Le Vfttement k Paris, p. 439.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN" IN MASSACHUSETTS.

123

done within a certain time and then a week after we would see it
hanging in the closet.1 She announced once that ‘No girl need
expect to stay who wouldn’t work overtime.’ She usually wouldn’t
ask a girl outright to stay at night, but would say certain dresses had
to be done, and if we didn’t stay we knew we would lose our places.”
“ Mma. Z-----:— came in one evening,” said another girl, “ and an
nounced that all should work until 6 o’clock (half past 5 being the
regular closing time), although there was no particular need for it.
The more I thought of it the more angry I got. Off of 18 women thus
she would get in just a whole day’s work for no pay. When half-past
5 came I left and went home. Mme. Z-------- said nothing to me the
next morning;” An older woman of 45, however, who only managed
to get four months’ work in the whole year, could be much less inde
pendent. “ We often stayed at S-------- ’s three or four nights a week
until 7 or 8. I did not care to be ‘stiff’ about those things for fear of
being discharged.” 2
A few of the Boston workers said that supper was provided when
they worked late. “ Many nights through most of the busy season we
worked until 11 o’clock. Miss H-------- gave us a sandwich for lunch,
but what was that?” said one girl. “ Sometimes we work overtime
at C-------- ’s,” said a more contented worker, “ but we are paid the
regular rate and a nice supper is always brought in—sandwiches, hot
coffee, cake, and fruit. C-------- ’s is a grand place to work.”
The rate of pay for overtime varied with the different shops. The
majority who were paid received the regular rate or approximately
that amount.8 A large alteration department had a regular overtime
rate of 25 cents an hour. The $12 worker thus received about her
regular rate for overtime work, while the $9 worker received almost
half again her regular rate.
An ingenious scheme of adjustment of seasonal fluctuation and
hours was discovered in a private shop, but with the burden still on
the worker. The regular working day was from 8 a. m. to 5.30 p. aa.,
with one-half hour for lunch. The employees worked one-half hour
over the regular day two or three times a week throughout the busy
season. No pay was given for the extra time and work. In dull mid
winter from Thanksgiving until the opening of the spring season the
hours were changed from 8 a. m. to 4 p. m. with one-half hour for
lunch, and workers received but five days’ pay. In the busy season
they worked more than they were paid for. In the dull season five
days’ work was spread over six days and they were paid for just five
i See similar report by if . Alfassa. Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en Revue
de Paris, Sept. 1 5,1904, pp. 384,385.
* Great Britain, Royal Commission. Conditions of Work in London, by Clara E. Collet, p. 13.
8 A girl receiving $7.50 a week, for instance, received 11 cents an hour (13 cents would have been
regular pay).

124

BULLETIN OP TH E BUBEAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.

days* work. To what extent the work done during overtime in the
busy season would have occupied the dull season is difficult to
determine. The demands of customers are the ultimate controlling
force.
Conditions at the time of the investigation made overtime profitable
to the employer. She could get a great deal of additional work at no
additional cost and without violating the 58-hour law. “ I have
noticed,” said a girl of 22, “ that the dressmakers who rushed the girls
and kept them overtime had patrons coming back oftener for altera
tions.” The quality of work done and temper of the workroom force
might thus counterbalance the amount of work completed. “ More
over, the work done during the day is good,” says M. Alfassa, “ while
that done in the evening is extremely defective.”
In isolated cases of an eight-hour day the employer has maintained
that the same results can be secured in an eight as in a nine hour
working day. ‘ ‘ Miss Olivia Flynt, Chauncy Street, Boston (reported)
Hours of Labor per day (8)” in 1871. “ We are assured by the
employer and employed that their profits have been quite as large
since the adoption of the eight hours for a day’s work some eighteen
months since, as before, when working nine and one-half hours per
day.” 1 Two proprietors of shops in Boston now have an eight-hour
day, one of whom says she can turn out as much work in eight hours
as in nine hours throughout the season.
Legal prohibition of nightwork and regulation of shop hours is
undoubtedly beneficial in controlling overtime, though a rigid enforce
ment of the legal limit of hours will probably result in only par
tially checking the tendency of customers to give late orders and
to require their completion within an unreasonable time. It may
result to a certain extent in driving the work out of the shop to the
home. Some half dozen workers representing three or four shops
reported taking work home in the evening, for which the majority
received no additional pay. “ I have taken a coat home from H-------and embroidered on it at night with no extra pay,” said one girl.
Another took material home Saturday and worked on it a large part
of Sunday. An employee in one of the large shops, however, said,
“ In extreme rush we take embroidery home at night. We get extra
pay and I am glad to be able to earn the extra money.” The em
ployer thus escapes the danger of being discovered by the inspector,
but violates the law which forbids work being sent to the home with
out a license.2 The wearer is exposed to the possibilities of clothing
made under unsanitary conditions and the worker has seriously over
* Second Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Labor (1871), p. 216.
* Laws of Massachusetts, R . L ., vol. 106, sec. 56 (State Board of Health). Bulletin of the United
States Bureau of Labor Statistics No. 148, pp. 982 and 983.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

125

drawn on her reserve force. Both workers and inspectors reported a
similar situation in England.1
The evil effects of long hours and overtime for women have been
so clearly and voluminously portrayed in the United States and
Europe that it seems unnecessary to deal with them except in a
cursory way.* The physical and nervous strain of overtime added to
the regular working day is self-evident. The work begins at the
regular hour the following day regardless of the hour at which the
worker left the shop the preceding night.
The moral aspect of the problem has been emphasized by French
writers. The young girls and women are exposed to many unpleasant
experiences returning to their homes late at night.* Young girls
become accustomed to being out at night, and their parents have no
way of knowing when it is necessary. “ Does Anna have to stay at
night very often?” the investigator asked a mother. “ I can’t tell,”
said the mother. “ Sometimes she comes home late and says she
was kept in at the shop. But you can’t always believe what young
girls say.”
A more equal distribution of work throughout the year, or work for
a larger number of women must result if the legal regulation of
the working day be enforced. English trade-union workers and
inspectors believe that such a result has been secured in England.1
Legislation and adequate inspection can contribute to the betterment
of working conditions. The 54-hour week without exceptions should
greatly simplify the situation in the dressmaking trade, as under it the
legal and the actual working day of the majority of shops are synony
mous. Enforcement of this legislation is the problem of the times,
but it can be greatly facilitated by the customers and by employees.
The movement for abolishing nightwork for women received a
powerful impetus in the signature by 14 European States of the
international convention respecting the prohibition of nightwork for
women in industrial employment. The convention guarantees to
women in industrial occupations in the signatory States a night rest
of 11 consecutive hours, part of which must cover the period from 10
p. m. to 5 a. m. This convention came into force January 14,1912, in
the 12 States which had ratified it by January 14,1910. These coun
* Great Britain Factory and Workshops Acts Commission. Report of the Commissioners appointed
to inquire into the working of the Factory and Workshops Acts, Vol. I, p. 56. London, 1876.
* Decision of the United States Supreme Court in Curt Muller v. State of Oregon, and Brief for the
State of Oregon, 1907; also W . C. Ritchie &Co. v. Wayman and Davies, in the Supreme Court of Illinois,
December, 1909, by Louis D . Brandeis, assisted by Josephine Goldmark. Fatigue and Efficiency, by
Josephine Goldmark, New York, 1912. Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en Revue
de Paris, Sept. 15, 1904. Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes dans L'Industrie Francaise, par Marthe
Jay, p. 12. Die gewerbliche Nachtarbeit der Frauen, Stephen Bauer, Jena, 1903, p. 2.
* See similar statements in Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes dans L’Industrie Francaise, par Marthe
Jay, p. 12. Le Travail de Nuit des Femmes, par Georges Alfassa, en R.evue de Paris, Sept. 15, 1904,
pp. 367-389.

126

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LAB0B STATISTICS.

tries are Germany, Austria, Hungary, Belgium, France, the United
Kingdom, Italy, Luxemburg, Netherlands, Portugal, Switzerland,
and Sweden.1 The United States as a unit has no such legisla
tion. This important matter is left to the individual States and the
resultant variation is always a weapon of the employers against
reduction of the working hours in a particular State on the ground that
it unfairly handicaps them in the competition of trade. In 1916
but nine of the States prohibited nightwork by women.8
1 Bulletin of International Labor Office (1906), p. xxxiii. Spain and Denmark were the two remain
ing countries.
2 Arkansas, Connecticut, Indiana, Massachusetts, Nebraska, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and
South Carolina.

CHAPTER VI.
WAGES AND EARNINGS IN BOSTON.

Custom dressmaking with its emphasis on fine handwork is still, at
the opening of the twentieth century, primarily woman’s work. The
last official statistics given for this branch of the trade were those
collected in 1900. In that year the average number of men, women,
and children employed in custom and factory dressmaking, and the
wages received by each group, were as follows:
T a b l e 4 1.— NUMBER

AND WAGES OF MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN IN CUSTOM
DRESSMAKING AND IN MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN THE UNITED STATES.*
Manufacturing shops.

Custom shops.

Workers.

Men......................
Women...............
Children..............
Total..........

Per cent
Average of average
number number
em
wageployed. of
earaers.
4,379
40,835
381
45,595 j
i

Total

SET

Percent
Per cent Average of
average
of total number
number
em
wages
of
wageployed.
paid.
earaers.

9.6
89.6
.8

$2,943,175
11,363,683
45,595

20.6
79.1
.3

26,109
56,866
764

100.0

14,352,453

100.0

83,739

Per cent
of total
wages
paid.

Total
wages
paid.

31.2 $15,790,572
67.9 16,675,390
120,139
.9

48.5
51.2
.3

32,586,101

100.0

* United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Pt. I ll, p. 302.

It will be seen that in custom dressmaking the women represented
almost 90 per cent. In the factory branch of the clothing trade, in
volving heavier machine work, more emphasis on speed, and a greater
variety of materials and product, men constituted 31.2 per cent of the
force.
Turning to the matter of wages, it appears that in custom dress
making, although men formed less than 10 per cent of the working
force, they drew 20 per cent of the total wages paid. In the manu
facturing branch the men also drew more than their proportionate
share of the total wages, but relatively their excess is less than in
custom dressmaking. This is due to the difference in the skill re
quired of men in the two branches of the trade. However, in both
branches the men drew a much larger proportion and the women and
children a much smaller proportion of the total wages paid than they
represented in the working force.
The investigation on which this chapter is based has been confined
to those shops making high-class dresses, custom and wholesale, a

127

128

BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

branch of the trade which is still practically monopolized by women.
While custom dressmaking in Massachusetts has reached a fair degree
of development, the manufacturing branch, because of concentration
in New York, is unusual and sporadic in this State, and has necessarily
been treated more from a comparative standpoint than as a basis of
study in itself. The pay-roll records of 735 workers in 14 custom
dressmaking shops1 and of 522 workers in the only two high-class
dressmaking factories in Boston making a product selling at whole
sale for $18 or more, and the personal testimony of 200 workers visited
in their homes form the basis for conclusions on the wage situation
in the dressmaking trade of Boston.
The sex and age of the workers studied in Boston are shown in the
following table:
T able 4 3.—NUMBER OF MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN UNDER 16 EMPLOYED IN 14
CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS IN BOSTON DURING
ONE Y E AR .
[Based on pay rolls.)
Custom shops.
Workers.
A

Men...........................

B C D E F G H I

Total
J K L M N num Per X
ber. cent.

Children...................

30 6
1 2
97 83 59 44 38 27 55 *34 *35 *25 *io *ii ‘ i? 'io
10
1
1 1 2
1

Total..............

127 99 59 45 39| 29 56 35 37 25 11 11 17 10

W o m e n .........................

Manufacturing shops.

Total Per
num cent.
ber.

6.5
90.8
2.7

7 15
69 431

22
500

600 100.0

76 446

522 100.0

39
545
16

4.2
95.8

Comparing these figures with those from the census just given, it
appears that the proportion of women in the custom trade in Boston
does not differ very greatly from that in the whole Union. In factory
dressmaking, however, Boston shows a much larger proportion of
women than are found in the trade as a whole.
This is largely due to the fact that “ women’s clothing trade, factoiy
product,” as described by the census, includes much of the heavy
wear largely made by men, while the “ factory dressmaking” studied
in Boston is confined to the making of a product similar to that of
the custom shop—light-weight dresses of silk and chiffon, on which
women are principally employed, men appearing only as designers,
foremen, cutters, pressers, and shippers. Children under 16 formed
2.7 per cent of the 600 custom workers employed in 14 custom shops
in Boston during the year 1910-11, while none were found among
522 factory workers. Public sentiment, the activity of the Coni The records of 600 workers appeared on the pay rolls of the 14 custom shops during a one-year period,
September, 1910, to September, 1911. As an additional four months’ record from September to December,
1911, was taken from several shops to gain information concerning the effect of the summer vacation on
the stability of the force, the wages of the additional 135 new workers who appeared during this period
have been used in some tables to make as large and representative a group as possible on which to base
conclusions.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

129

sinners’ League, and the small value of girls under 16 in a dress
making factory militate against their employment. They are used
as errand, floor, and stock girls, but Boston employers show an in
creasing unwillingness to employ them even on these tasks, saying
they are too young and irresponsible to compensate for the trouble
they make. More than two-thirds of the children under 16 in the
custom trade earned less than $5 a week.
Turning to a consideration of weekly wages, the following table
shows the number and per cent of men, women, and children in
different wage groups:
T a b l e 4 3 .—CLASSIFIED W EEK LY WAGES OF MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN UNDER 16

IN 14 CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS, IN BOSTON.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Custom shops.
Classified
weekly
wages.

Women.

Men.

Children.

Manufacturing shops.*
Total.

Men.

Women.

Total.*

Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per
ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent.
$1 and under $5.........
15 and under $10........
3
6
$10 and under $15—
$15 and under $20—
6
20
$20 and under $ 2 5 ....
$25 and under $30—
2
2
$30 and under $35----1
$35 and under $40----$40 and under $ 4 5 ....
1
$45 and under $50___
$50 and under $60___
Unclassified * ............ ....... i
Total................
Percent.....................

7.1
14.3
14.3
47.6
4.8
4.8
2.4
2.3
*2.*4

42 100.0
5.7

62 9.3 *
372 55.7
181 27.1
30 4.5
4
.6
5
.8
.4
3

1
10

.1
1.5

668 100.0
90.9

17 68.0
8 32.0

79 10.8
383 52.2
187 25.4
36 5.0
24 3.3
7 1.0
5
.7
1
.1
1
1
11

.1
.1
1.3

25 100.0 * 735 100.0
3.4
100.0

6 27.3
4 18.2
7 31.8
1 4.6

70 14.9
296 62.8
95 20.2
8 1.7
1
.2

14.1
61.1
20.1
3.0
.5

4.5

9.1

4.5

•2

22 100.0
4.5

70
302
99
15
2

471 100.0
493 100.0
95.5
100.0

i No children under 16 employed.
* 29 pieceworkers excluded.
* Some names appear on the pay roll for a day or two with no wage at all, or several weeks with varying
small sums. These are drifters, but worth noting.
* Including 135 miscellaneous workers. See note, p. 128.

The difference in the wages of men and women appears very strik
ingly here. While almost two-thirds of the women employed in cus
tom dressmaking earned less than $10 a week, practically the same
proportion of the men earned $20 or more. In factory dressmaking
three-fourths of the women earned less and nearly three-fourths of
the men earned more than $10 a week.
The table also shows the difference in the opportunities offered by
the two branches for earning good wages. In custom dressmaking
35 per cent of the women employed earned $10 or over, against
22.3 per cent in factory dressmaking. Only two women in the
latter branch earned as much as or more than $20 a week, while in
custom dressmaking nine earned from $20 to $30, three from $30 to
$35, and one between $50 and $60. Because of the demand for
29885°—Bull. 193—16----- 9

130

BULLETIN OF TH E Bt'BEAU OF J.ABOE STATISTICS.

artistic lines, originality, and individuality, custom dressmaking is
unique in the clothing trades for the opportunity open to the women
who can meet the required standard. In spite of the opportunity,
few are able to measure up to it, and the discouraging fact remains
that almost one-half the custom workers and two-thirds of the fac
tory workers earn less than $9, which has been estimated as the
minimum living wage in Boston.1
The week wage prevails in the high-class dressmaking trade, both
custom and manufacturing, in Boston. In the former, the character
of the trade makes the week wage preferable for two reasons: First,
since custom dressmaking stands for individuality and originality,
every gown must be different, which makes the establishment of a
piece rate difficult, and, second, the week rate is usually recognized
as essential to fine, high-class work, for pieceworkers are likely to be
more interested in the amount than the quality of output. In no
purely custom shop in Boston was the piece-wage system in use, and
in the two wholesale dressmaking shops only 29 of the 522 workers
were on piece wage. In the larger factory it was customary to put
new workers on a piece rate for a few weeks, to enable the forewoman
to set their weekly rates. Since the pieceworkers are few and not
representative, they will be excluded from the general discussion of
wages in Boston. The following table shows their average weekly
wages. It will be seen that 24 of the 29 averaged less than $5 a week
and that not one earned $9 a week.
T a b l e 4 4 .—CLASSIFIED W EEKLY WAGES OF S9 WOMEN ON' PIECEWORK IS 2 MAN-

UFACTURIN'G SHOPS IS BOSTON.®
[Based oa pay rolls.]
Number of women earning wage
specified.
Classified weekly wages.
Shop X .
Under $1...... .......................... !................
SI and under *2................. . *................
$2 and under S3...................... !
3
4
13 and under $4......................
$4 and under So...................... !
3
1
$5 and under $6......................ji
$6 and under $7...................... !
2
$7 and under $8......................
I
S8 and under $9......................
Total...............................

Shop Y .

Total.

5
3
1
3
2

tr
5

2
2

5
3
4
1

• Average wage based on number of weeks worked. None worked more than eight weeks in shop X and
none more than 13 weeks in shop Y .

One large high-class establishment, doing both custom and retail
manufacturing 2 and employing from 400 to 500 workers, was unique
in that the piece-wage system was the prevailing method of wage
i The Living Wage of Women Workers, by M. Louise Bosworth. (New York, 1911.] pp. 9-11.
* Gowns made up in advance of orders and sold to the prospective wearers either through the store or

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

131

payment, only the heads and a few others receiving a week wage.
The piece-wage system is also invading the alteration departments of
the large stores. One firm had put all alteration workers on piece
rates, while two firms were imposing this form of payment on the
seasonal or extra workers only. Although the week wage has the
advantage of a definite assured income, the worker may be laid off
the moment she can be dispensed with. The pieceworker may, on
the other hand, make something, although less than usual, in dull
season, if she comes to the factory each day.
Although the wages of adult women workers in the dressmaking
trade, may seem discouraging, comparison with other industries
shows that relatively they are high. The wages in boot and shoe
manufacturing ranked highest of the large manufacturing industries
in 1905, with 32.6 per cent earning $9 or more. Wholesale millinery
ranked second with 26.6 per cent, women’s clothing, factory product,
21.7 per cent, men’s clothing 13.1 per cent, printing and publishing
17.7 per cent, bookbinding 11.7 per cent, and paper boxes 8.7 per cent
earning $9 or more.1
Wages in custom and factory dressmaking secured from local pay
rolls are, therefore, much better than those reported for the large
manufacturing industries. Forty-nine per cent of the custom work
ers and 36.3 per cent of the factory workers earned $9 or more. Fac
tory dressmaking turning out a high-class product shows a higher
wage standard than the women’s clothing trade as a whole, for 67.8
per cent earned less than $8 in the trade as a whole as compared
with 47.1 per cent in factory dressmaking in Boston; 78.3 per cent
earned less than $9 in the trade as a whole, while 63.7 per cent
earned less than $9 in the Boston dressmaking factories. Custom
dressmaking with its fine product requiring skill and artistic sense
ranks still better, only 33.1 per cent earning less than $8, and 50.6
per cent less than $9.
The difference in opportunity to earn a good wage in the two
branches is also apparent; 35.6 per cent of the custom as compared
with 22.3 per cent of the factory workers earned $10 or more; 17.9
per cent of the custom workers as compared with 7 per cent of the
factory workers earned $12 or more. Six per cent of the custom
workers earned more than $15, 2.1 per cent received $20 or more, and
1.4 per cent, $25 or more.
The wage scale of an individual shop is largely determined by the
character of its trade and the size of the force. Large and fashion
able shops employ more expensive help than is needed in the small
shops. In shop A, employing during the year 97 women,* 12.4 per
cent earned $15 or more; 10.3 per cent, $18 or more, and 4.1 per cent,
1 Special Reports of the Census Office. Manufactures, Part IV , 1905, p. 732.
* According to Table 23, pp. 89 and 90, the maximum number employed in shop A in one week was 62.

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

132

$25 or more, while in shop C, employing 35, but one woman earned
$25, and in only one of the remaining 12 shops was $25 paid.
Combining the large shops A to G, each employing a maximum of 25
or more workers, and the small shops H to N, each employing less,
fairly definite wage groups appear.
T a b l e 4 5 . — CLASSIFIED W E E K L Y WAGES OF WOMEN 16 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER

W ORKING IN LARGE AND SMALL CUSTOM DRESSMAKING AND MANUFACTURING
SHOPS FOR A ONE-YEAR PERIOD.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Women earning classified wages in
custom shops.

Classified weekly wages.

Small
shops.

Large

Women earning classified wages in
manufacturing shops.
Large
shops.

Total.

Small
shops.

Total.

Num Per Num Per Num Per Num Per Num- Per Num Per
cent. ber.
ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent.
$1 and under $ 5 ...
$5 and under $10..
$10 and under $15.
$15 and under $20.
$20 and under $25.
$25 and under $30.
$30 and under $35.
$50 and under $60.
Unclassified..........
Total.

7.7

221 54.9
112

27.9
25 6.2
2
.5
2
.5
3
.3
5
1.2

402 100.0

15 10.5
74 51.8
43 30.0
2 1.4
.7

1
13

2.1
3.5

143 100.0

8.5
46
295 54.1
155 28.4
27
5.0
3
.5
5
.9
3
.6

70
255

16.8
61.3
20.0
1.5

74.6
21.8
3.6

70
296
95
8

14.9
62.8

416 100.0

55 100.0

471

100.0

20.2
1.7

1.8

545 100.0

i The $25 wage is abnormal in the small shop employing less than 25 workers. These three were tried
out in one year in one shop where the employer did not personally conduct the business.

The proportion, more than one-half earning $5 to $10, and onefourth, $10 to $15, is approximately the same in both, but the differ
ence appears at the extremes. Those earning $15 and over were 8.3 per
cent of the total employed in the large shops and but 4.2 per cent in the
small, while they constitute 7.2 per cent of the force in the combined
shops, illustrating the influence of the large shops in the returns for
the trade. As the other extreme the $1 to $5 workers form 10.5 per
cent in the small shops and 7.7 per cent in the large establishments.
Most of the low-wage earners are young learners, 18 to 20 years old,
who can be profitably employed in the small shops where they work
directly under and with their employer.
The lower wage scale of the small shop raises the question: To
what extent does the proportion of learners explain the difference?
Slightly more than one-fourth of the women 16 years of age and
over employed in the large shops were earning less than $8, and a
little more than one-fifth of these were tinder 18 years of age. Almost
one-third of the women in the small shops earned less than $8 and
one-fifth of these were under 18 years of age. The lower wage scale
of the small shop large enough to keep a pay roll, therefore; la ex
plained by the class of work and type of product rather than by the
immaturity of the workers. The decline of the small shop is there

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

133

fore a dubious misfortune, for the large shop, in spite of less indi
vidualism and greater subdivision of labor, does not necessarily, as
the census has pointed out, mean a lower wage scale.1
T a b l e 4 6.—PROPORTION OF W ORKERS EARNING LESS THAN $8, AND PROPORTION

OF THESE UNDER 18 YEARS OF AGE, B Y LARGE AND SMALL SHOPS.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Large shops.

Small shops.

Item.
Number. Percent. Number. Percent.
Workers employed...............

402

Earning under $8...........
Under 18 years of age....

115
26

143
28.6
22.6

45
9

31.5
20.0

While the worker in the small shop completes a whole, the worker
in the large shop completes a specific part and, because of the superior
product, an even higher degree of efficiency is sometimes required
from the subordinate workers, while the increased supervisory force
increases the wage scale greatly. The disappearance of the small
shop with its opportunities for training young workers, however, is
leaving a gap in the industrial world which should be bridged by such
educational agencies as are necessary to equip the prospective
workers.
Since the occupation signifies a fairly definite degree and type
of ability, it determines to a large degree the wage. The 25 or more
occupations .in the dressmaking trade may be grouped into three
classes—the professional, the purely industrial, and the general
service.' With the latter may be included tlie clerical workers. The
professional and the general service groups constitute the extremes
in skill, ability, and consequent wage, while the industrial workers
constitute the great middle class.
The industrial class comprises the plain sewers and finishers,
embroiderers, collar and lining makers, machine operators, and
pressers, all of whom need manual skill primarily. They formed
more than one-half (55 per cent) of the 600 custom workers and
almost two-thirds (62.5 per cent) of the 522 factory workers em
ployed during 1910-11 in the 14 shops and two factories studied.
The professional class comprises the designers, forewomen, cutters,
fitters, shoppers, tailors, drapers, and makers, who stand for artistic
sense, creative and administrative ability in addition to manual skill
and constitute somewhat more than one-fourth (29.8 per cent) of the
custom but only 15.9 per cent of the factory workers. The general
■service and clerical group comprises the traveling saleswomen, models
*)f the factory branch, office force, and the stock and errand girls, consti
tuting 7 per cent of the custom and 4.8 per cent of the factory workers.

i United States Census of Manufactures, 1905, Pt. IV . p . 709.

134

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LAB0B STATISTICS.

The industrial group and the unclassified workers, who are largely
the drifters of the trade, occupy an unduly large place in the working
force for a one-year period because of their shifting and instability.
In the week when the largest number was employed the professional
group formed 33.8 per cent of the custom and 21.9 per cent of the
factory workers. The industrial group formed 53.3 per cent of the
custom workers as compared with 66 per cent of the factory force.
The clerical and general service represented about the same propor
tion in both, 6.1 per cent in the custom trade and 6.5 per cent in the
factory branch. The unclassified group formed 6.9 per cent of the
custom and 5.6 per cent of the factory workers.
The following table shows both the division of the working force
among these three groups and the classified weekly wages within
each group:
T a b u s 4 7 .—CLASSIFIED W EE K LY WAGES OF 000 CUSTOM W ORKERS, B Y OCCUPATIONS.

[Based on pay rolls.]
* Total.
$5
SIO $15 $20 $25 $30
SI
$35 Un
and and and and and and and and
classi
under under under under under under under over.
Per
fied. Num
$15 $20
sio
$25
$30
$35
$5
ber.
cent.

Occupation.

P rofessional.
1

Designers
forewomen.. . . .
Tailors:
Men....................................
Women..............................
Cutters.....................................
Fitters......................................
Shoppers..................................
Drapers:
W aists..................... .........
Skirts.................................
Sleeves...............................
Makers:
Waists...............................
Skirts.................................
Sleeves..............................

r>
10
3
3
1

6
3

1
3
1

s 40
23
5

6
6
1

5
2

6
5
1

103

2
2

Total...............................

;
i
!

80
74
9
GO
0
1
6
6
1

1ft
12

11 \
7 )
1

*.»

;

179

...!......... ».........

..........j..........

4
2

*1
5

243

Office.......................................
Stock ffnd errand girls......... .

3
8

4
2

4
«1

Total...............................

1.2
.1

...!......... 1.........

Total...............................

8.7

15.0

I
i
......... .......... I.........
4
21 |
25
i
7 1i

1.0

4$
35 'j
7

12
5
1
22

5
36 }
16
4 9

l
l

Industrial.
Finishers:
W aists. . . . .
Skirts.................................
Sleeves..............................
Finishers and plain sewers
Embroiderers...........................
Collar makers...........................
T^tijjng makers.........................
operators...................
Pressors....................................

1!
1i
1

I
1

113 |
91
10 \
87 J
8
1
8
11
1

29.8

50.2
1.3
.2
1.3
1.8
.2

330

55.0

11
31

1.8
5.2
7.0

Clerical and gen era l service.

Unclassified.............................

11
1

Grand total....................
61l
* Head fitter.

8.2

• I

161

600

100.0

2 Occupation not definitely specified, 3.

8 Head of linings.

4 Head of stock*

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

135

It appears from this that the workers in each division of the custom
force show a characteristic earning capacity. Almost three-fourths
(73.7 percent) of the industrialworkers came within the $5 to $10 group,
a similar proportion, 71.5 per cent, of the professional group earned
from $10 to $20, and nearly one-half of the general and clerical work
ers earned under $5. The workers of the professional group comprise
the widest range of occupations, ability, and wage, for above the mak
ers and drapers, who constitute the majority and congregate within
the $10 to $15 group, are the designers and forewomen, tailors, cut
ters, and fitters, 44.9 per cent of whom earn $20 or more, and at the top
appear a few heads and experts earning from $30 to $50 a week. In
the clerical and general service group at the one extreme are the
young errand girls earning less than $5, and at the other the $15 book
keeper and $18 head of stock in the large commercialized shop.
Much greater standardization of wage, work, and workers appears in
the factory trade, as already noted; nearly two-thirds of the working
force are industrial workers and need manual skill primarily. More
than three-fourths of the workers in each of the three groups come
within the $5 to $15 group. Power-machine operators and finishers
or plain sewers constituted more than one-half the working force;
but 13.2 per cent of the women were drapers and designers and fore
women typifying artistic skill or administratiye ability, and few even
of these exceeded $15. The new opportunity for women appears in
the clerical and general service group, in the models earning from $10
to $15, and the traveling saleswomen from $15 to $20.
T a b l e 4 8 .—CLASSIFIED W EE K LY WAGES OF 522 FACTORY WORKERS,* B Y OCCUPA

TIONS.
[Based on pay rolls.]

Occupation.

Total.
$10 $15 $20 $25 $30 * $35
$5
SI
and and and and and and and
Num
under under under under under under under over.
Per
$10 $15 $20 $25 $30
ber.
$35
cent.
$5

P rofessional.
Designers and foremen.......................
Designers and forewomen..................
Cutters, men.......................................
Drapers;
Waists..........................................
Skirts............................................
Total.............................. ...........

1
3

2
1

3
5

20
4

24
10

48
1

105
2 81

2
5
1

In dustrial .
Finishers
plain sewers ............
operators.................... ..........
Sample makers....................................
Tuckers................................................
Pieceworkers.....................................
Examiners...........................................
Pressers;
Men............. .................................
Women........................................
Toital..........................................

1
6
73

201

1
1

i
*
2 Ij

.
2

1
I

32
3
4
1
2
6
48

2
2

1
1

t
4
= = z = L r = j----- as

3
8
11 i

2.1

45
16 !}

11.7

15.9

153
114 1
3 j6
29
2

23.6

5
14 }

3.6

326

29.3

5.6
.4

62.5

* Of the professional group, 78.3 per cent earn from 15 to $15; of the industrial group, 76.4 per cent earn
from $5 to $15; and of the clerical and general service group, 76 per cent earn from 15 to $15.
a One man.

136

BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS,

fABLK 4 8 ,—CLASSIFIED W E E K L Y WAGES OF 522 FACTORY W ORKERS, B Y OCCU.PATION S—Concluded.
Total.
15
$15
$10
$20 $25
$1
$30 $35
and and and and and and and and
under under under under under under under
Num
Per
15
$10 $15 $20 $25 $30 $35 over. ber.
cent.

Occupation.

Clerical and gen era l service .
Traveling saleswomen.......................
Models.................................................
Office...................................................
Stock, errand, and floor girls..............
Shippers, men*...................................

6
3

1
18

Total..........................................

Unclassified.........................................

Grand to ta l.............................

307

.2
1.1
1.0
2.3
.2

1
6
5
12
1

4.8

16.8

522

100.0

* One boy.

But the significance of the weekly wage in a skilled trade like dress
making must be interpreted by two important factors which largely
determine it, age and experience.
Since the value of the worker is dependent on “ common sense,”
as the dressmakers phrase it, and on the manual skill accompanying
maturity, the wage is to a certain extent determined by age. The
young worker under 18 has a very small place in the trade, consti
tuting but 8.5 per cent of the 600 custom workers studied from pay
rolls. Table 49 shows the weekly wages of 95 workers under 18.
Approximately, two-thirds of the 14 to 16 year old girls earned less
than $5 as compared with one-fourth of those from 16 to 18 years;
45.6 per cent of those 16 to 18 years old earned less than $6 as com
pared with about the same proportion, 40.7 per cent, of the 14 to
16 year group who earned less than $4. Practically the same pro
portion earned less than $8 and none earned $9.
Tabus

40. — CLASSIFIED W EEK LY WAGES OF W ORKERS, B Y TWO CLASSIFIED AGE

GROUPS.
[Based on pay rolls and personal interviews.)
Workers 14 and un Workers 16 and under
der 16 years.
18 years.
Classified weekly
wages.

Under $2*..............
Under $3................
Under $4................
Under $5................
Under $6................
Under $7................
Under $8................
Under $9...............

Cumula
Number. tive per Number.
cent.
1
4
11
17
19
25
26
27

3.7
14.8
40.7
63.0
70.4
92.6
' 96.3
100.0

1
4
9
19
31
56
65
68

Cumula
tive per
cent.
1.5
5.9
13.2
27.9
45.6
83.8
95.6
100.0

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

137

Two of the 200 workers personally interviewed were tinder 16, one
earning $5 and one $6 a week as finishers. The one receiving $5
had attended the Boston Trade School and the one receiving $6
had gained experience sewing at home for younger brothers and
sisters and at public night school, so both had been able to enter the
shop as sewers, which is unusual for girls of this age.
While it was impossible to secure the ages of all the older workers
studied on pay rolls, the women of 16 to 20 years constituted 31.5 per
cent of the 200 personally visited, and 93.7 per cent of these earned
less than $9. Almost one-half (49.5 per cent) of the 200 workers
visited were under 22 years of age and just two-thirds (66.7 per cent)
of this group earned less than $8, while but 9.9 per cent of the women
22 or more years of age earned less than this minimum. To what
extent the large proportion in the low-wage group may be explained
by youth and immaturity it is impossible to say, because of lack of
official statistics. Observation in Boston, Glasgow, and Paris, how
ever, confirms the belief that a large proportion of the regular work
ing force in the shops is made up of comparatively young women.
Up to 35 years the workers show in general a tendency to advance
ment in wage. The age of 35 represents the climax of opportunity
in the trade. Those who have the capacity for leadership have been
discovered and brought to the front. Those who have not reached
success before this will probably not advance much beyond the
position they then hold.
T a b l e 6 0 --A G E

GROUPS OF W ORKERS, B Y CLASSIFIED W EE K LY WAGES.
[Based on personal interviews.]
Number of workers eaming-

Age group.

Under 16 years......................
16 and under 18 years...........
18 and under 20 years...........
20 and under 22 years...........
22 and under 25 years...........
25 and under 30 years...........
30 and under 35 years...........
35 and under 40 years...........
40
under 45 years...........
45 and under 5ft years...........
50 years and over..................
Total...........................•

$7 18 $9 $10
15
* * and and and and
Un and and
der un un un un un un
$5 der der der der der der
16 $7 $8 $9 $10 $12

2
4

1
6
1
1

1
9
20
6
1

4
5
7
4
1
1

2
6
6
4
2
1

1
1

T
1
3
2
5
3

1
3
6
6
1

$12
and
nnder
$15

$15
and
un
der
$18

1
3
2
5
2
3
2
1

1
1
2
3
5.
3

$18
and
un
der
$20

3
1

$20
and $25 Oth To
un and ers.^ tal.
der over.
$25

1.
1
:

1
4
1

i Independents, pieceworkers, and drifters.

200

2
1
1
2
2
5
3

1
6

2
23
40
34
21
23
20
20
12
3
2

138

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAT7 OF LABOB STATISTICS.

The wage groups, therefore, hare a fairly definite personnel. Tho
less than $7 group is distinctly the zone of the young worker who
is under the age of 20. The $7 and less than $10 group includes
workers of all ages from the young girl under 18 to the woman over 50,
because it represents only mediocre manual skill. The $10 and less
than $15 group and the $15 and under $18 group show workers of
a higher degree of artistic and creative ability, excluding the very
young and including some women in the forties who have reached
this stage earlier in their career blit never advanced beyond it.
The $18 and over wage group contains the artists, administrators,
and creators, and consists for the most part of women of 25 to 40,
excluding both young and old. Two classes at the extremes—
those earning less than $5 and those earning over $18—are clearcut types, the former comprising the young learner and the latter
the expert; the $7 to $10 group at the center is a motley collection
of all ages, the workers here possessing but mediocre skill.
The length of experience as well as age determines the value and
earning capacity of the worker, since the dressmaking trade requires
training of the eye and hand and development of skill and taste.
The wage increases with experience up to 15 years in the trade,
after which the relation becomes decreasingly apparent. Ten years
or more seems to be necessary to place the worker within the pro
fessional group earning $15 or more, but in five years she should be
earning a living wage of $9 or more.
TABLE S I . — RELATION OF EXPERIENCE TO W EEK LY WAGES.

[Based on personal interviews.]
Number of workers earning weekly—

Years of experience.

Under 1 year................
1 and under 2 years
2 and under 3 years
3 and under 4 years
4 and under 5 years.,,,
5 and under6 years.,..
6 and under 7 years
7 and under 8 vears. ...
8 and under 9 years
9and under 10 years...
10 and under 15 years
15 and under 20 vears
20 years and over.........
Unclassified..................
Total...................

U $5 $6 $7 $8 $9
Un and and and and and and
der un un un un un un
$4 der der der der der der
$5 $0 $7
18 $9 $10
1

3
2

3
5
1

8
14
10
3
2

2
2
8
4
2
3

4
3
5
2
2
3
1

2
5
1
4
1
1
1
1
2
2
1

1
1

$10
and
un
der
$12

2
1

$12
and
un
der
$15

$15
and
un
der
$18

$18
and
un
der
$20

$20
and $25 Othun and ers. Total.
der over.
$25

4
2
1
2
1
3
1

2
1
1
1
3
3
3
2

i
t
i

1
3
4
4
1;
15

1
1
2
2I
2!
!
1__

1
5

51
!

2
4
6
I

17
31
24
23
11
11
7
6
6
5
18
21
17,

!_ ?

1^1I| 200
1

DRESSMAKING AS A TBADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

139

The wage group of less than $7, therefore, is primarily the zone
of the young worker under 20 years of age and with less than 5
years’ experience. The $7 and less than $10 group includes not
only young and old but women with a working experience ranging
from 1 year or less to 20 years and more. The experts earning $18
or more are, in the main, women 25 to 40 years of age with a working
experience of 10 but less than 20 years.
But the weekly wage by no means gives a true insight into the
actual weekly earnings, for days lost cause a surprising reduction
of the nominal weekly wage. Holidays, of which there are nine in
Massachusetts, and occasional days lost for illness or personal rea
sons reduce the earnings, for the workers are paid for actual service
only. Deduction for tardiness is made in two custom shops where
time clocks have been installed, but this is unusual.1
The irregularity of work and consequent variation between the
nominal wage and actual earnings differ with different workers and
different shops. The following table shows the extent to which the
workers in one shop are affected by such irregularity:
T a b u s 5 2 . — OCCUPATION, W AGE, AND PROPORTION OF FULL W EEKS OF SIX DAYS

EACH FOR ALL W ORKERS EMPLOYED 39 OR MORE W EEKS IN SHOP “ A” DURING
WORKING SEASON.
[Based on pay roll.]

Occupation.

Head skirt draper.
Waist draper........
Head tailor...........
Clerical..................
Head fitter............
Fitter.....................
Fitter and cutter..
Shopper.................
Embroiderer.........
Sleeve draper........
Waist draper.........
Tailor....................
Waist finisher.......

Total
Number Number
Nominal number
full weeks part weeks
weekly
weeks
of
6 days of less than
wage.
each.
worked.
6 days.
$18
9
30
8
30
18
25
12
10
14
16
21
5

50
50
49
48
46
44
43
43
43
42
41
40
39

11
30
41
15
37
30
34
29
28
22
25
22
7

39
20
8
33
9
14
9
14
15
20
16
18
32

The head skirt draper on $18 a week had only 11 full weeks of 6 days
each and consequently received her nominal wage of $18 for only this
number out of a working season of 50 weeks. The waist finisher on
$5 a week received that sum for but 7 out of the 39 weeks in the shop.
The head tailor and head fitter on $30 a week do not suffer deduction,
however, for occasional days lost, since those earning more than $25
are usually on a professional basis. In general, the well-paid work
ers seem to lose less time from short absences; this may be partially
due to their sense of responsibility as well as to better conditions.
Employers frequently complain of the irresponsibility of many work
ers who stay out for all sorts of reasons, greatly handicapping those
in the shop. Whatever is the cause, 100 people working 40 to 45
iThe various causes of reduction of tlie Income of workers in other industries are discussed iu The
Living Wage of Women Workers, by M. Louise Bosworth, pp. 33-39.

140

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

weeks had a median number of only 30 full weeks of 6 days and con
sequently only 30 full weeks’ pay.
T a b l e 5 3 .—PROPORTION OF W EEKS

NOT BROKEN B Y SHORT ABSENCES, IN A
50-WEEK PERIOD, FOR 600 CUSTOM W ORKERS.
(Based on pay rolls.]
Number of Median
number
persons
working full weeks
specified
of 6 days
worked.

Weeks worked.

50 weeks......... ...............
45 and under 50 weeks..
40 and under 45 weeks..
35 and under 40 weeks..
30 and under 35 weeks..
25 and under 30 weeks..
20 and under 25 weeks..
15 and under 20 weeks..
10 and under 15 weeks..
5 and under 10 weeks...
1 and under 4 weeks... .
Unclassified...................

29
100
53
35
32
17
39
55
85
151

20
37
30
23

15
13
10
7
3

Total.

600

The number of full weeks with full pay ranges from one-half to
three-fourths of the number of weeks worked by 600 custom workers.
The actual earnings of the workers are, therefore, much lower than
the nominal weekly wage. Taking the more stable group employed
25 or more weeks in a single shop as a basis, the following table shows
the relation between the nominal and the actual wages;
T a b l e 5 4 .—NOMINAL AND ACTUAL AVERAGE W EEK LY WAGES OF 250 CUSTOM AND 139

FACTORY WORKERS EMPLOYED 25 OR MORE W EEKS IN ONE SHOP.I
[Based on pay rolls.]
Workers in custom shops.

Classified weekly wages.

Under $5...............................................
Under $6..................................... .........
Under $ 7 .............................................
Under $8...............................................
Under $9...............................................
Under $10.............................................
$9 and over...........................................
$10 and over..........................................
$12 and over.........................................
$15 and over.........................................
$18 and over..........................................

Workers in factories.

average Nominal wages. Actual average
Nominal wages. Actual
wages.2
wages.8
Num
ber.

Per
cent.

Num
ber.

Per
cent.

Num
ber.

Per
cent.

Num
ber.

14
21
39
60
101
127
149
123
74
34
21

5.6
8.4
15.6
24.0
40.4
50.8
59.6
49.2
29.6
13.6
8.4

28
44
69
115
139
169
111
81
47
24
15

11.2
17.6
27.6
46.0
55.6
67.6
44.4
32.4
18.8
9.6
6.0

5
7
14
20
42
70
97
69
31
13
8

3.6
5.0
10.1
14.4
30.2
50.4
69.8
49.6
22.3
9.4
5.8

10
19
36
70
99
112
40
25
13
7
2

Per
cent.
7.2
13.7
25.9
50.4
71.2
80.6
28.8
17.9
9.4
5.0
1.4

i The 250 custom workers include 9 men, none receiving less than $9, and 5 children under 16, four of
whom earned less than $5, and the 139 factory workers include 8 men, none earning less than $12.
s Actual average weekly wages are based on total income of those working 25 weeks or more divided by
the number of weeks worked.

Among the custom workers 40.4 per cent nominally received less
than $9, but actually the average weekly earnings of 55.6 per aeht
fell below $9. Almost one-half (49.2 per cent) received a nominal
wage of $10 or more, though but 32.4 per cent actually earned this

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

141

amount. The loss is much heavier, however, in the factory group.
Of the 139 employed 25 or more weeks in one shop, 30.2 received a
nominal wage of less than $9, while the actual average earnings of
71.2 per cent fell below this minimum; 49.6 per cent received a nominal
wage of $10 or more, but the actual average weekly earnings of only
17.9 per cent reached or passed $10.
The cumulative loss of earnings due to short absences of less than
one week for 250 custom workers and 139 factory workers employed
25 weeks or more in a single shop was considerable.
T a b l e 5 5 .—PERCENTAGE OF REDUCTION OF NOMINAL INCOME CAUSED BY SHORT

ABSENCES FOR 250 CUSTOM AND 139 FACTORY WORKERS EMPLOYED 25 OR MORE
WEEKS IN A SPECIFIED SHOP, BY TYPES OF DRESSMAKING.
[Based on pay rolls.)
Percentage ol loss.
Types of dressmaking. •
Median.

Custom dressmaking.........
Factory dressmaking........

8.7
13.6

Upper
Lower
quartile. quartile.
13.2
17.1

Average.

10.5
14.0

6.3
10.7

The median loss for custom workers was 8.7 per cent and for factory
workers 13.6 per cent; the average loss 10.5 per cent for custom and
14 per cent for factory workers. For 56 per cent of these custom
workers, the reduction of nominal income amounted to less than 10
per cent, and for 59 per cent of the factory workers to less than 15
per cent. Therefore, if we desire to estimate the actual earnings of
the workers and have not access to pay rolls, the nominal income of
custom workers may be reduced about 10 per cent and of factory
workers 14 per cent for short absences alone.
While the percentage of loss varies with different types of shops,
it also varies with different types of workers. In custom dressmaking
the percentage of loss from short absences decreases with increasing
wage, ranging from 11.8 per cent for the workers earning less than
$5 to 6.3 per cent for the women earning $15 and over, and in factory
dressmaking from 14.4 per cent for the workers earning $5 and under
$10 to 7.4 per cent for those earning $15 or more.
T a b l e 56^-PERCENTAGE OF REDUCTION OF NOMINAL INCOME CAUSED BY SHORT

ABSENCES FOR 250 CUSTOM AND 139 FACTORY WORKERS EMPLOYED 25 OR MORE
W EEKS IN A SPECIFIED SHOP, BY WAGE GROUPS.
[Based on pay rolls.]
Custom shops.
Classified weekly wages.
Median.

Lower
quartile.

Manufacturing shops.
Upper
quartile.

Median.

Lower
quartile.

Upper
quartile.

Under $ 5 ..................................
$$and under $10.......................
$10 and under $15.....................
$15 and over..............................

11.8
10.1
8.5
6.3

7.3
6.7
6.6
3.1

23.5
14.0
12.4
10.4

13.7
14.4
12.8
7.4

12.6
11.9
10.7
3.0

14.4
18.4
17.1
10.4

Total................................

8.7

6.3

13.2

13.6

10.7

17.1

142

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

Two factors, therefore, deduction for short absences and loss from
slack season, modify the actual earnings of the worker. The former
can not possibly be determined from any source but the pay-roll
records, since the workers can not remember. The latter can not
be accurately determined from this source, since the worker often fills
in her time in several shops.
The annual income for employees from tne shop therefore can not
be computed without danger of misleading returns, but the total
earnings for workers employed 40 weeks or more in a single shop are
presented as suggestive. Two of the 14 custom shops had a shorter
trade year than 40 weeks, and all their workers must be excluded
from the following table showing the classification by total income.
Only 22.9 per cent (125) of the 545 women 16 years and over in custom
dressmaking, and 14.2 per cent (71) of the 500 women in factory
dressmaking, therefore, are considered from this standpoint of annual
income.
T a b l e 5 7 . — ACTUAL INCOME OF 125 WOMEN 16 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER IN 12 CUSTOM

SHOPS AND 71 IN 2 MANUFACTURING SHOPS WORKING 40 W EEKS AND OVER.
(Based on pay rolls.]

Classified annual earnings.

Workers in custom Workers in manufac
turing shops.
shops.
Number. Per cent. Number.

Under $200.........................
Under $250......................... :
Under $300......................... I
Under $350.........................
Under $400..........................
Under $450.........................
Under $500.........................
$500 and over.....................
$550 and over......................
$600 and over......................
$650 and over....................
$700and over.....................
$750 and over......................
$800 and over......................
$850 and over......................
$900 and over......................
$950 and over......................
$1,000 and over...................

6
13
28
52
6*
82
96
29
21
14
11
9

4.3
10.4
22.4
41.6
54.4
65.6
76. S
23.2
16. S
11.2
S.*
7.2

5.6

!
r> iI
4

4.0
3.3

Per cent.

4
6
12
21
35
51
‘>8
13
8
5

5.6
8.5
16.9
29.6
49.3
71.8
81.7
18.3
11.3
7.0

!
4 |

5.6

1 i

1.4

I
j

* * *

It must be borne in mind that these are the favored group whose
earnings are necessarily higher than the earnings of those who must
drift from shop to shop to piece out their income for the year. If
$450 is accepted as the minimum annual income on which a woman
can live, 65.6 per cent of the custom workers and 71.8 per cent of the
factory workers were not earning a living wage. If $400 is accepted
as a possible minimum, 54.4 per cent of the custom workers and 49.3
per cent of the factory workers are not self-supporting. Threefourths of the custom and four-fifths of the factory dressmakers studied
in Boston earned less than $500. The average total income of the
women working 40 weeks or more in a single custom dressmaking
shop was $439.82, and for the workers in factory dressmaking $405.23.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

143

The Massachusetts Minimum Wage Commission reports show that
the wage scale of other large women-employing industries is still
lower; 83.4 per cent of the “ regulars” employed in stores earned
less than $450; 88.9 per cent in paper-box factories, 91.5 per cent in
hosiery and knit goods, and 93.5 per cent in laundries earned an
annual income of less than $450.1
The regular or stable workers in the dressmaking shop seem to have
a fairly definite season and income on which they can depend from
year to year. The following table shows the working season of 22
workers employed 40 weeks or more for two consecutive years in
shop B:
TABLE 5 8 .—ANNUAL INCOME OF 22 WOMEN, 16 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER, EMPLOYE D

40 OR MORE W EEK 3 IN 2 CONSECUTIVE YEARS IN SHOP “ B .”
[Based on pay rolls.]
1910-11
1909-10
Increase
Increase or or de
Case
decrease in crease in
No. Income for Weeks Income for Weeks
income.
weeks
year.
year.
worked.
worked.
worked.
1
2
3
4
5
6
:7
8

9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22

$1,241.33
830.33
624.66
623.00
622.65
613.73
587.12
567.26
481.37
470.00
437.86
418.43
414.20
410.42
405.27
344.97
316.56
287.20
278.67
273.76
253.23
211.18

45
43
43
45
44
44
44
43
43
42
42
42
43
42
43
43
41
45
42
45
42
43

$1,308.67
958.34
630.88
665.00
644.81
563.25
634.16
546.62
571.44
487.56
432.13
448.03
450.69
463.26
479.17
392.06
327.76
299.60
332.60
342.28
299.33
288.90

-f$67.34
46
43
+128.01
6.22
44
+
4- 42.00
46
-j- 22.16
43
— 50.48
40
44
+ 47.04
41
20.64
44
+ 90.07
43
+ 17.56
41
5.73
43
+ 29.60
44
-r 36.49
41 | + 52.84
46 ; + 73.90
43
+ 47.09
40
+ 11.20
-i- 12.40
43
42
+ 53.93
45
+ 68.52
41 1
f + 46.10
77.72
* 1 1

4-1
+1
+1
-1
-4
—2
+i
+1
-1

+1
+1
-1
+3
-1
—2
-1
+2
i

It appears that the number of weeks worked varied very little,
though all but two of the workers showed a higher income in 1910-11
than in 1909-10 because of increase in salary.
The loss of wage for holidays and occasional days off usually can not
be made up by the employee, except by sewing for friends, but the
loss from time laid off is met by some through secondary employ
ments.
.Almost one-fourth, 43 of the 200 workers visited, found other
employment during the dull season. The wage, season, and age
determine not only whether the worker resorts to a secondary employ
ment but also the kind she takes up.
Only one of the six workers earning $1 to $5 per week found other
work, because they were young and immature and because their par
* Massachusetts, Reports of the Minimum Wage Commission, 1914 and 1915.

144

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEATJ OF LABOR STATISTICS.

ents wore unwilling for them to leave the paternal roof for work out
side the city. On the other hand, not one receiving more than $15
was found seeking other work. Such a woman is usually able to take
the much-needed rest. The pay-roll record of the workers in the two
extreme wage groups, those receiving under $5 and those receiving
$15 or over, may, therefore, be generally regarded as the actual income
of these workers. None of the girls under 17 sought other work
because they were not yet dependent on their earnings, but gave
their services to the family during the vacations. One-half of those
resorting to secondary employment earned from $6 to $8, were from
17 to 22 years of age, and had a working season of 8 or 9 months.
The following table shows the occupations to which the 43 workers
mentioned resorted during the dull season in their regular trade:
T a b u 5 9 .—SECONDARY EMPLOYMENTS REPORTED B Y 43 W ORKERS.
[Based on personal interviews.]

Secondary employments.

Bookkeeper..............................
Booth tender...........................
Child’s nurse............................
Clerk.........................................
Embroiderer............................
Manicuring...............................
Machine operator.....................
Sewing.....................................
Straw machine operator.........
Waitress...................................
Odd jobs..................................

Number of
workers.

It will be noticed that three occupations, sewing by the day or at
home for friends, serving as waitress, and acting as child’s nurse, are
the most common. Age and maturity determine to a certain extent
the kind of secondary employment the girl takes up. Acting as
child’s nurse is a young girl’s employment, none over 19 resorting to
it. Waitress work is the resort of the stronger and more mature
woman, none under 25 reporting this for secondary employment.
The older woman over 30 who has not sufficient skill to secure sewing
from friends or neighbors must resort to “ odd jobs.” But the girl
who sews has a trade which she can always utilize at spare moments,1
and there are few girls who do not have acquaintances, friends, Or
relatives who are wanting clothes made at the first spare moment.
“ Oh, I don’t mind being laid off,” said a skirt girl earning $11 a week,
“ I always have friends and relatives waiting for me to make up their
clothes. Sometimes I make as much as $25 aweek sewing in vacation.”
A girl of 18 who had been in the trade only one and one-quarter years
* Great Britain, Royal Commission on Labor. Conditions of Work in Liverpool and Manchester (1906),
by Clara E . Collet. Miss Collet discovered in Liverpool and Manchester that “ Many girls took in worir
from neighbors to do at home in the evenings and slack time.” “ Some of these season hands would do
dressmaking on their own account when the season was over.”

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB W OM EN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

145

“ gets in some sewing from neighbors, but is not enough advanced
to undertake much.” A young girl of 20 who has been in the trade
three and one-half years works by the day among the neighbors
about three months in summer and one week in winter, receiving $2
a day, and helps with the family sewing when she has time. A
woman of 38, who is head skirt girl on a weekly wage of $15, has
worked at the summer home of two of her employer’s customers for
the last eight years and received $10 a week and board. She makes
up fancy house dresses and evening gowns. “ A girl who can sew
can get all the work she can do at home and by going out by the day.
All the girls in our shop (force of 15 to 20) can hardly wait until
vacation.”
New England, with its many summer resorts, offers numerous
opportunities for girls who wish a secondary occupation in the
summer. Six of the girls visited went to summer hotels as waitresses
in the summer months, when their shop was closed. “ I have gone
to summer hotels as a waitress for about 20 years,” said a head waist
girl on a.$15 weekly wage. “ We get $15 a month with room and
board and our tips amount to from $40 to $60 for the season.”
Another woman went to a summer hotel every summer where she
received $3 a week, but “ made $100 a season by tips.” A woman of
30 had been “ waiting on table at Magnolia for the last four years.
We receive $3.50 a week and $2 more a week for tips. I’m sorry I
didn’t do it sooner. I get a rest and a vacation from sewing. I’m
saving money, and am at no expense. Usually the girls don’t receive
their money until the end of the season; then they have quite a little
sum toward a bank account. At the hotels where I go there are a
great many nice girls—teachers and sewing girls.” Employers some
times complain that their girls leave them before the spring season
is over to go to the summer resorts and that they get back late in the
fall. Other employers are glad to make arrangements to allow the
employee a change of work.
The summer dull season is not a source of dread to all workers, as
is the popular supposition, but has a varied significance for the work
ers in the dressmaking trade. For the highly paid worker it means
vacation and rest. For the energetic and athletic and outdoorsloving girl it means change of occupation in employment at summer
hotels and resorts. For the resourceful girl who knows or wishes no
other trade it means sewing by the day among acquaintances and
relatives. For the inefficient, without the power of adjustment, it
it means “ out of work.”
It is just this type of worker who is unable to make adjustments
when occasion demands. A finisher of 35 years or more earning $9 a
week supported her aunt, her niece, and herself. She had very short
29885*—Bull. 193—16------10

146

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

seasons, and at the time of the visit was out of work. “ Why don’t you
try to find some other kind of work during the dull season in your
trade ?” “ Oh, I should never dare go out and try something I lmew
nothing about,” she said. “ Did you ever try going out by the day?”
asked the investigator. “ No; I never tried it,” she said. “ But I think
I should like it.” For 20 years she had been struggling along from shop
to shop as a finisher, yet had never dared “ try something else”
nor tried to fill in by sewing by the day.
The dressmaking trade, therefore, with certain advantages, pre
sents some big problems for solution. Still primarily woman’s
sphere, the competition of men does not complicate the situation.
While the wage may seem low, few other industries show as high a
wage scale, and the opportunity for advancement and corresponding
income is unique in custom dressmaking. Nevertheless, more than
one-half in custom and two-thirds in factory dressmaking are indus
trial workers, with varying degrees of manual skill, earning from $5 to
$10. The professional workers, who combine skill with artistic and
administrative ability, representing one-third of the custom and onefifth of the factory workers, are found in the $10 to $15 wage group,
though experts and heads range from $18 to $50 a week. Viewing
the wage with regard to two important factors, age and experience,
those earning less than $5 are found to be young workers with short
experience and those earning $18 and over young women between 25
and 30 years of age with a working experience of more than 10 and
less than 20 years. The large group earning $7 to $10 comprises an
infinite variety of ages and experience, but with one common
characteristic—mediocre ability.
But the real earnings of the worker can not be accurately estimated
from her nominal weekly wage, for this is decreased by two important
factors: short absences and dull season. Short absences of less than
a week reduce the income of the custom worker about 10 per cent
and that of the factory employee 14 per cent. The loss from slack
season is more difficult to estimate, but is probably considerable.
Many therefore must resort to subsidiary occupations to supplement
their income. The woman who sews is more fortunate than most
workers, as she has a trade that can always be utilized, if not for
profit, at least for the advantage of herself and her family. Some,
however, because of immaturity, lack of skill, or desire for change,
resort to quite different occupations.

CHAPTER Vn.
TEACHING THE TRADE.

How can the young worker learn the trade ? This important ques
tion is increasingly demanding attention with the contemporary dis
appearance of opportunity both in the home and in the trade itself.
In 1699, Hannah Buckmaster, aged 12 years, with the consent of her
mother, was apprenticed for five years to Joseph Latham, shipwright,
and Jane, his wife, seamstress and mantomaker, to be taught “ to
make mantoes, pettycoats, sew and marke plain worke,” and in 1700,
Mary Moore, aged 11 years, with the consent of her father and mother,
was apprenticed to Richard Stoaks, and Margaret, his wife, for four
years. Said apprentice was to be taught “ to sew plaine worke and
reade the English tongue.” 1 A century and a half later the appren
ticeship system was in the, last stages of disintegration, though
various vestiges still survived.
In 1863 Virginia Penny wrote that “ In New York the conditions
on which apprentices are taken vary greatly.” First, some employers
took on young girls for a period of two years during which they were
“ to learn the trade thoroughly.” Second, some took on young work
ers for a year and “ boarded (them) during that time for their work.”
Third, some “ pay nothing for six months and even receive $10 or $15
for instruction.” Miss Penny, however, in 1863 made the very
modem complaint that “ the young girls are kept at making up skirts,
sewing up sleeves, and such plain work, and so learn nothing during
the time.” Fourth, one employer says, “ a girl of fair abilities can
learn dressmaking in six months.” The first three months she did
not pay anything, but the last three $1 a week. After the girls
had learned she paid according to their taste, skill, and industry.
Finally, some houses provided no systematic or thorough training at
all. Young workers “ who can sew right well when they commence”
begin with a nominal wage of $1.50 to $2 a week, “ but they are not
taught to fit unless the employer is a conscientious woman and there
is a special contract.” 2
At the opening of the twentieth century the apprenticeship
system has practically disappeared from custom dressmaking in the
United States. But a few sporadic instances and the pseudo
* New York Historic Society Collections, 1885, pp. 582,583.
* The Employments of Women, by Virginia Penny, pp. 325,326.

147

148

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

apprenticeship of the errand-girl service remain. The pay roll of one
of the large shops showed a young girl working for no wage some six
weeks. A Swedish employer in Boston, a small dressmaker in Cam
bridge, and one in Worcester reported three months’ unpaid appren
ticeship during which time the girls ran errands and did some simple
sewing; $3 was the usual beginning wage. A young Italian girl of
12 or 13 years in the “ North End” of Boston had worked after school
until 9 o’clock for a private dressmaker in that neighborhood for a
year without pay. Two small employers in Boston reported three
months’ unpaid apprenticeship with car fare. But generally speak
ing, unpaid apprenticeship as a means of learning the trade is unusual
at present.
Two reasons are given by employers for its disappearance: (1) “ wo
can’t get girls to serve as apprentices without pay” and (2) “ we don’t
want them—we haven’t time to teach.” The great and unsatisfied
demand for skilled workers in the trade raises the questions: Why
do not girls serve the apprenticeship necessary to acquire a good
trade? Why, on the other hand, if employers are So desperate for
help, do they not try to train their own workers? The answer to
these questions isf ound in the evolution of the trade itself. Indus
trial advancement and competition have resulted in transfer of the
place of production to industrial quarters and in the development of
systematized organization, which means that every member of the
force must show an immediate economic profit. Division of labor is
carried to a degree which gives little chance for learning the trade as
a whole. Moreover, since heads of sections must make their divisions
pay, they have little time or inclination to train the unskilled worker.
The restriction of custom dressmaking to house gowns of delicate or
perishable materials leaves small opportunity for the beginner and
there is very little work left in the professional dressmaker’s shop that
could be turned over to absolutely unskilled hands. The most simple
processes, such as binding of seams, must be done neatly and carefully
or the delicate silks and chiffons show bad effects. The hooks and
eyes must be sewed on by exact measurements. The collars must fit
perfectly. The ability to handle these delicate materials without muss
ing, soiling, or stretching them is a part of the beginner’s education.
What avenue of approach then does the trade itself offer to the
young inexperienced worker ? Practically the only means of entrance
for the young girl who has had no previous training or experience is
through “ a pseudo apprenticeship,” as M. Alfassa dubs it,1 that is,
the errand-girl stage. The errand girl picks up stray bits of informar
tion concerning the trade, but this is a slow and haphazard method.
Hie French expression “ trottin” and the English word “ trotter”
1 La Crise de PApprentissage, par Georges Alfassa, in Annals des Sciences Politiques, July, 1905, pp.
421-441.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

149

well express the errand girl's primary occupation. She runs errands
down town to match materials or buy thread or findings, and delivers
the gowns at the homes of customers. She may or may not be called
upon to sweep and dust. She answers the door bell and the telephone
and is general utility girl. One naturally asks: When does she have
time to learn anything of the trade ? She is, of course, securing a gen
eral training in her shopping expeditions, and in the small and
medium-sized shop there are many spare moments when she has a
chance to use her needle. In a large shop, however, where four or
five errand girls are sometimes employed, one for each workroom,1
these girls, like the other workers, are more specialized and have less
time or opportunity for sewing. Although they sometimes work up
through the stages of the trade, the system offers occasion for exploi
tation of children. One young girl who entered a shop as errand girl
was at the end of five months put on the sewing force, but another
worked six years as errand girl at the end of which time her employer
“ thought she was ready for sewing.”
In general, a knowledge of the fundamentals of the trade is essen
tial to secure entrance as worker in the shop of to-day. The news
papers are full of advertisements like ‘ ‘Dressmaker apprentices paid,
must be good sewers ” ; “ Girl wanted to learn dressmaking, paid while
learning, a little experience preferred.” 2 The busy dressmaker is'
rare who will stop to teach the young girl such simple yet essential
principles as how to hold a needle, to wear a thimble, to hold the mate
rials so they will not be mussed or soiled, and to develop accuracy of
measurement and ability to take neat but rapid stitches. The girl
formerly acquired these fundamentals to a certain extent in her own
home, but neither home nor shop now gives systematic training along
these lines.
“ The question that these investigations raise,” wrote Mrs. Oakeshott, inspector of women’s technical classes in London in 1908, “ is
whether it [apprenticeship] is worth reviving in any form or whether
as a system workroom training is effete and must be replaced.” 3
Training in the workroom if properly conducted undoubtedly offers
certain advantages. In a small shop where only a few girls are em
ployed the young worker has the advantage of a general training on
all parts of the gown under the direct supervision of her employer.
She sees the relation of the different parts to the whole. She has the
opportunity for adaptation to the discipline of shop hours, learns the
necessity for strict application, acquires the art of working with
others, and has a chance to develop initiative. In other words, an
appreciation of business methods, a realization of the necessity of
prompt and efficient service, and a sense of values is cultivated.
i One large shop advertised for 25 errand girls. Boston Globe, Sept. 16,1911.
* Boston Globe, Oct. 9,16,23,27,1910, etc.
• London County Council, Women’s Trades (London, 1908), p. 5.

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BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

Only the small shop, however, can provide general training for the
inexperienced young girl of to-day; it has been in a sense a training
school for many workers in the trade, but census statistics seem to
show its disappearance and elimination. Moreover, the small shop,
during the last decade, has become very limited in its field, since
much of its work now consists largely of alterations and of making a
medium-grade product. Thus the young worker’s experience is
necessarily restricted, she acquires little or none of the science of the
trade, and has a very limited opportunity for advancement. Large
employers frankly admit the small opportunity for inexperienced
workers. The head dressmaker in a large fashionable establishment
favored shop training but acknowledged that in her own workroom
the girl can be given little attention. “ We put her into the work
room and just let her pick up as best she can, but it is a more prac
tical training.” “ She becomes a helper under one of the more
advanced girls,” said another. The industry no longer teaches its
workers the trade as a whole but allows them to acquire such knowl
edge as they may be able to ‘ ‘pick up” during their working experi
ence in the shop. The exceptional girl will profit by her opportunity
and surmount all difficulties, but the great majority will not.
What can be done to help this great majority bridge the gap?
Where can the girl get the fundamentals which will enable her to take
advantage of her opportunities to ‘ ‘pick up ” in the shop ? A cursory
glance would seem to show that there are many agencies through
which she might secure the fundamentals: the public day school, the
night schools, the high school of practical arts, the Young Women’s
Christian Association classes, the various endowed institutions, both
public and private, where sewing classes are held, the private dress
making schools, and lastly, the new and recent development of the
last decade, the trade schools for girls. With the exception of the last
method, the purpose and results of all of these efforts may be hastily
described.
The aim of the sewing classes of the public day schools has been
cultural rather than industrial; to give the girl a certain amount of
manual training which has a definite relation to her domestic life, not
to equip her to earn her living in that particular trade, any more
than the corresponding manual training of the boy is to fit him to
become a carpenter. The manual training in the school usually con
sists in simple sewing for two hours once or twice a week in the upper
grades. The young eighth-grade girl who spent a year making a
kitchen apron had acquired a knowledge of many processes, such as
cutting, basting, hemming, and buttonholing, but she was by no
means equipped to maintain a place in a dressmaking shop. She
must have more systematic and intensive training to induct her into
the trade.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

151

The municipal public school system also provides evening classes
which indude dressmaking in the curriculum, but these are not
industrial training classes nor do they attempt to train for the trade.
Their aim is social as well as educational, namely, to make the pupil
a more efficient producer and consumer in the home. These classes
perform a valuable service if rightly conducted, but they should not
be mistaken for industrial training classes. Neither do their pupils
increase competition in the trade, as might be supposed, for the
majority are heads of families or women with other occupations who
are trying to maintain a respectable wardrobe on a scanty income.
The teachers questioned knew of none who had gone into the trade,
and but two of the 200 workers visited had had any training in the
evening schools. Classes in dressmaking in the Young Women’s
Christian Association, churches, and various endowed institutions of
the city all exist for the same purpose—helping the girl or woman to
make her own clothes or those of her family.
The high school of practical arts provides a four years’ training,
but dressmaking classes in such a school turn out few industrial
workers for the trade. The economic status of pupils in this school
which enables them to devote four years to secondary education
enables them to prepare themselves for something better. The fouryear course excludes the industrial worker, providing leaders and
teachers of the trade and equipping the girl for something above the
industrial level.
Private dressmaking schools, though not numerous, range from
the small private dressmaker who advertises “ Dress cutting taught
by practical dressmaker for $5; situation furnished,” 1 to the large
school in the center of the business district advertising “ 100 women
and girls wanted at once to learn dressmaking and millinery by the
famous system.” 2 In spite of the promises held forth by some of
these schools, very few workers were found who had been trained in
them. One shopworker was attending an evening class for further
instruction. Several independent dayworkers had taken a course
for which they paid $25, but maintained it had not fitted them for
the shop; that the whole training had been based on a particular
system which they found used in no shop. Moreover, the cost of
instruction in private.schools must shut out large numbers and con
sequently can not supply the needs of the great mass of workers.
The public school authorities of New York and Massachusetts have
made a radical diversion within the last decade in assuming the re
sponsibility of training girls directly for the trade. The pioneer trade
school for 14 to 16 year old girls was opened in New York in 1902
by Mrs. Mary Schenck Woolman, who became convinced that the
young girls of this age who were leaving the public schools could be
* Boston Globe, Oct. 30,1910.

* Ibid, Mar. 4,1910.

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BULLETIN OF TH E BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

equipped with the fundamentals which would secure entrance into
the desirable trades. “ Three principles may be laid down with
regard to the desirability of woman’s work,” wrote Miss Marshall.
“ First, the occupation must not deaden the natural powers nor
reduce the individual to the position of a mere machine; second, it
must develop that kind of efficiency which will be valuable to the
woman as a home maker; and third, it must not be detrimental
physically or morally.” 1
The needle trades, accepted as fulfilling these requirements, have
been introduced in all the trade schools for girls, and have necessi
tated a new point of view and new methods in education. The trade
school for girls must face two facts: “ (1) that the primary aim of
the classes was to roach girls who were obliged to go to work young,
and who could not, therefore, spend much time in training; (2) that
the classes were to train for trades, hence that workshop conditions
must be studied and adopted.” 2 Investigation showed that a knowl
edge of the fundamentals was essential to secure a stable position in
the shop. The school must lift the girl over the stage of general
service which is otherwise the only means of entrance for young and
inexperienced workers and which proves a “ blind alley” for many.
The girl must learn such seemingly elementary yet really difficult
things as holding a needle properly and easily, handling delicate
materials without soiling or mussing them, basting, sewing and over
casting a seam without puckoring it, sewing on hooks and eyes so
they meet, and using some judgment in the distance at which they
are placed* for on collars they must be close together and on lingerie
blouses farther apart; making buttonholes; turning and hemming
the bottoms of coats and skirts; putting braid on skirts; gathering;
using the proper sized stitch for different materials and different
purposes; tacking girdles to waists, or overdresses to the linings;
tucking by hand and machine, and alterations.
All these processes constitute the work of the young general worker,
helper, plain sewer or finisher, and are practically the only work
open to one of limited experience. These, then, are the processes on
which she must be drilled, for her capacity to do these things well
determines her ability to maintain her position. But not only must
she know how to do these tilings, but in all she must display three
very important requisites—neatness, accuracy, and speed.
But when she has met the technical requisites of the trade, there are
still important lessons to be mastered. She must become accus
tomed to the consecutive work of a nine-hour day, so the trade
school, attempting to provide a stage of transition, maintains a
1 Industrial Training for Women, by Florence M. Marshall, National Society for the Promotion of Indus
trial Education, Bulletin No. 4, p. 17.
* Fifth Annual Report of the Boston Trade School for Girls, December, 1909, p. 12.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOB WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

153

working day from 8.30 a. m. to 5 p. m., with one hour at noon.
Materials are furnished by the school and garments are made for
sale or on order under the guidance and direction of teachers who
have worked in the trade, providing as much of the shop conditions,
as is compatible with training. But the trade school wishes to give
not only the necessities, but some outlook into the future. Miss
Marshall has estimated that three-fourths of the school time must
be devoted to meeting the demands of the trade, and in the other
fourth, the learner must be equipped with some of the fundamentals
which will insure her success as a future worker. For instance, good
health is one of her most valuable assets and she must learn how to
sit properly without humping over as is the natural inclination of
sewers. She must be taught the necessity of good food and what is
proper food. She must learn the value and necessity of cleanliness,
of fresh air, and of exercise, which are most essential for a sedentary
occupation. One mother when asked: “ How has Mary been most
benefited by the trade school ?” said, “ She takes a bath every morning
and she walks to work.” Moreover, she must be given some of the
elementary but fundamental principles of “ artistic sense,” such as
pleasing combination of color and materials, artistic design, planning
waists, dresses, trimmings; perhaps also she should have a little
experience in the more artistic processes of the trade, such as draping
and trimming, as an impetus and glimpse into the future rather than
as training for an immediate opening.
The Boston Trade School for Girls, beginning with a curriculum of
a few months, has been able to lengthen the course of study to two
years, at the end of which time the learner is ready for the trade and
has also reached a suitable age for entering it. The test of any voca
tional school is the recognition given by employers and the success
of the students themselves. The remarkable growth of the Boston
school during its six years’ existence as a private organization, from
15 or so in the summer of 1904 to almost 200 when in 1909 it was
taken over under city management, illustrates the attitude of girls
and parents toward such a school.1
The attitude of the trade is also illustrated by an interesting
advertisement appearing in the Boston Globe on October 8, 1910,
“ Wanted, Sewing girls with Boston Trade School training. Apply
t o __ 1.................. ” Eighty-four graduates, all who had gone out
from the school up to 1910 as accredited and were still employed
in the trade, were visited; 34.5 per cent entered the trade with a
beginning wage of $4, 33 per cent at $5, and 14 per cent at $6. Threefourths were less than 18 years old when they began work. The
trade-school girl undoubtedly has an immediate financial advantage
> The school has continued to grow under public-school management, showing a registration of 594 girls
during the school year 1913-14.

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BU LLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

over the girls trained through the trade. While four-fifths of the
workers visited who had entered as paid apprentices and the same
proportion of trade-school girls entered under 18 years of age, none
of the former group as compared with almost one-half the latter had
a beginning wage exceeding $4. The trade school now aims to place
girls at not less than $6 a week.1
In the shop the young graduate finds herself a member of the great
“ industrial group” described in the chapter on wages (p. 133), which
represents primarily manual skill and constitutes 55 per cent of the
great working force.2 The workroom still has much to teach her. She
is capable of good workmanship, but she must adapt herself to the
discipline of the nine-hour working day, and to the routine work,
the short cuts, and the frequently slip-shod methods of the trade.
She must realize that economy of time and effort are the watchwords
of the trade. She must gain appreciation of business methods, and
of the necessity of strict application and efficiency, and acquire the
speed demanded in the trade. She must develop initiative and
ability to see what is to be done and how to do it in case she has
never done it before. Several employers have reported instances of
going into the workroom and saying: “ I should like some little
ornament to give this a finishing touch,” or, “ Will some one makte a
bow or knot like this one in the picture ?” A young trade-school girl
has frequently volunteered to try it and succeeded. All these char
acteristics the actual shopwork and increasing maturity must develop.
The trade school provides the foundation, the impetus, and the broad
general outlook. The shop experience and increasing maturity must
broaden out her experience and usefulness in the trade.
As she becomes acquainted she is interested and wishes to know
how the other workers acquired their trade. Five general methods
other than her own are discovered: (1) apprenticeship with tuition
for a few of the older or foreign-born women, (2) unpaid apprentice
ship, (3) so-called apprenticeship on a small wage involving errands,
(4) the errand-girl service solely, and (5) entrance as a regular worker
having acquired the fundamentals at home.
About equal proportions entered as paid apprentices on less than
$5, and as paid workers on $5 or more, these two methods inducting
into the trade two-thirds of those without trade-school training.3
Apprenticeship with tuition plays a very small part as a means of
entrance because the system has disappeared, and the errand-girl
service is also an unimportant avenue because few advance through
this stage to the sewing processes; the majority “ don’t like it” and
* Seo intensive study in forthcoming bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics on Indus
trial Efficiency of Girls Trained in Massachusetts Trade Schools.
* See Table 47.
8 Paid apprentices 31 per cent and paid workers 34.5 per cent of 116 workers visited who had not been
trained at the trade school.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

155

drop out. A somewhat larger proportion entered through unpaid
apprenticeship.
Two present-day illustrations show the character of training and
variety of results secured under the old apprenticeship system. An
English woman of 44 years was apprenticed about 30 years ago to a
private dressmaker in England with a premium of about $97 paid in
advance. In return she received from her employer room and board,
the premium money dealt out to her as pocket money in 60-cent bits
each week, and thorough training in the making of every part of the
dress. At the end of two years she was a full-fledged “ bodice-hand,”
taking the waist from the fitter and finishing it, and after two years
as bodice-hand she went to London and secured employment as waist
finisher in various firms in London, earning the equivalent of $4.50
a week. She later came to America, and has been in Boston several
years working as finisher in various establishments at a weekly wage
ranging from $6 to $8. At the age of 44 her opportunities are
limited mostly to alterations or machine-made clothing establish
ments, for she has never advanced beyond the plain-sewer stage.
Employment agencies tell her they are not able to furnish her work,
as she is too old, and the young women are preferred.
An interesting comparative study of possibilities and capacity to
profit by them is seen in the experience of a Swedish woman, who
after a year’s similar apprenticeship in Sweden, worked a few years
in her own country and came to America &t the age of 20, unable to
speak the English language. In four years she was earning $18 a
week, and in eight years $25 a week as fitter in one of the largest
and most fashionable establishments in Boston. She had then
worked up a small clientele of her own and determined to go into
business for herself. With a capital of $350 she opened up a small
shop, and by the end of the second season, at the age of 30, was doing
an annual business of $12,000.
Unpaid apprenticeship, in which the employee pays the employer
nothing and vice versa, represents the second stage in the appren
ticeship system. The period of supposed training is much shorter
and much less comprehensive than in the original form, and while
the original apprenticeship presumably taught the whole trade,
these decadent forms more usually teach a particular process. This
is shown by the length of time given to the training. More than
one-half of the 20 workers had a three months’ period without pay;
15 per cent exceeded this, six months, however, being the maximum,
and the same proportion had a shorter period ranging from two to
six weeks without pay. The most highly paid worker visited had
gained her preliminary training through a six months’ unpaid ap
prenticeship in a large shop. She was apprenticed at the age of 14,
and after 17 years of varied experience, both as employee and em

156

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

ployer, she was earning $50 a week as head dressmaker over 65
employees in a large, fashionable establishment.
So-called apprenticeship on a small weekly wage is the next stage
of decadence in the apprenticeship system, which often may mean
a combination of general service and sewing. For since the worker
is being paid, she is usually expected to earn her wage by numerous
duties, such as answering the doorbell or telephone, running errands
down town, and perhaps sweeping, for her services in the sewing are, as
a whole, of very little value at first unless she has had some training
and experience. With increasing development and complication of
the trade, however, even this avenue is gradually closing, and the
errand-girl stage has become the common, but very limited, opening
into the trade for the immature worker. But 12 of the 200 girls
visited had advanced through this avenue, and there is a good deal
of circumstantial evidence to indicate that, while many enter as
errand girls, few advance from this stage to the sewing processes.
Twenty per cent of the 200 visited entered the trade as paid workers
with a wage of $5 or more, which indicates acquaintance with the
fundamental principles of sewing, presumably acquired in the home;
three-fourths of these were 18 years of age or more. The oppor
tunity to acquire this experience at home is, however, decreasing
with the predominance of cheap ready-made wear.
Table 60— AQE OF 200 WOMEN AT THE TIME OF ENTERING THE TRADE THROUGH
FOUR DIFFERENT METHODS.
Means of entrance.
Age at entering trade.

Apprenticeship.
Tui
tion.

Under 14 years................................
14 and under 16 years..........................
16 and under 18 years..........................
18 and under 21 years..........................
21 years and over.................................
Unclassified...........................................

2
1

Total...........................................

Un
paid.
1
8
4
5

Paid.

Er
Paid Trade Unclas
rands. worker. school. sified. Total.

1
6
4
1

1
13
15
3
2
2

5
5
15
9
6

19
51
13
1

5
52
79
37
12
15

200

While the shop pressed by competition can not waste time on a
girl who does not adapt herself readily to its needs and demands,
the trade school can help and develop many a young girl who later
becomes an efficient worker, and by placing her in the shop as a
sewer prevents the tremendous waste of the present haphazard
methods.
Once established in the trade “ it all depends on the girl,” employ
ers maintain, but her previous training and the conditions within
her particular shop are also determining factors. A young girl of

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

157

17 who attended the trade school for a year was placed in one of the
largest shops in Boston at a beginning wage of $6 and in less than a
year was in charge of linings at $8 with four women working under
her. Almost one-half those earning $8 and $9 had reached the $8
wage in less than four years and three-fourths in less than six years.
The $9 wage expresses more maturity and experience, the majority
having had five or more years’ experience, though about one-fourth
reached this stage between three and four years. On the other hand
old women who have spent all their life in the trade earn $7 tod $8.
However, almost one-half of the 64 women visited who were within
the “ industrial group,” and earning from $7 to $9, had reached the
$7 wage in less than three years and two-thirds in less than four
years.
T a b l e 6 1.—LENGTH OF TIME REQUIRED TO REACH THE *7, *8, AND $9 W AGE BY M

W ORKERS IN THE INDUSTRIAL GROUP.
Number earning specified wage in time specified.
Weekly wage.

17................................
18................................

Under 1
year.

1 year
ana un
der 2

2 years
and un
der 3

3 years
and un
der 4

4 years
and un
der 5

7
6

10
5

12
2

12
6
1

8
10
5

6 years
5 years
andun? and un
der 6
classified.
2
2
7

13
10
9

Total.

64
41
22

After working several years the young helper or finisher is very
likely to come down to the shop some morning and find her employer
in despair, for several waists and gowns must be sent home that day
and the head sleeve girl or the waist draper is sick in bed. The
young girl volunteers to solve the problem. “ I did waist draping in
the trade school several weeks” or “ I’ve often watched the waist
draper do it” and her employer under necessity dubiously consents.
The young girl glowing with enthusiasm and puffed with pride does
her very best and, with occasional help when in doubt, has her share
of the work completed at the appointed time. The next time the
head girl is ill, or if she leaves to be married, or to go to some other
shop, the young helper naturally slips into her place. This is a
transition stage between the purely industrial work involving manual
skill on which the $5 to $9 workers are employed, and the highly
skilled artistic and administrative occupations of the women earning
$15 and over.
Into this $10 to $14 wage group our young prot6g6 has advanced
after some years’ experience. In this stage are the makers who put
together the parts of the waists, skirts, and sleeves, perhaps some
cutters in the small shops, the majority of the drapers, some of the
high-class finishers, who also combine “ making” with finishing, and
a few expert machine operators. A trade-sehool girl who went to

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BU LLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

work at the age of 17 with a beginning wage of $5 had in three years
become a waist draper in a large fashionable shop, earning $10 a week.
A young colored girl who attended the trade school seven months
began work at the age of 16 on $4 a week and in four years was
earning $12 as a sleeve draper. Two young sisters who attended
the trade school seven and nine months respectively began work at
$4 and at $6 and in four years were each earning $11. Two-thirds
of the 22 women within this group personally visited had not reached
this semiprofessional stage before six years and the majority re
quired a longer period.
It is just about this time, after several years’ experience, that the
girl begins to aspire to something better. At this stage the majority
are about twenty-two or twenty-three years of age. Their parents
now begin to expect them to be independent, and they feel they have
been in the shop long enough to have some share in the creative work
which is so much more interesting and profitable. If now they could
have opportunity to study the principles of art and design, planning,
cutting, artistic combination of materials, trimmings, and colors, they
would appreciate and profit by the training. Their increased ma
turity and experience would enable them, if properly equipped, to
meet a part of the demand for the higher class of workers. The col
ored girl had never abandoned her outside studying of allied subject*,
such as art and design, so she was able when the sleeve draper mar
ried to take her place on a wage of $12 with only four years’ shop
experience. The artistic and administrative positions paying $15 and
more are for the most part held by comparatively young women
ranging from 25 to 40 years of age. After that they usually go out
by the day, do business in their own home, or open a shop. A great
many women do not rise above, the industrial stage in the trade be
cause of lack of artistic and creative ability. Some who have latent
ability might with proper stimulus and impetus develop those quali
fications requisite for advancement. Systematic and well organized
evening classes offering such training in close cooperation with the
needs and demands of the trade would undoubtedly lift many over
the obstacles encountered in the shop. The capable girl will sur
mount them, but the timid and less resourceful will often allow them
to conquer her.
So a coordination of technical training and of trade experience is
essential. The preliminary training and experience acquired in the
trade school shorten the period of acquisition in the shop, and, also,
inducts into the trade many who could not surmount the initial
obstacles in the trade, such as speed requirements and knowledge of
the fundamental and elementary processes. In the trade school,
however, the training and development of the young worker is
paramount. The interests of the pupil and teacher are identical;

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

159

namely, as rapid advancement as the young girl is capable of making.
When the pupil has acquired sufficient skill in one process, she is ad
vanced to the next. In the shop, just the contrary is true. Commer
cial profits are paramount, so that the interests of employer and worker
may be by no means always the same. It is, therefore, not surprising
if, when rushed with work and under obligation to turn out completed
gowns without a flaw, the employer keeps her young employees on
those processes which they have learned to do well, and the em
ployees’ point of view is quite as natural though shortsighted. When
they have mastered one process, the weekly wage they earn at it is
frequently more attractive than the prospect of a long period of
training with remote possibility of large remuneration.
The chief emphasis of a preliminary trade school must be put upon
the actual processes open to the young girl. After several years in
the shop, she has acquired sufficient maturity and understanding of
the trade to be ready for further advancement. Here, again, many
who may not be able to advance on their own initiative to higher
positions involving artistic ability and greater technical skill, or to
go out by the day as general dressmaker could be assisted in bridging
the gap through carefully planned and coordinated evening courses
in cutting, fitting and draping. Openings and opportunities are con
tinually appearing in the shop for the woman who is able to grasp
them. Courses of training in the advanced processes of the trade
have a vital interest and a real significance now for she can put into
execution the principles acquired in the class room.
The large opportunity for the home dressmaker in Massachusetts
would seem to justify such courses, and the difficulty of securing
capable workers for even the limited number of openings in the shop
involving advanced technical skill and artistic ability shows the need
of increased opportunities for acquiring such skill.

SUMMARY AND OUTLOOK.
The conditions of women’s work in the dressmaking trade show
some phases where improvement is desirable and possible, but com
parison with other women-employing industries shows that it never
theless has some decided advantages. The development of wholesale
manufacture has made serious inroads into the field, but the result has
been new adjustments rather than annihilation, for contemporary
with the development of the ready-made clothing industry has
grown, on the one side, the large custom shop which caters to the
numerous class of women demanding exclusive product with indi
viduality and fine handwork. On the other side are the dayworkers,
who go from house to house fulfilling these same demands for those
who can not pay the prices charged by the large shops. Dress
making has occupied the largest place in the curriculum of the
Massachusetts trade schools, and for this trade the large majority of
pupils have been trained, but directors of vocational education and
guidance must recognize several fundamental facts: First—They
must know their neighborhood and the demand from the standpoint
of numbers employed, numbers required, types of shops, and methods
of work in the shops to which they cater. Second—‘The custom
dressmaking trade is not a child-employing industry, only one-third
of 1 per cent of the working force being under 16 years of age.
Third—Since the field of custom dressmaking has become confined
principally to a fine product involving skill and artistic ability, the
opportunity for entrance is extremely limited, and we have the
anomaly of a trade demanding increasing skill and artistic sense and
providing decreasing opportunity for its workers to acquire the
requisite qualifications. The labor problem, therefore, is at present
one of the great difficulties of the trade, both for the employer, be
cause she can not secure the requisite skilled labor, and for the
worker, because she has small opportunity to equip herself to meet
the demands of the trade.
Since neither home nor shop provides the girl with the requisite
elementary principles of the trade, trade schools for girls have been
inaugurated in several cities.1 The young girl who has been well
grounded in the elementary principles is lifted over the gap between
the home or the school on the one side and the shop on the other
*

Boston, Worcester, Somerville, Cambridge, and other cities.

29885°—Bull. 193—16------11

161

162

BULLETIN OP TH E BUREAU OF LABOB STATISTICS.

and enters as a sewer. It is increasingly the large shop into which
the young worker must be inducted, since the small and medium
sized shops are being crushed out under the competition of the whole
sale factory, the large custom shop, and the dayworker, but the
degree of evolution varies in different localities and must be studied as
a local problem. Generally speaking, in the future the young worker
will be subjected in an increasing degree to the conditions of the large
shop, the most important of which is the division of labor. The tend
ency erf the shop is to make her a specialized worker. The majority
of workers will, after some years’ experience, need some new impetus
and some additional help in acquiring training and experience in the
more skilled processes which will enable them either to advance to
the higher positions in the shop o t to go out by the day as general
workers. The public-school system is just beginning to work out the
method of providing this additional aid for the older girl.
Fourth—There is the problem of the girl who must go to work as
soon as the law allows and the unskilled industries with wide-open
doors and small demand for ability receive the majority. A few
may find their way out and drift into something offering more oppor
tunity for development. But everything is against them. Two or
three years in unskilled monotonous work, probably accompanied
by drifting from factory to factory, does not afford opportunity nor
leave time to secure training for something better. Nor have these
workers any way of knowing of anything which is better, what are
the demands and conditions of work, or how or where to equip them
selves. Both social and eduoational agencies are necessary to pro
vide the impetus, information, and training for these young people
handicapped by economic necessity.
The dressmaking trade provides better working conditions and
more opportunities for advancement than are found in most of the
other large womeri-employing industries, for the trade is still pri
marily monopolized by women, so that the young workers work with
women, for women, and do not have to face the competition of men.
The social content of the working force is distinctly above the indus
trial level, including alarger proportion of women of more than ordi
nary education. Moreover, the work itself has certain advantages.
The worker handles pretty, dainty things, gains a knowledge of what
constitutes good taste in dress, acquires an ability to make her own
clothes, and secures in her trade an accomplishment whieh can always
be put to remunerative uses. The nine-hour working day is in some
shops frequently and in some never exceeded. In general, the large
fashionable shops whose orders all culminate within a very short
period and demand immediate execution are the greatest offenders.
While the wages may not meet the standard to be desired, com
parison with other industries shows them in a favorable light. Forty

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOE WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

163

nine per cent of the custom and 36 per cent of the factory workers,
16 years of age and over, studied on pay rolls, received $9 or more;
66.9 per cent of the custom and 52.9 per cent of the factory workers
received $8 or more. Few industries show a larger proportion of
women in these wage groups. Moreover, the high wage available to
the woman with artistic sense and creative ability makes custom
dressmaking unique among the large women-employing industries.
Two factors, however, reduce the nominal income, short absences
and seasonal fluctuation. Short absences cause an average loss of 10
per cent of the nominal income of custom workers and 14 per cent of
that of women in factory dressmaking. Slack season still further
reduces the income. The loss through this cause can not possibly
be estimated accurately for the drifters since the only source of infor
mation—the individual workers’ memory—is too unreliable, but a
suggestive estimate can be made for the steady workers with the
probability that it is higher than that of the less regular workers.
But 23 per cent (125) of the 545 women, 16 years and over, employed
in custom shops and 14.2 per cent (71) of the 500 employed in factory
dressmaking during the trade year, September, 1910, to September,
1911, worked 40 weeks or more in a single shop. Of the 125 custom
workers 65.6 per cent and of the 71 factory workers 71.8 percent
earned less than $450. The shrinkage of total income from these
causes is not peculiar to the dressmaking trade.
If then they can earn a higher income in a shorter period they have
opportunity to All in if necessary with other occupations, or, if not
necessary, to rest. Since, however, a large proportion of the steady
workers in the dressmaking trade earn less than the estimated living
income during their trade year, even less can the drifters and irregular
workers, so a large part of those earning from $7 to $15 must resort
to secondary occupations. While the woman who sews has a trade
which she can utilize outside the shop, many, because of immaturity,
lack of skill, or desire for change, resort to other occupations to piece
out their income.
A survey of the trade yields suggestions to the educator, placement
agencies, parent, and prospective worker, to those interested in pro
moting industrial welfare, and to the customer.
For the educator—
1. An intimate knowledge of and acquaintance with the shops
and methods of production, and demand for young workers in the
particular neighborhood is essential if the pupil is to be adequately
trained to meet the demands. A knowledge of the status and trend
of the trade in the locality must underlie all industrial education.
2. A system of preliminary training must be devised for the 14 to 16
year old girl, who may through adequate and practical training be put
into the shop as a sewer.

164

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

3. A part-time course of training might well be developed for the
young 14 to 16 year old girls who must go to work as soon as the law
allows, but who, according to the law passed in Massachusetts in 1913,
must attend continuation schools as soon as they can be provided,
thus providing opportunity for them to lift themselves out of their
unskilled employment.
4. A systematic advanced course in the skilled processes of the
trade should be provided in technical evening classes that the young
worker after several years’ experience in the shop may equip herself
either for the higher shop positions or for independent work.
For the placement agency also—
■ 1, An intimate knowledge of the particular dressmaking shops of
theneighborhood is essential, that the adviser may know the requisite
qualifications of the workers as to age, degree of skill, and persona
characteristics.
2. Equally essential is a knowledge of the seasons of demand, not
only in the different types of dressmaking shops, but in all other
industries of the neighborhood, that the worker may be directed into
other employment during the dull season of her particular shop.
3. The placement agency can do an important service in advising
the parent and prospective young worker of conditions in the trade,
difficulties to surmount, time necessary to secure a living wage, and
demands and requisite qualifications.
4. The placement agency and vocational educators should be in
closest touch, the experience and knowledge acquired by each being
contributed for the advantage of the other. Some standard test
should be evolved by which the capacity of the prospective worker
could be determined, so that the facts of the case may be set dearly
before her or her parent, and advice given as to whether or not to
continue in the trade. The experience and knowledge acquired by
placement agents in their contact with worker and employer should
react on the curriculum of the school and the training of the child,
enabling the school continually to readjust the curriculum and to
direct those unfitted or incompetent for this occupation into some
thing within their reach. Many misfits, much discouragement, and
much loss of time and earnings might be avoided. Such an agency
for wise direction and good advice is one of the crying needs of the
time.
The social worker has a great opportunity for valuable service in
cooperation with the school and the placement agency. Intimate
acquaintance with the families of a particular neighborhood gives
weight to her suggestions for further schooling or specialized training;
she can moreover inspire the worker to look forward to something
better, and give encouragement to further preparation or improve
ment. This personal relation between social worker and the family

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR W OMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

165

and child has been utilized to great advantage in the juvenile ad
visory committees and care committees associated with the juvenile
exchanges recently established in England.
The customer has such an important influence in determining the
working conditions in a custom trade that the mere knowledge of the
far-reaching effects of her thoughtfulness or negligence ought to be
sufficient to better conditions. The customer can do much toward
steadying and lengthening the working season by forethought and
cooperation with the dressmaker. Late orders and demands for
completion within unreasonably short time mean overtime work for
some of the employees, with its consequent physical strain, a late and
lonely walk home after dark, and an excuse for young workers
being on the streets at night. Delay and negligence in paying the
bills may mean not only great inconvenience to the employer but
delay in the pay of her girls, with the resultant evils of indebtedness
and disputes, and sometimes loss of pay due.
Custom dressmaking, whichbest meets the approval of the fastidious
woman, provides better working conditions on the whole and better
opportunity for the worker than the factory branch of the trade, and
in this branch the customer has the greatest opportunity and influ
ence in determining conditions under which the employees work.
From the general public interested in industrial welfare should
come the demand for reasonable and comprehensive legislation and
its adequate enforcement. One of the first requests should be for
simple and unqualified limitation of hours of work. The Exemption
clause allowing overtime “ where the employment is by seasons”
makes enforcement of the law impossible and sanctions and legalizes
overstrain and pressure in a trade already characterized by these
unfortunate conditions.
The dressmaking trade, most prone and liable to overtime because
of the absence of a steadying agency between demand and supply,
should be especially the care of the inspection force. Since the large
shops employ about three-fourths the workers and are the most
liable to pressure from their patrons, the problem is not really so
difficult as might seem at first glance, though the small shop should
not be overlooked on this account.

LIST OF BOOKS, RECORDS, AND PERIODICALS DEALING WITH WOMEN
IN THE CLOTHING TRADE.
UNITED STATES*

I. Special studies in the clothing trade.
Eaton, Isabel. Receipts and Expenditures of Certain Wage Earners in the
Garment Trades. (Publication of the American Statistical Association,
IY, 1894-95, No. 30.) (Low-skilled branches of the clothing trade in New
York and Chicago.)
Henry Phipps Institute Report. Factors Affecting the Health of Garment
Makers. (Philadelphia, 1915.)
Pope, Jesse. The Clothing Industry in New York. (New York, 1905.) (Out
side ready-made garments for men, women, and children.)
Willett, Mabel Hurd. Employment of Women in the Clothing Trade.
(Columbia University Studies, 1902.) (Principally men’s clothing trade
in New York.)
II. General studies on women in industry.
Abbott, Edith. Women in Industry. (New York, 1910.) (Ch. X . Cursory
survey of the evolution of the manufacture of ready-made clothing.)
Adams, T. S., and Sumner, Helen. Labor Problems. (New York, 1907.)
(Chs. I and II. Woman and child labor. III. Sweating system.)
Bosworth, Louise M. The Living Wage of Women Workers. (Publication of
the Department of Research. Women’s Educational and Industrial Union.)
(Boston, 1911.)
Butler, Elizabeth. Women and the Trades. (New York, 1911.) (Chapters
on “ Needle trades” deal with men’s clothing, gloves, an£ millinery.)
Campbell, Helen. Women Wage Earners. (Boston, 1893.)
Goldmark, Josephine. Fatigue and Efficiency. (New York, 1912.)
Kelley, Mrs. Florence. Some Ethical Gains through Legislation. (New
York, 1905.) (Chs. I l l and VII. References to conditions in the clothing
trade.)
MacLean, Annie Marion. Wage-earning Women. (New York, 1910.) (Chs.
I ll, IV, and V. References to machine-made-clothing trades.)
Penny, Virginia. The Employments of Women. A Cyclopedia of Woman’s
Work. (Boston, 1863.)
III. Studies from the vocational standpoint.
Annual Reports of the Boston and Manhattan Trade Schools for Girls.
Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. Ending Employment for Children
who Leave the Grade Schools to go to Work. (Chicago, 1911.) (Sections on
dressmaking.)
Girls’ Trade Education League bulletins. No. 5. Dressmaking. No. 6 . Mil
linery. No. XL Clothing, Machine Operating. (Boston, 1911 and 1912).
Marshall, Florence M. Industrial Training for Women. Bulletin No. 4 of
National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education.
Richards, Charles R. Industrial training. A report on conditions in New York
State in the Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the New York Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 1908, Pt. I.

167

168

BULLETIN OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS*

III. Studies from the vocational standpoint—Concluded.
Talbert, Earnest L. Opportunities in School and. Industry for Children of the
Stockyards District. (University of Chicago, 1912.)
United States Bureau of Education. A Trade School for Girls: A Preliminary
Investigation in a Typical Manufacturing City, Worcester, Mass. Bulletin
No. 17,1913.
United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. Conciliation, Arbitration, and Sani
tation in the Dress and Waist Industry of New York City. Bulletin No. 145,
1914.
------ — Vocational education survey of Richmond, Va. Bulletin No. 162,1915.
-------- Vocational education survey of Minneapolis, Minn. Bulletin No. 199,
1916.
IV. Government publications.
1 . United States Government reports.
United States Census, 1860. Manufactures, lxii. Account of the Cloth
ing Industry. (Historical development.)
United States Census, 1900. Manufactures, Pt. I ll, pp. 261-302;
General discussion, pp. 261-296; Historical and descriptive—Men’s
clothing, pp. 296-300; Women’s clothing, pp. 300-302.
Bureau of Labor Statistics. Wages and Regularity of Employment in
the Dress and Waist Industry of New York City. Bulletin No. 146,
1914.
-------- Wages and Regularity of Employment in the Cloak, Suit, and
Skirt Industry. Bulletin No. 147,1914.
-------- Regularity of Employment in the Women’s Ready-to-wear
Garment Industry. Bulletin No. 183,1916.
-------- Report on the Condition of Woman and Child Wage Earners in
the United States. II. Men’s Ready-made Clothing, 1911. IX .
History of Women in Industry in the United States, 1910, Ch. III.
United States Public Health Service. The Health of Garment Workers.
Bulletin No. 71,1915.
2. State government reports.
Massachusetts.
Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor,
1884. Wright, Carroll D. The Working Girls of Boston.
Minimum Wage Commission. Wages of Women in Women’s Cloth
ing Factories in Massachusetts. Bulletin No. 9,1915.
Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor, 1875. (Em
ployment of Women at Sewing Machine Labor.)
New York.
New York Department of Labor. Report on the Growth of Industry
in New York, 1902. (The clothing industry in New York, p. 88 .)
Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor, 1885. Pt. I. Working
women; their trades, wages, homes, and social conditions.
Twentieth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor, 1902. Wages in
the clothing trade, pp. 1-28. Earnings in home industries, pp.
37-289. (Men'sandwomen’s clothing and muslin and infants’ wear.)
New York State Factory Investigating Commission Report. Wages
in the Millinery Trade. 1914.
V. Recent periodical literature (only a few typical articles of the large popular
literature on the clothing trade are suggested).
Barrows, Alice P. Women at Work in Millinery Shops in New York City.
(Preliminary report—The training of millinery workers.) Proceedings of
Academy of Political Science. October, 1910.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

169

V. Recent periodical literature—Concluded.
Clarke, Sue Ainslee, and Wyatt, Edith. Working girls, budgets. McClure’s
Magazine, October, November, 1910. (“ Based on information obtained
through an investigation conducted by the National Consumers’ League.” )
November. The shirt-waist makers and their strike.
Goodman, Pearl, and Ueland, Elsa. The shirt-waist trade. Journal of Political
Economy, December, 1910, Vol. X V III, p. 816.
Hutchinson, Dr. Woods. The hygienic aspects of the shirt-waist strike. Sur
vey, January 22,1910, Vol. X X III, p. 541.
Odencrantz, Louise. The irregularity of employment of women factory work
ers. Survey, Vol. X X [1909], p. 196.
Schwab, Sidney I. Neurasthenia among garment workers. American Labor
Legislation Review, January, 1911, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 27.
Shirt-waist shops after the strike. Survey, October 1 , 1910, Vol. XXV , p. 7 .
Sumner, Mary Brown. Settlement of the cloak-makers’ strike. Survey, Sep
tember 17,1910, Vol. X X IV , p. 847. (Protocol of September, 1910, in full.)
Van Kleeck, Mary. Women and children who make men’s clothes. Survey,
April 1,1911, Vol. X X V I, p. 65.
Van Kleeck, Mary, and Barrows, Alice P. How girls learn the millinery trade.
Survey, April 16,1910, Vol. X X IV , p. 105.
VI. Source of material covered in Chapter I in a study of the evolution of the trade
in the United States.
1 . Newspapers.
Massachusetts—
Boston.
American Apollo, 1792-1794.
American Herald, December 8,1781, October 8,1789.
American Traveler, July 1 , 1834, June 30, 1835, January 3March 24,1840.
Boston Chronicle, 1767-1770.
Boston Commercial Gazette, 1796-1799.
Boston Daily Advertiser, 1813.
Boston Exchange Advertiser, 1785.
Boston Evening Post, 1736-1742 (scattering numbers preserved
in Boston Public Library), also 1743-1775.
Boston Gazette or Country Journal, 1755-1757, 1766, 1773-1776,
1797-1798.
Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, July 23, 1722, September
25,1744, also July 16 and August 2 0 , 1745.
Boston Globe, 1910 and 1911.
Boston Mirror, 1808-1810.
Boston News Letter, 1719-1764.
Boston Weekly Post Boy, 1742,1746-1754.
Bunker Hill Aurora and Boston Mirror, January 17, 1829, Feb
ruary 27, 1858, 1864, 1865.
Continental Journal and Weekly Advertiser, 1779-1781.
Evening Gazette, 1827,1828.
Essex Journal and Merrimac Packet and The Massachusetts and
New Hampshire General Advertiser, April 27, 1774.
Independent Advertiser, March, 1748-August, 1749.
Independent Chronicle, 1769-1792, 1800-1802,1805,1806.
Massachusetts Centinel, 1785.
Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News Letter, 17131776 (except for missing numbers, in Boston Public library).

170

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

VI. Source of material covered in Chapter I in a study of the evolution of the trade
in the United States—Continued.
1. Newspapers—Concluded.
Massachusetts—Concluded.
Boston-Concluded.
Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post Boy and Advertiser,
1754,1757-1775, May 2 3,1768-September 21,1769.
New England Courant, February 4,1723.
New England Weekly Journal, 1728-1734.
Weekly Rehearsal, June 26, 1732, February 5, 1733, and Feb
ruary 28, 1734.
Essex.—Essex Gazette, 1770.
Greenfield.—Greenfield Gazette, October 11, 1792.
Hampden.—Hampden Federalist, November 16,1815.
Norfolk.—Norfolk Repository, 1805-1808.
Northampton.—Hampshire Gazette, October 3, 1787; May 2 1 ,
August 6 , 27, September 3,10,1788; May 13, October 14, Decem
ber 30, 1789; November 24, July 7, 28, 1790; November, 1815,
1816,1823,1828-1830.
Salem.—Salem Gazette and Newbury and Marblehead Advertiser,
1774 (6 numbers), 1781-1785,1790 (1 number), 1795.
Springfield.—Hampshire Federalist, 1808-1810.
Worcester.—National Aegis, December 2,1801.
Monthly.—The Lady’s Magazine, conducted by Mrs. Sarah J.
Hale, 1827, Boston.
Connecticut—
Hartford.
American Mercury, 1784, 1785, 1788,1789, 1791-1795, 1813.
Connecticut Courant, 1764, 1776-1781, 1782, 1785, 1788-1792,
1793,1794,1795,1796-1809.
New Haven.—New Haven Gazette and Connecticut Magazine,
1786,1787 (1 number each), 1788 (a few numbers).
Norwich.—Norwich Packet, 1776, 1784, 1785, 1798 (incomplete set).
New Hampshire.—New Hampshire Patriot, 1809-1811.
Rhode Island.—Newport Mercury, June 23,1761; April 26,1773; August
7, September 25,1775.
Maryland.—Maryland Journal and Baltimore Adventurer, 1779, 1787,
1789-1792.
New York.—New York Gazette, or Weekly Post Boy, 1740-1751,
1753,1754,1756-1759, 1765,1766 (incomplete files).
Pennsylvania—
Philadelphia.
American'Weekly Mercury, December, 1719-January, 1723.
Federal Gazette and Philadelphia Daily Advertiser, 1791-1793
(broken files from Library of Congress).
Freeman’s Journal, or the North American Intelligencer,
1781,1782 (scattering numbers).
Pennsylvania Gazette, 1734-1838 (broken files in Library of
Congress).
Pennsylvania Journal and the Weekly Advertiser 1752-1792
(scattering numbers).
Philadelphia Mercantile Advertiser, 1809,1810.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

171

VI. Source ol material covered in Chapter I in a study of the evolution of the trade
in the United States—Continued.
2 . Books, records, and documents.
American State Papers, Finance. Washington, 1789-1828.
Jttiss, William R. Colonial Times on Buzzard’s Bay. Boston, 1900.
Carey, Matthew. (Letter to the editor of the New York Daily Sentinel
on remuneration of female labor.) Philadelphia, 1830.
-------- Female Wages and Female Oppression. Philadelphia, 1830.
-------- Miscellaneous Essays. Philadelphia, 1830.
Connecticut, Public records of the Colony of Connecticut. Hartford,
1852.
Coxe, Tench. A View of the United States of America (1787-1794).
Philadelphia, 1794.
Documentary History of American Industrial Society, I and II. 1910.
Documents Relative to the Manufactures in the United States. H. Doc.
308, 22 d Cong. 1st sess., Parts 1, 2 . 1831,1832.
Femow, B. (editor). The records of New Amsterdam (1653-1674).
New York, 1897.
Fithian, Philip Vickers. Journal and letters, 1764-1774. Princeton
Historical Association, Princeton, 1900.
Goodwin, Maud W. Historic New York. Half Moon Papers. 1899.
Grant, Mrs. Anne. Memoirs of an American Lady, with Sketches of
Manners and Scenery in America as they Existed Previous to the
Revolution. New York, 1809.
Hammond, John. Leah and Rachel. London, 1656.
Harrower, John. Diary of. Virginia, 1773-1776 (American Historical
Review, V I).
Hull, John. Diary of Public Occurrences. Transactions and collec
tions of the American Antiquarian Society, III. Worcester.
Industry and Frugality Proposed as the Surest Means to Make us a Rich
and Flourishing People. Boston, 1753.
Johnston, James, F. W. Notes on North America, Agricultural,
Economic, and Social. Edinburgh and London, 1857.
Kemble, Frances Anne. Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Planta
tion. 1838-1839. New York, 1863.
Larcom, Lucy. A New England Girlhood. Boston, 1889.
-------- Life, Letters, and Diary (Addison, Daniel D., editor). Boston,
1895.
Marshall, Christopher. Extracts from the Diary of (1774-1781, Duane,
William, editor). Albany, 1877.
Martineau, Harriet. Society in America (1834-1836). London, 1837.
Massachusetts Bay Company Records. (1628-1641.) Cambridge, 1850.
Massachusetts Historical Society publications. 1798-1835.
New York Historical Society Collections. 1885.
Olmstead, Frederick Law. A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, in
the Years 1853,1854. New York, London, 1904.
Pryor, Mrs. Roger A. Reminiscences of Peace and War. New Y ork,.
1905.
Russell, William Howard. My Diary, North and South. Boston,
1863.
Smyth, J. F. D. A Tour in the United States of America. London,
1784.
Thomas, Gabriel. An Account of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey.
(Reprinted from the original edition of 1690.) Cleveland, 1903.

172

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS,

VI. Source of material covered in Chapter I in a study of the evolution of the trade
in the United States—Concluded.
2 . Books, records, and documents—Concluded.
Trollope, Mrs. Domestic Manners of the Americans. Fourth edition.
London, New York, 1832.
Tuckerman, Joseph. Essay on the Wages Paid to Females for their
Labor. Philadelphia, 1830.
Wansey, Henry. Journal of an Excursion to the United States. Salis
bury and London, 1798.
Ward, Nathaniel. A Simple Cobbler of Aggawam in America. London
1647.
Winthrop’s Journal, “ History of New England,” 1630-1649. New
York, 1908.
Working Women’s Protective Union, Annual reports of. New York,
1864 et seq.
Not Contemporary.
Bishop, John L. History of American Manufactures from 1608 to 1860.
Philadelphia and London, 1866.
Bowne, Mrs. E. C. A Girl’s Life Eighty Years Ago. New York, 1888.
Earle, Alice Morse. Two Centuries of Costume in America. New
York, 1903.
-------- Colonial Dames and Goodwives. Boston, 1895.
Temple, J. H., and Sheldon, G. History of Northfield. Albany, 1875.
Weeden, W. B. Economic and Social History of New England, 16201789. Boston and New York, 1890.
EUROPE.
Great Britain.

I. Government publications.
Home Department. Annual Reports of the Chief Inspector of Factories and
Workshops.
Board of Trade, Labor Department. Collet, Clara E. Report on the Statistics
of the Employment of Women and Girls. London, 1894.
British Sessional Papers. Factory and Workshop Commission.
Eoyal Commission on Labor—
The Employment of Women. Reports by Miss Eliza Orme, Miss Clara
Collet, Miss May Abraham, and Miss Margaret Irwin. 1893 and 1894.
Oakeshott, Mrs. G. M. Women’s Trades. Report of the Education Com
mittee of the London County Council. 1908.
Reports of the British Association for the Advancement of Science.
II. Women’s Industrial Council publications.
Clothing and Textile Trades. Summary tables by L. W. Papworth and D. M.
Zimmern. London, 1912.
Home Industries of Women in London. 1908.
MacDonald, M. E. Working Women in Stuttgart. September, 1900.
Report of the National Conference on the Unemployment of Women Dependent
on their Own Earnings. December, 1907.
Seasons Trades Conferences. March, 1901.
Trade School for Girls, January, 1911.
Treub-Comaz, Mme. Women and the clothing industry in New Amsterdam.
Women’s Industrial News, September and December, 1901.
III. Published reports of investigations.
Cadbury, E., Matheson, M. C., and Shann, G. Women’s Work and Wages.
(Chicago, eclited 1907.)
Meyer, Mrs. Carl, and Black, Clemintina. Makers of our Clothes: A Case for
Trade Boards. London, 1909.

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

173

III. Published reports of investigations—Concluded.
Adler, N., and Tawney, R. H. Boy and Girl Labor. London, 1909.
Webb, Sydney and Beatrice. The Prevention of Destitution. London, 1911.
---------Seasonal Trades. London, 1912.
Scotland.

Irwin, Margaret. Home Work amongst Women. II. Minor Miscellaneous
Trades. Report of an Inquiry Conducted for the Glasgow Council for Women’s
Trades. Glasgow, 1900.
-------- The Problem of Home Work, with a preface by Professor George Adam
Smith. Glasgow, 1907.
----- — Women’s Work in Tailoring and Dressmaking; Glasgow, 1900. Report
of an Inquiry Conducted for the Scottish Council for Women’s Trades.
IV. Publications relative to vocational guidance (Great Britain).
Fingerpost, The. A Guide to the Professions and Occupations of Educated
Women. Third edition. London, 1909.
Occupations for Girls in Glasgow. Published by the Scottish Council for
Women’s Trades. Women’s Industrial News. December, 1905.
Trades for London Girls and How to Enter Them. Compiled by the Appren
ticeship and Skilled Employment Association. tLondon and New York, 1909.
France.

I. Government publications.
Office du Travail. EnquSte sur le travail k domicile dans 1Industrie dela
lingerie. Paris, 1907-1909.
-------- Les associations professionnelles ouVri&res. Paris, 1899-1904.
Legard, M. (Inspecteur Divisionnaire de la 10 ° circonscription k Marseille).
Reports by District Inspectors (of France) upon the Question of Nightwork.
Paris, 1900. Investigation into Dressmaking Establishments in Marseille.
Office du Travail. La Petite Industrie. Vol. II. Le VStement k Paris. 1896.
II. Reports of International Bodies.
Bauer, E. Le travail de nuit des femmes dans l’industrie.' Rapports publics
au nom de 1’Association intemationale pour la protection legale des travailleurs. 1903.
Storch, L6 on. Rapport du Jury international de 1’Exposition universelle in
ternational© de 1900 k Paris. Paris, 1902.
III. Special treatises.
Aftalion, Albert. Le d&veloppement de la fabrique et le travail k domicile
dans les industries de l’habillement (1906); also published in Revue
d’^conomie politique, October, November, December, 1905. Vols. X IX , X X .
Benoist, Charles. Les ouvrferes de l’aiguille k Paris. Paris, 1895.
Debect. L ’habillement»femme en France au point de vue industriel et
commercial. 1908.
Doublot, Camille. La protection legale des travailleurs de l’industrie du
v£tement. Paris, 1899.
du Lac, Stanislaus. Le fil et l’aiguille. Paris.
Seilhac, L6on de. L’industrie de la couture et de la confection k Paris. Paris.
Worth, Gaston. La couture et la confection des vStements de.femme. 1895.
IV. Periodical literature.
Revue d’^conomie politique—
Alfassa, Georges. Le travail de nuit des femmes, au Congr&s de Cologne,
1903. Vol. X V II, p. 637. (Discussion of seasonal trades in general.)
Schweidland, Eugen. Comment il est possible d’oiganiser les ouvri&res
en chambre. 1902. Vol. XVI, p. 659.
R£forme sociale—
Aine. Les patronnes, employees et ouvrferes de l’habillement k Paris;
leur situation morale et mat^rielle, Vol. V, p. 61. January 1 , 1898.

174

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.

IV. Periodical literature—Concluded.
R£forme social©—Concluded.
Hayem, Julien. L’industrie de la lingerie dans le centre de la France.
November 1,1909. Vol. 58, p. 529.
Revue politique et parlementaire—
Milhaud, Caroline. Enqudte sur le travail h domicile dans la lingerie. 30
ao&t 1908. Vol. 57, p. 366.
Historical—
Lespinasse, Ren6 de. Histoire g6n£rale de Paris. Les metiers et cor
porations de la ville de Paris. Vol. III. X IV -X V III si&cle tissus,
etoffes, vdtements, etc.
Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul. Le travail des femmes au X IX e si&ele. Paris,
1873.
Levasseur, Pierre E. Histoire des classes ouvrferes en France depuis la
conqu§te de Jules C£sar jusqu’&la Revolution. Paris, 1859.
-------- Histoire des classes ouvri&res et de l’industrie en France avant 1789.
Paris, 1900-1.
General works giving some attention to sewing trades—
Gonnard, R. La femme dans l’industrie. Paris, 1906.
Haussonville, Comte de. Salaires et mis&res des femmes. Fourth edition.
Paris, 1900.
Jay, Marthe. Le travail de nuit des femmes dans Tindustrie fran^aise.
1908.
Poisson, Charles. Le salaire des femmes. Saumur, 1906.
Simon, Jules F. L’ouvri&re. Paris, 1861.
Weyl, Claude. La r6glementation du travail de3 femmes dans Tindustrie.
(Loi du 2 novembre 1892.) Paris, 1898.
Popular treatises—
Dagan, Henri. La femme ouvri&re. 1902.
Milhaud, Caroline. L’ouvrifcre en France. Paris, 1907.
Annales des Sciences Politiques—
Alfassa, Georges. La crise de l’apprentissage (July, 1905), Vol. X X , p. 421.
Allix, Edgard. L’industrie h domicile salari£e (1904). Vol. X IX , p. 469.
Economiste frangaise—
Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul. L’outillage et l’avenir de la petite industrie. 4
mars 1905.
Payen, editor. Reglamentation du travail. (La Restriction, 1910, les
Veillees.) 26 Fevriere, 1910.
Revue de Paris—
Alfassa, Georges. Le travail de nuit des femmes. (15 septembre 1904.)
Vol. V, p. 367.
Germany.

I. Schriften des Vereins fur Sozialpolitik.
Benda, Luise von. Die Entwicklung der Berliner Damenmasschneiderei.
Vol. 85, pp. 53-69. (1899.)
Dyhrenfurth, Gertrud. Die weibliche Heimarbeit. Jahrbuch fur Nationalokonomie und Statistik. 3d series, Vol. 29, January, 1905. Also conducted
an investigation in 1902 on the needleworkers in “ Konfektion” in Berlin.
Heiss, Cl., und A. Koppel. Heimarbeit und Hausindustrie in Deutschland,
ihre Lohn und Arbeitsverhaltnisse. 1906.
Jaff£, E. Hausindustrie und Heimarbeit in Deutschland und Oesterreich.
Vol. 86. (1899.)
Lipszyc, Marie A. Die Betriebsformen der Berliner Damenmasschneiderei.
Vol. 85, pp. 71-87. (1899.)

DRESSMAKING AS A TRADE FOR WOMEN IN MASSACHUSETTS.

175

I. Schriften des Vereins fur Sozialpolitik—Concluded.
Mayer, Gustav. Konfektion und Schneidergewerbe in Prenzlau. Vol. 65,
pp. 119-144. (1895.)
Weber, Alfred. Die Entwicklungsgrundlagen der grossstadtischen Frauenhausindustrie. Vol. 85. (1899.)
II. Treatises.
Bauer, Professor Dr. Stephan. Die gewerbliche Nachtarbeit der Frauen.
Jena, 1903.
Held, Jean. La r^glamentation de la journ^e de travail des femmes dans
l’industrie allemande. Paris, 1907.
Belgium.

Government publications.
Office du Travail. Les industries k domicile en Belgique. 7 vols.
1899-1905.

Brussels,

INDEX.
A.
Adrift, and living at home, proportion of workers classified as...............................................................

Page.
79

At beginning work..*.............................................................................................. , ..........................
71
At time of entering the trade...............................................................................................................
156
Wages, classified weekly, and...........................................................................................................136,137
B.
Boston and Worcester:
Specialization stage, shops of, maximum weekly wages of waist, skirt, and sleeve drapers in ___
40
Specialization stage, shops of, size of working force in......................................................................
38
Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville, and Worcester:
Commercialized shops, number and per cent of.................................................................................
31
Custom dressmaking, extent of...........................................................................................................
27
Dressmakers, types of...........................................................................................................................
28
Dressmaking shops, number and type of, by length of working year..............................................
92
Private dressmakers, number and per cent o f...................................................................................
31
Private dressmakers, size of working force..........................................................................................
32
Specialization stage, shops of, number and per cent of................. , ..................................................
31
Transition stage, shops of, maximum weekly wages of skirt and waist drapers in........................
36
Transition stage, shops of, number and per cent of...........................................................................
31
Transition stage, shops of, size of working force.................................................................................
35
Boston, custom shops and manufacturing shops in:
Children, women, and men, number employed.................................................................................
128
Children, women, and men. wages of..................................................................................................
129
Fall and spring seasons, dates of opening and closing.......................................................................
100
Midwinter lay off, number of weeks of...............................................................................................
102
Midwinter slack season, relation to unemployment............................................................................
102
Piecework, classified weekly wages of women on...............................................................................
130
Stability of labor force............. .............................................................................................................
99
Workers employed in, average number...............................................................................................87,89
Business administration in the trade.........................................................................................................53,54
C.
Capital, problem of, in the trade................................................................................................................ 54-64
Casual laoor, extent of, in custom and factory dressmaking....... ; ...........................................................
106
Children, women, and men in:
Custom shops and manufacturing shops, classified weekly wages paid, Boston.............................
129
Custom shops and manufacturing shops, number employed and wages paid, United States-----23,127
Custom shops and manufacturing shops, number employed, Boston..............................................
128
93
Custom shops dressmaking, average number employed, by months, United States, 1900.............
Commercial dressmaker, th e...................................................................................................................... 42-49
Commercialized shops:
Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville, and Worcester, number and per cent of..........................
31
Occupations and wages (1 shop).........................................................................................................44,45
Wages paid in, by size of force.............................................................................................................
45
Working year, length of........................................................................................................................91,92
Competition, problem of. in the trade....................................................................................................... 61-64
Custom shops and manufacturing shops:
Children, women, and men, number, wages, etc., of, in................................................................127-129
Employment in, classified number of weeks o f.................................................................................
98
Labor force, stability of, for 1 year, Boston........................................................................................
99
Large and small shops, wages of women in........................................................................................
132
Midwinter lay off, number of weeks of, Boston.................................................................................
102
Midwinter slack season, relation to unemployment, Boston............................................................ 102
Occupations and wages................................................................................................................ 67,134-126
Spring and .fall seasons, dates of opening and closing, Boston.........................................................
100
Wages of workers employed 25 or more weeks in 1 shop...................................................................
140
" r~“is, reduction of, caused bv short absences................................................................................... 141
Women working 40 weeks and over, classified annual earnings of...................................................
142
Workers employed in, average numbor, by months, Boston............................................................
87
Workers employed in, number of, by weeks, Boston........................................................................
89
Working year of employees in, Boston................................................................................................
95
Custom shops:
•.
Absences, short, proportion of weeks not broken by.................................... ....................................
140
Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville, and Worcester, number, etc............................................ 27,28
Occupations and wages of nucleus force in..........................................................................................
67
Vacation, summer, proportion of workers who return after. . *........................................................
105
Wages, classified weekly, by occupation.............................................................................................
134
Workers employed in, average number of, Boston, 1910, and United States, 1900 ......................
85
Workers employed in, number of, in different years, by weeks........................................................96,97

29885°—Bull. 193—16----- 12

177

178

INDEX.
D.

Page.
Dressmaking, evolution of the trade, Ignited States.................................................................................11-21
Commercialized system........................................................................................................................ 11,13
Custom system................................................................................................................................. 11,13,20
Family system.......................................................................................................................................11,12
Help or lure system........................................................................................................ .....................11-13
Manufacturing system.......................................................................................................................... 11,17
Ready-made and ready-to-wear garments, development of.............................................................. 18,19
Dressmaking trade of to-day.......................................................................................................................23-52
Commercial dressmaker........................................................................................................................42-49
Family dressmaker...............................................................................................................................
29
Journeyman dressmaker.......................................................................................................................29,30
Manufacturing dressmaker...................................................................................................................49-52
Private dressmaker............................................................................................................................... 31-33
Specialized workers, dressmaker ol the shop of................................................................................. 37-42
Transition stage, dressmaker of...........................................................................................................33-37
E.
Earnings and wages in Boston................................................................................................................127-146
Earnings. (S ee also Wages.)
Employees. (S ee Workers m the dressmaking trade.)
Employments, secondary, reported by workers.......................................................................................
144
Experience or number of years in the trade, workers classified by.........................................................
110
Experience, relation of, to weekly wages...................................................................................................
138
P.
Factory product, women’s clothing, development of the trade, United States, 1890-1900 and 1899-1909. 23,24
Fall and spring seasons, dates of opening and closing, Boston...............................................................
100
Family dressmaker, the..............................................................................................................................
29
Family income, contributions to, extent of by workers living at home.................................................
78
I.
Income. (S ec Family income; Earnings; Wages.)
Industrial conditions in the trade..............................................................................................................53-81
Business administration...................................................................................................................... 53,54
Capital, problem of........................................................................................................... ................... 54-61
Competition, problem of...................................................................................................................... 61-64
Labor force............................................................................................................................................ 64-81
Unions, attitude of workers toward.................................................................................................... 79-81
Irregularity of employment....................................................................................................................... 83-111
Weeks of 6 days each, proportion of, worked.......................................................................................
139
Weeks not broken by short absences, proportion of............................................................................
140
J.
Journeyman dressmaker, the......................................................................................................................29,30
L.
Labor force................................................................................................................................................... 64-81
Labor force, instability of........................................................................................................................106-111
Lay off, midwinter, number of weeks of, Bost on........................................................................................ 102
List of books, records, and periodicals dealing with women in the clothing trade..........................167-175
Living conditions of 200 workers visited.....................................................................................................
77
Lowell. (S ee Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville and Worcester.)
M.
Manufacturing shops and custom shops:
Children, women, and men, number, wages, etc., of, in..................................................................127-129
Employment in, classified number of weeks of..................................................................................
98
Labor force, stability of, for 1 year, Boston........................................................................................
99
Large and small shops, wages of women in........................................................................................... 132
Midwinter lay off, number of weeks of, Boston.................................................................................... 102
Midwinter slack season, relation to unemployment, Boston..............................................................
102
Occupation and wages................................................................................................................. 67,134-136
Spring and fall seasons, dates of opening and closing, Boston..........................................................
100
Wages of workers employed 25 or more weeks in 1 shop......................................................................
140
Wages, reduction of, caused by short absences....................................................................................
141
Women working 40 weeks and over, classified annual earnings of...................................................
142
Workers employed in, average number, by months, Boston..............................................................
87
Workers employed in, number of, by weeks, Boston.......................................................................
89
Working year of employees in, Boston.................................................................................................
95
Manufacturing shops, classified weekly wages and occupations in........................................................ 135,136
Married women, proportion of, in custom shops and manufacturing shops..........................................
78
N.
Nationality, a factor in advancement.........................................................................................................

INDEX.

179

Occupations and wages:
Page.
Commercialized shops...........................................................................................................................44,45
Custom shops.......................................................................................................................................67,134
Manufacturing shops....... .................................................................................................................135,136
Specialization stage, shops of............................................................................................................... 38,39
Transition stage, shops of.................................................................................................................... 34,35
Workers employed 39 or more weeks in 1 shop................................................... ...............................
139
Occupations. (S ee also Secondary employments.)
Overtime...................................................................................................................................................113-126
Causes of, primary.................................. .............................................................................................
114
Hours of, m a large shop, two consecutive years.............................................................................. 119,120
Hours of, in a large shop, 1909-10 and 1910-11 (Chart C).....................................................................
121
Hours of, in 1 shop, in a week of maximum overtime, 1909...............................................................
118
Pay for, rate of......................................................................................................................................
123
P.
Piecework, wages of women on, Boston.....................................................................................................
130
Positions, methods ofsecuring....................................................................................................................
65
Positions, reasons given for leaving.............................................................................................................
107
Previous employment of women................................................................................................................
72
Private dressmaker, the..............................................................................................................................31-33
Private dressmakers, shops of, number of, and size of working force, in deities....................................31,32
Private dressmakers, shops of, length of working year............................................................................ 91,92
R.
Ready-made and ready-to-wear garments, development of.....................................................................18-20
S.
Schooling of 200 workers in the dressmaking trade...................................................................................

leason%!ie workers’ .^ ...............................................................................................................................93-106
Seasons in the trade..................................................................................................................................... 83-93
Slack season, midwinter, relation to unemployment, Boston................................................................. 102
Somerville. (S ee Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville, and Worcester.)
Specialization stage, shops of:
Boston and Worcester, size of working force in..................................................................................
38
Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Somerville, and Worcester, number in...............................................
31
Occupations and wages......................................................................................................................... 38,39
Working year in................................................................................................................................... 91,92
Wages of waist, skirt, and sleeve drapers, Boston and Worcester....................................................
40
Specialized workers, the dressmaker of the shop of.................................................................................. 37-42
Spring and fall seasons, dates of opening and closing, Boston.................................................................
100
T.
Teaching the trade.................................................................................................................................... 147-159
Transition stage, shops of:
Boston, Cambridge, Lowell, Sbmerville, and Worcester, number in...............................................
31
Occupations and wages......................................................................................................................... 34,35
Wages, maximum weekly, of skirt and waist drapers, Boston and smaller cities...........................
36
Working force, size of, in 5 cities.........................................................................................................
35
Working year, length of........................................................................................................................ 91,92
Transition stage, the dressmaker of the..................................................................................................... 33-37
U.
Unions, attitude toward, of women workers.............................................................................................

V.
Vacation, midsummer, proportion of workers returning in the fall after................................................

105

W.
Xctual average and nominal, of workers employed 25 weeks or more in 1 shop..............................
140
Annual, of women working 40 weeks and over................................................................................142,143
Children, men, and women in custom shops and manufacturing shops___*.................................127,129
Class of $7, $8, and 19 per week, time required to reach....................................................................
157
Earnings and, in Boston................................................................................................................... 127-146
Experience, relation of wages to........................................................................................................... 138
Occupations and, in commercialized shops.........................................................................................44,45
Occupations and, in custom shops..................................................................................................... 67,134
'Occupations and, in manufacturing shops..... ................................................................................135,136
Occupations and, in shops of specialization stage.............................................................................. 38-40
Occupations and, in shops *>f transition stage................................................................................... 34-36
Occupations, etc., and, of workers employed 39 or more weeks in 1 shop.......................................
139
Paid and owed a $10 draper in a specified shop................................................................................. 60,61
Piecework, of women on, Boston.........................................................................................................
130
Reduction, percentage of. caused by short absences..........................................................................
141
Women in large and small shops.........................................................................................................
132
Workers earning less than $8 per week, proportion of, in large and small shops...............................
133

180

INDEX.

Workers in the dressmaking trade:
Page.
Adrift and living at home, proportion of, classified as.......................................................................
79
Age, and classified weekly wages...................................................................................................... 136 137
Age at beginning work..........................................................................................................................
71
Age at time of entering the trade.........................................................................................................
156
Custom shops, fluctuation of working force, by months (Charts A and B)..................................... 86,87
Employment, number of weeks of, custom shops and manufacturing shops.................................98,100
Experience or number of years in the trade of, and number of shops employed in........................ 110
Experience, relation of, to weekly wages..........................................................................................
138
Factory workers classified, weekly wages of, by occupations........................................................ 1 3 5 ,1 3 6
Family income, contributions to, extent of, by workers living at home.........................................
78
Lay on, midwinter, number of weeks of, Boston...............................................................................
102
Living conditions of 200 visited............................................................................................................
77
Married women, proportion of, in custom shops and manufacturing shops....................................
78
Overtime, hours of.............................................................................................................................118-120
Overtime in a large shop, specified years (Chart C)...........................................................................
121
Pieceworkers, classified weekly wages of, in 2 manufacturing shops, Boston.................................
130
Positions, methods of securing.............................................................................................................
65
Positions, reasons given for leaving.....................................................................................................
107
Previous employment of women in.....................................................................................................
72
Schooling of 200 workers........................... : ..........................................................................................
74
Seasons, spring and fall, dates of opening and closing, Boston........................................................
100
Secondary employments......................................................................................................................
144
Unions, attitude toward.......................................................................................................................
79
Vacation, midsummer, proportion of workers returning in the fall after.........................................
105
Working season, in different years.......................................................................................................
98
Working year, number of weeks in....................................................................... ..............................
95

Full text of Dressmaking as a Trade for Women in Massachusetts : Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, No. 193

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