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A review by the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Business Conditions June 1972 Contents Member bank reserve requirements— heritage from history 2 Seventh District farmland values 19 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Member bank reserve requirements -heritage from history A recently-proposed amendment to Federal Reserve regulations, if adopted, will con stitute the first major restructuring in mem ber bank reserve requirements in many years. The thrust of the amendment to “Reg ulation D,” as proposed by the Board of Governors (see box, page 3) is to shift the basis for differentials in reserve require ments from bank location to bank size. While not offered as a means of accomplish ing the broader reforms advocated over the years by both the Board and “outside” critics, the amendment would move—within the existing statutory framework—to elimi nate some of the most obvious anachronisms of the present structure. This article describes present reserve re quirements as applied to Federal Reserve member banks and how they developed from their antecedents of more than a century ago, providing a perspective from which to view proposed changes. W h y re se rv e re q u ire m e n ts? Bankers always have recognized the need to hold some funds in liquid form to honor deposit withdrawals. Such “reserves” were usually held in the form of cash, deposits with central banks or other commercial banks, or short-term government securities that could be turned into cash quickly and without loss. To ensure adequate liquidity to protect depositors, rules specifying mini mum reserves to be held against deposits were incorporated into the laws of most major nations. It has long been recognized, however, that legally-required reserves can provide liquidity only to a very limited de gree—what must be held cannot be paid out to customers. Only in the special case of bank liquidation can legal reserves be liqui dated immediately to discharge deposit liabil ities. Normally, however, banks must rely largely on cash resources in excess of their legal reserves to meet liquidity needs. A more important reason for reserve re quirements is that they set an upper limit on the growth of bank loans, investments, and deposits, and thus are an important ele ment in the monetary control mechanism. Because the Federal Reserve System con trols both the total amount of assets eligible to be used as legal member bank reserves (through its open market operations) and the level of the member bank reserve ratio (the percentage of deposits that must be held as reserves), it can influence the aggregate amount of money and bank credit in accord with its stabilization objectives. Whether the System, at any given time, is aiming at the volume of money and credit or some set of credit market conditions, reserve changes have an important impact on money and credit since a given amount of reserves will support a multiple amount of deposits and associated bank credit. The size of the multiplier is inversely proportional to the level of the legal reserve ratio. At present, a reserve base of $32 billion supports roughly $150 billion in net demand deposits (private Business Conditions, June 1972 Proposed change in Regulation D On March 27, 1972, the Board of Gover nors of the Federal Reserve System proposed an amendment to its Regulation D, govern ing member bank reserve requirements. Public comments on this proposal and a com panion proposal to amend Regulation J, gov erning check collection, were invited through May 15. If adopted, the two amendments would take place simultaneously because they have offsetting effects on the reserve base of the banking system. The proposed amendment to Regulation D would restructure reserve requirements ap plicable to demand deposits of member banks according to the amount of such de posits regardless of a bank’s location. No changes are planned in requirements against time deposits, Eurodollar liabilities, or bank affiliate commercial paper. The tabulation below compares the proposed schedule of re serve ratios on net demand deposits with the existing requirements, which already incor porate a small element of graduation by amount of deposits. Reserve percentage applicable Proposed Present Reserve city "Country" All banks banks banks On net demand deposits (m illio n d o l la r s ) First 2 Over 2 to 5 \ 1 Over 5 to 10 » Over 10 to 400 Over 400 8 f1 \ 17 12% 17 % 13 10 13 17 % ) An important aspect of the proposal is a change in the designation of “reserve city” banks. Under present regulations, banks in reserve cities (all cities where a Federal Re serve bank or branch is located and certain other cities designated on the basis of the type of business and importance of inter bank deposits at banks located there) must hold a higher percentage of reserves against demand deposits than banks located else where. Some smaller banks in reserve cities have been allowed to carry the same reserves as country banks because the character of their business is similar. Under the proposed amendment, all banks with the same amount of deposits would have to hold the same amount of reserves. Banks with less than $400 million in net demand de posits would not be reserve city banks—re gardless of location—and banks with more than $400 million in demand deposits would be reserve city banks—again, regardless of location. Cities with Federal Reserve offices would continue to be reserve cities, and any city with at least one bank having demand deposits of more than $400 million would be a reserve city. It is expected that adoption of the pro posed schedule of ratios would result in a net reduction in total required reserves of all member banks in the United States of about $2.9 billion. Of this amount, roughly $2 bil lion would be offset through the reduction in float that would result from the companion proposal for amending Regulation J. Other actions to speed the check collection process are expected to further reduce available re serves in the near future. But any temporary increase in reserve availability would be offset by Federal Reserve open market sales. 3 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and government) and $210 billion in time deposits at member banks (about 80 percent of total commercial bank deposits). Relatively small changes in the reserve ratio have large effects on potential mone tary expansion. Moreover, because reserve requirements determine the proportion of deposits banks must set aside as reserves, rather than lending or investing, they have an important effect on bank earnings. Thus, differences in the levels of legal reserve re quirements among banks affect their com petitive positions. The history of reserve regulation reflects a changing philosophy about the need for legal reserves, with emphasis shifting from their role as a source of liquidity to their importance as a tool of monetary control. That history also demonstrates the Board’s dilemma in adjusting the rules to make mem ber banks more competitive with nonmem bers without producing destabilizing effects on the economy. Present structure at a g lan ce 4 Under present law and administrative rules applicable to member banks, reserves must be held in the form of either cash or deposits with Federal Reserve banks—both non-earning assets. Reserves must be held against both demand and time deposits, al though the percentage requirements against demand deposits are much higher than those against time deposits. Certain nondeposit liabilities also are subject to reserve require ments in limited ways. On time deposits, the required ratios apply equally to all member banks, but reserve city banks must hold a higher percentage than other (country) banks against demand deposits. The law sets the minimum and maximum ratios that can be applied against demand and time deposits for the two classes of banks. The Federal Reserve Board is author ized to vary the actual percentages within the legal range, to designate reserve cities, and to exempt individual banks within those cities from the higher requirements appli cable to reserve city banks. The Board’s ac tions on these matters and the operating rules under which the law is implemented are specified in Regulation D. The pages that follow deal in greater de tail with the major features of the present structure and describe how this structure evolved to its present status. While no at tempt is made to compare legal require ments for member banks with those set by state banking authorities for state-chartered, nonmember banks, it should be recognized that, in general, the state regulations are less restrictive than those applicable to mem ber banks.1 Often this results in a competi tive advantage for nonmember banks and, to the extent it makes membership less at tractive to state-chartered institutions that are not required to be members, complicates the task of the Federal Reserve in controlling deposit growth in the banking system as a whole. The present structure of requirements ap plicable to Federal Reserve members has its roots in the National Bank Act of 1863. Some parts of the Federal Reserve Act, passed in 1913, were modeled after its pred ecessor’s treatment of banks chartered by the Comptroller. Despite many amendments to both the Federal Reserve Act and Regu lation D, the logic and fairness of the present structure continue to be challenged. More over, the complexity of the structure is often* ’State-chartered nonmember banks must abide by the regulations of their respective states with respect to reserves. Since each state authority sets its own rules, there are actually 50 sets of reserve require ments in addition to that of the Federal Reserve System. Business Conditions, June 1972 cited as an obstacle to the achievement of monetary control objectives. R e se rv e-e lig ib le assets Only two kinds of assets of member banks qualify as legal reserves under the Federal Reserve Act as now amended—balances on deposit with Federal Reserve banks and vault cash. While bank liquidity needs can be served by any asset that can be liquidated without risk of capital loss, legal reserves consist of only those assets specified by law as eligible to satisfy reserve requirements. Since the main function of legal reserves is to limit the expansion of bank credit and deposits, the most important attribute of assets designated as legal reserves is that the aggregate amount of such assets can be con trolled by the central bank. Both deposits at the Federal Reserve and vault cash are highly liquid assets, easily exchangeable for each other. When banks want cash, they ob tain it from the Federal Reserve by drawing down their reserve deposits. Conversely, when they have more cash than they need, they ship it to the Reserve banks for credit to their reserve deposits. Both member bank reserve accounts and Federal Reserve notes (the main component of vault cash) are lia bilities of the Federal Reserve banks. The System fully meets the banks’ demands for vault cash, but can control total reserves by controlling the volume of reserve deposits at the Reserve banks. Unlike most state regulations for non members, deposits with other commercial banks do not count as legal reserves under the Federal Reserve Act. Because most member banks find it necessary to keep balances with correspondent banks, as well as with the Reserve banks, the proportion of their deposits held as cash balances (non earning assets) tends to be higher than for nonmembers. History The Federal Reserve Act, as enacted in 1913, specified vault cash and deposits with the Federal Reserve as the assets to be used to meet reserve requirements.2 However, through most of the history of the Federal Reserve, vault cast actually was ineligible to serve in this capacity. In 1917, following large gold inflows related to the war in Europe, Congress decided to centralize the nation’s gold holdings in the Reserve banks. An amendment to the Federal Reserve Act stipulated that only deposits with the Federal Reserve could serve as legal reserves for member banks. This legislation induced banks to convert their vault cash (which included gold at that time) into deposits with the Federal Reserve to help meet re serve requirements. It was more than 40 years later—in 1959 and 1960—that the eligibility of vault cash was restored. The change was made largely on grounds of equity. Because small rural banks held a relatively large proportion of their assets as vault cash, its exclusion from legal reserves made requirements more bur densome on them than on city banks. Al though this change added substantially to the reserve base of the banking system, its effect on credit conditions was offset by an increase in the percent of demand deposits country banks were required to hold either as vault cash or Federal Reserve deposits. L ia b ilitie s su bject to req u irem en ts At present, legal reserves are required against the following liabilities: net demand 2For a transition period, member banks were per mitted to continue to keep some reserve with city correspondent banks as national banks had been permitted to do under the National Bank Act. 5 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago deposits (gross demand deposits less cash items in process of collection and balances held with other banks); savings and other time deposits (defined as deposits maturing in 30 days or more); liabilities to foreign branches, borrowings from foreign banks, and assets acquired by foreign branches from their domestic offices (Eurodollar bor rowings) above a specified base3; and funds obtained by member banks via the issuance of commercial paper or similar obligations by their affiliates. The specific reserve per centages applicable to these liabilities are shown in Table 1. Reserve percentages are much higher for demand than for time deposits. This dif ferential treatment has existed since the in ception of the Federal Reserve System and reflects the early emphasis on the “liquidity” concept of the function of legal reserves. While both time and demand deposits are subject to withdrawal, demand deposits are more volatile and, therefore, according to this concept, require larger available funds. The differential also is consistent with the monetary control concept. Demand deposits are more closely associated with money and the volume of spending, and fluctuations in them generally are presumed to have a greater impact on economic stability than fluctuations in time deposits. Therefore, the differential requirements serve somewhat to neutralize the impact on economic activity of shifts between demand and time deposits. Legal reserve requirements on demand de posits apply equally to deposit balances of individuals, businesses, foreigners, other £ 3The reserve-free base for Eurodollar borrowing is the higher of (1) the lowest daily average total of such borrowings for any four-week computation period ending after November 25, 1970 or (2) 3 per cent of the bank’s lowest daily average deposits for any computation period beginning on or after January 21, 1971. Table 1 Member bank reserve requirements in effect May 31, 1972 Reserve Country city banks banks (percent) On net demand deposits First $5 million 17 Over $5 million 17i/j 12'/2 13 Time deposits First $5 million 3 3 Over $5 million 5 5 Savings deposits 3 3 20 20 Eurodollar borrowings above reserve-free base Note: Deposits include commercial paper issued by bank holding companies to extent proceeds are chan neled to subsidiary bank. banks, and the U. S. Government, even though U. S. Government and interbank balances are excluded from the money sup ply (defined as demand deposits plus cur rency in the hands of the public). Because time deposits are a partial sub stitute for money and an important source of loanable funds, some legal reserve re quirement on them seems appropriate — especially to those who believe that a broader group of financial assets and the volume of bank credit are important vari ables affecting the economy. History In the early days of U. S. banking, credit typically was extended by issuing bank notes rather than by creating demand deposits. Redemption of such notes usually was made at a discount—often a substantial one, espe cially for notes of distant banks whose Business Conditions, June 1972 solvency was difficult to determine. Gradu ally, a system evolved in which certain banks would redeem, at a small discount, the notes of other banks maintaining deposits with them. This helped to prevent the over-issue of notes and thus to protect note holders from loss. Deposits with “redemption banks” were akin to legal reserves. The nation’s first formal reserve requirements were state laws requiring banks to maintain reserves against both deposits and notes. The National Bank Act did not distinguish between demand and time deposits with re spect to reserve requirements. The Federal Reserve Act, however, set reserve require ments on time deposits at a level substan tially below those on demand deposits. The differential appears to have been designed to encourage System membership. The de duction of “cash items in process of collec tion” and “due from domestic banks” to arrive at net demand deposits against which reserves must be held also predates the Federal Reserve System. Uncollected cash items always have been deducted because it is deemed unfair and undesirable to require the banks to hold reserves against uncollected funds. The ex emption also has been justified on grounds that it is consistent with the treatment of cash items in the money supply. The “due from banks” account refers to deposits a bank maintains with other com mercial banks. In many cases, it also includes uncollected funds. Originally, the rationale for the “due from banks” deduction was that a bank should be required to keep reserves only against those deposits which provide it with funds to be loaned to the public. Thus, if a bank channels funds deposited by a customer to another bank rather than lend ing them out, then only the second bank should have to hold reserves against this deposit.4 It was later recognized that inter bank balances were not simply a transfer of customer funds but that they entailed serv ices to the banker/depositor. Nevertheless, the deduction was retained largely on the grounds that these balances should be ex cluded from reserve requirements because they are excluded from the money supply. The same rationale was never applied to U. S. Government deposits, which also are excluded from the money supply but are not reserve-exempt. The application of reserve requirements to nondeposit sources of funds has occurred only since mid-1969, but as early as 1966 the Board redefined deposits to include certain kinds of bank liabilities, such as promissory notes, which then were being used as deposit substitutes. The major impetus for the growth of such liabilities was the inability of banks to obtain time and savings deposits in 1966, and again in 1969. In those periods, market rates of interest rose above the ceil ing rates payable on time deposits under the Board’s Regulation Q, inducing investors to switch funds out of deposits into bonds and other market instruments. Eurodollar borrowings and commercial paper sold by bank holding companies were never made subject to the interest rate ceilings and, therefore, provided avenues through which banks could bid for funds to offset deposit outflows. The imposition of reserve requirements on additions to Euro dollars in 1969 and on commercial paper in 1970 was to curb these avenues as sources of loanable funds and thus to slow the expan sion in bank credit. Those liabilities, such 4From 1913 to 1935, “due from banks” was de ductible only from the “due to banks” component of gross demand deposits. In the Banking Act of 1935, all “due from” balances were made deductible from gross demand deposits. 7 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago 8 as promissory notes, that were redefined as deposits lost their Table 2 usefulness and were phased out Liabilities subject to reserve requirements when the loophole for escape and computation of required reserves for a from Regulation Q was closed. hypothetical reserve city and country bank Reserve requirements on Euro dollar borrowings are unique in B ank lia b ilitie s subject to that they apply only to amounts le g al re se rv e req u irem en ts in excess of a specified reserve'a m o u n ts in t h o u s a n d d o lla r s , free base. The reason for apply Average daily figures (May 11 through 17) ing the ratio above this base was Demand deposits of banks 10,000 to stop banks from increasing U. S. Government demand deposits 10,000 Other demand deposits 180,000 their reliance on these liabilities Gross demand deposits 200,000 while at the same time discour aging a paydown of those already Cash items in process of collection 20,000 Demand balances due from banks 10,000 outstanding, which would have Total deductions 30,000 intensified the balance-of-payments problem. As a matter of Net demand deposits 170,000 fact, there are few, if any, Euro Savings deposits 40.000 dollar liabilities against which Other time deposits 60.000 reserves are held. Meanwhile, Total time deposits 100,000 banks allowed their reserve-free Average daily Eurodollar borrowings bases to shrink greatly as domes (April 13-May 10) 2,000 tic interest rates declined in late Reserve-free base on Eurodollars 1,995 1970 and early 1971, and the high Borrowings in excess of base 5 percentage requirement now ap plicable to additional borrowings of this type effectively prohibits U. S. banks from using the Eurodollar mar banks located in these cities, including most ket as a source of funds. of the nation’s largest, are classified as re serve city banks. R eserv e city an d co un try b a n ks The other 5,500 members are country banks. Most of these are small- or mediumFederal Reserve member banks presently size institutions, but the country bank classi are divided into two classes—reserve city fication does include a few very large insti banks and other (country) banks. The Fed tutions located in cities which have not been eral Reserve Act, as amended, requires this designated as reserve cities. This classifica dual classification and sets different mini tion also includes a large number of smaller mum and maximum percentages for the two banks located in reserve cities that have classes with respect to demand deposits. Pres been exempted from the higher reserve re ent reserve requirements against demand de quirements applicable to reserve city banks posits are substantially higher for reserve because their business is more like banks in city banks. (See Table 1.) There are now 48 non-reserve city areas. The differential treatcities designated as reserve cities, and 178 Business Conditions, June 1972 tained part of their re serves as vault cash C om putation of req u ired re se rv e s to be and part as deposits m a in ta in e d in w e e k ended M ay 3 1 , 1972 'a m o u n ts in t h o u s a n d d o lla r s ) with either reserve city or central reserve Reserve city bank city banks. The re On average net demand deposits up to $5 million (17% of 5,000) 850 serve city banks also On average net demand deposits in excess of $5 million (17.5% of 165,000) 28,875 kept part of their re A. Total, on demand deposits 29,725 serves in the form of On average savings deposits (3% of 40,000) 1,200 vault cash and part as On average "other" time deposits up to $5 million (3% of 5,000) 150 deposits with central On average "other" time deposits in excess of $5 million (5% of 55,000) 2,750 reserve city banks. B. Total, on time deposits 4,100 Central reserve city C. On average Eurodollar borrowings in excess of banks maintained all reserve-free base (20% of 5) 1 of their reserves in the form of vault cash. Total required reserves for reserve city bank (A + B C) 33,826 This system led to a pyramiding of re Country bank serves. For example, On average net demand deposits up to $5 million (12.5% of 5,000) 625 a country bank’s de On average net demand deposits in excess of $5 million (l 3% of 165,000) 12,450 posit of reserves with A. Total, on demand deposits 22,075 a reserve city bank B. and C. Total on time and Eurodollar liabilities could be redeposited (same as reserve city) 4,101 with a central reserve Total required reserves for country banks (A + B + C) 26,176 city bank and thus Difference in required reserves due to bank classification 7,650 serve as reserves for all three banks. With the reserves of the whole banking system concentrated at the ment of banks doing a similar type of busi money centers, liquidity needs were deemed ness because of their location is one of the major sources of criticism of the current to be greater for banks in those centers, and higher reserve requirements were set for structure. Table 2 compares the computa tion of required reserves for two banks in city banks than for country banks. different reserve classes with the same de The Federal Reserve Act retained this posit structure. three-tier system and continued the differ ential reserve requirements by class of bank. History The act authorized the Board to classify cities for reserve purposes, and at the outset, The classification of member banks for reserve purposes according to location had with the Board accepting the designations previously made by the Comptroller, there its origin in the national banking system. were three central reserve cities and 49 re Under the National Bank Act, banks were serve cities in the nation. classified as central reserve city, reserve city, The original central reserve cities were and other (country). Country banks main Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago 10 New York, Chicago, and St. Louis. In 1922, however, St. Louis was reclassified as a re serve city. The central reserve classification was abolished in 1962, and New York and Chicago were reclassified as reserve cities. Early in 1915, the Board established new criteria for classifying reserve cities. Banks could apply for reserve city status if their city: had a population of at least 50,000, had national banks with combined capital and surplus of at least $3 million and deposits of at least $10 million, and could establish that at least 50 national banks located out side the city intended to keep accounts with national banks within the city. In 1918, any city where a Federal Reserve bank or branch was located if not already a reserve city was so designated. After an extensive study in 1948, the Board eliminated the 1915 criteria for re serve cities and d esig n ated as reserv e cities Washington, D. C., all cities in which a Federal Reserve bank or a branch was lo cated, and all cities where banks held inter bank deposits above a stipulated minimum level. Banks in all other areas were classi fied as country banks except that member banks in an existing reserve city that did not meet the new criteria could choose to retain reserve city status. The criteria for exempting individual banks within reserve cities from the higher requirements applicable to reserve city banks was changed twice. In 1918, Congress au thorized the Federal Reserve Board to grant exceptions to certain banks located in outly ing sections of central reserve and reserve cities and thereby make them subject to lower reserve requirements. However, banks wishing to be considered for downgraded status actually had to be located in an outly ing district. But in 1959, the Board was authorized to grant exceptions according to the character of the bank’s business even if the bank was located in the central business district of the reserve city. Under the Board’s proposal now being considered, the location factor would be completely abandoned as a basis for classify ing banks for reserve purposes. There still would be reserve cities, but the designation would depend on the amount of net demand deposits at the largest bank. Moreover, dif ferences in reserve ratios against net de mand deposits would depend entirely on the amount of those deposits—the larger the de posits, the higher the average reserve ratio. The proposal thus would reduce the unequal treatment of large banks. In addition, the graduated scale of percentages would relieve the burden of reserve requirements most at small member banks where competition from nonmembers — operating under the more liberal provisions of state laws—tends to be greatest. Legal re se rv e ra tio s—how hig h? The Federal Reserve Board sets required reserve percentages within ranges designated in the law. Present statutory limits are 10 to 22 percent on net demand deposits for reserve city banks and 7 to 14 percent on net demand deposits at country banks. The ratio for time deposits cannot be less than 3 nor more than 10 percent at all member banks. Actual ratios in effect as of May 31, 1972 range from 12 Vi to 17 Vi percent on net demand deposits and from 3 to 5 percent on time deposits. For reserve requirement purposes, funds acquired through the sale of commercial paper by bank holding companies are de fined as demand or time deposits depending on the original maturity of the paper. The percentage applicable to Eurodollars above the reserve-free-base levels for individual Business Conditions, June 1972 banks currently is 20 percent. When this requirement was first imposed in 1969, the ratio was 10 percent. Early in 1971, the Board doubled the percentage as an incen tive for the banks to maintain their reservefree bases for future needs instead of switch ing to domestic sources of funds—and thus adding to the outflow of dollars—as interest rates declined. History Under the National Bank Act, legal re serves were set at 25 percent of all deposits at both central reserve city and reserve city banks and 15 percent at country banks. At that time, however, the deposits maintained by smaller banks with larger banks to “pay for” correspondent services could be used to satisfy reserve requirements. When the Fed eral Reserve Act ruled out correspondent balances as eligible to meet legal require ments the same level of requirements made membership in the System costly for smaller banks. Moreover, the elimination of reserve pyramiding reduced the need for liquidity at the city banks. These considerations led Congress to set reserve percentages at lower levels than had prevailed earlier. The origi nal Federal Reserve Act required reserves against net demand deposits to be 18 percent at central reserve city banks, 15 percent at reserve city banks, and 12 percent for coun try banks. On time deposits, a uniform ratio of 5 percent was established. Present reserve percentages have evolved from about 40 separate changes since the Federal Reserve System was established. (See Table 3.) Perhaps by coincidence, today’s percentages are not greatly different from the original levels. In the early years of the System, changes in the actual percentages had to be made by amendment to the law. In 1917, when vault cash was disallowed as re serve-eligible, the reserve percentages were reduced for all classes of banks by 5 points on demand deposits and by 2 points on time deposits. Since 1933, the Board has had authority to change the percentages within the mini mum to maximum ranges set by Congress, but the ranges themselves have been altered several times. (See Table 4, page 14.) The 1933 amendment provided that changes could be implemented only when the Board, with the approval of the President, decided that an emergency existed because of credit expansion. In the Banking Act of 1935, Con gress relaxed the conditions necessary for a change by removing both the emergency and presidential approval conditions. An af firmative vote of four of the seven governors became the only requirement. This legisla tion set the range within which the Board could move from the existing levels to dou ble those levels. A further amendment in 1942 permitted the Board to make separate changes for different classes of banks and different types of deposits. And in 1948, the Board requested and received permission to raise requirements above the statutory ceil ings for a period of about a year. The history of changes in reserve percent ages since 1935 is, in general, a history of actions taken to forestall inflationary devel opments or resist recessionary tendencies in the economy. Moves to the maximum ratios in the Thirties were designed to absorb the huge accumulation of excess reserves result ing from gold inflows. A partial reversal ac companied the recession of 1938. In the Forties, ratios again were raised to maxi mum levels to guard against potentially in flationary effects of the defense buildup, war financing, and the postwar interest rate pegging policy. These increases, again, were partially reversed in the recession of 1949. Fetierai Reserve Bank of Chicago Table 3 Bank reserve requirements against deposits under the National Bank Act and the Federal Reserve Act Effective date On net demand deposits1 ------------------------------------------------------------------------Central reserve city banks Reserve city banks Country banks _ .. On time deposits all banks2 ( p e r c e n t o f d e p o s it s ) National Bank Act, 25 25 15 (Same as demand) on establishment 1913 1917—June 21 18 15 12 5 13 10 7 3 1936—Aug. 16 19% 22 % as amended Federal Reserve Act 1937-M ar. 1 15 10% 4% 12% 26 17% 20 14 5% 6 1938—Apr. 16 22% 17% 12 5 1941—Nov. 1 1942—Aug. 20 26 20 14 6 24 26 22 16 7% 24 21 7 Aug. 1, 11 23% 20 19% 15 14 Aug. 16, 18 23 22% 19 22 18 May 1 Sept. 14 Oct. 3 22 1948—Feb. 27 June 11 22 Sept. 16, 243 1949-M ay 1, 5 20 24 June 30, July 1 Aug. 25 Sept. 1 6 13 5 12 5 18% 'Demand deposits subject to reserve requirements are gross demand deposits minus cash items in process of collec tion and demand balances due from domestic banks. ^Effective January 6, 1967, time deposits such as Christmas and vacation club accounts became subject to same require ments as savings deposits. 3When two dates are shown, the first applies to central reserve and reserve city banks and the second to country banks. 12 Business Conditions, June 1972 On net demand deposits1 Effective date Central reserves city banks Reserve city banks Country banks On time deposits all banks2 6 ( p e r c e n t o f d e p o s it s ) 23 19 13 24 20 14 1953—July 1, 9 22 19 13 1954—June 16, 24 21 18 17’/2 12 17 11 Apr. 17 19 18’/2 Apr. 24 18 16’/2 1951—Jan. 11, 16 Jan. 25, Feb. 1 July 29, Aug. 1 1958—Feb. 27, Mar. 1 Mar. 20, Apr. 1 1960-Sept. 1 5 20 19’/2 I IV 2 17’/2 12 Nov. 24 Dec. 1 1962—Oct. 25, Nov. I 4 I 6 V2 4 Under $5 million Over $5 million Under $5 million 16’/2 1966—July 14, 21 Sept. 8 , 15 Over $5 million 4 12 5 3 V2 3 Mar. 16 1970—Oct. 1 Over $5 million 6 1967-M ar. 2 1968—Jan. 11 , 18 1969—Apr. 17 Under $5 million plus savings I 6 V2 17 12 1 2 V2 17 17V2 1 2 ’/2 13 5 ^Authority of Board of Governors to classify or reclassify cities as central reserve cities terminated July 28, 1962. SOURCE: Federal Reserve Bulletin. 13 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Table 4 Statutory limits on reserve requirements under the Federal Reserve Act the recessions of 1954, 1958, and 1960, but they also reflected the prevailing view by the Board that requirements for member banks were too burdensome rela Prior to 5 /1 1 /3 3 No provision for change from levels specified tive to those imposed on non in law. members. These reductions, how 5/12/33 to 8/22/35 Board given temporary power to raise re ever, were not enough to offset quirements in emergency with approval of the sharp upward adjustments President. that had been made between 8 /2 3 /3 5 Board given discretion to vary percentages 1935 and 1951. within the following ranges (in percent): In the late Sixties, percentages against demand deposits were in On net demand deposits creased across the board as a Central Reserve On time reserve city city Country deposits counterinflation move. Higher banks all banks banks banks requirements also were applied to 13-26 10-20 7-14 3-6 8/23/35 to 8/15/48 both time and demand deposits 3.7V2 10-24 7-14 8/16/48 to 6/30/49 13-30 over $5 million at each bank. Congress raised the maximum re 7-14 13-26 10-20 3-6 7/ 1/49 to 7/27/59 quirement on time deposits from 7-14 10-22* 10-22 3-6 7/28/59 to 9/20/66 6 to 10 percent in 1966. The most 3-10 7-14 10-22 9/21/66 to present recent change in requirements against deposits was the reduc ‘ Central reserve city class eliminated July 28, 1962. tion from 6 to 5 percent in the reserve ratio on time deposits over $5 million in 1970, concurrent with the In 1942, the Board reduced the ratios for extension of these requirements to commer central reserve city banks only in order to cial paper. alleviate pressures on New York and Chi The Board’s proposal of March 27, 1972, cago banks, and consequently on their ability while it would reduce the average reserve to aid the government’s wartime financing. ratio at least slightly for all members except These pressures were caused by outflows of for a few large banks outside reserve cities, funds to other parts of the nation resulting is aimed primarily at reducing inequities be from the pattern of wartime economic ac tween banks of the same size and between tivity. Again in 1951, percentages were raised members and nonmembers. It is not in as the Korean War rekindled inflationary tended to have a policy effect. forces. Except for a one-point increase in the O p e ratin g rules country bank demand deposit ratio in 1960 Certain technical operating rules of the (designed to absorb part of the large amount Federal Reserve System that banks must of vault cash that was made reserve-eligible) there were no increases in reserve percent abide by in meeting their legal requirements ages between 1951 and 1966. Reductions tend to lighten the burden that legal reserves were used to encourage credit expansion in impose on members. The most important of Business Conditions, June 1972 these are reserve averaging, lagged reserve accounting, and the carry-over allowance. Member banks are not required to meet their legal reserve requirements on a daily basis so long as their reserves are sufficient on the average for the “reserve period” (re serve averaging). This period is a seven-day week ending each Wednesday. The daily average amount a bank is required to hold during any given week is based on its daily average deposits in the reserve period two weeks earlier (lagged accounting),5 except that deficiencies or excesses up to 2 percent of the amount required may be carried over into one additional settlement period (carry over allowance). These rules give member banks a good deal of flexibility in managing their reserves while not detracting signifi cantly from the effectiveness of Federal Re serve policy actions on credit conditions. Member bank deposits with Federal Re serve banks are working balances as well as legal reserves. These deposits are used for all kinds of payments and transfers. The Re serve banks make debits and credits to these accounts in the process of clearing checks. On any given day, these deposits can be drawn down to zero (overdrafts are not per mitted) so long as the average of balances at the close of business every day from Thursday through Wednesday, plus eligible vault cash, is sufficient to meet required re serves. This rule allows for offsetting fluctua tions within the week without costly day-today adjustments, and provides a substantial amount of short-run liquidity. History The rules governing the actual implement ation of legal reserve requirements have been Eurodollar requirements are based on daily averages for a four-week period to be held during the following four weeks. changed a number of times since the System was established. The original law implied that banks would have to meet their require ments fully on a day-to-day basis. In practice, however, many banks were deficient some days and held excess reserves on other days. The authorities generally did not object to this practice so long as the banks were able to meet their legal reserves on the average over some reasonable period of time. Large city banks customarily operated on a weekly settlement period. Country banks, being smaller and farther away from Fed eral Reserve facilities, were not as efficient in handling their legal reserves and tended to settle their requirements semimonthly. In 1923, these settlement periods were incorpor ated into Federal Reserve regulations. But in 1960, in conjunction with the inclusion of vault cash as legal reserves, the settlement period for country banks was changed to two weeks. This change meant that the end of the reserve period for reserve city and country banks coincided every two weeks, thus eliminating a source of slippage in the System’s management of the reserve base. Along with other procedural changes made in 1968, the country bank settlement period was shortened to one week, the same as for reserve city banks. Until 1968, member banks were required to maintain reserves against average deposits in the same week. In effect, there was a oneday lag in this timetable because reserves were counted as of the close-of-business against same day opening-of-business de posits. This meant that only on the final day of the reserve period was it possible for them to know the exact amount of their re quired reserves for the current period. Largely to assist banks in managing their reserve positions, the 1968 amendments to Regulation D changed the basis for comput- 15 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago 16 ing required reserves to the average daily close-of-business deposit level in the week (from Thursday through Wednesday) two weeks prior to the reserve-maintenance pe riod. The vault cash applicable to meet re quirements also was based on the level held two weeks earlier. This so-called “lagged reserve accounting” has the advantage of giving banks knowl edge, before the start of a new week, of ex actly how much their average reserve bal ances at Reserve banks will have to be. This advance knowledge is an important corollary to the shortened country bank settlement pe riod, as well as an aid to the Federal Re serve’s open market desk in determining the banking system’s reserve needs in any given week. Uniformity of reserve periods for country and city banks was intended to reduce the tendency for funds to flow away from city banks, as country banks built up excess re serves in the first week of their reserve period and to flow back into money center banks the next week, as country banks bought securities, built up correspondent balances, or sold federal funds to absorb these excesses. Lagged reserve accounting does have one disadvantage for member banks—a decline in deposits is no longer cushioned by a concurrent reduction in reserves required against those deposits. The lag also entails a disadvantage to the central bank. Its con trol over the total volume of reserves is weakened in that, in any week, it must sup ply at least the reserves required by the amount of bank deposits outstanding two weeks earlier. But, if deposits rise faster than desired, the Federal Reserve can force mem ber banks to borrow part of the needed re serves at the discount window rather than supplying reserves through the System’s open market operations. To further ease the burden of reserve management on member banks and to re duce excess reserves to a minimum, the 1968 amendments also permitted the carry-over of reserve surpluses or deficiencies in relation to amounts required. Banks today are al lowed to carry forward, into the next settle ment period only, an excess or a deficiency of reserves up to a maximum of 2 percent of the total amount required. Excesses in one settlement period can be used to offset deficiencies in the next, and deficiencies are not penalized if they are offset with an ex cess in the following period. (See box on page 17 for a detailed description of how the carry-over allowance works.) C o m p le x itie s re m a in The development of the present structure of reserve regulations for member banks clearly has been influenced by many factors —some of which were totally unrelated to monetary control. The Board’s most recent proposal would eliminate some differentials in ratios and would reduce the average re serve ratio for all except a few large banks in cities that are not now classified as re serve cities. But most of the complexity in the present structure would remain. Nor can the proposal significantly tighten the rela tionship between Federal Reserve policy ac tions and money and credit targets. So long as funds are shifted between demand and time deposits, between banks with different average reserve ratios, and between govern ment and private deposits, the growth in the target aggregate—whether money or credit —associated with a given increase in reserves (the money or credit multiplier) is constantly changing. The proposed schedule of ratios is not in tended to represent an appropriate structure Business Conditions, June 1972 r Illustrated use of carry-over allowance Case A Case B Case C ( t h o u s a n d d o lla r s ) Required reserves for current week 33.825 33,825 33,825 5,000 5,000 5,000 28.825 28,825 28,825 Less: Vault cash two weeks earlier Equals: required balance at F. R. bank exclusive of allow able carry-overs Excess from previous week that can be applied to meet required reserves in 0 500 0 0 0 500 28,825 28,325 29,325 - - current week Deficit from previous week that must be covered in current week Net required balance after carry-in Maximum allowable carry-forward to next week (2 percent of required reserves of $33,825) Deficiency Surplus 676 +676 676 0* 0* +676 Minimum required balance at F.R. bank if full amount of allow able deficiency is carried forward to next week 28,149 27,649 29,325 29,501 28,325 30,001 Maximum balance at F.R. bank to avoid surplus greater than amount that can be carried for w ard to meet required reserves next week *Carry-overs in the same direction are not permitted for two consecutive weeks. In Case A, the bank has no carry-in from the last weekly period so that no carryin adjustment is necessary in computing the minimum average balance that must be maintained at the Federal Reserve bank. The member bank may run a deficit without penalty or a surplus without loss of earnings in the current period of up to $676,000 (2 percent of required reserves). The bank may thus keep an actual average balance at the Federal Reserve between $28,149,000 and $29,501,000 ($28,825,000 + $676,000). Any thing between $28,825,000 and $29,501,000 may help satisfy next p erio d ’s required re serves, while anything below $28,825,000 by as much as $676,000 must be made up in the next period. In Case B, the bank has carried in a $500,000 surplus from the last period. This amount can be deducted from the amount it must hold in the current week. Moreover, be cause it is allowed to run a deficiency (be cause it did not carry in a deficiency from last week) of as much as 2 percent of required re serves, $676,000, it can maintain an average re serve balance of as little as $27,649,000 at the F ederal R eserve this period, if the deficiency is made up in the next period. In Case C, the bank has carried in a deficiency from last week which it must cover in addition to the cur rent week’s average required balance. There fore, its minimum required balance at the Federal Reserve is $29,325,000 rather than $28,825,000. In addition, Bank C may carry forward up to $676,000 in excess of its current re quired reserve balance for credit toward next period’s required reserves. So the maxi mum it would want to hold would be $30,001 , 000 . 17 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago for the long run. Moreover, the proposal does not rule out future variation in the percentages for stabilization purposes. Nevertheless, the competitive aspects will continue to receive consideration in decisions to make such changes and in any future pro posal for reserve requirement reform. The multitude of state laws governing re serves of nonmember banks is outside the scope of this discussion. In some cases, re serve percentages are no lower than Federal Reserve regulations, and often the rules are less flexible with respect to averaging. It is rather the form in which state laws permit reserves to be kept—balances with corres pondents and sometimes U. S. Governments, or even municipal obligations — that gives nonmember banks a competitive advantage. Major changes to improve the competi tive structure are difficult to make because of the distortions they involve. To the extent that changes in requirements disrupt longestablished competitive patterns, reforms will inevitably hurt some banks as they help others. Moreover, changes that reduce the burden of legal reserves on all banks greatly increase potential monetary expansion, un less offset by other action. But gradual movement away from the archaic elements in the laws and regulations on bank reserves is important not only as a matter of fairness, but also in order to maintain adequate cen tral bank control over the behavior of money and credit in the economy. Proposal adopted Since this article was prepared, the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System has approved the changes in Regulation D described on page 3, with one modification. As originally proposed, a reserve ratio of 13 percent would have applied to net demand deposits from $10 million to $400 million. As finally approved, the reserve schedule in cludes a separate deposit category between $10 million and $100 million to which a 12 percent ratio will apply. The purpose of this change is to help offset the reserves absorbed by the reduction of float under the new check collection rules, which are expected to have a sharp impact on banks in that size group. The one percentage point reduction on this increment of deposits will release an additional $400 million in reserves. 18 The amendment is to become effective in two steps: (1) In the reserve week beginning September 21, coincident with the Septem ber 21 effective date of change in check col lection rules, the ratios of 8 percent, 10 per cent, and 12 percent will apply on deposits of $100 million or less held in the week be ginning September 7. At the same time, the \ l l/i percent ratio presently applicable to deposits of reserve city banks will be reduced to 1614 percent on deposits between $100 million and $400 million. (2) In the follow ing week (September 28 to October 4), the ratio on the $100 million to $400 million range will be reduced further to 13 percent on average deposits held in the week begin ning September 14. Business Conditions, June 1972 Seventh District farmland values Farmland values in the states of the Seventh Federal Reserve District have nearly tripled since 1950, with slightly less than half the increase occurring in the Sixties. Although the long-term trend in farmland values has been inexorably upward, there have been three periods of short-term decline since 1950—in 1953-54, 1961, and again in 1969-70. From about mid-1969 to mid-1970, the average value of “good” farmland declined 1 percent according to Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago surveys. This was the first yearto-year decline in nine years, and values re mained depressed through the third quarter of 1970, with 11 of 17 survey areas in the district reporting declines. By the fourth quarter of 1970, values began to strengthen, but the recovery has been slow. Farmland values in the Seventh District averaged 4 percent higher than a year earlier in the first quarter of 1972. Although this rate of increase was substantially greater than the 1 and 2 percent increases recorded for the comparable periods in 1970 and 1971, it was well below the annual increases of 6 percent and more recorded in the mid-1960s. The percentage changes in values varied sub stantially by states. Values in Wisconsin rose most rapidly—nearly 7 percent over a year earlier—while values in Iowa and Michigan crept up at an annual rate of 2 percent. values. The high cost of farm mortgage credit was likely the major factor for the initial slowdown in the late 1960s. The long-range trend has been toward larger farms and higher prices per acre, with most buyers using credit to finance farm purchases. In the Corn Belt, the average transaction amounts to $60,000, and about 90 percent of farmland purchases are creditfinanced. The typical loan amounts to 70 percent of the total purchase cost. Because of the heavy reliance on credit in real estate transfers, the cost of such credit exerts con- Farmland values resuming faster pace annual percent change (year ending April I ) * Im pact of cred it an d incom e Changing credit and farm income condi tions largely explain the recent periods of decline and recovery in district farmland ‘ Average change for five Seventh District states. SOURCE: Quarterly Land Value Survey, Federal Re serve Bank of Chicago. 19 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago siderable influence on land prices and the volume of transfers. It is not too surprising, therefore, that in 1969, when credit was short and interest rates soared to historic highs, demand for farmland fell sharply and land prices sagged. The potential effect of lower interest rates on land prices may be illustrated by discount ing expected income per acre by the mort gage rate. For example, with mortgage rates of 8 percent, land capable of returning in come of $40 per acre would be valued at about $500 per acre. An increase in mort gage rates to 9 percent implies a decline in value to $444 per acre. Many factors besides interest rates enter into determining the ac tual level of farmland prices, of course, but the point to be noted here is the inverse re lationship between interest rate changes and changes in farmland values, all other things equal. By late 1970, when credit again became readily available and farm mortgage rates dropped as much as a full percentage point, activity in the farm real estate market picked up. Nevertheless, pervasive uncer tainty about crop yields and income in the latter half of 1970 and through much of 1971 undoubtedly slowed the recovery of farmland values even in the face of easier credit. Corn blight an d ch eap hogs 20 Corn yields in 1970 in the district states of Illinois, Iowa, and Indiana were the lowest in many years due to crop-destroying blight disease, and at least in Iowa to drought con ditions. Although corn prices soared on ex pectations of drastically-reduced supplies, the main concern of farmers was whether they would have much of a crop to harvest. As it turned out, much higher prices offset the effect of lower yields for those who had corn to sell, but in some areas yield declines more than offset the price increase. Declining cattle and hog prices also de pressed district farmers’ incomes in 1970. Hog prices fell 40 percent from their sum mer peaks, and cattle prices followed with a 17 percent drop. While cattle prices re bounded in early 1971, hog prices remained depressed through the first three quarters of the year. Furthermore, government pay ments to farmers were cut by 16 percent in 1971, largely reflecting reduced payments to midwestern feed grain producers. All these factors combined resulted in net income of district farmers falling about 4 percent from the previous year. 1972 incom es up Several factors suggest that Seventh Dis trict farmers will have more cash available for investment in 1972, and should be more willing to make long-term commitments for expanding their farming enterprises. Net farm income is expected to rise to a near-record $17.2 billion this year, with the major increases coming in important Seventh District enterprises such as hogs, cattle, and soybeans. Direct government pay ments to farmers are expected to rise to a record $4.5 billion, with most of the increase over last year accruing to Feed Grain Pro gram participants. Farmers in the Seventh District states, which include the major feed grain-producing areas of the nation, will probably collect over one-third of the total feed grain payments becoming available after July 1. For many “farmers,” off-farm earnings are as important as farm earnings in their total income picture. Indeed, off-farm earn ings of all U. S. farm operators totaled more than their farm earnings in 1970. As the economy strengthens and unemployment de- Business Conditions, June 1972 dines, the farm operator will benefit as much as the city dweller, and both will share in the expected increases in total disposable personal income this year. Some of the in crease may be reflected in increased demand for farmland by both farmers and nonfarmers. Moreover, ample credit on relatively fa vorable terms should persist through the re mainder of 1972. Mortgage funds now are more readily available at each of the major lenders and at somewhat lower interest rates. At rural banks in the district, deposits have expanded more rapidly than loans: during the first four months of 1972, deposits at selected “agricultural” banks in the district increased about 7 percent—about twice the advance experienced in loan expansion. Life insurance companies, too, have more funds available for farm mortgage lending, reflect ing reduced demand for policy loans and reduced attractiveness of other investments compared to farm real estate loans. New farm mortgage money loaned by life in surance companies in the first quarter was up 71 percent from a year ago, and forward commitments for farm mortgages later in the year were 92 percent greater than a year earlier. Lending by Federal Land Banks (FLBs), the major institutional sources of farm mort gage credit, was up 35 percent from a year ago during the first quarter and liberalized lending policies could boost credit availa bility further in the latter part of the year. FLBs are now authorized to extend credit on 85 percent of the market value of farm land. Previously, loans were limited to 65 percent of the normal agricultural value of the land, which often was considerably below the market price. This will likely result in farmers with proven earning ability but fewer net assets being able to bid for more farmland. A lo n ger v ie w While land values have been and will con tinue to be influenced by cyclical changes in income and credit conditions, the long-term trend in values is primarily determined by a host of other factors, including pressures for farm enlargement, technological devel opments, government programs, alternative uses for land, and purchases as an inflation hedge. While the individual effects of such factors on land prices are difficult to sepa rate, in the past they have, on balance, caused an upward trend in land values. Many of these factors no doubt will con tinue to exert an upward influence, but some of them may well prove considerably less influential in the year ahead. Demand for land for farm enlargement up sharply percent of sales for farm enlargements SOURCE: U. S. Department of Agriculture. 21 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago 22 Demand for land for farm enlargement. In 1950, less than 30 percent of the farmland purchases in the United States were for en largement; last year the proportion of sales for this purpose was 59 percent. Studies indicate that the drive for farm enlargement is far from dissipated. There currently are approximately 2.8 million farms in the nation. Projections indicate the number of farms may be more than halved by the year 2000. Recent Department of Agriculture studies of large midwestern corn farms (1,000 or more acres) suggest substantial internal economies accrue to large farms in the buying, selling, and finan cing aspects of their operation in addition to the production efficiencies of larger scale. Thus, continued pressures for farm enlarge ment augur for higher farmland values. Fewer farms offered for sale. Many owners of farmland apparently are satisfied with current and prospective returns from their holdings. For the year ended March 1, 1971, the number of farm transfers per 1,000 farms was about 43, or a total of nearly 110,000 farms—less than 4 percent of all farms in the United States. Both the rate of transfers per thousand and the total number sold in 1971 were slightly higher than in 1970 but well below other recent years. Since 1950, not only has the total number of farms dropped 49 percent, but the rate of sales per thousand units has been moving irregularly downward. Fewer offerings coupled with the drive for farm enlargement will result in active bidding for such farmland as it be comes available. Competing uses for land. The national trend toward more leisure time accompanied by higher per capita incomes should increase the demand for farmland around population growth centers and regions suitable for recreational uses. Increased emphasis on “rural development” will also be a boon to farmland prices in some areas. Currently, there are proposals before Congress to inject federal credit into rural areas to upgrade housing and services, and to encourage in dustrialization to boost job opportunities and incomes. To the extent communities are suc cessfully “developed,” surrounding farmland may be expected to increase sharply in value. In the northeastern United States, for ex ample, where farmland values have been rising at a brisk 9 percent annually for the past two years, it is estimated that 35 percent of the farmland sold is converted to nonagricultural use within five years. Capital gains. Farmers and others are will ing to buy farmland and accept a compara tively low rate of return in current earnings in anticipation of future capital gains from rising values. In the long run, their expecta tions will be fulfilled only if the earnings of land rise. As with all capital assets, specula tive purchases may help push up prices tem porarily, but the boom eventually collapses if it lacks real underpinnings. Furthermore, because farmland values have risen so rapidly in the past, land is viewed as a good “hedge against inflation.” But in very recent years, farmland values have not risen as rapidly as the Consumer Price Index. Thus, dollars invested in land have lost some of their purchasing power. If this trend continues, the capital gains and inflation hedge motivation for buying and holding land may have less upward influence on values. New technology. Rapid increases in pro ductivity in agriculture may have provided the greatest impetus for higher farmland values in the past two decades. The shift to mechanical power, the innovation of hybrid seed corn, and expanded use of fertilizers and chemicals sharply boosted productivity in Business Conditions, June 1972 agriculture. But to utilize the new tech nology, farmers needed to acquire more land. As a result, part of the gains from new technology were capitalized into higher land values. Productivity increases, however, have been slowing. In the decade of the Fifties, output per man-hour in agriculture increased at an average annual rate of 7.7 percent. In the Sixties, the gain slowed to an average of 6.7 percent a year. Increases in yields per acre for all crops slowed slightly during the same period. The overall index of agricultural productivity slowed from a 2.1 percent in crease per year in the decade of the Fifties to less than 1 percent per year in the Sixties. It would be hazardous to predict no new revolutionary breakthroughs in agricultural technology. At this juncture, however, it ap pears that the impact of postwar changes in agriculture are having less effect on farm productivity and land values. Government programs. Government farm price and income support programs are de signed to partially offset the price- and in come-depressing influence of output-increas ing technology. Government payments now account for over one-fourth of net farm in come. Benefits of government programs are tied to acreage allotments and the amount of commodities produced. Payments from the various programs tend to be capitalized into the value of farmland. Some studies, for ex ample, estimate that 20 to 40 percent of the present value of wheat and cotton land may be attributed to government programs. Gov ernment policy in recent years has been designed to make agriculture more market- oriented. Relaxed controls on acreage allot ments for specific crops, reduced emphasis on “parity” prices, and limitations on direct payments to farmers all point to an easing in the role of government support to agricul ture. This means government programs could have less upward influence on future land values. S u m m ary Farmland values in the Seventh District are now recovering from the downturn of 1969-70. Values in Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Michigan may rise at an annual rate of 4 percent or more this year. Wisconsin will likely pace the increase for the district, with values rising 8 percent or more in 1972. The longer-term outlook for farmland values appears to suggest a slowing in the rate of increase from the past two decades, especially for land with strictly agricultural uses. Technological advances, government programs, and expected capital gains—fac tors that contributed significantly to higher values in the past—may have less upward influence in the future. Cyclical changes in incomes and credit conditions will continue to have alternatingly depressing and stimu lating effects. The drive for farm enlarge ment in the face of fewer farms offered for sale will remain a strong upward force on farmland values. Demand for farmland for recreational use and rural residences may play an increasing role in rising values in regions near population centers. As in the past, lower-priced farmland, land in small parcels, and land near population centers will continue to be in greatest demand. 23 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago B U SIN ESS C O N D IT IO N S is p u b lish ed m o n th ly b y the F e d e ra l R ese rve B a n k o f C h ic a g o . N ich o la s A . Lash w a s p r im a rily resp o n sib le fo r the a rtic le "M e m b e r b a n k re se rv e re q u ire m ents—h e rita g e fro m h is to ry " a n d D ennis B. S h a rp e fo r "S e v e n th D istrict fa rm la n d v a lu e s ." Su b scrip tio n s to Business Conditions a re a v a ila b le to the p u b lic w ith o u t c h a rg e . For in fo r m atio n co ncern ing b u lk m a ilin g s , a d d re ss in q u irie s to the R esearch D e p a rtm e n t, F e d e ra l R eserve B a n k o f C h ic a g o , B o x 8 3 4 , C h ic a g o , Illin o is 6 0 6 9 0 . A rtic le s m a y be re p rin te d p ro v id e d so urce is cred ite d . P le a se p ro v id e the b a n k 's Research 24 D e p artm e n t w ith a co p y o f a n y m a te ria l in w h ic h a n a rtic le is re p rin te d .