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September Banking's Capital Shortage: The Malaise and the Myth The Dollar at Home and Abroad Bank Loan Losses: A Fresh Perspective business review The Fed in Print FEDERAL RESERVE BANK of PHILADELPHIA IN THIS ISSUE . . Banking's Capital Shortage: The Malaise and the Myth . . . A basic reason that new bank capital is in short supply is investor dissatisfaction with the returns offered by bank securities. The Dollar at Home and Abroad . . . Despite double-digit inflation, the dollar buys more at home than overseas because foreign money and foreign goods cost more. Bank Loan Losses: A Fresh Perspective . . . Though loan loss reserves have lagged behind loan expansion, the industry's cushion for absorbing probable losses is still quite large. On our cover: The Campbell Museum, located in Camden, New Jersey, is the only museum of its kind in existence. The museum's collection consists of objects pertaining to the service of soup and its equipage. It is international in scope with examples from 24 countries and not limited to any one period. Although the first purchase was a rare American silver soup tureen made circa 1795 (upper left), other objects of high quality as examples of popular and individual choice are a Vincennes tureen of soft-paste porcelain (upper right), a Chelsea tureen (soft-paste) made in 1762-63 (lower left), and a Russian silver tureen bearing the mono gram of Catherine the Great (lower right). (Photographs courtesy of The Campbell Museum, Camden, N. J.) BUSINESS REVIEW is produced in the Departm ent of Research. Editorial assistance is pro vided by Robert Ritchie, Associate Editor. Ronald B. W illiam s is Art D irector and Manager, G raphic Services. The authors w ill be glad to receive comments on their articles. Requests for additional copies should be addressed to Public Inform ation, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19105. Phone: (215) 574-6115. Banking’s Capital Shortage: The Malaise and The Myth By Ronald D. Watson new capital is possible, but only if bank regulators are willing to allow risks to in crease, and that isn't likely. The "shortage" is occurring because banks are expanding their assets more rapidly than reinvested profits can boost capital. The obvious supplement to retained earnings is new capital from public issues of long-term debt and equity securities. But bankers claim that declining stock prices and higher interest rates have made the cost of this new money (especially the equity) too high. The problem is compounded by generally weak markets for bank securities, especially in the wake of several failures of large banks in 1974. Most banks resort to out side financing only when other sources of funds are no longer readily available. Restricting the industry's growth to the rate at which it can generate capital internally has been suggested, but most banks are reluctant to accept a policy that might mean losing ground to other financial intermediaries or Is it possible that bank capital—like oil—is a scarce resource whose supply is in danger of being exhausted? To read the financial in dustry's trade journals a person might con clude that Capital is a rare substance whose supply can grow only at a strictly limited rate. However, the current presumption that banks can't raise the funds they want for strengthen ing their capital positions and expanding deposits needs a lot of rethinking. Banks must have capital to inspire public confidence and absorb losses.1* If they can't get the capital re quired to support their operations, maybe banks aren't serving the economy as effec tively as is generally assumed. Clearly, the banking industry must raise ad ditional capital if it is to grow. Growth without 1Ronald D. Watson, "Insuring Some Progress in the Bank Capital Hassle,” Business Review of the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, July-August 1974, pp. 3-18 3 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW have most corporations). Of the new securities issued by banks the bulk has been debt (subordinated notes and debentures) rather than common or preferred stock.4 In general, internal funds are more appealing as a source of capital than external funds because their cost seems very low. Retained earnings almost always look cheaper than new common stock. A new stock issue may dilute the earnings of current shareholders, but retaining earnings never will. Further more, there are substantial transaction costs associated with floating new debt or equity issues publicly. Retained earnings may also seem less costly than long-term debt which carries an explicit obligation to pay interest. Raising money through new issues of com mon stock has become even more expensive in the last few years because bank stock prices have declined dramatically even though ear nings have been growing. Bankers ac customed to seeing their shares sell for 15 to 20 times earnings in the early 1960s were dis mayed to see those prices drift into the 10 to 15 times earnings range in the late 1960s and early 1970s and then plummet to the 5 to 10 times earnings range in 1974.5 As stock prices decline, the number of shares that must be sold to raise a fixed amount of new capital in creases. When this occurs, the current stockholder's control of the bank is diluted and his future dividends diminish relative to what he would have received if the stock had been sold at a higher price. And each jump in equity cost has strengthened management's resolve to avoid paying the cost of raising even slowing the whole economy's growth. Yet, further growth for banking appears to be stymied. Internal generation of new capital is too slow, outside capital seems too costly, and the regulators are closing off the alternative of expanding without additional capital. This should not—and need not—be an im passe. If the problem looks insurmountable, it may be that we are zeroing in on the wrong target. The issue should not be one of “ how to get capital for future expansion,” but “ are the profit opportunities of this expansion great enough to justify raising new capital at today's prices?'' If the profits are there, banks can af ford to pay the going rate for capital. If they aren't, then the capital should go to industries that have better opportunities to use it. Bank capital markets may be in poor shape, but that alone shouldn't change the way the decision to expand is made. THE CAPITAL CHASM The bank capital “ shortage” has been brewing for several years, but recent projec tions of enormous capital shortfalls over the next decade have significantly pepped up dis cussions of the problem. There have been prophecies of a capital “ gap” (differences between probable capital accumulations and capital demands of the industry) of $16.7 billion2 by 1978 or $32.0 billion3by 1979. These projections have intensified the industry's awareness that the methods used for finan cing growth in the '60s may not be equal to the task in the '70s. Bankers have normally considered it im practical to try to close this gap with outside sources of funds. Data on bank financing is very sketchy, but the industry has a long history of depending heavily on earnings retention for additional long-term funds (as 4“ Report of Securities Issued by Commercial Banks and Holding Companies,” Report #67, Corporate Financial Counseling Department of Irving Trust Company, New York, February 28, 1975. 5Keefe Bank Stock Manual(New York: Keefe, Bruyette, and Woods Inc., 1974). Inflation and riskier bank port folios have been important reasons for the rising cost of new debt and equity capital. However, many bankers claim that public statements by regulators warning of capital inadequacy problems have increased the cost of funds even to very conservative banks by making in vestors wary of all bank securities—not just banks that had been aggressive in using leverage. 2The Capital Adequacy Problem in Commercial Banks, 1974-1978 (Princeton, N.J.: The Institute for Financial Education, 1974), p. 8. 3Warren R. Marcus, The Challenge to Banking: Capital Form ation in the Seventies (New York: Salomon Brothers, 1974), p. 6. 4 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA tance of maintaining profitability, the problem will just reappear in a couple of years. Asset growth will again be halted by the capital adequacy barrier, but this time it will be at an even lower standard. funds with new stock issues. Even debt capital has become more expen sive in the last few years. Not long ago sound banks were able to sell their long-term obligations at an interest rate of 5 to 6 percent. However, an upward drift in rates and recent concern about bank soundness have made the going rate 8V2 to 10 percent these days. More Debt. The second type of suggestion for closing the capital gap consists of plans for lowering the price that banks must pay for their capital funds. The most common proposal is that banks use more long-term debt as a substitute for equity capital. As long as debt hasn’t been overused, it has a cost below that of equity and appears to be the cheapest way to raise outside capital. Debt is a particularly attractive form of capital in that it is the one form of long-term funds whose cost is a tax-deductible expense.6 Yet, substituting long-term debt for new equity is also only a partial solution. Long term debt is an inadequate substitute for equity because it has legal characteristics which are different from those of common stock. Its claim to interest is secondary to that of depositors, so it backstops their claims. But interest and principal must be repaid on time if the bank is to avoid default, and operating losses cannot be charged against debt “ capital" (except in liquidation) as they can against equity capital. Accordingly, if bank’s asset growth is financed with debt capital rather than equity, the chance of incurring a large loss that would wipe out the remaining cushion of equity capital grows. The greater the amount by which the growth of risky assets exceeds ex pansion of the equity cushion,thegreaterthe risk of failure. Bondholders are also wary of this heightened risk of failure. As the in vestors’ risks grow, the yield they demand on their investment also climbs. As a result, heavy use of “ cheap" debt capital will eventually CURRENT REMEDIES FOR SPANNING THE GAP: A WEAK BRIDGE Even though there is no universally accepted response to this problem, there have been any number of suggestions. Some have been directed toward loosening the regulatory constraint on expansion while other plans have been designed to reduce the industry’s cost of capital. All of these proposals have some merit, but none con stitutes a lasting solution to the problem. Lower Capital Standards. Some effort has gone into convincing the regulatory agencies that banks don’t really need all the capital that supervisors currently consider prudent. If capital standards were lowered, still more ex pansion could take place. Bankers point to the willingness of investors in the capital markets (until very recently) to advance debt funds to banks at interest rates nearly on a par with other high-quality corporate borrowers. This is interpreted as evidence that investors (who are the first to lose their money if banks fail) have considered banks to be good risks. If regulatory standards on capital are too conservative, reducing them would alleviate the current bind on growth. Reducing capital requirements might also enable banks to maintain the lower standard through reten tion of earnings. However, such a hope might be overly optimistic. A key reason that banks haven’t maintained capital at the current stan dard through internal generation of profits is that they have been willing to sacrifice profits to achieve asset growth. If the regulator's capital constraint is relaxed without a simultaneous reexamination of the impor 6There have recently been legislative proposals that all dividend payments be treated as tax-deductible expenses in the same way that interest payments are now deducti ble. If this change in the tax codes were enacted, it would make stock a relatively more attractive way to finance corporations. 5 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW raise the cost of new equity and debt (both new and refinanced) by causing the market price of these securities to decline. This risk "spillover” reduces the cost advantage of new debt. It also hurts the financial position of the current shareholders whose investment has now dropped in value. If a bank's debt posi tion becomes excessive by market standards, management will find that by cutting back on the use of debt the shareholders' risk will be reduced, the stock's price will tend to rise, and the overall cost of funds will be lower (even new equity issues become relatively less costly than additional debt). stock can be set above the current market price of the stock. This type of security is sup posed to give the issuer a cheap source of debt which will eventually be turned into equity at a better price than new stock issued right now—in a sense, the best of both worlds for the bank. Investment trusts and convertible debt securities might be useful to a bank, but they won't make the cost of new capital substan tially lower. Such a trust may improve the overall marketability of a bank's securities, making it easier for the institution to tap new sources of capital. However, an investor should be able to diversify his or her in vestments without the trust and has little reason other than convenience to accept a significantly lower return on pooled securities than for the individual issues. C onvertible bonds (and convertible preferred stocks) are also useful, but again they don’t solve the problem. On the surface they look like a very cheap way to raise money. But this is not the case. If a bank offers a convertible bond, it may sell the securities at a low interest rate and attractive conversion price. However, it has still sold a debt issue, and debt isriskierforthebankthan new equi ty. Holders of these bonds will only convert them to stock if the price of the bank's stock rises to a level above its conversion price in the future. If a bank really wants debt capital now and equity capital sometime in the future, it might be better off to float a bond issue initially, and then refinance it with a common stock issue later at the stock's higher price. In principle, there's no reason to expect a bank to be able to raise capital substantially more cheaply in the long run with convertible securities than with ordinary debt and stock. New Securities. One of the problems preventing banks from using more debt capital is the poor marketability of these securities. Major banks that have market recognition are able to sell large amounts of debt at relatively low interest rates. However, smaller banks that lack this reputation aren't so fortunate. The market for their securities is normally restricted to their operating region, and borrowing costs may be higher than those of a large bank of the same risk. To over come these disadvantages some smaller banks have borrowed debt capital from their big-city correspondents.7 There have also been suggestions that smaller institutions use investment trusts (like mutual funds) to pool their securities. This device is intended to sim plify the investor's diversification problems while providing a wider market for the securities of these banks. Weakness in the stock and bond markets has prompted some authors to suggest that banks turn to convertible bonds for new capital. These are securities that can be con verted into common stock if stock prices rise. Convertible bonds usually have an interest rate below that of nonconvertible debt. What's more, the price at which holders are allowed to convert their bonds into common Cut Dividend Payout. The high cost of new external capital has also prompted the suggestion that banks boost earnings reten tion by gradually cutting the proportion of earnings paid out as dividends. Retained ear nings are an appealing way to build equity capital because the process doesn't create 7This may make the smaller bank’scapital position look more sound, but it hardly enhances the stability of the banking system. 6 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA when profit prospects don't warrant doing so is no solution to the capital problem. new shares which dilute earnings. The inter nal funds also increase the likelihood that there will be higher earnings in subsequent years. But the suggestion that higher earnings retention be used when equity capital costs are high skips over some basic economics. If the cost of new equity is prohibitive, the cost of retained earnings should be treated as only “ a bit less" than prohibitive. The cost of retained earnings is closely linked to the cost of new equity in the long run. In a world without taxes these costs would be identical except for the cost of underwriting new stock issues. Taxes make retained earnings slightly cheaper because investors whose profits are retained for reinvestment by the bank will avoid income taxes—at least until the reinvested profits produce higher dividends or until stockholders realize a capital gain on their investment. Realizing a capital gain would reduce the effective tax rate on the profits from reinvestment. The connection between the cost of retain ed earnings and that of new common stock becomes clearer if we think of retained ear nings as bank profits that are being reinvested within the organization for the benefit of the shareholders rather than being paid out to them in the form of dividends. Those same in vestors who want a very high return for in vesting in a new stock issue aren't likely to be happy to have their profits reinvested for them at significantly lower expected returns. If investors currently expect 15 percent as a return for investing in a bank's stock, they must feel that 15 percent is a competitive return given the risks of bank investment and the alternative uses they have for their money. If the bank can't earn enough profit on these retained earnings to give the shareholders that 15 percent return, it would make the investors better off by giving them the money as a dividend to invest as they see fit. In the long run, reinvestment of retained earnings at substandard rates will lower the bank's overall rate of return, and investors will bid down the price of the bank's stock. Therefore, reinvesting retained earnings Boost Earnings. The final proposal for clos ing the capital gap is one of speeding internal equity creation by increasing earnings margins. Greater profits would allow earnings to grow faster, equity to expand faster, and asset growth to be less impeded by capital. The proposal that banks raise their profit margins is the soundest and the most impor tant of this crop of "solutions." It comes the closest to confronting the fundamental reason that the industry finds itself “ unable" to raise adequate capital. It is also the basic component of a real solution. THE FUNDAMENTAL PROBLEM The problem that banks face isn't a shortage of capital but an unwillingness or inability to pay the "going rate." There is no question that capital costs are high right now. By the historical standard of the last three decades, the only time they were higher was in the latter part of 1974 when long-term interest rates were above their present levels and stock prices were extremely depressed. Ad justing to these rising capital costs is difficult for all businessmen—and the reaction is likely to be slow. Many bankers have delayed raisingcapital hopingthatafuturedrop in market rates will reduce these capital costs. Beyond the argument that rates may soon drop, many bank managers are simply unwill ing to tolerate the dilution of earnings per share that could accompany a new stock issue (spreading the existing earnings pool over a larger number of shares). Retained earnings may have a high implicit cost, but it's a dif ficult cost to pinpoint. Diluted earnings, however, suggest that management may have made some errors somewhere along the line. That makes dilution a difficult path to accept (see Box). Bankers may also be unwilling to pay the high cost of new capital for the sound economic reason that they cannot reinvest it at a sufficiently high return. They may know 7 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 WHEN WILL DILUTION O CC U R ? A com m on argum ent advanced against sell new stock issues is the co ncern that the stock's ear nings per share (E.P.S.) w ill be diluted by an increase in the num ber of shares outstanding. This is true, and to the extent that a b an k’s ability to pay dividends is tied to its E.P.S., it is undesirable to dilute earnings. H o w e ve r, this isn’t the w ho le story. New equity capital does m ore than sim ply dilute the curren t earnings of the existing shares. The new m oney can be invested profitably and used as a base for expanding other liabilities. It also reduces the risk of the b an k’s capital structure. It is quite possible that shareholders of a bank that sells new com m on stock can e xp e rie n ce a mild dilution of their earnings but be better off. The have a sounder investm ent because their risk is low er and the bank now has a better equity base on w hich to expand in the fu ture. As a practical m atter, new stock issues alm ost re q u ire dilutio n in the short run. Stock must be sold in large enough blocks that the flotation and underw riting cost a re n ’t too large a proportion of the total funds raised. But the new equity w ill then be sufficient for fu rth er e x pansion of fixed-cost liabilities and the bank can releverage the earnings to their fo rm er level. Stock Price Dip. It’s alm ost an article of faith that new stock can't be issued after a fall in the bank’s stock price w itho ut diluting earnings. D ilutio n may w ell o ccu r, but it isn ’t a foregone co nclusio n. Suppose the N inth National B an k’s balance sheet is the fo llo w in g . Cash Bonds Loans ( 0%)* ( 7%) (11%) Total $ 100 500 600 Deposits Borrow ing Capital $1200 Total (6%) (7%) (20 shares @ $5 per) $ 600 500 100 $1200 Assum ing the bank's tax rate is 50 p ercent, its earnings per share w ould then be revenues (0 + 35 + 66) - expenses (36 + 35) = = incom e 30 - taxes 15 = profit 15/20 = $ .75 E.P.S. Assum ing that the sto ck’s m arket p rice is equal to its par value, this is a 15-percent return on the sto ckh o ld ers’ investm ent. *The numbers in parentheses denote the effective yield on assets or the net cost of funds raised. Economic theory suggests that a firm should utilize a source of funds until the marginal cost of the next dollar raised from that source is exactly equal to the marginal cost of a dollar from any alternative source. If the bank described above really found that its cost of obtaining new deposits was below the cost of new short-term borrowings, it should tap that source until the marginal cost of deposits rises to the level of the cost of new borrowings. 8 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA Suppose this bank had some attractive investm ent and lending o ppo rtunities but needed ad ditional m oney to expand its assets. A total of $200 could be invested as fo llo w s: 20% in bonds at 7% = .014 80% in loans at 11% = .088 .102 = 10.2% before-tax yield 5.1% after-tax yield Suppose, also, that the bank w ould have to rely heavily on purchased funds and new stock to raise this m oney but could get it in the fo llo w ing w ay: 20% from new deposits 70% from borrow ings 10% from new com m on stock (4 new shares). The average cost of these marginal sources of funds (adjusted for the tax ded u ctib ility of interest) w ould be Proportion Tax-Adjusted Cost .2 X .7 .1 X (.06 x .5 = .03) (.07 x .5 = .035) (.15) X = = = .0060 .0245 .0150 .0455 = 4.55% tax-adjusted cost of funds. As long as funds can be raised at 4.55 percent and invested at 5.1 p ercent, the bank should e xp and .** In fact, if the bank m akes this expansion its new balance sheet w ould be Cash Bonds Loans ( 0%) ( 7%) (11%) Total $ 100 540 760 Deposits Borrow ings Capital $1400 Total (6%) (7%) (24 shares @ $5 par) $ 640 640 120 $1400 and the E.P.S. of the ban k’s stock (in clu ding the new shares) w ould jum p to revenues (0 + 37.80 + 83.60) expenses - (38.40 + 44.80) = = incom e 38.20 - taxes 19.10 = = profit 19.10/24 = $ .796 E.P.S. **Bankers continually confront choices between greater return with higher risk or lesser returns with lesser risks. This analysis assumes that the bank’s overall risk has not been altered by the expansion. The proportion of risk assets is up, but so is the bank's capital position. Therefore, the return expected by investors will not change. 9 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW Now suppose that inflation picks up or investors becom e w orried about the long-run profitability of banks. Th e p rice of Ninth N ational's stock might drop from $5 to $4 a share. That represents a significant increase in the cost of new equity capital to the bank (15 percent to 183/4 percent), and it w ill now take five new shares rather than fo ur to raise the $20 of new equity. H o w e ve r, the fact that these costs have risen is not sufficient reason to abandon the expansion. If profits from the new in vestm ents are high enough to cover the jum p in equity costs, the bank should go ahead w ith its plans. If overall profits are unchanged the new E.P.S. w ill be ... $19.10/25 shares = $ .764 E.P.S. This is far less attractive than the 79.6<t E.P.S. that the bank's shareholders w ould have received had the stock price rem ained $5 a share. But both new and old shareholders are still better off w ith the expansion than they w ould have been w itho ut it (76.4<t versus 75<t). In sum m ary, and expansion that earns enough to benefit the new shareholders w ill autom atically m ake the old ones better o ff. It's only w hen the new capital investm ent isn't profitable by the m arket’s cu rren t standard of returns that expansion shouldn't be undertaken . D ilutio n w ill o ccur o n ly w hen the w rong financial decision has been made or w hen the bank has exceed ed the bounds of prudent leverage and has to sell m ore equity to get back to a safe capital structu re. In the long run, the banking industry can only pay a higher price for capital if it can pass these costs along to customers in the form of higher effective interest rates or higher fees for other services provided. The ability to pass costs along depends in great part on whether the industry can preserve its cost advantage over (or, at least, parity with) competing suppliers of financial services. If bank loan prices can't be competitive, profit oppor tunities will shrink and maintaining the in dustry's recent growth rate will be impossible. that they need greater earnings to justify rais ing additional funds yet may be unable to in crease their margins because competitive pressures are too strong. Any move to raise earnings will be hard to sustain if other finan cial institutions don't consider themselves to be under the same pressures. If only one bank in an area raises its loan rate, its competitors will have an advantage in selling their ser vices. In all probability the first bank will lose some of its share of the market. It's only when all banks feel the pressure to build their capital (and no one has a clear cost advantage) that profit margins can be raised successfully. Even then, banks may lose some business to other nonbank financial organizations unless those firms are under equivalent pressure to boost earnings.8 THE FUNDAMENTAL SOLUTION The industry can pay the going rate for capital if it is careful to use sound methods in analyzing its costs of funds and return available on new investments. In the long run, solid financial analysis will be more effective in loosening the industry's growth constraints than plans to make bank securities more marketable. Management will also find that its own long-run interests are served by mak ing sound financial decisions. Asset growth may be one measure of accomplishment, but consistent profitability over the long haul makes a banker's position more secure. 8This should not be interpreted as an approval of collu sion to raise prices. Even though the entire industry has profits that are insufficient to attract new capital, each bank must respond to the problem individually. However, the more widespread the profits squeeze, the more likely that individual banks will follow a move to raise prices rather than try to increase their market share by maintaining current prices for loans and services. In the long run, competitive markets will generate equal prices from all suppliers, but at a level which covers the cost of all factors of production including equity capital. 10 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA The Cost of Funds. One of the most basic problems that industry must confront is es timating the costs of its own sources of funds. Bank management must determine where new money is coming from, what its full cost is, and what effect decisions to change the bank's capital structure (and, thereby, its risk) will have on the cost of these funds. The cost of funds to a bank depends in part on the riskiness of its capital structure—the propor tions in which it raises long-term versus short term funds and debt capital versus equity. A bank may raise its next dollar of funds from any of several specific sources, but it must carefully maintain a balance of debt and equi ty as it grows over time. If this week's funds come from debt sources, they will soon have to be balanced with new equity. Since in creasing risk makes it impractical to expand in d e fin ite ly using o n ly short-term borrowings, bankers must include the cost of funds from all of the sources that will even tually be tapped when they estimate the real cost of additional funds.9. To be profitable, any investment made by the bank should earn enough profit to pay for all the funds used to finance it. Lending money at rates which cover only the cost of funds borrowed to make the loan will quickly lead to profit problems. The cost of the new equity that must be raised to keep risk exposure constant must also be covered in the rate charged on the loan. Otherwise, the cost of the bank's funds will rise even further. If the cost of new capital is increasing, the signal to management should be clear: either reduce the bank's overall risk or be prepared to earn a high enough return on assets to pay for this capital. Successful opera tion over a long period requires that investors be given an expected return on their funds that is as high as returns available from other comparable securities. The fact that markets for the capital of smaller banks are especially imperfect doesn't alter the fact that those banks must have equity to expand and must pay whatever the “ going market rate" is for that equity. A Minimum Return. Once a bank has es timated the price it must pay for new funds it has a benchmark for judging alternative in vestments. A bank should only invest in loans or securities (or combinations of them) whose expected return is above the cost of the new funds required to finance them. That seems obvious. But the decision must be made on the basis of the current cost of all funds that will be raised during the next planning period rather than just the cost of a block of short term debt which might be raised next week. It should also consider the full effect that any change in the bank's asset or liability risks will have on the cost of any funds raised. Further more, if the bank expects to have more funds than it needs to meet loan demand and li quidity requirements for an extended period, simply investing them in the highest yielding asset available may not be the best strategy. The investment must still yield enough to pay the full cost of these funds, or they should be returned to those who have loaned to or in vested in the bank. This might be done by not replacing maturing debt issues or by paying extra dividends. In the long run, capital markets should eventually force a bank in the direction of managing its funds efficiently. (Limitations on entry into banking and im perfections in the market for bank securities may make market discipline less effective than it is in unregulated industries.) 9A common technique for estimating a corporation's cost of new funds is the weighted average method. A business evaluates the net cost of raising additional funds from debt and equity sources by estimating the cost of each source and weighting the cost according to the proportion that those funds will represent of any new money raised. If a bank expects to finance 80 percent of its growth with short-term debt costing 4 percent after taxes and the other 20 percent of the expansion with new stock costing 12 percent, its weighted average cost of funds is .8 x .04 + .2 x .12 = .032 + .024 = .056 (5.6 percent). See Box for a more thorough explanation of this process. Shrink, If Necessary. If investment prospects don't justify raising new funds, the institution shouldn't try to expand. Doing so 11 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 petitiveness of banks vis-a-vis other financial service organizations. Firms operating in an unregulated world have the right to raise their prices enough to compete for the higher cost equity funds—as long as their customers are willing to pay those higher prices. Banks are free to make some price adjustments, but they may not be able to pass on higher money costs as effec tively as unregulated financial corporations. If banking agency regulations or state usury statutes inadvertently hold earnings below the level needed to raise new capital, the in dustry's growth would be unnecessarily cur tailed.10 There is no way to know, right now, whether this will be an important problem or not. Bank regulators must be vigilant in assur ing that only the constraints that are necessary to promoting the financial system's stability are enforced. This problem becomes es pecially important as regulators weigh the pros and cons of changes in capital re quirements and of expanded powers for both banks and thrift institutions. isn't in the best interests of either shareholders or management. When the cost of funds exceeds the returns available to a bank, capital markets are giving management a signal that alternative uses for its shareholders' fund are relatively attractive. If the bank can't earn a competitive return on its equity, its stockholders can use the money for other investments. A bank that reinvests shareholder earnings when its return isn't on a par with other securities of similar risk is preventing shareholders from making better use of their own money. Eventually, the shareholders will sense this and try to sell their stock. The falling stock price will put pressure on management to correct the problem or answer to the stockholders. The market is also signaling the bank that consumers and borrowers aren't sufficiently interested in its banking services to pay the prices that make the bank able to give in vestors a competitive return. Either another financial organization can provide that ser vice at a lower cost or tastes have changed and people don't really want the service at all. Banks that can't afford to pay the going rate for funds (because they can't pass their higher costs on to their customers) should not expect to get additional money. CONCLUSION Any projection of historical trends in bank growth, profits, and dividend payout prac tices suggests that the banking system's de mand for external capital will expand rapidly in the years immediately ahead. Yet the. capital "gap" will probably sow the seeds of its own resolution. If banks curtail their growth because of an inability to find profitable new investments (or to circumvent the regulator's capital constraints), the least attractive investments can gradually be culled The Regulatory Constraint. If banks were unregulated and absolutely free to buy money and sell services in a competitive business environment, these market forces could resolve the "capital shortage" automatically. But the fact is, they're not free and, therefore, they do not work perfectly. The industry, in fact, is tightly regulated, and the regulations influence bank profits. Ex clusive rights to issue demand deposits and limitations on entry into the industry are ex amples of implicit subsidies from Govern ment to commercial banks. Conversely, capital adequacy constraints, reserve re quirements, and portfolio limitations tend to lower bank profits. The point is not that these constraints are "wrong" or “ unjust," but that they influence the profitability and com 10lt is also possible that their regulated environment gives banks an advantage as money costs rise. In that in stance, regulations are giving banks an unearned com petitive edge and allowing them to increase their market shares at the expense of nonbank businesses. This results in just as great a misallocation of society’s resources as oc curs when bank profits and growth are unnecessarily restricted. 12 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA from their portfolios. By concentrating available resources on the more profitable business that remains, banks will be taking steps to build capital internally. Better profits and stronger capital positions will cut risks, and banks will then be more able to compete for new external capital. Competition from the nonbank financial sector will remain, but these organizations must also pay high prices for additional capital. The key, however, is astute use by banks of the money available to them and prudence in raising only those funds that can be reinvested profitably. As long as the profit opportunities exist, banks will have the opportunity and the justification for raising whatever funds they need. When expected profitability is insufficient, the desire to expand must be held in check. Regulators also face a challenge in the years ahead. They must not only protect the public's interest in its financial system but also try to keep the game "fair." The regulatory agencies can alter the competitive viability of the industries they regulate. If these in dustries are to serve society and their shareholders efficiently, they must be free to respond to their changing economic environ ment. The desire to expand banking's capital base rapidly is one development which can only be accomplished successfully if regula tion doesn't prevent the industry from com peting for funds, investing rationally, and passing rising costs along to customers who are willing to bear them. J 13 The Dollar at Home and Abroad By John G. Bell CHART 1 BECAUSE OF STEADY INFLATION IN THE U. S. OVER THE LAST FIVE YEARS, THE DOLLAR TODAY BUYS FEWER GOODS IN THIS COUNTRY THAN IT DID IN 1970. Index of Purchasing Power of the Dollar* (1970 = 100) 1970 * 1971 1972 1973 1974 100 CPI SO U RCE: U. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. 14 1975 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA CHART 2 YET THE DEPRECIATED DOLLAR HAS STILL HELD ITS PURCHASING POWER FAR BETTER AT HOME THAN IT HAS OVERSEAS . .. Index of Purchasing Power of U. S. Dollar* In Selected Counties—1st Quarter, 1975 (1970 = 100) SO U RCE OF COMPONENT FIG U R ES: International Monetary Fund 15 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW CHART $ . . . BECAUSE IT TAKES MORE DOLLARS TO BUY FOREIGN MONEY . . . Percentage Change in Dollars Needed to Buy One Unit Of Foreign Currency—1970 to 1st Quarter, 1975 SO U RC E: International Monetary Fund 16 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA CHART 4 . . . AND FOREIGN MONEY BUYS FEWER FOREIGN GOODS. Average Decline in Purchasing Power of Selected Currencies in Their Home Countries Percentage Change from 1970 to 1975 >. E <u c ro CD t/> CD 4^ cz T3 'c Z> CD CD ■a C o CD CD “O C JCD i— CD N *-* </£> E bp ■a c <D L. x:Q J Z m =3 SO U RC E: International Monetary Fund 17 Bank Loan Losses: A Fresh Perspective By Stuart A. Schw eitzer* sion brings financial misfortune to many. That brings to the fore the issue of bank defenses against potential loan losses. Analysts generally focus on a bank's "reserves for possible loan losses" as its prin cipal defense against uncollectable loans. Yet, over the past five years banks haven't built up their loss reserves as rapidly as they have increased their vulnerability to loan losses. W hile this has distressed some observers, there is a line of reasoning which leads to the conclusion that there probably isn't that much real cause for concern. The logic goes something like this: Until recently, bank loan loss reserves have been un necessarily large. In addition, most banks have substantial earnings streams and capital resources which can also be used to cover Nobody likes to be in default on a loan. Yet, even the best-intentioned borrowers are sometimes unable to pay their debts. And when they have difficulty paying their debts, their troubles fall right into the laps of their creditors. No wonder, then, that analysts of banks and the banking system pay particular attention to bank loan losses. Loan loss rates at commercial banks have been on the rise for some time. And some bank experts say there's apt to be a record volume of loan defaults this year, as reces *Dr. Schweitzer, formerly a Senior Economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, is now Assistant Economist at Morgan Guaranty Trust Company of New York. This article was prepared while the author was associated with the Bank. 18 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK O F PHILADELPHIA business community can seriously erode, for cing many firms to absorb operating losses out of stockholders' equity. The next step for such firms may be bankruptcy, since some of them may become unable to pay their out standing debts. Bank loan losses would then rise accordingly. Likewise, as unemployment grow s d u rin g a d o w n tu rn , personal borrowers may also fail to meet their debtrepayment obligations. No one, of course, can be sure about the impact of a recession on bank loan losses. Conventional wisdom dictates that recession and a higher rate of loan losses ought to go together, although that hasn't been true in all postwar recessions. Nonetheless, the latest recession has been more severe than other postwar downturns. Problems with loans for real estate development, for exam ple, are particularly severe this time around. These forces could mean that loan losses will surge upward this year, as many Wall Streeters say, but this will be known for sure only in hindsight. potential loan losses. Thus, according to this reasoning, loan losses themselves pose much less of a threat to bank soundness than the danger of public overreaction to those losses. BANK LOAN LOSSES: BACKGROUND AND FOREGROUND When the record books are finally closed on 1975, the year's loan losses just may set some records. Many bank watchers expect the dollar volume of bank losses to hit an alltime high in 1975. And some argue that the rate of such loan losses, as a fraction of bank loans outstanding, will be higher than at any time since the 1930s. These analysts could turn out to be right. But it's important to place the current situation in perspective. The rate of bank loan losses is nowhere near its high water mark, set in 1934. At the depths of the Depression, com m ercial banks “ charged off" over $3.40 of every $100 of bank loans as uncollectable. In 1974, by con trast, about 38 cents of every $100 of loans met a similar fate. Whatever may happen to loss rates in 1975, they have little chance of approaching their 1930s levels. Loan Losses in the Public Eye. It is only natural, therefore, that public attention is now sharply focused on the loan loss problem. Even banks are forewarning their shareholders about higher losses in 1975. Eyebrows are thus now raised over the ques tion of adequacy of bank defenses against high loan losses. And most of the questioners are concerned with the volume of funds banks have set aside as reserves for possible loan losses. Upward Pressure on Loan Losses. In the context of the postwar period, those predic tions of record loan losses for 1975 have a lot going for them. Loan loss rates have been on the rise for about 25 years now. And the recession of 1974-75 is quite likely to accen tuate this trend. An upward path of loan losses since 1950 is unmistakable. While loan losses in the 1950s amounted to less than 7 cents per $100 of bank loans, the loss rate rose to just above 16 cents in the 1960s and to about 31 cents for the 1970-74 period (Chart 1). A trend as strong and as longstanding as that is not quickly reversed. W hile the renewed emphasis on conservatism in banking which emerged in 1974 may eventually lower the loss rate, that won't happen overnight. On top of this longstanding trend is the 1974-75 re c e s s io n . As a d o w n tu rn cumulatively worsens, the profitability of the SETTING AND SUBDIVIDING THE LOSS RESERVE Most firm s and individuals maintain reserves of some sort to assist them in managing their financial affairs. These reserves may be only a few dollars set aside in a cookie jar or millions of dollars invested in income-producing assets. But, in either case, they help tide the household or business over any financial rough spots that may oc cur. Since banks are forever advising the 19 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW CHART t LOAN LOSS RATES HAVE BEEN ON AN UPWARD TREND. Percent .4 ----- Note: Data are for insured commercial banks. SO U RCE: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. generally, as are the bank’s liabilities and capital accounts. When a loan held by the bank proves uncollectable, the decline in the value of the bank's loan assets can be “ charg ed off’’ against the loss reserve. That way, as long as losses don’t exceed reserves, the bank's earnings do not have to absorb loan losses directly. Earnings are buffered from the potentially wide swings in loan losses from year to year. And the reserve helps to cushion the bank against insolvency as well. general public to "put something aside for a rainy day/' it is only fitting that most banks do the same. Loss reserves are the device that most banks use to build protection against normal variation in loan losses. Banks usually plan to rely on their earnings and capital ac counts to cover extraordinary loan losses. A bank that adopts the “ reserve method" for covering its loan losses makes an addition each year to its loan loss reserve.1 The bank doesn’t earmark particular assets as part of its loss reserve. Rather, the loss reserve becomes a claim upon the assets of the bank Taxes and Accounting for the Loss Reserve. Besides offering smoother earnings and an insolvency cushion, the reserve method also offers banks smaller tax bills. A bank may take tax deductions for the funds it transfers to its loss reserves instead of for its actual 1Banks aren’t required to use the reserve method for covering their loan losses. They are also permitted to be on the “ direct charge-off method,” whereby they use current earnings to meet loan losses as they occur. 20 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA BOX 1 THE TAX ADVANTAGES OF BUILDING LOSS RESERVES U.S. tax laws give recognition to the fact that a portion of the interest received by a bank eventually will be needed to cover its losses on uncollectable loans. Ever since 1921, banks have been permitted to deduct from taxable income a “ reasonable" volume of transfers to a reserve for loan losses. Of course, since these tax deductions reduce a bank’s taxes, it has always proven difficult for banks and the Government to agree as to what is reasonable. For a long while banks were permitted to build a reserve consistent with bank loss experiences during the 1930s. The last vestige of this was a U.S. Treasury ruling in 1965 permitting banks to maintain reserves in an amount up to 2.4 percent of their “ eligible loans."* Tax reform has since sent this percentage lower. The U.S. tax system is heading toward application of the principle that a bank should be able to shelter from income tax only those contributions to a loan loss reserve which are consistent with its recent loss experience. That principle is a part of the Tax Reform Act of 1969, but will not be fully effective until 1988. In the meantime, banks are per mitted to shelter a reserve whose ratio to eligible loans is either based on the bank’s loss experience or else is subject to a stipulated maximum.** The maximum ratio currently is 1.8 percent, but will drop down to 1.2 percent in 1976. It will drop further to 0.6 percent in 1982. Not until 1988 will banks be required to be on an “ experience basis" for their loan loss reserves. Beginning in 1988, under current law, banks will be limited to a taxfree reserve no larger, as a fraction of their eligible loans, than the ratio of uncollected loans to eligible loans on an average basis over the prior six years. Thus, under current law, the tax benefit to a bank from handling its loan losses via the reserve method will gradually decline. For a time, however, the size of the tax saving will continue to be substantial. The U.S. Treasury estimates that over one billion dollars of tax receipts will be lost to the Government in fiscal 1975 because of the generous allowance for loan loss reserves at banks and savings and loan associations combined. The tax loss is expected to remain close to that level in fiscal 1976. But it should decline after that, as the maximum ratio of the reserve to eligible loans drops to 1.2 percent on January 1, 1976. That reduction will have its impact in fiscal 1977. ♦According to IRS rules, not all bank loans are eligible to serve as a basis for the reserve computation. The loans which are ineligible include Federal funds sold, loans backed by U.S. Government securities or bank deposit balances, and loans guaranteed by the U.S. Government. ♦♦Regulations limit the size of the deduction for a transfer to the loss reserve during any single year to 0.6 percent of eligible loans. loan losses. And the tax law’s generous stan dard regarding the size of the loss reserve permits banks thereby to reduce their tax payments (Box 1). The tax deduction gives banks the incen tive to transfer the maximum amount allow ed by law to their loan loss reserves, and most do just that. But they usually don’t report all of those tax deductions as operating expenses in their published finan cial reports. Although it may seem unusual, it’s quite legal for a bank to report larger ex penses to the Government than to its shareholders. The tax authorities permit a bank to “ pay" for a transfer to its loss reserve partly by provisions from operating expenses and partly by provisions from retained ear nings. Either way, the bank's transfer to its 21 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 to cover a bank's loan losses is a long standing accounting axiom. It became a banking rule, however, only after a 1969 agreement among the Securities and Ex change Commission, the Federal banking agencies, and the accounting profession. Un der that agreement, the entirety of each bank’s loan loss reserve as of January 1,1969 became a valuation reserve. Additions to the valuation reserve had to be charged to the bank’s income statement as expenses only beginning with 1969. And only since 1969 have the other elements of the valuation reserve been ineligible to cover loan losses. loss reserve is tax-deductible. But the bank's operating earnings aren't reduced when retained earnings are used to build the reserve. The Three Parts of the Loss Reserve. In ac tual practice, most banks charge both retain ed earnings and operating expenses for transfers to their loss reserves. This leads to a loss reserve which has three components—a valuation reserve, a contingency reserve, and a deferred tax reserve. But the bank can't cover loan losses out of all of these com ponents. When a bank charges its operating ex penses to provide for estimated loan losses, accountants record the result as an addition to the bank's valuation reserve. When a transfer is made from retained earnings to the bank’s loss reserve, that’s recorded as an addition to the bank's contingency reserve. When the bank cuts its tax bill by taking tax deductions for additions to its contingency reserve, its tax saving is recorded in the bank's deferred tax reserve (see Box 2 for a numerical example). In principle, this ac count is used only for holding funds that will eventually be paid to the Government as taxes. Of the three reserve components, accoun ting principles permit loan losses to be charged only against the valuation portion. While the contingency and deferred tax items are part of the bank's total loan loss reserve, they represent transfers made for Federal income tax purposes only. If a bank's loan losses should exhaust its valuation reserve, the bank's next resource would be its earnings rather than the other loss reserve elements.2 The 1969 Agreement on Valuation Reserves. The principle that the valuation reserve be the only reserve element available Choosing the Size of the Valuation Reserve. The success of the reserve method as a device for handling loan losses depends on a bank's ability to anticipate its losses. Ideally, a bank should set aside funds which, over time, will just equal the loan amounts that end up being uncollectable. To do this, the bank must accurately assess the risk of loss on each loan it holds. This is quite simple for some kinds of loans—consumer loans, for example, generate highly predictable loss ex periences. But some kinds of lending, often involving large loans to business, generate a more erratic flow of loan losses. It’s quite dif ficult to compute a proper addition to the valuation reserve for such loans. How large do a bank’s valuation reserves need to be? Obviously, they need to be large enough to cover the normal losses which may be expected on the basis of actuarial principles. In addition, the valuation reserve might include a cushion against unusual losses which may occur irregularly over time. But it would be impractical and unnecessary to make the valuation reserve large enough to cover all the bank's unusual losses. Current earnings and equity capital are always available to backstop the loss reserve. Translating these principles into action isn't 2A bank could regain use of its contingency reserve by restoring that reserve to retained earnings and making a tax payment in the amount of the deferred tax reserve. But this would only be useful if the bank had exhausted both its valuation reserve and its earnings and was charging retained earnings to cover further loan losses. 22 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA BOX 2 THE THREE PARTS OF A LOSS RESERVE All of the dollars in a bank’s loan loss reserve are not created equally. Instead, each dollar comes from one of three sources—the bank’s revenues, its retained earnings, or the taxes that it owes to the U.S. Government. An example will clarify just how this all happens. But first, it may be useful to know why things need be so complicated. The answer is our tax laws. It’s already been noted that banks are allowed to ac cumulate, free of corporate income taxes, more loan loss reserves than can be sup ported by loan loss experience. While banks are entirely willing to save on their taxes, they want to do so in a way which doesn’t reduce the profits that they report to their shareholders. This requires some financial gymnastics, but it can be done. What it re quires is that banks sort their loss reserves into three segments—the valuation, con tingency, and deferred tax portions of the overall loss reserve. An example will help clarify this. Consider the status of the mythical Small-Loss National Bank. Small-Loss National had revenues last year of $1000. Its operating ex penses, before any provision for loan losses, were $700. Its loan portfolio equals $10,000, and its average annual loan-loss ratio equals 0.2 percent. Small-Loss National has decided to “ charge” its revenues with a $20 addition to its bad debt reserve ($20 equals 0.2 percent of $10,000). This $20 represents an addition to the bank’s valuation reserve—it meets the test of being “ charged” against revenue as a bank expense, and that’s what's required of funds added to the valuation reserve. The bank thus reports its net income before taxes as $280 ($1000 minus $700 minus $20). This $280 figure is what Small-Loss National tells its shareholders and the public generally that it actually earned last year. In an effort to use legal means to reduce its tax liability, however, it tells Uncle Sam something else. Remember, the U.S. Government usually permits a bank to add more to its loss reserves—and therefore shelter more in come from current taxation—than the bank may need to cover loan losses. Suppose that in Small-Loss National’s case, the Government will permit it a $50 deduction for transfers to its loss reserve this year. Since it’s only willing to take $20 for its loss reserve out of revenues, but it can shelter a total of $50 if it wants to, the bank looks elsewhere for the other $30. Here’s how the bank does it. Whereas shareholders were told that the bank actually earned $280, the Government hears a different story. Taxable income is reported to the Government as $250 ($280 less $30). That reduces Small-Loss National’s tax obligation by $15 (assuming, for simplicity, that the bank’s tax rate is 50 percent). This $15 tax saving is an addition to the deferred tax portion of the bank’s loan reserve. Now, only another $15 is needed to make the bank’s total addition to its loss reserve equal to $50. That final $15 is the other half of the $30 the bank is looking for. It represents the shareholder’s half of the difference between the bank’s reported profit of $280 and its taxable profit of $250. This $15 would have gone into the bank’s retained earnings if it hadn’t been added to the loan loss reserve. It is assigned by accountants to the contingency portion of the loss reserve. 23 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 simple, of course. And critics have been quite vocal in criticizing the quality of bank judgments about the size of their valuation reserves. valuation reserve as of year-end 1974 was only about 1 percent larger than it was at the start of 1969 (see Table). This relative con stancy of bank valuation reserves contrasts sharply with the rapid growth of bank loans and loan losses. Bank loans have nearly doubled since the start of 1969 while the dollar volume of bank loan losses has risen nearly fourfold (see Chart 2). How could valuation reserves have fallen relatively so far behind? It's principally because banks' entire loan loss reserves were defined as valuation reserves when the ac counting rules were changed in 1969. That change left the average bank with valuation reserves of nearly 2 percent of loans outstan ding, which was enough to cover ten years of loan losses at the rate at which such losses occurred in the 1960s. Thus, even as loans and loan losses grew substantially after January 1969, few banks felt the need to charge their revenues with more than the minimum required amounts. The valuation reserve cushion that banks had when the '69 rules change was enacted left them comfort able with the small contributions made from '69 through '73. It is notable that even during 1974, when many banks for the first time reserved more than the minimum amounts required under the '69 rules, the ratio of valuation reserves to loans continued to decline. And the ratio of these reserves to new loan charge-offs fell off even more. It is thus important to focus on the relative protection against loan losses af forded by valuation reserves and banks' other defenses, and to assess whether there's been a material weakening of banking soundness in this area. VALUATION RESERVES FAIL TO KEEP PACE Current regulatory rules require each bank on the "re se rve m ethod” to make a minimum addition to its valuation reserve during each year, equal to its average rate of loan losses for the last five years, applied to its volume of loans outstanding on average during the current year.3 This is only a minimum addition to the bank's loan loss reserve, however. Banks are instructed to reserve more than the minimum amounts if they anticipate loan charge-off rates significantly higher than their five-year average. That is where bank judgment comes into play. And critics quickly point out that bank judgment has produced declining loan loss coverage by valuation reserves over the past several years. After 1969, when the agreement on expen sing of the valuation reserve was reached, and through 1973, most banks provided only the minimum amounts required as an addi tion to their valuation reserves. In 1974, many banks altered this pattern and provided extra amounts above and beyond the minimum set by bank regulators. Evidence from quarterly earnings reports indicates many banks are continuing to provide extra amounts for loan losses in 1975. In fact, the formula for loan loss provisions seems to be playing a small part in banks' decisions about how much to provide for their loss reserves this year. Between 1969 and 1974, while they were reliant on the formula, banks charged off nearly as much in uncollectable loans as they added to their valuation reserves. Hence, the LOSSES OUTPACE LOSS RESERVES: WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS? The failure of bank valuation reserves to keep pace with bank loans and loan losses since 1968 is indeed striking. But this developm ent may say more about the meaningfulness of banks' prior earnings reports than it does about any changes in the Regulations do permit banks to be only partially on the reserve method. That is, it would appear that banks can build a tax shelter from some of their income but still be on a direct charge-off basis for covering actual loan losses. Banks doing this will be considered not to be on the reserve method for the purposes of this article. 24 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA LOAN CHARGE-OFFS HAVE NEARLY OFFSET PROVISIONS FOR THE LOSS RESERVE BY INSURED BANKS. THUS, THE VALUATION RESERVE HASN’T RISEN APPRECIABLY SINCE 1969 (In Billions of Dollars) Year 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 Valuation Reserves Loan Charge-offs Provision for Loan Valuation Reserves During Year Losses during Year At Year-end At Start of Year $5.22 5.25 4.97 4.75 4.84 4.94 $5.25 4.97 4.75 4.84 4.94 5.28 $ .52 .70 .87 .97 1.26 2.29 $ .49 .98 1.09 .89 1.16 1.95 TECHNICAL NOTE: The valuation reserve as of January 1,1969 is the total loan loss reserves of all banks as of December 31, 1968. This is pursuant to the regulatory assignment of all loan loss reserves to the valuation reserve in 1969. Data on the valuation reserve as of successive year-end dates have not previously been published. These data have been computed for the purposes of this article as follows: Year-end Valuation Reserve = Start-of-Year Valuation Reserve + Provision for Loan Losses during Year - Loan Charge-offs during year DATA SOURCE: All data from columns (2) and (3) and for the first entry in column (1) are from the FDIC industry's vu ln erab ility. Bank valuation reserves smooth out a bank's earnings record and make that record more meaningful to in vestors in the face of irregular loan losses. But, as guarantors of bank solvency, they are quite limited. A bank’s earnings and equity capital are more significant defenses against unusual loan losses. loss provision upon its latest five-year rate of charge-offs—a given year’s loan loss will have an effect only 20 percent as large on the bank's earnings in that year.*4 Actual losses in 4An example may help here. Suppose a bank has had loan charge-offs equal to 20<t per $100 of loans during each of the past five years, imagine that its current year charge-off rate was $1 per $100. Then its latest fiveyear average would equal Effects on Earnings. When a bank employs the reserve method, its earnings in any year are considerably insulated from its actual loan loss experience during that year. The bank's reported earnings in each year are reduced by that year’s contributions out of revenues to its valuation reserve. As long as the bank follows the regulatory formula to compute its current minimum provision for loan losses—that is, if the bank bases its loan 4 x Q.20 + 1 x 1.0Q = 36 5 The bank would have to boost its valuation reserves this year by 36c for every $100 of loans outstanding. That’s only 16c per $100 higher than last year’s require ment of 20c per $100. And it’s only 20 percent of the 80c per $100 runup in this year’s loss ratio. 25 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW CHART 2 VALUATION RESERVE “COVERAGE” OF RISK EXPOSURES HAS FALLEN SHARPLY SINCE 1969 RULES CHANGE. Percent Ratio Left scale 12.0 Right scale 11.0 10.0 9.0 8.0 7.0 6.0 5.0 4.0 Valuation Reserves Net Charge-offs 3.0 2.0* 1.0 0 ----- 1------1----- 1----- 1----- 1----- 1----- 1------------------------ o 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 Note: Year-end data; insured commercial banks. SO U RCE: FDIC Annual Reports and previous Table. 26 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK O F PHILADELPHIA a given year may be above or below the year's addition to the valuation reserve; if so, the valuation reserve w ill absorb the difference between the year's loss provision and the year's actual losses.5 In this way, an nual variations in a bank's loan loss ex perience which will end up offsetting one another within a five-year period have their biggest impact on the valuation reserve rather than on earnings. The valuation reserve does more than just smooth out a bank's earnings record. The reserve also helps make that earnings record more meaningful as a statement of the bank's underlying profitability. That is, the buffering function of valuation reserves helps to prevent erroneous signals about bank profitability from being conveyed to the public because of a one-time change in the charge-off rate. But this only holds when banks adhere rigid ly to the principle of the reserve method. Suppose a bank boosted its interest revenue by extending more risky loans. Since the loans are riskier than those the bank had been issuing, the fraction of those loans like ly to prove uncollectable a year or two hence is higher than the bank has been charging off recently. If the bank takes proper account of this, it will provide extra amounts for its valuation reserve concurrent with its receipt of higher interest payments. That is, it will reduce its reported net income to reflect more meaningfully the profitability of its current operations. Has this feature of the reserve method ac tually worked in the past few years? Ap parently not. Until recently, banks have not felt compelled to build up their valuation reserves in order to handle their growing loan losses. The 1969 rule change left them with plenty of loan loss coverage. Now, to the extent that many banks have since used up the valuation reserve cushion that the rule change gave them, income statements will now begin to reflect relatively larger charges for the loan loss reserve than in the past. That is, banks' net operating earnings apparently have been somewhat overstated since 1969 because funds that might ordinari ly have been "spent" to build loan loss reserves have not been expended.6 Crude estimation suggests that during 1969-74, banks were spared enough loan loss expense to boost their net earnings after-tax by nearly 8 percent (Box 3). Now that valuation reserves seem no longer to be inflated, bank profits will no longer contain this bonus. This may hold some implications for the success that banks will have in raising funds in both the debt and equity markets. While lenders and shareholders are, of course, con cerned with bank soundness per se, they are also keenly interested in bank profitability. For one thing, sustained profitability is itself an indicator of bank soundness. For another, bank profits are a measure of the bank's ability to make additional interest or divi dend payments. Thus, to the extent that banks lose the profits advantage they held in the years after 1969, they may also now lose some of their attractiveness to investors. Of course, investors may have previously recognized any overstatement of bank earn ings and entered that into their analyses. If so, elimination of the artifical boost to profits from loss re s e rv e p ro v isio n s won't significantly affect bank fund-raising efforts. Loss Reserves as Solvency Insurance. While there is no substitute for loss reserves as an earnings stabilizer, earnings and equity capital are effective substitutes for loss reserves as solvency insurance. A bank with uncollectable loans runs the risk of insolven cy. But if a bank should "run out of" valua- Continuing with the above example, suppose the bank has $1000 in loans outstanding. Its charge-offs this year are 1 percent of $1000, or $10. Its contribution to the valuation reserve is 0.36 percent of $1000, or $3.60. Thus, the valuation reserve will decline this year by $6.40. 6Bank profits were overstated before 1969 as well. The focus here is on considerations following the 1969 rule change, however. 27 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW BOX 3 1969 RULING ON VALUATION RESERVES BOOSTED BANK PROFITS Computing the “ right” volume of loan loss reserves for a bank to maintain is a very tricky procedure. But let's take an intellectual “ giant step.” Suppose that, for the bank ing system as a whole, valuation reserves ought to equal—as they did at year-end 1974— about 1 percent of loans outstanding. Many banking observers think a valuation reserve ratio of 1 percent is about right for the industry as a whole, so the assumption may be all right. We'll come back to this assumption shortly. The valuation reserve ratio which the banking system held as of the start of 1969 was just under 2 percent. This high ratio was attained because banks were permitted to classify their entire loan loss reserve as a valuation reserve on January 1,1969. This gave them $5.22 billion of valuation reserves as of that date. Over the years since 1969, banks have added a net of only $.06 billion to their valua tion reserves. That is, additions to bank valuation reserves have exceeded loan chargeoffs against these reserves by only $.06 billion. This small addition to bank valuation reserves was concurrent, of course, with substantially increased loan and loan loss volumes. Banks got away with so small a net increase only because they had so much in valuation reserves to start with. Now, back to that assumption. Imagine that banks had been assigned the “ right” volume of valuation reserves back in 1969. Instead o’f $5.22 billion, they would have had only $2.65 (1 percent of $265 billion in loans) billion at that time. Then, banks would have had to work harder in order to reach the “ correct” level of valuation reserves by year-end 1974. The banks would have had to charge their earnings with—and reduce their profits by—a total of $2.57 billion more than they actually did over the 1969-74 period. This amounts to nearly 6 percent of bank operating earnings, pre-tax, and nearly 8 percent of bank net earnings, after-tax, during 1969-74. If valuation reserves are now at the “ right” ratio to loans, then this profit bonus will no longer be available to banks. great as 1974 charge-offs. And equity capital is what a bank turns to if its earnings are ex hausted. While each of these multiples is substantially less than their values of a few years ago, it's difficult to argue that they aren't now high enough. Thus, the com bination of loan loss reserves, operating earnings, and equity capital appears sufficient to protect most banks from loan losses well above those they've been experiencing. Of course, those defenses may not be adequate to keep all banks afloat, should loan losses jump. But judgments about the adequacy of reserve tion reserves in meeting a calamitous loan loss, its earnings and capital accounts could still absorb the loss. A bank's net operating earnings would be its next line of defense should its valuation reserves be exhausted. And, for the banking system as a whole, there's a lot of room to cover loan losses out of earnings. Earnings, before tax, in 1974 were over four times as great as charge-offs. This meant that valua tion reserves and earnings together were over 7.5 times as great as charge-offs. Furthermore, the banking system's equity capital represents an amount 30 times as 28 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK O F PHILADELPHIA While a recession needn't necessarily bring higher loan losses to commercial banks, the issue of adequate loan loss coverage is still meaningful at this juncture. Valuation reserves—the loan loss reserves out of which a bank normally “ covers" loan losses—have grown very little over the past five or six years. Meanwhile, the volume of bank loans and loan losses has risen substan tially. Thus, the degree of loan loss coverage which valuation reserves can provide has fallen substantially. Banks are aware that they must have the resources to absorb loan losses internally. Otherwise, they realize, they can get into the same kind of financial hot water as their defaulting borrowers. Do banks need to cover more than three years' worth of losses with valuation reserves? That's how much coverage they had at year-end 1974, and it may be enough for all but a few institutions. Besides, loan loss reserves may not be the best measure of a bank's ability to remain solvent in the face of unusual losses. Loan loss reserves help stabilize a bank's earnings and are the bank's first line of defense when faced with loan losses. But the bank's ear nings and equity capital are typically far more meaningful than loss reserves as resources in the battle against unforeseen loan losses. These resources must be available to cover a wider set of contingencies than just a bank's loan losses. But their sheer size relative to the historical experience which commercial banks have had with loan losses is reassuring indeed. Potential loan losses don't appear as overwhelming when viewed in the perspec tive as they would if loan loss reserves were a bank's principal defense. provisions shouldn't rest solely on whether each individual bank is sound. A more impor tant issue is whether the banking system as a whole is safe. If too many individual banks got into trouble from loan losses, that could en danger the entire system. But the dimensions of the capital, earnings, and loss reserve protection now existing render this most im probable. Capital as the Ultimate Insurance against Loan Losses. It's good to know that the bank ing system is well buffered from loan losses. But it's troublesome to consider all of the attention that's been placed upon loss reserves by students of this issue. Loss reserves are one of the guarantors of bank solvency, but their role is small in com parison to that played by bank capital. The real issue surrounding the industry's ability to withstand higher loan losses is the same as that surrounding its ability to withstand higher losses in other areas—the adequacy of bank equity capital. True, there's lots of con troversy over how much bank capital is needed. But that's where there ought to be controversy, for loss reserves are just a varia tion on the bank capital theme. APPEARANCES ARE DECEIVING As banks have expanded their roles as department stores of finance, their ex posures to the risk of loan losses have also grown. With a severe recession on the books for 1975, the likelihood of particularly high loan losses at banks this year has raised questions about the ability of the industry to handle such losses. 29 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW BANK CRIMES Bank security — FR Bull June 75 p 390 The Fed in Print BANK EARNINGS What do banks produce? — Atlanta May 75 p 70 Business Review Topics First and Second Quarters 1975 Selected by Doris Zimm ermann 1974: Lower bank earnings — Atlanta June 75 p 100 Articles appearing in the Federal Reserve Bulletin and in the monthly reviews of the Federal Reserve banks during the first & se cond quarters of 1975 are included in this compilation. A cumulation of these entries covering the years 1972 to date is available upon request. If you wish to be put on the mailing list for the cumulation, write to the Publications Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia. To receive copies of the Federal Reserve Bulletin, mail two dollars for each to the Federal Reserve Board at the Washington ad dress on page 39. You may send for monthly reviews of the Federal Reserve banks free of charge, by writing directly to the issuing banks whose addresses also appear on page 39. Member bank income in 1974 — FR Bull June 75 p 349 BANK HOLDING COMPANIES Bank holding company review 1973/74 — Part I — Chic Feb 75 p 3 Bank holding companies — Part II — Chic April 75 p 13 Concentration levels in three District states — Chic June 75 p 10 BANK LIABILITIES Liabilities that banks manage — Chic June 75 p 3 BANK LIQUIDITY Liquidity pressures intensify — Atlanta Feb 75 p 24 BALANCE OF PAYMENTS A monetary view of the balance of payments — St. Louis April 75 p 14 BANK LOANS Changes in bank lending practices, 1974 — FR Bull April 75 p 221 U. S. international transac tions in 1974 — FR Bull May 75 p 187 Loan commitments at selected large commercial banks: New statistical series — FR Bull April 75 p 226 BANK COMPETITION Uniform price and banking market delineation — Atlanta June 75 p 86 Data series on loan commitments (G-21) FR Bull May 75 p 337 BANK COSTS Customer profitability analysis. Part I: Alternative approaches toward customer profitability — Kansas City April 75 p 11 BANK LOANS — BUSINESS A time series analysis of 30 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA BANKING INTERNATIONAL International banking (Debs) NY June 75 p 122 business loans at large commercial banks — Rich May 75 p 8 BANK LOANS — CONSUMER Consumer lending at commercial banks — FR Bull May 75 p 263 BONDS — YIELDS The determination of long-term interest rates: Why were bond yields so high in 1974? — Bost May 75 p 35 BANK LOANS — FARM IMPROVED FUND AVAILABILITY AT RURAL BANKS available — FR Bull June 75 p 390 BRANCH BANKING BRANCHING RESTRICTIONS AND COMM ERCIAL BANKING COSTS available — Phila Jan 75 p 18 Farmer's financial position — Rich May 75 p 15 BUCHER, JEFFREY M. Statement to Congress, March 6, 1975 (consumer protection) FR Bull March 75 p 157 BANK MARKETS Banking markets and future entry — Atlanta March 75 p 30 Statement to Congress, April 22, 1975 (credit rationing) — FR Bull May 75 p 280 BANK MERGERS PENNSYLVANIA BANK MERGER SURVEY: SUMMARY OF RESULTS available — Phila March 75 p 13 BUDGET Highlights of the new budget — Dallas April 75 p 6 BANK PORTFOLIOS Government securities — large banks employ flexible maturity structures — Dallas Feb 75 p 10 BUDGET — FAMILY Household — sector economic accounts — FR Bull Jan 75 p 11 BANK SIZE ECONOMIES OF SCALE OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS available — Phila Jan 75 p 18 Family budgets in 1974 — Minn April 75 p 5 Urban family budgets — Dallas June 75 p 7 BANK SUPERVISION Banking supervision and monetary policy (Hayes) — NY May 75 p 99 BURNS, ARTHUR F. Statement to Congress, January 30, 1975 (fiscal policy) — FR Bull Feb 75 p 60 BANKING — FOREIGN BRANCHES Foreign operations subsidiaries interpretation — FR Bull March 75 p 169 Statement to Congress, February 6, 1975 (money supply) — FR Bull Feb 75 p 62 31 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW Forecasts 1975 — Rich Jan 75 p 20 Statement to Congress, February 7, 1975 (recession and inflation) — FR Bull Feb 75 p 69 BUSINESS FORECASTS 1975 available — Rich Jan 75 p 24 Statement to Congress, February 25, 1975 (money supply) — FR Bull March 75 p 150 Long term projections show solid growth in East Texas — Dallas Feb 75 p 1 Statement to Congress, March 6, 1975 (theft of interest rate data) — FR Bull March 75 p 155 Economic developments in 1974 — Dallas March 75 p 6 Statement to Congress, March 13, 1975 (fiscal policy) — FR Bull March 75 p 161 Financial developments in the fourth quarter of 1974 — FR Bull March 75 p 121 The current recession in perspective, May 6, 1975 — FR Bull May 75 p 273 Regional wrap-up ‘74: Doldrums descend on District economy — Phila March 75 p 16 Statement to Congress, May 1, 1975 (business forecast) — FR Bull May 75 p 282 The District economy in perspective: 1974 — Rich March 75 p 3 The current recession in perspective — Rich May 75 p 2 Financial forecasts: 1975 — Rich March 75 p 22 Financial developments in the first quarter of 1975 — FR Bull June 75 p 341 The current recession in perspective — Atlanta June 75 p 94 BUSINESS INDICATORS Deflated leading indicators revisited — Bost Jan 75 p 3 BUSINESS CYCLES The seventh business cycle — Chic March 75 p 10 PACIFIC BASIN ECONOM IC INDICA TORS available — San Fran Spr 75 p 30 BUSINESS FORECASTS & REVIEWS 1974: A year of recession — Atlanta Jan 75 p 2 Review and outlook 1974-75 — Chic Jan 75 p 3 CANADA — FOREIGN TRADE U. S. — Canadian economic relationships — Kansas City Feb 75 p 10 The economy in 1974 — FR Bull Jan 75 p 1 Review and outlook — Minn Jan 75 p 1 Financial highlights: Rich Jan 75 p 10 CAPITALISM A public policy for a free economy (Francis) — St. Louis May 75 p 2 1974 — 32 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA Inflation, unemployment, and Hayek — St Louis May 75 p 6 CENTRAL BANKS The classical concept of the lender of last resort — Rich Jan 75 p 2 Central banking across the Atlantic: Another dimension — Phila May 75 p 3 Central — bank policy towards inflation — San Fran Spr 75 p 31 DISINTERMEDIATION 1974 disintermediation — District impact — Chic Feb 75 p 11 DISCOUNT RATES Change in discount rate — FR Bull Jan 75 p 51 Change in discount rate — FR Bull Feb 75 p 118 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT On economic growth — Kansas City Feb 75 p 3 CLOTHING INDUSTRY Growth in manufacturing comes with development of markets — Dallas March 75 p 1 CONSTRUCTION District housing construction — Minn April 75 p 2 CORPORATE PROFITS Inventory valuation adjust ments greatly influence corporate earnings — Phila May 75 p 13 COST OF LIVING The cost of buying: It takes more dollars but less work — Phila April 75 p 8 Is there a future for economic man (Eastburn) — Phila April 75 p 3 ECONOMIC STABILIZATION The 1975 national economic program: Another exercise in fiscal activism — St Louis March 75 p 2 EDUCATION Which school resources help learning? Efficiency and equity in Philadelphia public schools — Phila Feb 75 p 4 EQUALITY OF EDUCATIONAL OPPOR TUNITY QUANTIFIED: A PRODUC TION FUNCTION APPROACH available — Phila March 75 p 13 DEMAND DEPOSITS Yields on checking accounts rise in recent years — Phila March 75 p 14 EDUCATION — FINANCE INTRADISTRICT DISTRIBUTION OF SCHOOL RESOURCES TO THE DISAD VANTAGED: EVIDENCE FOR THE COURTS available — Phila Jan 75 p 18 Philadelphia city and school district budgets: A year of austerity — Phila April 75 p 12 33 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 tion of funds — Dallas Jan 75 p 1 EURODOLLARS The impact of the Eurodollar market on the effectiveness of monetary policy in the United States and abroad — Bost March 75 p 3 FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS — DIRECTORS Board of Directors — Atlanta Feb 75 p 20 Directory of Federal Reserve banks and branches — FR Bull Feb 75 p 89 FARM INCOME Mixed year for farmers — Chic Jan 75 p 10 FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS — EARNINGS The Federal Reserve paid the U.S. Treasury $5,550,000,000 — Atlanta Jan 75 p 3 FARM OUTLOOK Prospects for food and agri culture in 1975 — St. Louis March 75 p 13 Payments to U. S. Treasury of $5,550 million in 1974 — FR Bull Jan 75 p 51 Agriculture: Outlook for 1975 is cloudy — Rich March 75 p 19 Should the Fed sell its ser vices? — Phila Jan 75 p 11 FARM POLICY A dispersed or concentrated agriculture? The role of public policy — Kansas City March 75 p 3 FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS — OPERATIONS Annual operations and executive changes — Phila Jan 75 p 19 FARM PRICES Seasonality of agricultural prices — Kansas City June 75 p 10 Operations of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis — 1974 — St. Louis Feb 75 p 8 FEDERAL RESERVE BOARD Rules regarding delegation of authority Dec. 30, 1974 (sala ries at banks) — FR Bull Jan 75 p 29 Changes in staff June 23, 1975 (Denkler) — FR Bull June 75 p 391 FARM PRODUCTION Benefits of 1974’s bad weather accrued to District farmers — Atlanta Feb 75 p 18 Planting changes to reduce farm production expenditures — Atlanta May 75 p 76 FEDERAL ADVISORY COUNCIL Survey of bank response to Federal Advisory Council statement on lending policies — FR Bull March 75 p 129 FEDERAL RESERVE — FOREIGN EXCHANGE Treasury and Federal Reserve foreign exchange operations — FR Bull March 75 p 131 Treasury and Federal Reserve foreign exchange operations (Coombs) — NY March 75 p 39 FEDERAL FUNDS MARKET Market expansion aids mobiliza 34 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA Treasury and Federal Reserve foreign exchange operations: Interim report — FR Bull June 75 p 364 FOREIGN TRADE World trade patterns disrupted — Chic Jan 75 p 14 Treasury and Federal Reserve foreign exchange operations interim report — NY June 75 p 140 FUEL Louisiana and the energy shortage Atlanta Feb 75 p 14 Better use of existing reserves may yield more than exploration Dallas April 75 p 1 FEDERAL RESERVE — MONETARY POLICY Testing time for monetary policy (Hayes) — NY Feb 75 p 18 The energy trade: The United States in deficit — Bost May 75 p 25 FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM — PUBLICATIONS Publications committee (Board) — FR Bull June 75 p 389 GOLD Federal Reserve responsibilities in private sales interpretation — FR Bull Jan 75 p 33 FERTILIZER INDUSTRY Fertilizer outlook — Chic May 75 p 8 Monetary effects of the sale of gold — St Louis Jan 75 p 18 Gold— San Fran Win 75 p 3 FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS Nonbank thrift institutions in 1974 — FR Bull Feb 75 p 55 GOLD available — Phila April 75 p 31 GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT A monetary model of nominal income determination — St Louis June 75 p 9 FISCAL POLICY Financing government through monetary expansion and infla tion — St Louis Feb 75 p 15 HOLLAND, ROBERT C. Statement to Congress, May 12, 1975 (credit rationing) — FR Bull May 75 p 296 Budget deficits and the money supply — Kansas City June 75 p 3 FOOD SUPPLY Foods of the future — Chic March 75 p 3 HOUSING Pilot survey on possible housing discrimination — FR Bull May 75 p 336 FOREIGN EXCHANGE RATES Interdependence, exchange rate flexibility, and national economies — Kansas City April 75 p 3 INCOME Money and income: Is there a simple relationship? — Kansas City May 75 p 13 35 BUSINESS REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1975 INDEXATION Indexing inflation: Remedy or malady? — Phila March 75 p 3 LABOR MARKET Labor market primer — Kansas City Jan 75 p 10 Interpreting recent labor market developments — Kansas City March 75 p 11 INFLATION ECONOMICS OF INFLATION available — Phila Jan 75 p 10 MEDICAL COSTS Medical care: Rising costs in a peculiar marketplace — Rich March 75 p 6 A primer on inflation: Its conception, its costs, its conse quences — St Louis Jan 75 p 2 Rising medical care expenditures: A growing role for the public sector — Phila June 75 p 13 Unusual factors contributing to economic turmoil (Francis) — St Louis Jan 75 p 9 Inflation: Its cause and cure — St Louis Feb 75 p 2 MITCHELL, GEORGE W. Statement to Congress, May 8, 1975 (Federal Reserve banks audit) — FR Bull May 75 p 288 A perspective on stagflation — Phila May 75 p 19 World inflation — San Fran Spr 75 p 3 MODELS (STATISTICS) The St. Louis equation and monthly data — St Louis Jan 75 p 14 Toward an explanation of simul taneous inflation — recession — San Fran Spr 75 p 18 Temporary or ongoing is the ques tion for the 1970's — Dallas June 75 p 1 THE INFORMATION VALUE OF DEMAND EQUATION RESIDUALS: A FURTHER ANALYSIS available — Phila March 75 p 13 INFORMATION DISCLOSURE Rules regarding availability of information. February 19, 1975 — FR Bull March 75 p 167 INTEREST RATES Minnesota's usury law: evaluation — Minn April 75 p 16 MONETARY POLICY The making of monetary policy: Description and analysis — Bost March 75 p 21 Open market operations in 1974 — FR Bull April 75 p 197 An The interdependence of national monetary policies — San Fran Spr 75 p 41 INTEREST RATES — PRIME The prime rate — Chic April 75 p 3 MONETARY STABILIZATION International money and inter national inflation 1958-1973 — San Fran Spr 75 p 5 36 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA MONEY MARKET Financial markets strained — Chic Jan 75 p 23 Securities transactions of Federal Reserve banks (staff memorandum) — FR Bull May 75 p 295 MONEY SUPPLY A time series analysis of the control of money — Kansas City Jan 75 p 3 Operations in Federal Agency securities — FR Bull June 75 p 389 PENSION PLANS The elementary microeconomics of private employee benefits — Kansas City May 75 p 3 Revision of the monetary base— St Louis April 75 p 23 MONOPOLIES Restrictive labor practices in baseball: Time for a change? — Phila June 75 p 17 Member banks as trustees of retirement plans — FR Bull June 75 p 389 MUNICIPAL FINANCE Anatomy of a fiscal crisis — Phila June 75 p 3 PETROLEUM INDUSTRY Economic consequences of the OPEC cartel — Dallas May 75 p 1 NEGOTIABLE ORDER OF WITHDRAWAL The early history and initial impact of now accounts — Bost Jan 75 p 17 International trade and finance under the influence of oil — 1974 and early 1975 — St Louis May 75 p 11 OPEN MARKET OPERATIONS COMMITTEE MINUTES 1969 available for inspection at National Archives and Federal Reserve banks — FR Bull Feb 75 p 118 PORTS The port of Chicago — Chic May 75 p 3 PROPERTY TAX Needed: A new tax structure for Massachusetts — Bost May 75 p 3 Rules regarding availability of information; rules of organiza tion — FR Bull March 75 p 170 RECESSIONS The Southeast in recession — Atlanta Jan 75 p 6 Rules regarding availability of information — FR Bull April 75 p 245 Light in the tunnel — Chic Jan 75 p 30 Monetary policy in a changing financial environment . . . — NY April 75 p 70 Two stages to the current recession — St Louis June 75 p 2 The FOMC in 1974: Monetary policy during economic uncertainty — St Louis April 75 p 2 REGULATION D Amendment January 30, 1975 — 37 SEPTEMBER 1975 BUSINESS REVIEW Nonborrowed reserves or the Federal funds rate as desk targets — is there a difference? — Bost March 75 p 31 FR Bull Feb 75 p 103 Amendment May 22, 1975 — FR Bull May 75 p 306 REQUIRED RESERVE RATIOS, POLICY INSTRUMENTS, AND MONEY STOCK CONTROL available — Phila March 75 p 13 REGULATION G Interpretation — FR Bull Jan 75 p 33 REGULATION M Interpretation — FR Bull May 75 p 307 SHEEHAN, JOHN E. Resignation effective June 1, 1975 — FR Bull May 75 p 335 REGULATION Q Amendment December 23, 1974 (investment certificates) — FR Bull Jan 75 p 28 SOCIAL SECURITY The impact of social security on personal saving — Bost Jan 75 p 27 Amendment May 16, 1975 — FR Bull May 75 p 307 STATE FINANCE Government purchases accelerate — Chic Jan 75 p 20 Interpretation — FR Bull May 75 p 308 Amendment to Regulation Q — FR Bull June 75 p 389 State government finances — Minn April 75 p 9 REGULATION T The structure of margin credit — FR Bull April 75 p 209 TEXTILE INDUSTRY Basic changes in production spark opportunities for growth — Dallas March 75 p 3 REGULATION Y Bank holding companies activi ties . . . Interpretation — FR Bull April 75 p 245 TIME DEPOSITS Changes in time and savings deposits at commercial banks — FR Bull Jan 75 p 13 REGULATION Z Interpretation — FR Bull Jan 75 p 33 Changes in time and savings deposits at commercial banks July-October 1974 — FR Bull June 75 p 556 Interpretation — FR Bull June 75 p 375 UNEMPLOYMENT Unemployment rate gives only part of the picture — Dallas Jan 75 p 7 RESERVE REQUIREMENTS Change in reserve requirements — FR Bull Jan 75 p 51 Why not pay interest on member bank reserves? — Phila Jan 75 p 3 Observations on unemployment: Burdens and benefits — Minn Jan 75 p 11 38 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS AND BOARD OF GOVERNORS Publications Services Division of Administrative Services Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Washington, D. C. 20551 Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City Federal Reserve Station Kansas City, Missouri 64198 Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Minneapolis, Minnesota 55440 Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta Federal Reserve Station Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Federal Reserve Bank of New York Federal Reserve P.O. Station New York, New York 10045 Federal Reserve Bank of Boston 30 Pearl Street Boston, Massachusetts 02106 Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia 925 Chestnut Street Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19105 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Box 834 Chicago, Illinois 60690 Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond P.O. Box 27622 Richmond, Virginia 23261 Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland P.O. Box 6387 Cleveland, Ohio 44101 Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis P.O. Box 442 St. Louis, Missouri 63166 Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas Station K Dallas, Texas 75222 Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco San Francisco, California 94120 39 business review FED ER A L R E SE R V E BANK OF PHILADELPHIA PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19105