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ESSAYS ON ISSUES

THE FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
OF CHICAGO

AUGUST 2003
NUMBER 192

Chicago Fed Letter
Changing Hispanic demographics: Opportunities and
constraints in the financial market
by Maude Toussaint-Comeau, economist

From 1990 to 2000, the Chicago metropolitan statistical area’s (MSA) Hispanic population
grew by 600,000, or 68.7%. This population segment is young and relatively low-income—
this means that financial literacy programs may be very important in opening this
market to mainstream financial services.

Hispanics are the largest
minority group in the U.S.,
accounting for over 12.5%
of the population (35.3
million people).

Participation in the mainstream financial market is critical for people’s success
and the viability of the communities where
they live. Yet various ethnic minority
groups have relatively limited access to
and use of financial services. A case in
point is the Hispanic population, the
fastest growing minority group in the
U.S. While the Hispanic population represents a significant market opportunity for financial institutions, some of the
group’s socioeconomic characteristics
may affect its ability to participate in
mainstream financial markets.

This Chicago Fed Letter presents an overview of recent demographic trends
and socioeconomic characteristics of
Hispanics with a focus on Illinois and
the Chicago region. It provides information on unbanked Hispanics (those who
do not have a transaction account at a
financial institution). It also discusses
the implications of these trends and
characteristics for the use of financial
services by the Hispanic population.1
The U.S. Hispanic population

Recently released data from the year
2000 Census show that Hispanics are
the largest minority group in the U.S.,
accounting for over 12.5% of the population (35.3 million people). In other
words, approximately one in eight people in the nation is of Hispanic origin.

Blacks were the second largest minority group in 2000, at 34.7 million.2
Hispanics are also the fastest growing
demographic group. While the overall
U.S. population increased by 13.2% between 1990 and 2000, the Hispanic segment increased by 58%, a gain of about
13 million people. The majority came
from Latin America. The number of
documented immigrants from Latin
America increased by close to 45% from
the 1980s to the 1990s.3 In the year 2000,
12.8 million documented Hispanics,
or one-third of all Hispanics in the
United States, were foreign born.
Hispanics are from a wide range of
countries. For the year 2000, 66% of
Hispanics were Mexicans, 9% Puerto
Ricans, 4% Cubans, and the remainder
were from Central and South America
and other regions. The Hispanic population is largely concentrated in the
South, the West, and in a few large
metropolitan regions in the Northeast
and the Midwest, especially New York
and Chicago. Various Hispanic groups
tend to be regionally concentrated. For
example, most Cubans live in Florida.
A substantial population of Puerto Ricans
is found in the Northeast, especially
in New York. Half of all Hispanics live
in just two states, California (11 million)
and Texas (6.7 million). New York

and Florida had 2.9 million and 2.7 million Hispanics, respectively. The next
three states with more than 1 million
Hispanics include Illinois, with 1.5
million, then Arizona and New Jersey.
Hispanics in Illinois

Illinois is the third most popular state
of residence after California and Texas
for Mexicans, the largest Hispanic group
in the U.S., with a little over 1 million
in 2000.4 During the 1990s Hispanics increasingly dispersed throughout Illinois,
in metropolitan as well as non-metropolitan counties. In 1990, Hispanics
represented less than 5% of the population in 95 out of the 102 counties in
Illinois. By 2000, this was the case in
only 38 of the state’s counties. In 1990,
Hispanics accounted for 5% or more
of the population in seven Illinois counties. By 2000, 63% of all counties in the
state had a Hispanic population of 5%
or more.5
From 1990 to 2000, the Chicago metropolitan statistical area’s (MSA) Hispanic
population grew by 600,000, or 68.7%.6
In the City of Chicago, the non-Hispanic
White population and, to a smaller extent, the Black population, declined
while the Hispanic population increased
by 220,000. In Cook County, the largest
county in the MSA, the net loss of more
than 350,000 Whites was primarily offset by gains from Hispanics and, to a
lesser degree, from others including
Asians and Blacks (U.S. Census Bureau).
While it is heavily publicized that the U.S.
population increase is due to immigration, it is important to note that natural
increase (number of births exceeding
deaths) also played a key role over the
decade. Johnson (2002) noted that for
the City of Chicago, the Hispanic population experienced a substantial natural increase of 156,000, as well as a net
migration gain of 65,000. Therefore,
more than two-thirds of the growth in
the Hispanic population in the city was
a result of natural increase. Nevertheless, net migration of Hispanics played
a significant role in increasing the population, particularly in suburban Cook
County and the remainder of the consolidated MSA.7

Socioeconomic characteristics

The Hispanic population is relatively
young. Half is under 25 compared with
around one-third of the non-Hispanic
White population.8 One critical implication of this is that a substantial proportion of tomorrow’s labor force will
be Hispanic. Indeed, in 2000, Hispanics
had the highest labor force participation rate in the U.S. (at 68%). In the
Chicago MSA, similarly, 74% of Hispanics
were in the labor force, compared with
71% of the White population (U.S.
Census Bureau).
Formal educational attainment is fairly low for the Hispanic population. In
1999, close to 44% of Hispanics did not
have a high school diploma, compared
with 18% for all households in the
Chicago MSA.9 In addition, close to
half of Hispanics reported that they
do not speak English well (U.S. Census
Bureau). This is not surprising, given
that so many are immigrants. From
1991 to 1998, the average number of
documented immigrants to settle in
the Chicago area was more than 40,000
per year. Over that period, cumulative
admissions for documented immigrants
were close to 333,000 from countries in
Latin America; immigrants from Mexico
alone accounted for nearly one-third
of the total.10 Hispanics who lack education and the ability to speak English
and who are more recent immigrants
may be at a competitive disadvantage
with respect to access to and understanding of consumer information. These data
reinforce the case for financial literacy
and consumer education programs that
increase access to the ever more complex financial environment.11
In spite of the growing importance of
the Hispanic population in the labor
force, earning disparities and greater incidences of unemployment are likely
to hamper the ability of many Hispanics
to utilize financial services. As a whole,
the Hispanic household population has
a relatively low level of income, and
Hispanic workers tend to earn less than
their non-Hispanic White counterparts.
In 1999, more than twice as many nonHispanic White workers earned $35,000
as Hispanic workers (American Housing Survey). The average income for

Hispanic households was $33,676 in
2000, compared with $41,994 for the
total population and $45,367 for nonHispanic Whites (U.S. Census Bureau).
Data for the Chicago MSA show that the
median income for Hispanic households
was $41,494, compared with $51,680 for
all households in the Chicago MSA, and
$59,903 for White households. If we take
an arbitrary cut off of $35,000 or more
for household income, less than half of
Chicago’s Hispanic households had
$35,000 in income, compared with close
to 60% of all households in the Chicago
MSA (U.S. Census Bureau). Similarly,
Hispanics were more likely than nonHispanic Whites to live below poverty
level. In 1999, 22.6% of Hispanic households in the nation lived in poverty, compared with 8.1% of non-Hispanic Whites.
In the Chicago MSA, 16.3% of Hispanic
households lived below poverty level,
compared with 4.4% of non-Hispanic
White households (U.S. Census Bureau).
Close to half of Hispanics in Chicago
live in low- to moderate-income (LMI)
census tracts, which account for 36%
of all census tracts in the Chicago MSA.12
While 28% of the entire MSA population reside in LMI census tracts, 49%
of Hispanics live in these areas.13 In
Cook County, which has the largest
population of Hispanics in the MSA,
over 60% of Hispanic households live
in LMIs, compared with 39.6% of the
total county population.
The relatively low income status of the
vast majority of Hispanic families and
the proportion of Hispanic households
living in LMI neighborhoods are among
the most significant factors affecting
their ability to access financial services.
They are more likely to use alternative
services such as check-cashing outlets
and payday loans, often with exorbitant
transaction costs.14 This suggests that
low-cost and flexible financial product
offerings can play a key role in addressing the needs of the working poor in
the Hispanic community.
Unbanked Hispanics

National data show that Hispanics have
one of the lowest rates of financial market
participation. For the nation as a whole,
less than 10% of individual households

are unbanked. In contrast, the percentage for Hispanics hovers around 24%.15
Data for the Chicago six-county area
show that 69% of banked consumers
were White, 17% Black, and only 8%
Hispanic. Among the unbanked, 15%
were White, 22% Hispanic, 59% Black,
and 3% other groups.16
Unbanked Hispanics are overwhelmingly low-income households. According
to Dunham (2002),17 over 50% of the
unbanked Hispanics in the U.S. have
income of less than $15,000 a year; 25%
have income between $15,000 and
$30,000; 8% have income between

of the currency in a weak home economy are some of the reasons why some
Hispanic immigrants may hold such
attitudes about financial institutions.18
Policy implications

The growth of the Hispanic population
provides a great opportunity for the
financial services sector to reach into
what by most indications is still an untapped market. Recently, the Federal
Reserve Bank of Chicago, the Office of
the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC),
and the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation (FDIC) held The Hispanic
Banking Forum,19 where practitioners and

In Cook County, over 80% of recent Hispanic immigrants
who are low-income and who live in LMI neighborhoods
are unbanked.

$30,000 and $45,000; and 2% have income over $45,000. Focusing on three
urban areas, New York City, Los Angeles
County, and Cook County in Illinois,
she notes that the majority of unbanked
Hispanics tend to be immigrants (both
recent, less than ten years since migration, and non-recent). In Cook County,
67% of the 150,000 unbanked Hispanics
were immigrants. These Hispanic immigrants tend to live overwhelmingly
in LMI neighborhoods in these three
regions. In Cook County, over 80% of
recent Hispanic immigrants who are low
income and who live in LMI neighborhoods are unbanked. Over 50% of
non-recent Hispanic immigrants are also
unbanked. In contrast, less than 40%
of non-Hispanics and U.S.-born Hispanics
who are low-income and who live in
LMI neighborhoods are unbanked.
Finally, an issue that is gaining increasing consideration concerns the impact
of attitudinal factors on Hispanics’ participation in the mainstream financial
market. Particularly for recent immigrants, evidence suggests that Hispanics
may have a greater aversion toward banks
and financial institutions than other
population groups. Bad experiences
with losing their deposits at a bank in
their country of origin or devaluation

senior representatives from the banking
industry convened to share their experiences in successfully reaching their
Hispanic markets. An important point
from the various discussions was that programs need to be innovative and responsive to the specific needs of Hispanic
customers. As an example, one bank
discussed its experience in accepting the
Matricula Consular card as a form of identification to open a deposit account. The
Mexican Consulate issues the card to
Mexican nationals who present documentation of Mexican citizenship. The card
is generally used to obtain a U.S. taxpayer identification number, allowing
individuals who do not have a Social
Security card to open a bank account.
Another bank identified liquidity and
safety as important account features for
its Hispanic market. The bank’s representative noted that while passbook savings accounts are considered outdated
by many, the majority of the bank’s
Hispanic customers preferred this type
of documentation of their money.
Another banker said that in response to
large demand among Mexican nationals,
they offer a wire transfer service. This
service allows Mexicans to transfer up
to $1,000 (for a flat, competitive fee)
from the bank branch in the U.S. to a

bank in Mexico. While it is not necessary to have a transaction account at
that bank, the representative noted that
they expect to attract Hispanic customers to use other services and become
regular customers.
Several of the bankers said that it was
essential to be involved in community
outreach efforts and in partnerships
with community organizations. They
noted that it is important for bankers
to have a personal relationship with
the community. This connection is facilitated through outreach in partnership with community organizations, in
sponsoring neighborhood events, and
in offering financial literacy programs.
In order to reach the Hispanic market,
as with any other underserved market,
a comprehensive approach to services
through community engagement, as
well as a strong educational component,
seems to be the most promising. For
recent immigrants in particular, Spanishlanguage product brochures and telephone services are essential. In addition,
greater affordability constraints in lowincome neighborhoods suggest that financial institutions might direct their
efforts toward promoting more affordable products and services.
There is also an important role that community leaders and educators can play to
help unbanked Hispanics make informed
financial decisions. Community leaders
and government agencies in tandem
Michael H. Moskow, President; Charles L. Evans,
Senior Vice President and Director of Research; Douglas
Evanoff, Vice President, financial studies; David
Marshall, team leader, macroeconomic policy research;
Daniel Sullivan, Vice President, microeconomic policy
research; William Testa, Vice President, regional
programs and Economics Editor; Helen O’D. Koshy,
Editor; Kathryn Moran, Associate Editor.
Chicago Fed Letter is published monthly by the
Research Department of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago. The views expressed are the
authors’ and are not necessarily those of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago or the Federal
Reserve System. Articles may be reprinted if the
source is credited and the Research Department
is provided with copies of the reprints.
Chicago Fed Letter is available without charge from
the Public Information Center, Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago, P.O. Box 834, Chicago, Illinois
60690-0834, tel. 312-322-5111 or fax 312-322-5515.
Chicago Fed Letter and other Bank publications
are available on the World Wide Web at http://
www.chicagofed.org.
ISSN 0895-0164

2

Population data in this section are primarily from the U.S. Bureau of the Census,
2000 Decennial Census Data of the U.S.
Population, www.census.gov, and the March
2000 Current Population Survey (CPS).

3

4

Author’s calculations based on U.S. Census
Bureau, CPS, March 2000 and information
reported in Therrien and Ramirez (2001),
“The Hispanic population in the United
States: Population characteristics,” U.S.
Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, March.
Population Resource Center, “Executive
summary: A demographic profile of
Hispanics in the U.S.,” www.prcdc.org/
summaries/hispanics/hispanics.html.

5

Author’s calculations based on U.S. Census Bureau data for 1990 and maps based
on 2000 census data from the Center for
Governmental Studies, Northern
Illinois University.

6

Here, the Chicago MSA includes nine collar
counties, Cook, Lake, Will, DuPage, Kane,
Kendall, McHenry, Grundy, and DeKalb.

Author’s calculations based on U.S. Census Bureau, 2000 Census data.

9

American Housing Survey, available at
www.census.gov/hhes/www/ahs.html.

10

Immigration and Naturalization Service
(INS), www.immigration.gov/graphics/
shared/aboutus/statistics/index.htm. The
number of immigrants is underrated because it does not include undocumented
immigrants. Undocumented immigrants
may not have proper identification and
therefore may not be eligible for all types
of services, including financial services.

11

12

A. Greenspan (2001), “The importance
of education in today’s economy,” speech
given at the Community Affairs Research
Conference of the Federal Reserve System,
April 6, www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/
speeches/2001/20010406/default.htm.
According to the Federal Reserve Board,
Regulation BB, Community Reinvestment
(12CFR 228), census tracts are classified
by income as follows: low-income tracts
are those in which the median family income is less than 50% of the median family income for the MSA. Moderate-income
census tracts are those with median family income of 50% to 80% of the median.
Middle-income tracts have median family
income of 80% to 120% of the MSA
median; and upper-income tracts have
median family income of 120% or more
of the MSA median.

13

Author’s calculations based on data from
U.S. Bureau of the Census.

14

Woodstock Institute (1997), “Currency
exchanges add to poverty surcharge for
low-income residents,” Reinvestment Alert,
No. 10, March.

15

A. B. Kennickell, M. Star-McCluer, and B.
J. Surette (2000), “Recent changes in the
U.S. family finances: Results from the 1998
Survey of Consumer Finances,” Federal
Reserve Bulletin, January.

16

The six counties are Cook, DuPage, Lake,
Kane, McHenry, and Will. The figures are
from S. L. W. Rhine, M. Toussaint-Comeau,
J. Hogarth, and W. Greene (2001), “The
role of alternative financial service providers in LMI neighborhoods,” Federal Reserve System Community Affairs Research Conference Proceedings, Washington DC, April.

17

C. R. Dunham (2002), “Hispanic financial
activities in three urban areas,” presentation to the Hispanic Banking Forum, Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, July 31.

18

See A. Friedrich and E. Rodriguez (2001),
“Financial insecurity amid growing wealth:
Why healthier savings is essential to Latino
prosperity,” National Council of La Raza,
Issue Brief, No. 5, August.

19

The conference was held on July 31,
2002. For information, go to www.occ.
treas.gov/ftp/release/2002-62.doc.

20

See M. Toussaint-Comeau and S. L. W.
Rhine (2001/2002), “Delivery of financial literacy programs,” Journal of Consumer Education, Vol. 19/20.

Chicago Fed Letter

The author would like to thank Robin
Newberger for valuable research assistance.

8

K. M. Johnson (2002), “The changing face
of Chicago: Demographic trends in the
1990s,” Chicago Fed Letter, No. 176, April.
The CMSA reported in the study by
Johnson includes Chicago, Kenosha,
WI, and Gary, IN.

Address service requested

1

7

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
Public Information Center
P.O. Box 834
Chicago, Illinois 60690-0834
(312) 322-5111

with financial institutions can help
bridge the language/cultural gap by
organizing financial literacy programs
targeted to Hispanic immigrant
households. Given the relatively large
proportion of youth in the Hispanic
population and the importance of introducing children to good financial
practices, consumer educators could
help educate this audience within or
outside the school environment.20

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