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C o n g ress
j
HOUSE OF REPRESEN TATIVES
/ D ocument 580
l
Part 2
DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR
BULLETIN
OF THE
BUREAU OF LABOR
No. 72—SEPTEMBER, 1907
ISSUED EVERT OTHER MONTH
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1907
CONTENTS.
Page.
Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian unskilled immigrant laborers in the U nited
States, b y Frank J. Sheridan.................................................................................. 403-486
E conom ic condition of the Jews in Russia, b y I. M. R ubinow ........................... 487-583
Digest of recent reports of State bureaus of labor statistics:
California................................................................................................................... .584-586
Indiana.................................................................................................................... 587-589
New Jersey.............................................................................................................. 589-593
Oregon...................................................................................................................... 593,594
U tah...........................................................................................
594-596
Digest of recent foreign statistical publications...................................................... 597-606
D ecisions of courts affecting labor............................................................................. 607-637
Laws of various States relating to labor, enacted since January 1, 1904.......... 638-653
Cum ulative index of labor laws and decisions relating thereto........................... 655-661
m
B U L L E T IN
OF THE
B U R E A U OF L A B O R .
No. 72.
W ASHINGTON.
Septem ber,
1907.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN UNSKILLED IMMIGRANT
LABORERS IN THE UNITED STATES.
BY FRANK J. SHERIDAN.
The present article deals with the unskilled immigrant laborers of
the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian races, and undertakes to show
how they have fitted themselves into the industrial life of the United
States. A study has been made of the distribution of these laborers
and their selection of certain States for especial industrial activity,
the demand for their services, their wages, their methods and costs of
living compared with American standards and costs of living, and
their segregate system of living and employment and its effect upon
them and Upon their assimilation. The results of this study are pre
sented in the following pages.
Although according to its title this study deals chiefly with unskilled
immigrant laborers of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian races, yet,
following the classification of the United States Bureau of Immigra
tion and Naturalization, it includes some immigrants who are of the
same grade and come from the same countries but belong to other
races. Thus, under Slavs are included Hebrews from Eastern Europe,
Roumanians, and others who, strictly speaking, are not of the Slavic
race. In the preliminary tables, dealing with all immigrants from
Eastern and Southern Europe, Hebrews are included in the Slavic
group, though their numbers are given separately. In the discus
sion and tables following the preliminary tables, and dealing with the
“ Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian unskilled immigrant laborers in the
United States,” Hebrews are not included for the reason that they do
not engage in the unskilled occupations on railroads and in mines,
403
404
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
etc., considered in this article. Few of the. males of the race seek
employment through labor agencies and are shipped out of the cities
b y them. They-are, as a rule, employed in the greater cities in occu
pations not requiring much physical strength.
The total number of foreign-bom persons in the United States,
exclusive of Alaska and Hawaii, at the census of 1900 was 10,356,644,
or 13.57 per cent of the total population. The number of these who
were of Italian, Slavic, or Hungarian birth, together with the number
of the same races who were admitted to the United States in each
year since 1900, is given in the following table:
N U M B E R O F F O R E IG N -B O R N P E R S O N S A N D N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F TH O S E O F
IT A L IA N , S L A V IC , A N D H U N G A R IA N B I R T H IN T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S A T T H E CEN SUS
O F 1900 A N D N U M B E R A D M IT T E D IN E A C H Y E A R , 1901 TO 1906.
[The num bers a d m itted lo r each year from 1901 t o 1906 are com piled fro m th e R e p o rts o f the Com
m issioner-G eneral o f Im m igration.]
T o ta l
foreignb o m per
sons o f all
national
ities.
N um ber living in the U nited States. June 1,1900................................ 10,356,644
N um ber adm itted to the U nited States, year ending—
June 30,1901.............................................................................................
487,918
June 30,1902.............................................................................................
648,743
June 30,1903.............................................................................................
857,046
June 30,1904.............................................................................................
812,870
■Tune 30,1905............................................................................................. 1,026,499
June 30,1906............................................................................................. 1,100,735
Persons o f Italian,
Slavic, and
H ungarian birth.
Num ber.
Per cent o f
foreignb o m per
sons o f all
national
ities.
1,885,896
18.21
320,747
429,251
536,979
492,307
657,029
739,978
65.74
66.17
62.65
60.56
64.01
67.23
From the foregoing totals should be deducted the returning immi
grants, variously estimated as being from 28 to 40 per cent of the
arrivals. There have been no records kept of returning immigrants,
but this defect has been remedied by the immigration law of 1907,
which requires from the steamship companies manifests in detail of
outgoing as well as incoming passengers.
The Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian immigrants admitted into the
United States during the year ending June 30,1906, numbered 739,978
and were 67.23 per cent of the 1,100,735 immigrants of all nationali
ties admitted during that year. Of the total of all immigrants 598,731
persons were unskilled laborers, and 72.18 per cent of the unskilled
laborers, or 432,152, were of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian
races. N ot included in the group of unskilled laborers were 285,460
persons of “ no occupation,” constituting almost wholly fam ily groups
of women and children, 66.22 per cent of whom, or 189,049 persons,
were of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian races. The remaining
19.67 per cent of the total immigration, or 216,544, belonged to the
skilled, professional, and commercial classes, and of this group
405
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
118,777, or 54.85 per cent, were of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian
races.
The foregoing figures are presented in detail in the following table:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F IM M IG R A N T S O F I T A L IA N , S L A V IC , A N D H U N G A R IA N
B I R T H A D M IT T E D IN T O T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S D U R IN G T H E Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E
30. 1906.
[Com piled from R ep ort o f th e Comm issioner-General o f Im m igration fo r the,year ended June 30,1906,
pages 29 t o 33.]
Per cent
Italisfe' T otal im Per cent o f Slavic
Slavic
Slavic,
Italian and Hun and Hun m igrants o f Italian and H un
immi
immi
garian
garian
o f all
garian national grants
immi
im m i
grants.
immi
grants
grants.
ities.
o f tota l.
grants.
o f total.
Occupation.
Per cent
o f Italian,
Slavic,
and H un
garian
immi
grants
o f total.
Unskilled laborers.......................
N o occupation (including w o
m en and ch ild ren )...................
Skilled w orkers............................
P rofessional and miscellaneous.
184,832
247,320
432,152
598,731
30.87
41.31
72.18
59,729
37,561
4,692
129,320
69,695
6,829
189,049
107,256
11,521
285,460
177,122
39,422
20,92
, 21.21
11.90
45.30
39.35
17.32
66.22
60.56
29.22
T o t a l....................................
286,814
453,164
739,978 1,100,735
26.06
41.17
67.23
A considerable number of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian immi
grants had been engaged in agricultural pursuits in their native lands
and had lived in scattered communities, removed from contact with
great centers of population. This is shown in the following table for
immigrants admitted from 1901 to 1906:
IT A L IA N , S L A V IC , A N D H U N G A R IA N IM M IG R A N T S A D M IT T E D F R O M 1901 TO 1906 W H O
W E R E F A R M E R S O R F A R M W O R K E R S B E F O R E CO M IN G T O T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S .
[Com piled from the R ep orts o f the Com m issioner-General o f Im m ig ra tion .]
Year.
Farmers.
Farm
hands.
T otal
farmers
and farm
hands.
1901...................................................... .............................................................
1902....................................................................................................................
1903....................................................................................................................
1904....................................................................................................................
1905....................................................................................................................
1906....................................................................................................................
362
716
2,340
1,014
9,821
6,638
43,008
65,482
54,582
61,752
112,240
201,643
43,370
66,198
56,922
62,766
122,061
208,281
T o t a l ......................................................................................................
20,891
538,707
559,598
Of the 432,152 unskilled laborers of these races admitted to this
country in 1906, 48.2 per cent, or 208,281, had been engaged in agri
cultural labor before coming here.
Of the 82,115 farmers and farm hands arriving in 1906 from Italy,
90.7 per cent were southern Italians, and but 7,634 were from
northern Italy.
The great mass of the 9,611,003 persons in Italy in 1901 engaged
in agricultural pursuits were southern Italians. This class of workers
in southern Italy raised over 90 per cent of the cereal crops. In
1904, they produced 70 per cent of the wine product and 99 per cent
o f the olive oil.
406
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
In Austria in 1900, 13,709,204 persons of the total population of
26,150,708, or 52.4 per cent, were engaged in agriculture. In Hun
gary in 1900, 13,175,083 persons of the total population of 19,254,559,
or 68.4 per cent, were engaged in agriculture, including in both coun
tries forestry, sheep breeding, dairying, market gardening, etc.
Since the year 1900 the United States has secured from Italy,
Hungary, and from the Slavic countries 559,598 men who had been
farmers and farm hands in their native lands, but who have become
a part of the unskilled laborers employed in the various industries
of the United States since their arrival.
The wages paid to unskilled laborers in agriculture and in other
industries in the countries from which these immigrants come are
extremely low, and the life of the laborer is one of continuous poverty.
The common laborers’ reasons for leaving their native countries may
be summarized as follow s: (1) Primary necessity; (2) to escape
com pulsory m ilitary service and other burdens; (3) to become selfsupporting. All three objects are overcome or attained, they assert,
by coming to the United States.
After their arrival in the United States these immigrants do not
seek employment in agriculture, partly because of the difficulties in
the way of securing it, but mainly because of the higher rates of
wages in other industries. In transportation, manufacturing, min
ing, and in building the demand for common labor has been very
great.
The Italian laborers prefer railroad construction, tunnel building,
grading, ditching, building excavation, and work in factory indus
tries, while the Slavs and Hungarians seek the industries where the
compensation is somewhat higher and the labor somewhat harder—
where strong men are required, as in the blast furnaces, iron and
steel works, iron-ore handling, and anthracite and bituminous coal
mining.
Other reasons why the Italian immigrant agricultural laborers do
not seek American farm life are thus given by Italian authorities:
In spite of the fact that the great mass of the Italian population
(in Italy) is engaged in agricultural pursuits, an unusual propor
tion of the inhabitants are congregated in towns. The Italian is no
lover of the country; he dreads of all things an isolated dwelling.
Landowners, farmers, and most of the laborers dwell together in
their boroughs or hamlets, and the peasants have often a journey of
several miles before they reach the fields intrusted to their care.
The following table shows for each race the number reported as
having followed the various unskilled occupations before coming to
the United States. Those reported as having no occupation (m ostly
women and children) are included:
407
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
IM M IG R A T IO N OF U N S K IL L E D W O R K E R S OF T H E I T A L IA N , H U N G A R IA N , A N D
S L A V IC R A C E S IN D E T A IL , Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E 30, 1906.
f Compiled from R ep ort of the Comm issioner-General o f Im m ig ra tion fo r the year ended June 30,1906,
pages 28 t o 33.]
D ray
men.
Farm
labor
ers.
18
1
4
1,514
5,736
21,808
218
792
906
1,424
3,944
32,248
8,504
1,629
6,450
17,648
198
78
760
86
86
120
541
17
T o ta l..............................................
H ebrew .....................................................
38 100,905
44
1>712
3,785
168
T ota l S la v ....................................
M agyar (H un garian)............................
82 102,617
15 19,327
Race.
B ohem ian and M oravian....................
Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin
Croatian and S lavonian.......................
D alm atian, Bosnian, and Herzego
vinian.-..................................................
L ithuanian..............................................
P olish ........................................................
R ou m an ia n .............................................
R u s s ia n ........................................ .........
R uthenian (R u ssn ia k ).........................
S lov a k ......................................................
10
1
1
2
1
Farm Fisher L abor
men.
ers.
ers.
N o oc
cupa
tion , in
Serv cluding T otal.
ants. wom en
and
chil
dren.
531
3,935
13,108
2,025
110
2,722
4,973
523
4,147
9,279
11,097
42,697
1
2,284
3,717
22,382
1,560
1,927
5,171
4,707
98
2,718
15,725
289
195
2,733
5,507
195
2,689
18,398
666
1,223
1,358
8,303
4,216
13,146
89,530
11,106
5,061
15,834
36,708
27
10
59,322
8,378
32,122
9,839
42,475
77,143
238,674
97,294
3,953
269
37
3
67,700
6,322
41,961 119,618
5,034
9,702
335,968
40,672
2
7
4,222
40
74,022
46,995 129,320
376,640
Italian, n o r th .........................................
Italian, sou th .........................................
84
506
6,132
73,567
1,502
914
7
214
17,565
70,344
3,157
10,840
9,306
50,423
37,753
206,808
T otal Ita lia n ................................
590
79,699
2,416
221
87,909
13,997
59,729
244,561
261 161,931
T ota l Slavic and Hungarian . .
97 121,944
Grand to ta l Italian, Slavic,
and H u n ga ria n .......................
687 201,643
6,638
T ota l of 41 nationalities...........
1,090 239,125
15,288
1
60,992 189,049
621,201
899 226,345 115,984 285,460
884,191
DISTRIBU TION OF UNSKILLED LABORERS.
There are many methods used in the employment and distribution
of immigrants and of unskilled laborers. Most of the great industrial
establishments have well-organized systems for registration and em
ployment at offices within their own gates, where hiring is done
directly and without the intervention of middlemen.
The labor employment agencies distribute but a small part of the
total immigration. The New York City agencies distribute a maxi
mum of about 70,000 men annually, and a large proportion of this is
a redistribution including the movement of a number of American
citizens. The total number of immigrants in 1906 reporting the
State of New York as their destination was 374,708. Of the more
than one million immigrants admitted in 1906, 86,539 reported the
State of Illinois as their destination, and were absorbed there. The
Chicago immigrant labor agencies had but a small number of these to
redistribute. In other great cities conditions were the same.
Distribution through labor agencies is the most expensive method
for the immigrant or other unskilled worker. The most effective as
well as the least expensive means is through the international and
domestic mail service. Through this channel reliable information as
408
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
to employment, wages, and location is given by the relative or friend
in the United States to the intending immigrant before he leaves his
native land. The relative or friend in the mine, factory, or work of
construction knows if there is a shortage of labor or a place here for
his relative or friend in Europe. The magnitude of the international
mail and money-order business of the United States, together with
the fact that the great mass of immigrants go unerringly to the
States where wages are highest and their services in greatest demand,
indicates the effectiveness of the system and the accuracy of the
information.
The number of letters sent from the United States to foreign coun
tries from the year 1900 to 1906, inclusive, was estimated by the
superintendent of foreign mails to be 514,568,230, and the number
received from foreign countries 282,857,558. In the same period,
according to the annual reports on the transactions of the New York
post-office, 12,304,485 money orders were sent to foreign countries,
amounting to $239,367,047.56, and of these, 4,264,633 orders, amount
ing to $119,757,895.86, or 50.03 per cent of the total amount of money,
were sent to Italy, Hungary, and Slavic countries. In these figures
are revealed the most intelligent, sympathetic, and effective agencies
o f securing and distributing labor. Relatives and friends are the
middlemen.
The intelligence of this international mail system and its immediate
response to industrial conditions in the United States may be noted
in the statistics of immigration. The immigration from Poland dur
ing the years of prosperity and depression in this country illustrates
this response.
IM M IG R A N T S F R O M P O L A N D T O T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S , 1891 T O 1898 A N D IN 1905.
[Compiled from R ep ort o f the Com m issioner-General o f Im m igra tion lo r the year ended June 30,1905.]
Year.
1891.............................. t ..................................................................................................................................
1892.............................. 1.................................................................................................................................
1893..................................................................................................................................................................
1894..................................................................................... ............................................................................
1895..................................................................................................................................................................
1896..................................................................................................................................................................
1897......................................................................................................... .........................................................
1898..................................................................................................................................................................
N um ber.
27,497
40,536
16,374
1,941
790
691
4,165
4,726
« 47,224
a N um ber o f Poles reported as com in g from R ussia.
These figures tell their own story. The year 1892, a most pros
perous year, was followed in the fall of 1893 by an industrial depres
sion which continued for a number of years. As a consequence
Polish immigration was practically suspended during the years of
depression.
409
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
The total number of unskilled laborers arriving in the United
States during the year ending June 30, 1906, was 598,731, of which
number 432,152 were Italians, Slavs, and Hungarians. These labor
ers were distributed from the ports of entry to all parts of the United
States. The remarkable fact in this distribution was that 78.59 per
cent of the total number, or 470,534, went direct from the steam
ships to the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, New
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois.
It is notable that in 1900 there were living in the above-named
States 1,380,462 foreign-born immigrants of the Italian, Slavic, and
Hungarian races, or 73.2 per cent of the 1,885,896 persons of the
same races in the United States, and six years later, in 1906, we find
640,474, or 86.55 per cent of the total immigrants of these races,
going to the same seven States. The following table shows the
number of immigrants of each race going to each of the seven States
during the year ending June 30, 1906:
N U M B E R OF IT A L IA N , S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N IM M IG R A N T S G O IN G TO M ASSA
C H U S E T T S, C O N N E C TIC U T, N E W J E R S E Y , N E W Y O R K , P E N N S Y L V A N IA , O H IO , A N D
IL L IN O IS D U R IN G T H E Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E 30,1906.
[Compiled from R ep ort o f the Comm issioner-General o f Im m igra tion fo r the year ended June 30, 1906,
pages 23 to 26.]
Race.
Massa
chu
setts.
Con
necti
cut.
New
Jersey.
New
Y ork .
Penn
sylva
nia.
O h io.' Illinois. T otal.
B ohem ian and M oravian.....................
Bulgarian, Servian,and Montenegrin
C roatian and Slavonian.......................
D alm atian, Bosnian, and Herzego
vin ia n ....................................................
L ithuanian..............................................
P olish ........................................................
R oum an ian.............................................
R u ssian....................................................
R uthenian (R u ssn ia k ).........................
S lov a k .......................................................
61
109
39
101
25
124
211
86
377
1,997
1,445
3,380
1,062
2,789
19,341
1,420
1,671
4,098
3,720
2,152
5,835
8,572
8,277
33,194
3
2,050
7,788
36
339
353
202
54
910
4,303
70
171
426
- 918
195
771
8,468
264
143
1,692
3,397
1,256
2,250
20,602
715
2,015
3,626
5,338
336
3,771
22,561
2,919
1,197
8,243
18,591
129
279
3,390
4,454
40
552
3,035
1,188
2,653
14,445
411
330
407
3,273
3,161
12,684
81,557
8,869
4,235
15,299
34,754
T o ta l..............................................
H ebrew .....................................................
10,980
9,052
7,102
2,699
15,604
5,132
42,624
95,261
80,810
16,685
19,068
3,441
34,414
7,913
210,602
140,183
T otal S la v ic................................. 20,032
75
M agyar (H un garian)............................
9,801
1,738
20,736 137,885
6,632
9,905
97,495
13,222
22,509
6,130
42,327
2,227
350,785
39,929
T otal Slavic and H u n ga ria n .. . 20,107
11,539
27,368 147,790 110,717
28,639
44,554
390,714
616
6,102
4,293
9,809
31,599
218,161
Italian, n orth .......................................
Italian, s ou th .........................................
2,714
15,375
2,299
7,845
1,683 12,984
14,516 117,119
7,010
47,395
T otal Italia n ................................ 18,089
10,144
16,199 130,103
54,405
6,718
14,102
249,760
Grand t o ta l.................................. 38,196
21,683
43,567 277,893 165,122
35,357
58,656
640,474
410
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
The following table shows the number of Italian and of Slavic and
Hungarian immigrants going to the seven specified States in 1906:
IT A L IA N , S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N , A N D T O T A L IM M IG R A N T S O F A L L R A C E S G O IN G
TO M A SSA C H U SE TTS, C O N N E C TIC U T, N E W J E R S E Y , N E W Y O R K , P E N N S Y L V A N IA ,
O H IO , A N D IL L IN O IS , Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E 30. 1906.
[Compiled from R ep ort of the Comm issioner-General o f Im m igration fo r the year ended June 30,1906,
pages 23 t o 26.]
Italians.
State.
Slavs and
H unga
rians.
T otal im
m igrants
o f all
races.
T otal.
M assachusetts........................................................................................
C onnecticut.............................................................................................
N ew Jersey..............................................................................................
N ew Y o r k ................................................................................................
Pennsylvania..........................................................................................
O hio...........................................................................................................
Illin ois......................................................................................................
18,089
10,144
16,199
130,103
54,405
6,718
14,102
20,107
11,539
27,368
147,790
110,717
28,639
44,554
38,196
21,683
43,567
277,893
165,122
35,357
58,656
73,863
27,942
58,415
374,708
198,681
47,397
86,539
T o t a l..............................................................................................
249,760
390,714
640,474
867,545
The following table shows the proportion of Italian, of Slavic and
Hungarian, and of all other immigrants to the United States in 1906
who went to the seven specified States:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F I T A L IA N , O F S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N , A N D O F A L L
O T H E R IM M IG R A N T S G O IN G TO T H E S E V E N S P E C IF IE D S T A T E S , Y E A R E N D IN G
JU N E 30, 1906.
Im m igrants t o seven
specified States.
Im m i
grants t o
the U nited
States.
R ace group.
N um ber.
Per cent o f
im m igrants
t o the
U nited
States.
Ita lia n ...............................................................................................................
Slavic and H un garian..................................................................................
A ll other races................................................................................................
286,814
453,164
360,757
249,760
390,714
227,071
87.08
86.22
62.94
T o ta l.....................................................................................................
1,100,735
867,545
78.82
The following table specifies, by occupations, the number of unskilled
immigrants going to each of the seven States in 1906:
U N S K IL L E D IM M IG R A N T S O F S P E C IF IE D O C C U PA TIO N S G O IN G T O E A C H S P E C IF IE D
S T A T E A N D A D M IT T E D TO T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S , Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E 30,1906.
[Com piled from R ep ort o f the Com m issioner-General of Im m igra tion fo r the year ended June 30,1906,
pages 35 t o 39.]
Massa
chu
setts.
Con
necti
cu t.
F arm la borers.................. 10,217
L a b orers............................ 18,610
Farm ers.............................
790
D ray m en ...........................
83
OA
Fisherm en.........................
Servants............................ 11,957
6,276
5,959
262
19
8
3,873
O ccupation.
T otal ( o ) .................
41,751
16,397
Penn
syl
vania.
Ohio.
Illi
nois.
T otal,
seven
States.
67,802
47,033
1,982
135
25
17,310
16,452
8,700
534
19
3
4,355
21,735
17,824
1,42668
35
10,344
190,182
175,351
8,659
899
410
95,033
239,125
226,345
15,288
1,090
899
115,984
31,930 164,674 134,287
30,063
51,432
470,534
598,731
N ew
N ew
Jersey. Y ork .
13,657
9,929
475
52
23
7,794
54,043
67,296
3,190
523
222
39,400
T otal,
U nited
States.
« N o t including persons described b y the Bureau o f Im m igration as havin g “ n o occu p ation ” and
“ com posed alm ost entirely o f w om en and children,” representing “ fam ilies.”
411
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
That the movement of these immigrants to these particular States
was not unintelligent or an evidence of a desire for or a shiftless drift
toward slum concentration, but has proceeded on rational lines, is
shown by the extraordinary industrial activity, progress, and wealth
of these States over all others, and b y the fact that in these States
the demand for labor was greatest and the wage rates the highest in
the United States.
W ith only 37 per cent of the population of the United States,
these seven States in the census year 1900 produced 61 per cent of
the manufactured and mining products of the' United States. They
employed 3,529,168 individuals in this production, or 59.85 per cent
of the total wage-earners of the United States in those industries.
The value of the agricultural products of the same States was nearly
25 per cent of the total of the United States, amounting to $1,170,114,388 out of a total of $4,717,069,973.
The following table shows the population, value of manufactured,
mining, and agricultural products, and number of wage-earners en
gaged in manufacturing and mining in each of the specified States
and in the United States in 1900:
P O P U L A T IO N , V A L U E O F M A N U F A C T U R E D , M IN IN G , A N D A G R IC U L T U R A L P R O D
U CTS, A N D W A G E -E A R N E R S E N G A G E D IN M A N U F A C T U R IN G A N D M IN IN G IN S E V E N
S P E C IF IE D S T A T E S A N D IN. T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S , 1900.
[Figures com piled from U nited States Census R ep orts.]
State.
M assachusetts........................
C onnecticut.......................
N ew Jersey..............................
N ew Y o r k ................................
Pennsylvania..........................
O h io...........................................
Illin ois......................................
T o ta l..............................
Other S tates...........................
Popula
tion.
W ageearners
Value of
m anufactured engaged
p roducts.
in m anu
facturing.
2,805,346 $1,035,198,989
352,824,106
908,420
611,748,933
1,883,669
7,268,894 2,175,726,900
6,302,115 1,834,790,860
832,438,113
4,157,545
4,821,550 1,259,730,168
Value o f
•mining
p ro d
ucts. (a)
497,448 $4,671,855
176,694
1,425,959
241,582
6,605,402
849,056 13,350,421
733,834 236,871,417
345,869 57,186,922
395,110 38,234,410
W ageearners
engaged
in m in
ing. («)
.
Value o f
agricultural
products.
4,242
1,497
5,645
9,560
190,935
37,173
40,523
$42,298,274
28,276,948
43,657,529
245.270.600
207.895.600
257,065,826
345,649,611
8,102,458,069
.4,907,578,445
3,239,593 358,346,386
2,074,946 438,480,031
289,575
292,153
1,170,114,388
3,546,955,585
U nited States (m ain
land) ........................... 75,994,575 13,010,036,514
5,314,539 796,826,417
581,728
4,717,069,973
28,147,539
47,847,036
a F rom Special R ep orts o f the Bureau o f the C ensus: Mines and Quarries, 1902.
That these States should have had 73.2 per cent of the total Italian,
Slavic, and Hungarian immigrants in 1900, and in 1906 should have
attracted 78.82 per cent of the immigrants of all races and 86.55 per
cent of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian immigrants is not surpris
ing in view of the industrial conditions in them.
Before the immigrant can realize any return from his labor in the
form of American wages, he must incur the following expense or
indebtedness, for even if one or all costs are prepaid for him by rela
tive, friend, or other person, he eventually pays them all by deduc
tions from his wages or otherwise.
412
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
l.-C o st of preparation at his hom e in Europe for the journey.
2 -C ost of transportation from his hom e to th e European seaport.
3. -C ost of emigrant head tax to his Governm ent.
4. -C ost of immigrant head tax to the U nited States Governm ent.
5. -C ost of steamship transportation, European port to the U nited States.
6. -C ost of labor agency for securing em ploym ent at port of entry, if used.
7. -C ost of transportation, U nited States port of entry to place of em ploym ent.
8. -C ost of livin g from port of entry to place of destination.
Omitting 1, 2, 6, and 8 in the above items and including only
steamship and railroad tickets (head taxes are included in steamship
tickets), a conservative estimate of the aggregate cost to the 470,534
common laborers in 1906 who went to the seven specified States was
$19,053,324, and an estimate of similar expenditures for the 640,474
Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian immigrants to the seven States is
$25,862,317. (°)
W ith the investment of this amount, together with that of the
labor they came to expend, these laborers began their work in the
United States as aids in its industrial development.
In the State of Pennsylvania in the census year 1900 there were
199,436 persons of the Slavic races, 47,393 Hungarians, and 66,655
Italians, a total of 313,484 for the three groups. Included in the Slavic
group were 50,959 from Russia, m ostly Hebrews, Russian Poles being
tabulated separately. Of the total of 313,484 of the three races,
90,473, or 29 per cent, were living in Philadelphia and Pittsburg, the
two great cities of the State, 63,580 in Philadelphia and 26,893 in
Pittsburg, the remaining 71 per cent being distributed among the
villages and towns of the State. Included in the total for Philadel
phia were 28,951 Russians, principally Hebrews, who, unlike other
nationalities included in the Slavic group, do not engage in the heavier
manual labor occupations.
In 1906, 97,495 of the immigrant Slavic group (including 16,685
Hebrews), 13,222 Hungarians, and 54,405 Italians, a total of 165,122
for the three groups, went to the State of Pennsylvania, with propor
tionate numbers for the intervening years since 1900.
That this State should be the destination of such large numbers
and that 71 per cent of them were distributed through the villages
and towns outside of the two great cities of the State is explained by
the State’s industrial resources and conditions.
Pennsylvania ranks first in value of mining products, which in 1902
was $236,871,417 out of a total of $796,826,417 for all the States and
Territories. In manufactured products Pennsylvania was second with
a value of $1,834,790,860 of a total of $13,010,036,514for allStates and
« In estim ating the cost of steamship transportation $36 was taken as the average
steerage rate from European ports. The cost of railroad transportation was based on
the railroad fare to a central point in each of the States specified.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
413
Territories in 1900. In number of wageworkers in both mining and
manufactured products Pennsylvania ranked first. In bituminous
coal mining and coke production it ranks first, and in anthracite
mining it stands alone. Its iron and steel industries rank next to
mining.
The nationality of the anthracite mine workers was secured in
detail for the year 1905 by the bureau of industrial statistics of the
State of Pennsylvania.
In a total of 92,485 men em ployed by 116 companies out of a total
of 140 the numbers were as follow s:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F E A C H N A T I O N A L I T Y W O R K IN G F O R 116 A N T H R A C IT E
C O M PA N IE S O F P E N N S Y L V A N IA IN 1905.
[Com piled from th e R ep ort o f th e Secretary o f Internal A ffairs o f Pennsylvania fo r 1905: P a rt I I I ,
Industrial S tatistics, pages 458 and 459.]
N ationality.
Slavic and H u n ga ria n ..............
Ttfl.lia.n_.
............... ^............
Am erican, m ostly o f Slavic
and other foreign parentage.
Iris h .......................... . ..................
W elsh............................................
Num ber. Per cent
o f tota l.
36,049
3,975
39.0
4.3
25,905
6,351
2,397
28.0
6.8
2.6
N ationality.
Num ber. Per cent
o f tota l.
E nglish.......................................
S cotch .................................... .
Germ an............... .......................
Other nationalities...................
2,497
289
4,033
10,989
2.7
.3
4.4
11.9
T ota l.................................
92,485
100.0
In the bituminous coal-mining region of Pennsylvania 398 com
panies employing 55,583 men reported nationality in full detail as
follow s:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F E A C H N A T I O N A L I T Y W O R K IN G F O R 398 B IT U M IN O U S
C O M PA N IE S O F P E N N S Y L V A N IA I N 19Q5.
[Com piled fro m th e R e p o rt o f th e Secretary o f Internal Affairs o f Pennsylvania fo r 1905: P art I I I ,
In d ustrial S ta tistics, page 475.]
N ationality.
S la v ic and H un garian.............
Ita lia n ...........................................
American, m ostly o f Slavic
and other foreign parentage.
E nglish.........................................
Irish ...............................................
N um ber. Per cent
o f tota l.
21,708
6,824
39.0
12.3
17,347
2,751
731
31.2
5.0
1.3
N ationality.
N um ber. Per cent
o f tota l.
S cotch ..........................................
W elsh..........................................
Germ an.......................................
Eleven other n a tion a litie s..i
1,HB9
313
1,721
2,999
2.1
.6
&1
5.4
T ota l.................................
55,583
100.0
It will thus be seen that the Slavic, Hungarian, and Italian races
are numerically predominant in both the anthracite and bituminous
coal fields of Pennsylvania.
The Slavic races are also numerically strong in the iron and steel
industries of Pennsylvania, while in the cotton, woolen, and textile
industries their representation is small.
One hundred and one iron and steel plants, employing 42,004 men
of a total of 113,295 employees in the entire industry, report in 1905
that 20.9 per cent of their employees were Slavs, Hungarians, and
Italians.
414
BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR.
Forty-tw o pig-iron plants, employing 8,665 men of a total of 16,747
in the entire industry, report that 6.4 per cent were Italians and 40.3
per cent were Slavs and Hungarians.
Combining the employees in the anthracite, bituminous, pig iron,
and iron and steel industries of Pennsylvania fo r 1905, the figures
indicate that 41 per cent of all employees were of the Italian,
Slavic, and Hungarian races, the Italians being, however, but 6 per
cent of the total. In the woolen, cotton, and textile industries of
Pennsylvania the Italians, Slavs, and Hungarians numbered but
1,211 in a total of 36,815 employees in 1905, or only 3.3 per cent
of all.
The thoroughness of Italian distribution in industrial occupations
in another State is shown in a very complete manner.
The bureau of statistics of Massachusetts, in its thirty-fourth
annual report, published in March, 1904, reported the result of an
exhaustive inquiry into the subject of “ Race in Industry” in that
State. It was found that the 10,956 Italians in Massachusetts, of
whom 92.33 per cent were males and 7.67 per cent females, were
represented in each of the 13 classes of production in the State and
in 89 subdivisions of these classes. Of these Italians 34.33 per cent
were in 58 different manufacturing industries; 34.52 per cent in 3
classes of production as laborers; 13.73 per cent engaged in 5 sub
divisions of trade; 7.58 per cent in personal service; 2.06 per cent
in 9 subdivisions of the professions; 1.88 per cent in 2 branches of
domestic service; 1.83 per cent in 3 branches of transportation; 1.82
per cent in mining; 0.34 per cent in 3 branches of governmental
service; 0.31 per cent engaged in agriculture; 0.15 per cent in the
fisheries; 0.44 per cent apprentices, and 1.01 per cent children at work.
DISTRIBUTION OF LABORERS BY THE EMPLOYMENT AND
PADRONE AGENCIES OF NEW YORK CITY.
A law regulating the keeping of employment agencies in cities was
enacted by the legislature of the State of New York on April 27, 1904,
and amended April 27, 1906.
It provided that where fees are charged for procuring employment,
such agencies are required to procure a license from the commissioner
of licenses and to be under his supervision.
To conduct such an agency without a license subjects the offender
to a fine or imprisonment or both. A bond is also required of each
agency, and a laborer or other person who has been deceived by the
employment agency or padrone, or from whom money has been
extorted by such agency, m ay maintain an action upon the bond if a
judgment of a court remains unsatisfied.
The law governing the agencies permits them to charge unskilled
workers a fee of 10 per . cent of the first month’s wages, so that a
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
415
laborer earning $40 the first month, under the law, may be required
to pay to the agency $4 fee. The agency fees are $2 each as a rule,
and in the case of some padrones no fee is charged, provided the
employer gives the padrone the commissary privilege of selling food
supplies and articles of clothing to the workmen at the labor camps
or other places. If the workman refuses to accept the position to
which he is sent, or does not obtain employment, the agency is required
to refund the fee in full upon demand. When the licensed employ
ment agency or padrone sends one or more persons to work as laborers
outside of the city where the agency is located, the law requires such
agency within five days thereafter to file with the commissioner of
licenses a statement containing the name and address of the employer
of such laborers, the name and address of the employee, the nature of
the work to be performed, hours of labor, wages offered, destination
of the persons employed, and terms of transportation.
A duplicate copy of this statement must be given to the laborer in
a language which he is able to understand. After the passage of the
law some of the employment agencies filed with the commissioner of
licenses of the city of New York the statement required, but many of
them did not. It was not until after the passage of the amended
act in April, 1906, that the law on this point was enforced, and that
the licensed agencies reported the number of persons shipped out of
the city, with other details.
In August, 1906, 61 licensed agencies shipping laborers out of the.
city were reporting in detail to the license commissioner. As the
license fee is $25 per annum and the bond required is in the sum of
$1,000, there are persons who evade the law and who secretly engage
in the business of sending out laborers without taking out the license.
Quite often, too, such persons are swindlers, who take the fee and
have no employment to furnish the laborers. It can be stated, how
ever, that such agencies are of little importance and can send out com
paratively few men without the knowledge of the bureau of licenses.
A com plete year of the enforcement of the law will probably show
shipments out of New York City by the licensed agencies of from
50,000 to 60,000 men.
Through the courtesy of the commissioner of licenses, the writer
was given access to the individual statements of each shipment of
each labor agency reporting up to the month of August, 1906.
The distribution of immigrants by the licensed New Y ork labor
agencies and by societies for the protection of immigrants of the
various nationalities is, in a sense, a redistribution. A t Ellis Island
immigrants having tickets for and destined to the various States are
so reported.
Immigrants having tickets for New Y ork City and giving that as
their destination are sent from Ellis Island and landed at Battery
16251—08----- 2
416
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Park, New York City. Immigrants destined to interior western
points are not landed at New Y ork City, but are sent from Ellis
Island to the Jersey City railway depots and take trains from there.
In the Immigration Bureau records, all immigrants with tickets to
New York City only, and landed there, are tabulated and credited to
New York.
The records of the labor employment and other agencies show that
thousands of immigrants secure employment on the days of landing
from the ship, and are immediately forwarded to various States.
The law requires the address in New York City of the laborer sent
out, but if the immigrant does not go to a lodging house, which
happens in many instances, the only address that can be given is the
steamship he left on the morning of his arrival. Many of the immi
grants, however, go to lodging houses and after a few days or a week
are shipped out of the city.
The reports of the employment agencies include still other immi
grants who have been for months in the United States and return to
the agencies for new employment when the work they have been on is
completed. A small portion of the number shipped, who secure
employment through those agencies, are laborers bom in the United
States.
The agencies before making any shipments receive orders from
employers. They send blank forms to railway companies, con
tractors, coal-mining companies, factories, etc. On this form the
employer “ as party of the first part authorizes” the agency specified
to hire for his use a specified number of laborers. The form states the
nationality preferred, the nature of work to be performed, the desti
nation, wages to be paid, hours of labor, cost of board and lodging, the
fee to the agency for each man, the terms of transportation, the
amount that will be allowed for supplying provisions by the agency
during travel, and whether the fares, fees, and other expenses are to be
deducted from wages. The employer also is required to state if there
is a strike where the labor is wanted.
The employer agrees to pay to the agency for its services a specified
amount of money for each man, payable in New Y ork City. The
agency, as party of the second part, agrees to hire the laborers
requested under the conditions and terms named, informing them if
there is a strike. Usually a representative of either the employer or
the agency accompanies the laborers to the place o:: destination.
The number of laborers taken from the individual records of the
licensed employment agencies as having been shi pped out of New
Y ork City was 40,737. From those records tables have been made.
The summaries show that of the total 40,737 persor 3 shipped, 17,105,
or 41.99 per cent, were Italians and 5,164, or 12.38 per cent, were
Slavs and Hungarians. Thus the three races constituted a total of
417
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
22,269, or 54.67 per cent of the total persons shipped, the remaining
18,468, or 45.33 per cent, being of eight or ten miscellaneous nation
alities, including some Italians, Slavs, and Hungarians, not separable.
They were sent to 14 Northern States (including W est Virginia)
and 12 Southern States; 14,124 Italians being sent to the Northern
States, and 2,981 Italians to Southern States; 2,476 Slavs and
Hungarians sent to the Northern States, and 2,688 to the Southern
States; 5,593 of other nationalities sent to the Northern States, and
12,875 to the Southern States.
The following table shows the distribution by States:
D IS T R IB U T IO N O F
L A B O R R E P O R T E D B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S
M A Y 1, 1904, TO J U L Y 31, 1906. («)
State.
Ital
ians.
T otal o f all nationalities. Per cent o f each na
tio n a lity
in
each
State o f to ta l o f same
Per
Per
n a tion a lity in N orth
cent o f
cent of to ta lin
ern and in South
Slavs Other
totalin
ern States.
a n d nation
N orth N orth
Hunga alities. N um ern and ern and
ber.
rians.
South
in
Slavs Other
ern
South
Ita l
and
nation
States ians.
ern
H unga alities.
States. com
rians.
bined.
NORTHERN .
N ew Y o r k .................................
P enn sylvania..........................
W est V irgin ia .........................
N ew Jersey...............................
C onnecticu t..............................
V e rm o n t...................................
M assachusetts........................
M aine.........................................
O h io...........................................
N ew H a m p sh ire.....................
R h od e Is la n d ..........................
W isco n sin .................................
In d ia n a .....................................
N eb ra sk a ..................................
8,371
1,494
725
1,494
1,064
420
175
213
118
21
29
237
418
1,224
182
73
61
213
1,988
1,980
773
341
105
160
144
50
44
39
12
6
T o ta l N orth ern ............ 14,124
19
10,596
3,892
2,722
2,017
1,242
641
532
213
212
60
29
19
12
6
47.74
17.54
12.26
9.09
5.60
2.89
2.40
.96
.95
.27
.13
.09
.05
.03
26.01
9.55
6.68
4.95
3.05
1.57
1.31
.52
.52
.15
.07
.05
.03
.02
59.27
10.58
5.13
10.58
7.53
2.97
1.24
1.51
.84
.15
.20
9.57
16.88
49.44
7.35
2.95
2.46
8.60
35.54
35.40
13.82
6.10
1.88
2.86
2.57
2.02
.79
.70
.49
.24
.34
2,476
5,593
22,193
100.00
54.48
100.00
100.00
100.00
111
516
593
1,294
44
101
5,003
2,268
2,427
834
665
583
516
330
102
147
5,385
3,818
3,479
2,401
1,008
903
581
415
207
173
95
79
29.04
20.59
18.76
12.95
5.43
4.87
3.13
2.24
1.12
.93
.51
.43
13.22
9.37
8.54
5.89
2.47
2.22
1.43
1.02
.51
.43
.23
.19
9.09
34.68
15.40
9.16
10.03
7.35
2.18
1.88
3.52
.87
3.19
2.65
4.13
19.19
22.06
48.14
1.64
3.76
38.86
17.62
18.85
6.48
5.16
4.53
4.01
2.56
.79
1.14
100.00
45.52
100.00
100.00
SOUTHERN .
F lo rid a .......................................
V irgin ia .....................................
N orth C arolin a.......................
A la b a m a ...................................
Tennessee..................................
G eorgia......................................
M a rylan d ..................................
South C arolina........................
M ississippi................................
K e n tu ck y .................................
D istrict o f C olum bia.............
L ou isia n a .................................
271
1,034
459
273
299
219
65
56
105
26
95
79
29
T ota l Southern............
2,981
2,688
12,875
18,544
Grand t o ta l...................
17,105
5,164
18,468
40,737
1.08
100.00
100.00
< A fte r the law w en t in to effect (M ay 1, 1904) b u t few agencies filed the required statem ents o f
»
laborers sent ou t. I t w as n o t u n til after th e passage of th e am ended law in A pril, 1906, th a t this
requirem ent was fu lly enforced. F or the three m onths fro m M ay 1 t o J u ly 31, 1906, 9,378 m en were
reported as sent ou t b y th e agencies.
The distribution of the entire 40,737 was to 643 cities, towns, and
villages. In the group of Northern States 1,418 persons went to 20
cities of 50,000 population or over, while 20,775 persons went to 468
418
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
towns and villages of less than 50,000 population. In the group of
Southern States 1,799 persons went to 8 cities of 50,000 population
or over, while 16,745 persons went to 147 towns and villages of less
than 50,000 population.
The following table shows the distribution by States and to cities
of 50,000 population or over, and to towns and villages of less than
50,000 population:
D IS T R IB U T IO N O F L A B O R B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S T O C IT IE S
O F 50,000 P O P U L A T IO N O R O V E R A N D TO T O W N S A N D V IL L A G E S O F L E SS T H A N
50,000 P O P U L A T IO N , IN N O R T H E R N A N D S O U T H E R N G R O U P S O F S T A T E S .
Tow n s and villages
Cities o f 50,000 p op
o f less than 50,000 T otal cities, tow ns,
ulation o r over.
and villages.
p opulation.
State.
N um ber
N um ber o f cities N um ber
o f per t o which o f per
sons dis persons sons dis
tribu ted.
tributed.
were sent.
N um ber
o f places N um ber
t o which o f per
sons dis
persons tribu ted .
were sent.
N um ber
o f places
t o which
persons
were sent.
NORTHERN.
9,619
3,821
2,722
1,943
1,017
641
487
213
192
60
29
19
12
232
58
43
67
32
10
10
7
4
1
2
1
1
10,596
3,892
2,722
2,017
1,242
641
532
213
212
60
29
19
12
6
239
61
43
69
35
10
13
7
5
1
2
1
1
1
20,775
468
22,193
488
5,385
3,742
3,479
1,431
994
841
75
412
207
173
20
38
10
27
9
18
3
11
6
4
1
5,385
3,818
3,479
2,401
1,008
903
581
415
207
173
95
79
20
39
10
28
10
19
4
12
6
4
1
2
147
18,544
155
615
40,737
643
N ew Y o r k .........................................................
P ennsylvania...................................................
W est V irginia..................................................
N ew Jersey.......................................................
C onnecticu t.....................................................
V e rm o n t............................................................
M assachusetts.................................................
M aine..................................................................
O h io....................................................................
N ew H am pshire..............................................
R hod e Isla n d ...................................................
W iscon sin ..........................................................
In d ia n a ..............................................................
N ebraska...........................................................
977
71
7
3
74
225
2
3
45
3
20
1
6
1
T ota l N o r t h e r n ...................................
1,418
20
76
1
970
14
62
506
3
1
1
1
1
1
95
73
1
1
6
T otal S o u th e rn ....................................
1,799
8
16,745
Grand t o ta l...........................................
3,217
28
37,520
SOUTHERN.
F lorid a ...............................................................
V irginia.............................................................
N orth Carolina................................................
A la b a m a ............................................................
Tennessee..........................................................
G eorgia..............................................................
M aryland..........................................................
South Carolina................................................
M ississippi........................................................
K en tu ck y..........................................................
D istrict o f C olum bia......................................
L ouisiana..........................................................
419
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
The more detailed distribution of Italians, of Slavs and Hun
garians, and of other nationalities was as follow s:
D I S T R IB U T IO N O F IT A L IA N S , O F S L A V S A N D H U N G A R IA N S , A N D O F L A B O R E R S
O F O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S , B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S , TO
T O W N S A N D C IT IE S O F N O R T H E R N A N D O F S O U T H E R N G R O U P S O F S T A T E S .
Slavs and H un
garians.
Italians.
State.
Other nationali
ties. (<*)
N um ber
N um ber
N um ber
N um ber o f tow n s N um ber o f tow n s N um ber o f tow ns
distrib and cities distrib and cities distrib and cities
uted.
t o which
uted.
t o which
uted.
t o which
sent.
sent.
sent.
NORTHERN.
N ew Y o r k .........................................................
P ennsylvania...................................................
W est V irgin ia ..................................................
N ew Jersey.......................................................
C onnecticu t......................................................
V e rm o n t............................................................
M assachusetts.................................................
M aine.................................................................
O hio....................................................................
N ew H am pshire..............................................
R hod e Isla n d ...................................................
W iscon sin .........................................................
In d ia n a ..............................................................
N ebraska...........................................................
8,371
1,494
725
1,494
1,064
420
175
213
118
21
29
T otal N orth ern ....................................
14,124
271
1,034
459
273
299
219
65
56
105
26
95
79
237
418
1,224
182
73
61
213
14
14
23
7
4
3
4
1,988
1,980
773
341
105
160
144
39
18
22
22
5
2
4
50
2
44
39
2
1
1
1
1
19
12
6
396
2,476
73
5,593
116
11
21
3
8
5
10
2
3
4
1
1
2
111
516
593
1,294
44
101
5
7
7
17
1
4
29
2
5,003
2,268
2,427
834
665
583
516
330
102
147
8
31
10
17
7
9
2
8
4
3
216
36
19
62
31
7
13
7
2
1
2
SOUTHERN.
F lo rid a ...............................................................
V irginia.............................................................
N orth C arolina................................................
A la b a m a ....................... ....................................
Tennessee..........................................................
G eorgia..............................................................
M arylan d..........................................................
South C arolina................................... •
............
M ississippi........................................................
K e n tu ck y..........................................................
D istrict o f C olu m bia......................................
L ouisian a..........................................................
T otal Southern.....................................
2,981
71
2,688
43
12,875
99
Grand t o t a l...........................................
17,105
467
5,164
116
18,468
215
a Including m an y Italians and Slavs, com bined w ith other races, native and foreign b o m , n ot separable.
OCCUPATIONS.
Of the total 40,737 persons of all nationalities sent to the various
sections b y the New York City labor employment agencies not more
than 10 per cent could be classed as skilled. Classifying skilled and
unskilled, it was found that in the Northern States the Italians
engaged in 51 different occupations and in the Southern States in 24
different occupations. The Slavs and Hungarians in the Northern
States engaged in 18 different occupations and in the Southern States
in 14 different occupations. The “ miscellaneous nationalities” in
the Northern States engaged in 35 different occupations and in the
Southern States in 26 different occupations.
The following table shows occupations in detail and number in each:
420
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F IT A L IA N S , S L A V S A N D H U N G A R IA N S , A N D O T H E R
N A T IO N A L IT IE S IN E A C H O C C U P A T IO N S E N T B Y T H E N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T
A G E N C IE S TO T H E N O R T H E R N A N D TO T H E S O U T H E R N G R O U P S O F S T A T E S .
Italians.
Occupation.
Slavs and
Hungarians.
Per cent o f each
nationality
in
each occupation.
Other na
tionalities.
T otal
o f all
Per
Per
Per
na
cent tio n
cen t
cent
N um in each N um in each N um in each alities. Ita l
occu ber.
occu
ians.
ber.
occu ber.
pa
pa
pa
tion .
tion .
tion.
Slavs Other
and
na H un tion aliga
rians. ties.
NORTHERN STATES.
R ailroa d con stru ction and repairs, la borers.......................... 8,121
146
Coal m ine w orkers......................
S t r e e t grn .din gfJ la.'hrvrers.............. 1,680
L aborers, general, n ot specifle d ...............................................
744
D itching, la b orers......................
687
Ice cu ttin g and storin g, la bore rs ................................................
55
Grading, .laborers.......................
349
E xca v atin g , la b o r e r s ................
301
Concrete and cem ent, laborers.
236
Q uarrym en...................................
217
Coke oven w ork ers.....................
D a m and w aterw orks con
struction, la borers..................
123
Iro n ore m ine w orkers..............
5
Sewer con struction, la b orers. .
216
P ublic road, la borers.................
149
O ther occu p ation s...................... <*1,095
40.27 10,695 75.93
8.74 1,809
8.07
1,680 100.00
3.01
64.90
21.06
27.03
582
233
10.41
4 17
1,568
941
47.45
73.01
15.43
2.23
37.12
24.76
653
41
34
69
104
83
11.68
.73
.61
1.23
1.86
1.48
789
390
377
359
348
295
6.97
89.49
79.84
65.74
62.36
10.27
1.70
2.18
1.09
8.56
11.14
15.04
7.76
71.86
82.76
10.51
9.02
19.22
29.88
28.14
5.49
1.98
17
198
.30
3.54
49.28
19.44
6.15
78.58
c 838
14.98
276 44.57
252
1.98
216 100.00
149 100.00
2,049 53.44
5.66
40.90
63.64
11.16
25.20
12.28
1.76
21.92
6.32
65.78
27.18
81.40
32.46
50.90
42.99
51.61
60.07
69.01
28.12
2a 04
31.97
48.39
30.04
30.99
57.50
1.03
11.89
322
1,174
13.00
47.42
2,252
489
5.27
4.86
242
21
9.78
.85
.39
2.47
2.13
1.67
1.54
81
3.27
42
54
27
212
136
49
.87
.04
1.53
1.06
7.75
T otal, N orthern S ta te s.. 14,124 100.00
bm
4.68
2,476 100.00
5,593 100.00 22,193
SOUTHERN STATES.
R ailroa d con stru ction and re
pairs. la b o r e r s ......................... 1,536
Coal m ine w ork ers......................
29
L um ber and sawmill han d s___
183
L aborers, general, n ot speci
fie d ...............................................
316
C opper rninp. w orkers.................
225
Q uarrym en...................................
170
C o tto n p ickers.............................
147
I ro n ore m ine w orkers...............
45
Coke oven w orkers.....................
C o tto n mill h a n d s.......................
13
D a m and w aterw orks con
struction, la borers..................
T urpentine w orkers...................
P hosphate mine w ork ers..........
29
D itching, la b orers......................
18
Other occupations....................... <*270
51.53
.97
6.14
790
1,086
227
10.60
7.55
5.70
493
1.51
184
6.85
28
1.04
109
148
406
5.51
29.39 10,181
40.40
536
8.44
425
T otal, Southern S ta te s.. 2,981 100.00
235
211
85
66
6
1.83
1.64
.66
.51
.05
111
.44
.97
.60
9.06
79.07 12,507
4.16 1,651
3.30
835
.86
29
10
1.08
.37
114
82
33
.89
.64
.26
«77
2.86
/790
6.13
735
436
283
213
160
148
124
68.13
100.00
10.48
114
111
72 40.28
18 100.00
1,137 2a 75
2,688 100.00 12,875 100.00 18,544
9.89
16.08
a 75
89.52
26.13
13.89
100.00
7a 87
4a 83
6.77
69.48
14.49
69.43
a Included in other occupations are: B rick m asons, 124; sulphur ore m ine w orkers, 100; fruit farm
hands, 94; coal heavers, 89; b rick m achine tenders, 81; stone crusher laborers, 69; carpenters, 68;
farm hands, 57; ca r loaders, stone, 50; w ood choppers, 50; canal con stru ction laborers, 48; ston em a son s
33; plasterers, 29; fa ctory w orkers, 20; kiln setters, b rick, 18; helpers, boiler m akers, 17; telephone
con stru ction laborers, 15; hat sizers, 15; lum ber pilers, 15; park cleaners, 14; boiler m akers, 12; silk
weavers, 11; stone cutters, 9; tile workers, 8; garbage dum pers, 8; blacksm iths, 7; riveters, iron and
steel, 6; helpers, blacksm ith, 5; fence builders, 4; kiln burners, brick, 4; helpers, carpenter, 4; w ood
workers, 3; piano fa ctory laborers, 2; pian o fa ctory m echanics, 2; messengers, 2; bookkeeper, 1; gar
dener, 1.
6 Included in other occupations are: Laborers, b rick, 74; farm hands, 10; b rick m achine tenders, 10;
park cleaners, 10; furnace hands, 6; fa cto ry w orkers, 3; sulphur ore m ine w orkers, 3.
c Included in other occupations are: K iln burners, brick, 160; vessel loaders, 120; ca r loaders, 101;
stone crusher laborers, 71; laborers, b rick , 67; telephone con stru ction laborers, 51; p a rk cleaners, 37;
b rick m achine tenders, 35; cattle feeders, 33; garbage dum pers, 22; furnace m en, 16; boiler m akers, 15;
a x grinders, 13; offbearers, brick*, 13; truckm en, w arehouse, 13; carpenters, 11; public road laborers,
11; core m akers, 10; fish fa ctory w orkers, 10; b rick m asons, 9; c o t t o n m ill hands, 9; m achinists, 8; kiln
setters, 3.
d Included in other occupations are: Sewer con stru ction laborers, 65; fertilizer w orkers, 62; steve
dores, 56; sugar cane cutters, 37; tannery hands, 20; excavating laborers, 8; blacksm iths, 5; carpenters,
4; m achinists, 4; m arble carvers, 3; b o x fa ctory hands, 2; farm hands, 2; m arble cutters, 2.
e Included in other occupations are: W o o d choppers, 49; b o x m akers, 9; carpenters, 9; farm hands,
5; tannery hands, 5.
/ Included in other occupations are: O yster dredgers, 464; laborers, b rick, 60; concrete and cem ent
laborers, 50; fertilizer w orkers, 45; team sters, 37; oyster shuckers, 36; farm hands, 23; fa cto ry w orkers,
21; furniture fa cto ry hands, 18; lathe hands, 11; w o o d choppers, 11; carpenters, 9; m olders, 3; b lack
sm iths, 2.
421
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F I T A L IA N S , S L A V S A N D H U N G A R IA N S , A N D O T H E R
N A T I O N A L I T I E S IN E A C H O C C U P A T IO N S E N T B Y T H E N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T
A G E N C IE S TO T H E N O R T H E R N A N D T O T H E S O U T H E R N G R O U P S O F S T A T E S —
C oncluded.
Italians.
O ccupation.
Slavs and
Hungarians.
P er cent o f each
na tion a lity
in
each occupation.
Other na
tionalities.
T o ta l
o f aU
Per
Per
Per
na
cent
cent
cent tion
Num in each N um in each Num in each
Ita l
ber.
ber. occu alities. ians.
occu ber.
occu
pa
pa
pa
tion.
tion.
tion .
Slavs Other
naand
H un- tion alities.
9,657
175
56.46
1.02
1,112
2,260
41.62
5.06
4.79
65.32
1,060
1,680
705
183
6.20
9.82
4.12
1.07
426
8.25
817
4.42
35.47
.41
4.40
233
425
1.26
2.30
2,303 46.03
1,680 100.00
959 73.51
835 21.92
18.50
21
227
2.19
27.19
24.30
50.89
55
387
.32
2.26
81
55
360
158
3.06
653
189
83
211
204
3.54
1.02
.45
1.14
1.10
10.27
8.72
81.26
225
50
1.32
.29
1.57
1.07
6.97
82.76
29.95
18.74
48.39
49.51
123
349
301
236
216
147
149
13
.72
2.04
1.76
1.38
1.26
.86
.87
.08
136
2.63
42
54
.s i
1.05
131
41
34
69
.71
.22
.19
.37
66
.36
29
1,365
.17
7.98
.56
.19
3.74
111
82
33
1,628
.60
.45
.18
8.82
NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN
STATES COMBINED.
R ailroa d con stru ction and re
pairs. la b o r e r s .........................
Coal m ine w orkers......................
L aborers, general, n ot speci
fie d ...............................................
Street grading, la borers...........
D itching, la borers......................
Lum ber and sawmill h a n d s . . .
Ice cu ttin g and storing, labor
e rs................................................
Q uarrym en...................................
Coke oven w o r k e r s ...............
C opper m ine w orkers.................
Iro n ore m ine workers...............
D am and waterw orks con
struction, la b o r e rs .................
Grading, la b o r e r s .......................
E xca v atin g , la borers.................
Concrete and cem ent, laborers.
Sewer con stru ction , laborers . .
C otton p ickers..............................
P ublic road, la borers.................
C otton mifi h a n d s.......................
Turpentine w ork ers...................
Phosphate m ine w ork ers..........
Other occupations.......................
Grand t o t a l....................... 17,105 100.00
29
10
193
21.53 12,433
43.76 1,025
67.32 23,202
5.55 3,460
789
631
443
436
412
6.97
61.33
51.61
12.14
390 31.54
390 89.49
377 79.84
359 65.74
216 100.00
213 69.01
149 100.00
124 10.48
111
72 40.28
3,186 42.84
5,164 100.00 18,468 100.00 40,737
41.99
38.35
34.87
53.59
29.62
11.14
15.04
33.59
10.51
9.02
19.22
26.13
13.89
6.06
89.52
73.87
45.83
51.10
12.68
45.33
30.99
In considering some of the principal occupations in this summary
and the preferences of the races, it is interesting to note that the
Italians in the northern group of States constituted 75.93 per cent of
those who secured employment in railroad construction through the
New Y ork employment agencies, and but 12.28 per cent of those who
similarly secured employment in the same occupation in the southern
group of States. In the southern group of States the Italians as
cotton pickers constituted 69.01 per cent of the workers in that occu
pation, who were sent out by the New York employment agencies;
as phosphate mining hands they were 40.28 per cent; and as cotton
mill hands, 10.48 per cent. In the northern group of States they
had a m onopoly of street grading, the total of 1,680 so employed
being Italians; as grading laborers other than railroad or street they
constituted 89.49 per cent of the total; in excavating, 79.84 per cent,
and in concrete and cement work, 65.74 per cent. In both the north
ern and the southern groups of States, as laborers in ditching, the
Italians constituted 73.51 per cent; as coal mine workers, 5.06 per
cent, and as quarrymen, 61.33 per cent.
The Slavs and Hungarians were 64.90 per cent of those placed as
coal mine workers in the Northern and 65.78 per cent of those placed
422
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.
as coal mine workers in the Southern States. The Slavs and Hun
garians were 71.86 per cent of the coke oven workers placed in the
Northern and 100 per cent of the same workers placed in the Southern
States. They were 19.44 per cent of the iron ore mine workers placed
in the Northern and 68.13 per cent of the same class of workers
placed in the Southern States.
Of the other nationalities, persons of miscellaneous races, native
and foreign, 10,181 went to the Southern States, on railroad construc
tion, or 81.40 per cent of all placed in that occupation in the South.
The Italians as a rule refuse to accept railroad work in the South,
owing partly to the long-distance charges for transportation to be
deducted from their wages after going to work. Conditions as to
wages and treatment also are not so satisfactory to them as in the
Northern States.
It is well to direct attention to the fact that while the employer
advances all of the expenses of employment agency fees, subsistence,
and transportation charges, all such expenditures are deducted in
installments from the wages of the laborers. In some instances the
employer promises in the contract sent to the agency to refund to the
workman the transportation charges if the latter remains at work 3,
6, 9, or 12 months; but it is said that such refunds are rare.
In the cases of laborers employed on some of the great railway
systems running out of New York, the men are carried free to the
points where they are put to work. In the total of 40,737 sent out by
agencies, 6,878 laborers received free transportation on such roads,
and the greater number of these men were supplied by padrone
agencies, which charged no fees to the companies, but which had the
commissary privileges on the various railroads— that is, the privilege
to sell food and other supplies to the laborers.
The transportation charges and fees paid by 33,859 men, by deduc
tions from their wages, amounted to $388,483.
Some of the larger amounts expended on these two items, with
number of men sent to 8 different States, are shown as follow s:
A M O U N T O F F E E S A N D F A R E S B Y D E D U C T IO N F R O M W A G E S O F M E N S E N T B Y
N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S TO 8 S T A T E S .
D estination.
N um ber o f
men.
A m ou n t o f fees and
fares paid.
T otal.
A labam a...........................................................................................................
F lo rid a ..............................................................................................................
G eorgia.............................................................................................................
N orth C arolina...............................................................................................
Pennsylvania..................................................................................................
Tennessee.........................................................................................................
W e lt V irgin ia ..*............................................................................................
2,401
5,182
901
3,479
2,525
1,008
3,761
2,648
$40,272
72,029
12,406
48,427
15,528
18,043
52,277
38,131
Average.
$16.77
13.90
13.77
1&92
6.15
17.90
13.63
14.40
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
423
DISTRIBUTION OF LABORERS BY BENEVOLENT SOCIETIES OF
FOREIGN NATIONALITIES FOR THE PROTECTION OF IMMI
GRANTS.
Distinct from the purely benevolent organizations which care for
the immigrants on arrival at Ellis Island and New York, giving them
needed advice and assistance, are others whose purpose it is to procure
employment for them.
The most prominent organization of this kind is the Labor Informa
tion Office for Italians, which was incorporated in March, 1906. Its
purposes were briefly set forth in a letter sent to employers of labor
throughout the country, as follows:
I beg to inform you that a labor information office for Italians has
been established in this city by an association composed of prominent
American citizens, incorporated under the laws of the State of New
York, for the purpose or better distributing Italian immigrant labor
and preventing the abuses of the padrone system. In sending you
notice of this mstitution, which aims solely to act as a disinterested
intermediary between applicants for employment and applicants for
help, without making any charge to either the one or to the other, we
invite you to let us lmow the number of men you may require and
the conditions relating to the work for which the men are required.
Its third article of incorporation states:
The said corporation shall be strictly nonsectarian and nonpolitical,
nor shall it take part in the breaking of a strike or the prom otion of a
strike.
During the first seven months of its existence— from April to October,
1906— employers of labor made application to the labor information
office f o r 37,058 men. The r e q u e s ts w e re m a d e fr o m a s fa r w e s t as
California and as far south as Florida. Of this number, 32,749 were
wanted for railroad construction and mining; 3,195 for factories and
m ills; 525 for farms; 518 as masons, blacksmiths, and carpenters;
50 for domestic service, and 21 as clerks.
The supply fell far short of the demand, the association distributing
in the seven months from April to October, 1906, 3,705 Italians. For
railroad construction and mining it sent out 1,464 men; to mills and
factories, 1,572 men; as farm laborers, 296 men; for domestic service,
146 men; as masons, blacksmiths, and carpenters, 227 men. The
number of these sent to the different States were as follow s: Florida,
33; South Carolina, 81; North Carolina, 96; Tennessee, 151; Vir
ginia, 344; New York State, outside of New York City, 1,009; New
Y ork City, 774; Connecticut, 555; New Jersey, 309; Pennsylvania,
289; Massachusetts, 13; Alaska, 51.
The Immigrants’ Home and Free Employment Office of the Hun
garian Relief Society combines the care and relief of arriving Hunga
rian immigrants with securing employment for some of them, though
the latter is a minor feature of its work. For the year ending Novem
424
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
ber, 1906, it secured employment for and sent out of the city 1,407
Hungarians. Of these, 237 men went to coal mines, 288 to factories,
270 to brickyards and railroads, 300 were sent out as porters and
domestic servants, and 312 were sent out as farm laborers. W est
Virginia, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, New York, Connecticut, and
New Jersey were the States to which the men were sent. The society
makes no charge for its services.
The Austrian Society of New York, in 1906, established an immi
grant home and free employment office. It furnished free meals and
beds, and rendered other assistance during the six months ending
October 31, 1906, to several thousand arriving Austrian immigrants.
It secured employment for 514 persons, principally at common labor,
and distributed them outside of New Y ork City.
A t St. Joseph’s Home, the Polish Immigrant Society of New York
City, during the year ending December 31, 1906, there were registered
and cared for, after landing in New Y ork City from Ellis Island, a
total of 13,250 Poles and Lithuanians, of which number 2,150 were
girls and women. As in the case of the redistribution by other socie
ties, in the official statistical presentations, New Y ork is credited as
being the destination of these immigrants. As a matter of fact only
1,887, or 14 per cent, remained in New Y ork City. For 2,775 persons
employment was found, principally on the truck farms of New Jersey
and Long Island. After being cared for for some days, 8,588 persons
during the year went to various occupations in the Central and
W estern States. Of the total number, 90 per cent were Poles from
Russian Poland, and 95 per cent of the girls and women were from
Galicia, in Austria Poland.
There are a number of immigrant societies of other nationalities in
New Y ork City looking after the welfare of immigrants which do not
engage in the business of securing employment excepting that of
domestic service in the city, but these do not come within the scope
of this report.
TH E DEMAND FOR LABOR.
The demand for laborers of all kinds in all lines of industry greatly
exceeded the supply during the year 1906.
One of the great lines of railroad reported an increase in its con
struction and track gangs of 41 per cent in 1906 over 1905, and states
that it could have employed 53 per cent more men if it could have
obtained them. The men employed were all Italian immigrants.
Another large railway system reported an increase of 44 per cent
in this class of workers in 1906 over 1905, and could have employed
56 per cent more. The increase of one com pany was 24 per cent in
this class of common labor, and another com pany employing a total
number of employees of all kinds of 115,439 in 1905, increased them
ITALIANy SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
425
to 122,737 in 1906, and there was a continued shortage. An iron
and steel company with a total of 147,343 employees in 1904 in
creased it to 180,158 employees in 1905 and to 217,109 in 1906.
Also contractors of railroad, tunnel, and building construction all
reported a scarcity of labor and a consequent increase in rates of
wages for common as well as skilled labor.
A personal examination of the books of record of another agency,
covering a period of eight months— from April 1 to November 30,
1906— showed that 165 employers in the States of New York, New
Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Virginia made application
for 8,668 Italian laborers from this one agency. The agency supplied
fewer than 1,500.
Another agency, where no fees were charged, had applications in
seven months for 37,058, and could supply but 3,705 newly arrived
Italian immigrants. One effect of the scarcity is reported by an
Italian agency as follow s:
Since about July, 1906, on account of the great scarcity, em
ployers pay from $3 to $5 per man for common laborers. N ot for
twenty-two years have there been such high fees offered. Since
the demand set in the laborer pays no fees.
Another agency reports sending out since last spring 2,500 Italian
immigrant laborers, and had orders for nearly 8,000 men. One of
the most successful agencies supplied 8,000 men in 1906, and could
have used 4,000 more. These applications may of course have
included numerous duplicates.
Conditions are perhaps best summed up in this extract from a
letter received from the president of one of the largest railroads:
Our work was delayed in both years— 1905 and 1906— by the in
ability to get workmen. This is true not only of railroads but of
the industries along our line. Our patrons were constantly giving
as the excuse for not prom ptly unloading cars that they are unable
to get the laborers to do the work. There was not only a scarcity of
common laborers in the country, but we found it impossible, under
existing conditions, to get an adequate number or workmen for
our shops.
RATES OF WAGES.
O f the 40,737 persons sent to various employments in the States
named by the New York City labor employment and padrone agencies,
36,176, or nearly 90 per cent, were unskilled laborers. Of these
45.1 per cent, or 16,328, were Italians; 8.6 per cent, or 3,099, were
Slavs and Hungarians, and 46.3 per cent, or 16,749, were o f other
nationalities.
Objection to paying long-distance railway fares, the demand for
their services in the North, and a seeming disinclination to work in the
South, except in some cases for northern contractors building rail
426
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOB.
roads in the South, kept the m ajority of the Italian laborers in the
Northern States. To this may be added the desire o f the Italian
padrone agency to keep the men where it can again distribute them to
its own advantage and furnish the commissary after the temporary
employments cease.
The average rate o f wages per day for the 36,176 unskilled laborers,
sent to the Northern and Southern States combined, was as follow s:
16,328 Italians.................................................................................................... .............. $L 46
3,099 Slavs and Hungarians........................................................................................... 1.46
16,749 other nationalities.................................................................................................
1.41
Of the total number, 21,469 received $1.50 per day or over and
14,707 received less than $1.50 per day.
The reason the rate for “ other nationalities” is lower than the
other two groups is that over 5,000 of them went to Florida, where the
wage rate was lowest, while but few o f the other two groups went
there.
Many o f the rates of wages reported were for days of 8, 9 ,1 0 ,1 1 ,
and 12 hours. In the following table the rates have been brought
to an hourly basis for the total o f 36,176 unskilled workers of all
nationalities:
N U M BER OF
N um ber
o f men.
46
68
223
14
133
82
6,645
26
39
U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S S E N T O U T B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T
A G E N C IE S E A R N IN G E A C H R A T E O F P A Y P E R H O U R .
R ate per
hour.
$0.1042
.1136
.1137
.1166
.1200
.1228
.1250
.1272
.1273
N um ber
o f men.
1,788
2,122
145
410
119
455
1,874
518
18,461
R ate per
hour.
$0.1300
.1350
.1363
.1364
.1367
.1375
.1400
.1450
.1500
N um ber
o f m en.
90
1,022
4
13
329
87
54
9
21
R ate per
hour.
$0.1550
.1600
.1610
.1625
.1650
.1660
.1666
.1667
.1700
N um ber
o f men.
10
997
51
47
14
8
10
2
240
R ate per
•hour.
$0.1740
.1750
.1780
.1800
.1850
.1875
.1900
.1945
.2000
The tables following give the rates o f wages for each group of
unskilled laborers and each nationality sent to the Northern and to
the Southern States:
427
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F I T A L IA N , S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N , A N D O T H E R
U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S S E N T O U T B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S ,
R E C E IV IN G S P E C IF IE D R A T E S O F W A G E S P E R H O U R .
IT A L IA N S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S ,
Average
T o ta l laborers in
rate o f
each group.
wages
per d a y
o f 10
hours
fo r each Number. Per cen t.
group.
Laborers receiv
ing each rate o f
wages.
W age group.
Number. R ate per
hou r.
Under 10.130 per h o u r....................................................... j /
\
jf
J
10.130 o r under $0,150 per h o u r........................................j 1
l
$0,150 per h o u r....................................................................
$0,155 o r under $0,175 per h o u r .......................................
$0,175 o r over per h o u r .....................................................
5
800
1,346
1,056
1,309
345
7,675
72
329
4
143
87
4
327
51
14
8
2
13,577
T o ta l...........................................................................
$0.1200
.1250
.1300
. 1350
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1610
.1650
.1660
.1700
.1750
.1780
.1850
.1875
.1945
}
$1.25
805
5.93
)
}
1.36
4,056
29.87
1.50
7,675
56.53
1.61
639
4.71
402
2.96
1.46
13,577
100.00
$1.22
286
10.40
J
|
:
I
1.76
„
i
.1455 |
IT A L IA N S —S O U T H E R N S T A T E S .
f
U nder $0,130 per h o u r....................................................... \
!l
\
$0,130 o r under $0,150 per h o u r........................................ !1
1
$0,150 per h o u r....................................................................
$0,155 o r under $0,175 per h o u r........................................
$0,175 o r over per h o u r......................................................
T o ta l........................................................................... ;
124
36
2,055
45
60
$0.1136
.1166
.1200
.1250
.1272
.1363
.1375
.1400
.1500
.1600
.1750
2,751
.1464
68
14
14
164
26
145
•
1.37
305
11.09
1.50
1.60
1.75
2,055
45
60
74.70
1.63
2.18
1.46
2,751
100.00
IT A L IA N S —N O R T H E R N AND S O U T H E R N S T A T E S C O M B IN E D .
U nder $0,130 per h o u r.......................................................
$0,130 o r under $0,150 per h o u r.......................................
$0,150 per h o u r.....................................................................
$0,155 or under $0,175 per h o u r........................................
$0,175 o r over per h o u r .....................................................
T o ta l...........................................................................
68
14
19
964
26
1,346
1,056
145
124
1,345
345
9,730
72
374
4
143
87
4
387
51
14
8
2
16,328
$0.1136
.1166
.1200
•lOKA
I aO
U
.1272
.1300
.1350
.1363
.1375
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1610
.1650
.1660
.1700
.1750
.1780
.1850
.1875
.1945
.1457
$1.24
1,091
6.68
1.36
4,361
26.71
1.50
9,730
59.59
1.62
684
4.19
1.76
462
!
;
f
•
2.83
i
1.46
16,328
100.00
428
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F I T A L IA N , S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N , A N D O T H E R
U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S S E N T O U T B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S ,
R E C E IV IN G S P E C IF IE D R A T E S O F W A G E S P E R H O U R —Continued.
SLA V S AND H U N G A R IA N S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S .
L aborers receiv
ing each rate o f
wages.
W age group.
Number. R ate per
hou r.
f
1
1
l
$0.150 per h o u r....................................................................
f
$0,155 o r under $0,175 per h o u r....................................... {
1
1
[
f
1
$0,175 o r over per h o u r.....................................................
1
l
T o ta l...........................................................................
62
22
92
51
26
721
10
27
15
o
V
ii
199
27
io
18
$0.1250
.1300
.1350
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1650
1,300
U nder $0,130 per h ou r.......................................................
$0,130 o r under $0.150 per h o u r.......................................
Average
T o ta l laborers in
rate o f
each group.
wages
per d a y
o f 10
hours
fo r each Number. P er cent.
group.
.1531
$1.25
62
4.77
1.37
191
14.69
1.50
721
55.46
1.63
72
5.54
1.78
254
19.54
1.53
1,300
100.00
$1.21
349
19.40
1.34
582
32.35
1.50
1.60
1.79
551
262
55
30.63
14.56
3.06
1.41
1,799
100.00
• 1 AA7
IDO#
.1700
.1750
.1800
.1900
.2000
S LA V S AND H U N G A R IA N S — O U T H E R N S T A T E S .
-S
1
6
U nder $0,130 p er h ou r.......................................................
$0,130 or under $0,150 p er h o u r.......................................
$0,150 p er h o u r....................................................................
$0,155 or under $0,175 p er h o u r........ ..............................
r
$0,175 or over p er h o u r......................................................
l
84
234
15
285
74
119
36
68
551
262
51
4
1,799
T o t a l...........................................................................
1
$0.1042
.1137
.1250 \
.1273
.1300
.1350
.1367 }
.1375
.1400
.1500
.1600
.1750
.2000 }
J
1
.1414
SLA V S AND H U N G A R IA N S —N O R T H E R N AND S O U T H E R N S T A T E S
CO JK BIN ED .
16
84
296
15
307
166
119
36
119
26
1,272
$0,155 o r under $0,175 p er h o u r....................................... \
289
15
f
1
250
27
(
22
$0.1042
.1137
.1250
.1273
.1300
.1350
.1367
.1375
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1650
•1AA7
xoo/
.1700
.1750
.1800
.1900
.2000
3,099
.1463
U nder $0,130 p er h ou r........................................................
$0,130 or under $0,150 p er h o u r.......................................
$0,150 per h o u r.....................................................................
i
1
l
$0,175 o r o v er per h o u r.....................................................
T o ta l....................................................................... -
i
io
G
V
u
io
$1.22
411
13.26
1.34
773
24.94
1.50
1,272
41.05
1.61
334
10.78
1.78
309
9.97
1.46
3,099
100.00
429
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F IT A L IA N , S L A V IC A N D H U N G A R IA N , A N D O T H E R
U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S S E N T O U T B Y N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S ,
R E C E IV IN G S P E C IF IE D R A T E S O F W A G E S P E R H O U R —Concluded.
O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S *
Average
T o ta l laborers in
rate o f
each group.
wages
per d a y
o f 10
hours
R ate per fo r each Number.
Number.
Per cent.
hour.
group.
Laborers receiv
ing each rate o f
wages.
W age group.
U nder 90.130 per h ou r.......................................................
i
90.130 or under 90.150 per h o u r.......................................
90.150 per h o u r....................................................................
90.155 or under 90.175 per h o u r.......................................
90.175 o r over p er h o u r.....................................................
T o t a l..........................................................................
261
39
883
246
390
147
1,859
8
359
13
171
54
6
10.
309
20
212
4,987
90.1250
. 1300
! 1350
.1375
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1625
.1650
.1666
.1700
.1740
.1750
.1800
.2000
91.25
.1497
5.23
1.37
1,705
34.19
1,859
37.28
1.62
•
261
1.50
I
\
I
j
621
12.45
1.85
541
10.85
1.50
4,987
100.00
91.24
5,513
46.87
1.36
592
5.03
1.50
1.78
5,600
57
47.61
.49
1.37
11,762
100.00
O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S —S O U T H E R N S T A T E S *
U nder 90.130 per h ou r........................................................
90.130 or under 90.150 p er h o u r.......................................
90.150 per h o u r ....................................................................
90.175 o r over per h o u r..................................................... !
l
T o t a l..................... ; ...................................................
30
139
114
82
5,124
24
96
17
410
49
20
5,600
51
6
11,762
90.1042
.1137
.1200
.1228
.1250
.1273
.1300
.1350
.1364
.1375
.1400
.1500
.1750
.2000 }
.1375
O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S —N O R T H E R N AND S O U T H E R N S T A T E S
CO M BIN ED *
U nder 10.130 per hour.
<0.130 o r under 10.150 per hour.
90.150 p er hour.
54
6
10
360
20
218
90.1042
.1137
.1200
.1228
.1250
.1273
.1300
.1350
.1364
.1375
.1400
.1450
.1500
.1550
.1600
.1625
.1650
.1666
.1700
.1740
.1750
.1800
.2000
16,749
.1411
30
139
114
, 82
5,385
24
135
900
410
295
410
147
7,459
8
359
13
90.155 o r under 90.175 p er hour.
90.175 o r over p er hour,
T otal
91.24
5,774
34.47
1.37
2,297
13.72
1.50
7,459
44.53
1.62
621
3.71
1.84
598
3.57
1.41
16,749
100.00
430
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
It should be stated that the rates quoted cover 1905 and part of
1906, and, therefore, the advances in wage rates for laborers, espe
cially in the North, on account of the demand that has taken place
generally since that time, are not included in this presentation. In
many cases there have been advances of 10 per cent or more.
In addition to the unskilled laborers there was a total of 2,568
men who worked in the mines, 2,381 as coal miners, 56 in iron ore
mining, 5 at sulphur ore mining, 102 at copper mining, and 24 at
phosphate mining.
A ll the miners were paid tonnage rates. Coke ovens employed
634 men at piece rates. As oyster dredgers in Chesapeake Bay 464
men worked for $14 per month and board. They were of miscella
neous nationalities. In 19 skilled occupations 416 men were engaged
at wages ranging from 20 cents to 52J cents per hour, and 260 were
em ployed in 6 miscellaneous occupations at piece rates.
The tables following show for each nationality the rates of wages
paid in the various skilled occupations, to the men sent out by the
New Y ork City labor agencies, by States:
H O U R S A N D W A G E S O F S K IL L E D E M P L O Y E E S , H E L P E R S , E T C ., S E N T B Y N E W Y O R K
E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S TO E A C H S T A T E , B Y N A T I O N A L I T Y A N D O C C U P A T IO N .
IT A L IA N S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S .
State.
Nftw Y o r t __ __ . ................. ...........................
O ccupation or in
dustry.
B lacksm iths.................
B oiler m akers.............
B rick m ason s..............
Carpenters....................
Carpenters....................
Carpenters....................
Carpenters....................
Concrete and cem ent..
H at p ilin g.....................
K iln setters..................
K iln setters..................
K iln setters..................
K iln setters..................
K iln setters..................
Piano case fa cto ry —
Plasterers.....................
W o o d choppers...........
P ennsylvania..................................................... B lacksm iths.................
B oiler m ak ers.............
B rick m a son s..............
Carpenters....................
Carpenters....................
Forem en, carpenters.
Stone cu tte rs ...............
M aine.................................................................... Stone cu tte rs ...............
M assachusetts.................................................... Stone cu tte rs ...............
Stone cu tte rs ...............
Sulphur-ore m in in g ...
W est V irgin ia .................................................... Coal m ine w ork ...........
Coal m in in g..................
N ew Jersey....................................................
C arpenters..................
Forem en, ca rp en ters.
Helpers, ca rp en ters ...
Plasterers........ ............
Tile w orkers.................
Tile w orkers.................
C onnecticu t.......................................................
B lacksm ith s.............
B rick m a son s..............
B rick m ason s..............
S ton em a s on s ..............
S tone m ason s...............
Plasterers.....................
T o ta l..........................................................
N um ber
o f men.
H ours
per day.
1
4
4
8
16
5
4
5
16
5
2
1
5
5
2
11
28
5
8
93
3
19
1
2
2
2
3
5
32
55
12
1
2
2
4
1
1
24
3
7
15
16
10
8
10
10
10
10
10
439
10
12
9
8
10
10
8
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
9
9
8
10
10
10
10
10
9
9
10
8
10
10
8
8
R ate per hour.
$0.25
.34}
.2U
.20
.25
.30
.35
Piecework.
Pificp.wnrV
MivVvWviA*
.20
.2 0 }
.22}
.28}
.24®
.30
.50
Piecework.
.20
.2 2 }
.22}
.20
.22}
.35
.35
30
.3056
T o n rates.
.25
.40
.10
.5 2 }
.4 4
.50
.30
.50
.36
.25
.50
.50
431
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
H O U R S A N D W A G E S O F S K IL L E D E M P L O Y E E S , H E L P E R S , E T C ., S E N T B Y N E W Y O R K
E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S TO E A C H S T A T E , B Y N A T I O N A L I T Y A N D O C C U P A T IO N —
Concluded.
IT A L IA N S —SO U T H E R N S T A T E S .
O ccupation or in
dustry.
State.
Tp.nnp.ssftp,_________________________________ B lacksm iths.................
Carpenters....................
M achinists....................
P ainters........................
_____ ____________ ____________ F arm h elp .....................
Georgia
Marble cu tters.............
F lorid a ................................................................. Marble ca rv in g ............
Stevedores....................
L ouisiana............................................................ C otton p ickin g............
N orth C arolina.................................................. C otton m il l ..................
N um ber
of m en.
H ours
per day.
5
4
4
1
2
1
3
36
42
7
9
9
9
9
10
9
10
R ate per hour.
$0.33*
oof
• !27*
M onthly rates.
.25
.33*
.20
Piecework.
Piecework.
105
T o t a l..........................................................
SLA V S AND H U N G A R IA N S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S .
Ponn sylvan ia .....................................................
W est V irginia....................................................
Coal m in ing..................
Coal m in ing..................
Coke oven s...................
133
800
25
T on rates.
T on rates.
T on rates.
958
T o t a l ........................................................
SLA V S AND H U N G A R IA N S —S O U T H E R N S T A T E S .
Coal m in in g___
Coke oven s........
F a rm in g.............
Iron ore m ining.
Iron ore m ining.
Coal m in ing___
F a rm in g.............
Carpenters.........
Coal m in in g___
A la b a m a ............
G eorgia..............
N orth Carolina.
Tennessee..........
616
148
3
4
52
25
2
9
44
10
10
Piecework.
Piecework.
M onthly rates.
10.20
P iecework.
Piecework.
M onthly rates.
.25
Piecework.
903
Total.
A L L O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S —N O R T H E R N S T A T E S .
B rick m ason s..............
B rick m ason s..............
Core m akers................
Core m ak ers................
V e rm o n t.............................................................. W eavers, co tto n m ill.
M assachusetts................................................... Cattle feeders...............
W est V irginia.................................................... Coal m in in g..................
Coke oven s...................
M achinists....................
N ew Jersey......................................................... Carpenters....................
Farm h elp ....................
Kiln setters..................
New Y o r k ..........................................................
T o ta l.........................................................
5
4
8
2
9
33
372
461
4
11
1
2
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10.24
.30
.22*
.30
Piecework.
M onthly rates.
T on rates.
T on rates.
.25
.25
.10
.22*
912
A L L O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S —S O U T H E R N S T A T E S .
C otton m ills.................
B lacksm iths.................
Coal m in in g..................
C otton m ills.................
Furniture fa c to r y ___
Lathe h a n d s................
M olders..........................
Coal m in in g..................
Carpenters....................
Farm h elp ....................
Copper m ining.............
C otton m ill...................
Phosphate m ining—
Farm h elp .....................
Picking c o t t o n ............
Coal m in ing..................
C oa lm in in g ..................
O yster dredging.........
V irginia.............
N orth Carolina.
A la b a m a ...........
G eorgia.............
Tennessee.........
South Carolina.
Mississippi
K en tu cky.
M aryland..
1,U 9
T otal.
16251—08’
12
2
44
3
18
6
3
200
9
2
102
85
24
19
66
50
10
464
3
10
10
$0.10
.25
Piecework.
Piecework.
10
.10
10
.20
.22*
10
P iecew ork.
10
.22*
M onthly rates.
P iecew ork.
Piecework.
P iecework.
M onthly rates.
Piecework.
Piecework.
Piecework.
M on th ly rates.
432
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
S U M M A R Y O F R A T E S O F W A G E S P A ID TO S K IL L E D E M P L O Y E E S , H E L P E R S , E T C .,
S E N T O U T B Y T H E N E W Y O R K E M P L O Y M E N T A G E N C IE S , B Y N A T I O N A L I T Y A N D
O C C U P A T IO N .
E m ployees receiving each
rate o f wages.
Occupation.
R a te o f wages
per hour.
Other
Slavs
Italians. and Hun nation
garians.
alities.
T o ta l
em ploy
ees.
SKILLED OCCUPATIONS.
B lack sm ith s..........................................................
Bftilflr mfl.TrArs .....................................................
"Rrinlr mftsrmfi.......................................................
Carpenters.............................................................
Core m akers..........................................................
Forem en, carpenters..........................................
k
» ti setters...........................................................
L ath e h a n d s.........................................................
M achinists.............................................................
M arble carvers.....................................................
M arble cu tters......................................................
M olders, iro n ........................................................
P a in ters.................................................................
Piano case h a n d s................................................
Plasterers..............................................................
Stevedores.............................................................
Stone cu tters........................................................
Stone m ason s.......................................................
Tile w orkers..........................................................
10.20
.25
.30
.33*
.22*
.3 4
.21
.22*
.24
.30
.36
.50
.20
.22*
.25
.30
.33*
.35
.22*
.30
.35
.40
.20
.20*
.22*
.22*
.24
.28*
.20
.25
.33*
.33*
.25
.22*
.27*
.30
.50
.52*
.20
.30
.3056
.33*
.35
.25
.50
.44*
.50
T otal, skilled.............................................
5
1
1
5
8
4
4
03
2
5
4
3
24
11
19
28
5
4
4
9
.
9
11
8
2
i
1
5
2
1
2
5
5
6
4
4
3
1
3
1
2
27
2
36
2
2
3
2
7
15
4
1
5
3
1
5
8
4
4
93
5
4
3
24
11
28
48
5
4
4
8
2
1
1
5
2
1
2
5
5
6
4
4
3
1
3
1
2
27
2
36
2
2
3
2
7
15
4
1
9
56
416
173
351
33
461
33
634
5
95
12
108
28
1
18
15
2
2,349
32
102
56
24
5
464
9
28
MISCELLANEOUS OCCUPATIONS.
C attle feeders........................................................
Coke oven s............................................................
Concrete and cem ent..........................................
C otton mill h a n d s...............................................
C otton p icking.....................................................
F arm h a n d s..........................................................
F urniture fa cto ry helpers.................................
H a t sizing..............................................................
Helpers, carpenters............................................
Mining, co a l..........................................................
Mining, cop p er......................................................
Mining, iron o re ...................................................
Mining, ph osp h a te..............................................
Mining, sulphur ore............................................
O yster dredgers...................................................
W eavers, c o tto n m ill..........................................
W o o d ch opp in g....................................................
M onthly rates.
Piecework.
Piecework.
Piecework.
.10
Piecework.
M onthly rates.
.10
.10
Piecework.
.10
Piecework.
.22*
Piecework.
Piecework.
Piecework.
.28*
M onthly rates.
Piecework.
Piecework.
5
7
42
2
15
2
55
32
5
1,618
88
12
66
21
1
18
676
102
56
24
5
464
9
L
28
T otal, miscellaneous................................
193
1,852
1,975
4,020
Grand t o ta l................................................
544
1,861
2,031
4,436
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
433
In 1906, 640,474 immigrants of the Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian
races went to the seven States— Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jer
sey, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. They ^ere 86.55 per
cent of the total immigrants of the same races. In 1906, a total
of 470,534 unskilled immigrant laborers of all nationalities went to
the seven specified States. The proportion of unskilled immigrants
of the three races going to these States for many years has been
about the same.
The United States Bureau of Labor secured from the pay rolls
of a large number of establishments, in the seven specified States
and in all other States, the rates of wages paid in 1905. The Bureau,
in Bulletin No. 65, for July, 1906, published for cities the average rates
paid to unskilled laborers in building trades, foundry and machine
shops, contract work on streets, municipal work on streets, and planing
mills, and for States the average rates paid in lumber and saw mills,
shipbuilding, and railroad car building, in addition to rates paid in
other occupations in these and in other industries, but not including
railroad construction or coal mining laborers, for which rates are
given elsewhere.
The rates are those paid to unskilled laborers employed in these
establishments and industries, many of whom are Italians, Slavs,
and Hungarians.
The number of laborers included for the 8
industries was 58,026 men employed in the North Atlantic, South
Atlantic, North Central, and South Central States. Those employed
in remote cities of the far Western States and removed from
normal industrial conditions are not included.
The average rates per hour in the group of seven States, specified
above, and the average for the four groups of States including the
seven, and the average for other States not including the seven
specified States, are herewith given:
A V E R A G E R A T E S O F W A G E S O F U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S IN 8 S E L E C T E D IN D U S
T R IE S , 1905.
[A verages com puted from d a ta show n in B ulletin N o. 65, article on W ages and H ours o f L a b or,
1890 to 1905.]
Average rate o f wages per hou r in—
Industry.
B uilding tra d es..............................................................................................
F ou n d ry and m achine sh op s.....................................................................
Streets an d sewers, con tra ct w o r k .........................................................
Streets and sewers, m unicipal w ork ........................................................
Lum ber and saw m ills................................................................................
Planing m ills..................................................................................................
Shipbuilding...................................................................................................
R ailroad ca r b uild in g..................................................................................
Seven
specified
States.
$0,210
.165
.180
.222
.172
.171
.160
.157
A ll States,
including
seven spec
ified States
b u t ex
cluding
W estern
group.
A ll other
States, ex
cluding
seven spec
ified States
and W est
ern group.
$0,185
.161
.178
.211
.151
.151
.153
.153
$0,164
.157
.175
.199
.150
.146
.143
.144
434
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
The average hourly rates of wages in 1905 for laborers in industries
other than those shown in the above table were as follows for all the
States:
Brickyards.......................
Flour m ills..................
Gras w orks........................
Glass works.....................
Blast furnaces.................
M arble and stone works
Paper m ills......................
$0.1637
.1686
.1749
.1533
.1586
.2014
.1534
In the slaughtering and meat-packing industry, principally at
Chicago, the Bureau of Labor reported the rates of wages of 10,664
common laborers employed in addition to 14 skilled occupations.
A large proportion of the laborers were of the Slavic races. In
1905 the average rate of wages paid was 16.87 cents per hour, which
was more than half a cent less per hour than in 1904, and 4.7 per
cent higher than the average paid for the ten years from 1890 to 1899.
In 1905 the railroads of the United States employed 311,185 track
laborers. The highest average rate in 1905 was $1.50 per day in the
New England States, and the lowest average rate was $1.02 per day
in the Southern States. The numbers and rates for the year 1905
were as follow s:
A V E R A G E R A T E S O F W A G E S O F R A I L R O A D T R A C K L A B O R E R S , 1905.
Num
ber o f
tra ck
labor
ers.
11,271
60,543
42,530
59,265
10,764
39,538
23,475
19,237
14,226
30,336
Average
rate per
day.
N ationality.
States in which em ployed.
Largely Italia n s................................
Largely Italia n s................................
L argely Italians and Slavs, w ith
some others.
L argely Italians and Slavs, w ith
some others.
M ixed races.........................................
M ixed races.........................................
M ixed races.........................................
Largely Negroes,w ith some others.
L argely N e g r o e s ...............................
Largely N e g r o e s ...............................
New E ngland S tates.................................................
N. Y ., Pa., N . J., Del., M d ......................................
Ohio, Ind., M ich.........................................................
$1.50
1.31
1.39
111., W is., Minn., I o w a ..............................................
1.41
Nebr., W y o ., M on t....................................................
Mo., K ans., Colo., A rk., Okla., Ind. T .................
Cal., A riz., Oreg., W ash., N ev., U tah, I d a h o ...
Tex., La., N. M ex......................................................
V a., W . V a., N . C., S. C ...........................................
Ga., A la., Miss., Fla., Tenn., K y ...........................
1.42
1.35
1.40
1.22
1.05
1.03
In New York, Pennsylvania, and other Northern States the rates
have been increased since those given above.
New Y ork City contractors, engaged in surface and building exca
vation, tunnel building, and deep foundation work, report the wages
they paid Italian and other laborers in 1906, as follow s:
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
435
W A G E S P A ID I T A L IA N A N D O T H E R L A B O R E R S E N G A G E D IN SU R F A C E A N D B U IL D
IN G E X C A V A T IO N , T U N N E L B U IL D IN G , A N D D E E P F O U N D A T IO N W O R K IN N E W
Y O R K C IT Y , 1906.
R ate
H ours
day.
Lay.
O ccupation and nationality.
Character o f w ork.
Laborers, Ita lia n ___
R o ck men, Italian___
Laborers, Ita lia n ___
Laborers, Ita lia n ___
Laborers, I ta lia n ____
Laborers, Ita lia n ____
Laborers, Ita lia n ____
Laborers, Ita lia n ____
Laborers, Ita lia n ____
Laborers, A u stria n ...
L aborers, Hungarian.
L aborers, Irish ...........
$1.75
2.47|
Laborers, Irish ..........
5.00
8
Laborers, Irish ...........
3.00
8
9
9
2.00
10
10
10
2.00
10
2.50
3.00
3.00
9
9
9
9
2.00
1.75
o .22*
8
E xca vatin g in the open.
Surface foun dation rock rem oval.
Building excavating.
Building excavating.
Building excavating.
L oading scows, wet w ork.
Surface excavating.
Tunnel excavating, ordinary.
Tunnel excavating, ordinary.
Tunnel excavating, ordinary.
Tunnel excavating, ordinary.
E xca vatin g below 60-foot w ater level
under air pressure.
E xcavating below 100-foot w ater level
and deeper, under air pressure.
Concrete w ork.
a Per hour.
U nion scale, Italian excavators, $1.75 per day of 9 hours.
Union scale, Italian rock men, $2.47J per day of 9 hours.
Italian and Austrian freight handlers, New Y ork depots, $1.90 per day of 10 hours,
w ith tim e and a half for overtim e and Sunday work.
In another part of this article it is shown that, according to the
report of the bureau of industrial statistics of Pennsylvania for 1905,
more than 43 per cent of the anthracite mine workers of that State
who reported their nationality were Slavs, Hungarians, and Italians.
A very large number of these have stepped out of the ranks of
unskilled laborers and have become miners, and, excluding Italians,
about 50 per cent of the inside mine workers are Slavs.
The statisticians of the Anthracite Coal Commission, after a minute
examination of the coal companies’ books, showed that for 1901-2 the
average earnings of contract coal miners working at tonnage or car
rates were, for five of the principal companies, $2.41, $2.47, $2.48,$2.36
and $2.57 per day, respectively.
The award of the commission added 10 per cent to these earnings,
and the operation of the sliding scale increased this still further for
each year. The average increase for 1903, on the basis of the sliding
scale, was 3 per cent, 4.3 per cent for 1904, 4 per cent for 1905, 5 per
cent for 1906, and 6 per cent for the month of January, 1907.
According to the report of the bureau of industrial statistics for
1905 in the bituminous coal and coke regions of Pennsylvania the
Slavs, Hungarians, and Italians are over 51 per cent of all mine
workers reporting their nationality. The total number in 1905 was
153,141.
THE PADRONE COMMISSARY SYSTEM.
The act of Congress of July 4, 1864, has often been charged with
being responsible for the introduction o f the padrone system into the
United States. It was entitled “ An act to encourage immigration.”
436
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.
It provided among other things that immigrants while abroad might
make contracts pledging the wages of their labor for a term not
exceeding twelve months, to repay the expenses of their immigration,
which should be valid in law and might be enforced in the courts of this
country; that no such immigrant should be com pulsively enrolled for
military service during the existing insurrection (the civil war) unless
he declared his intention to become a citizen.
On account of the industrial depression beginning in 1893, the Sec
retary of the Treasury, on June 13,1894, appointed an “ immigration
investigating commission,” to inquire into the effect of the laws, and
especially to investigate and report, among other things:
“ Whether the padrone system exists in this country; and if so, to
what extent and among what classes of immigrants, and what meas
ures can be taken under existing laws to break it up and protect
American laborers against its evil effect upon wages.”
On October 7, 1895, the commission reported on “ The Padrone Sys
tem ,” saying: “ The act of 1864 for the encouragement of immigration,
which gave contractors, manufacturers, and employers power to con
tract with and import laborers from Europe to take the places of
American workmen, is partially responsible for the beginnings of this
system. It was only natural that during a period of practically unre
stricted immigration purely commercial motives should have the
fullest play and that human beings should thereby be victim ized.
The Italians were the first to be exploited in large numbers by the
contractors.”
“ There is little doubt that a similar padrone system exists among
Poles, Hungarians, Greeks, Armenians, and Syrians,” was the opinion
expressed by the commission, and that the subject “ demands a far
more thorough investigation than the commission has yet been able
to make.”
The statement of the immigration commission’s report of 1895 has
often been reprinted, namely, that the immigration act of 1864 was
followed by the dispatch of agents to Italy to secure Italian cheap
labor through the padrone.
The tables following give statistics o f immigration for the years
following the passage of the law of 1864. The first table shows that
during the five years 1864 to 1868, when the law was in force permit
ting such contract laborers to come in, only 5,740 Italian immigrants
of all ages and both sexes came into the United States in a total of
1,289,323 immigrants, averaging less than one-half of 1 per cent of the
immigrants of all nationalities.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
437
I T A L IA N , S L A V IC , A N D T O T A L IM M IG R A T IO N TO T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S D U R IN G T H E
L IF E O F T H E A C T O F C O N G R ESS A U T H O R IZ IN G T H E H I R I N G O F L A B O R E R S IN
E U R O P E U N D E R C O N T R A C T , 1864 TO 1868.
[CompUed from R ep ort o f the Com m issioner-General o f Im m igration fo r the year ended June 30,1906,
page 38.]
Slavic im m igrants.
Y ear.
T otal im
m igrants
adm itted.
Italian
immi
grants ad
m itted.
Per cent
o f Italian
o f to ta l
imm i
grants.
F rom
A ustriaH ungary.
F rom
Russian
Em pire,
including
Poland
and Fin
land.
1864...................................................................
1865...................................................................
1866...................................................................
1867...................................................................
1868...................................................................
191,114
180,339
332,577
303,104
282,189
694
594
1,318
1,585
1,549
0.36
.33
.40
.52
.55
136
518
87
392
553
385
217
999
618
376
T o t a l.....................................................
1,289,323
5,740
.45
1,686
2,595
The law was repealed in 1868, and for fourteen years after, or
until 1882, there was no United States law governing immigration,
and not until 1885 was there any law prohibiting contract labor.
During the seventeen years following 1868 the total, the Italian,
and the Slavic immigration are shown in the following table:
I T A L IA N , S L A V IC , A N D T O T A L IM M IG R A T IO N , 1869 T O 1885.
[Compiled from R ep ort o f the Commissioner-General o f Im m igration fo r the year ended June 30,1905,
pages 38 t o 40.]
Slavic im m igrants.
Y ear.
T otal im
m igrants
adm itted.
Italian
imm i
grants ad
m itted.
Per cent
o f Italian
o f to ta l
im m i
grants.
F rom
A ustriaH ungary.
F rom
Russian
Em pire,
including
P oland
and Fin
land.
1869...................................................................
1870...................................................................
1871...................................................................
1872...................................................................
1873...................................................................
1874...................................................................
1875...................................................................
1876...................................................................
1877...................................................................
1878...................................................................
1879...................................................................
1880...................................................................
1881...................................................................
1882...................................................................
1883...................................................................
1884...................................................................
1885...................................................................
352,768
387,203
321,350
404,806
459,803
313,339
227,498
169,986
141,857
138,469
177,826
457,257
669,431
788,992
603,322
518,592
395,346
1,489
2,893
2,816
4,190
8,757
7,667
3,631
3,017
3,195
4,344
5,791
12,354
15,401
32,160
31,792
16,510
13,642
0.42
.75
.88
1.04
1.91
2.45
1.60
1.77
2.25
3.14
3.26
2.70
2.30
4.08
5.27
3.18
3.45
1,499
4,425
4,887
4,410
7,112
8,850
7,658
6,276
5,396
5,150
5,963
17,267
27,935
29,150
27,625
36,571
27,309
527
1,130
1,208
2,665
4,972
5,868
8,981
5,700
7,132
3,595
4,942
7,191
10,655
21,590
11,920
17,226
20,243
T o ta l.....................................................
6,527,845
169,649
2.60
227,483
135,545
This table shows that in the period when contract laborers were
brought in without let or hindrance, during the twenty-two years
from 1864 to 1885, in a total immigration o f 7,817,168 only 175,389
Italians, or 2.2 per cent, took advantage o f the inducements offered,
and the Slavs constituted only 4.7 per cent of the total immigrants.
The Italian padrone, boss, or middleman developed in the United
States after 1885, when the Italians began coming in largely in
438
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
creased numbers. He did not follow any similar occupation in Italy,
since the conditions of living, of wages, and of employment in that
country were such that employment agencies of this character could
not exist. He was shrewder, cleverer, and more unscrupulous than
his fellows. He improved on the systems of swindling he found,
creating the American padrone system, and perfecting it b y estab
lishing intimate relationship through agents, friends, and correspond
ence in Italy and this country with Italian laborers coming and
returning.
W hat the padrone system was in the years preceding 1895 is told
in the report of the immigration investigating commission under
date of October 7, 1895. A t page 26 it says:
A contractor who had a large enterprise on hand, and desired to
secure labor therefor at the lowest possible price, appealed to an
Italian banker. The banker, through agents in Italy, engaged the
necessary number of laborers and brought them here on prepaid
tickets, from each of which he received a commission. On landing,
the men were taken in hand b y his agent, distributed among board
ing houses under his control, and charged extortionate rates for
board. When the banker finally assigned them to their work, he
collected a commission for so doing, both from them and the con
tractor. While employed they were forced to live together in
shanties owned or hired by his agent, to pay exorbitant rents, and
to buy all their provisions from this agent at enormous prices. All
money sent home by them was transmitted through the banker, and
for tnis service a large fee was charged in addition to the rate of
exchange. When they were ready to return to Italy the banker
secured another profit on the return tickets. In a word, from the
time these migratory laborers were engaged in Italy till they returned
thither, they were under the control or the banker and a constant
source of profit to him.
The commission has knowledge that within five years padroni hav
ing from 500 to 600 people employed on sewers and waterworks
deducted from their wages 10 and 15 cents a day for procuring them
the employment, and practiced on them most of the impositions
already noted.
Actual dishonesty on the part of the banker, though less frequent
than extortion, was not uncommon. * Commissions were charged
for securing work when no work was secured. Men were turned
away without cause, that more commissions might be collected from
new men. Payment was refused for the last rew days’ work on a
job . Fees were charged for sending to Italy money which really
landed in the bankers’ pockets. Omy last year [1894], in fact, not
less than $100,000 was actually stolen from Italian workingmen by
half a dozen bankers in New York, Boston, and Newark.
The report states that “ even after the passage of the contract
labor law ” of 1885 the im portation of Italian labor continued, aiid
that circulars were sent throughout the State of W isconsin in 1886
by an Italian com pany in New Y ork advertising gangs of men for
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
439
grading, mining, street cleaning, snow shoveling, breaking stone;
repairing washouts, and laying ties and water and gas mains at
figures that would repay inquiry. “ Contractors will find,” boasted
these circulars, “ that the authority of this com pany over the men
it furnishes is of special advantage in all dealings it may have with
them.”
The report continues:
The recent more rigid enforcement of the contract labor laws
and the cooperation of the Italian Government have done much
toward breaking up so much of the padrone system as has to do
with the direct im portation of labor under contract. The bankers
interested even claim that the padrone system no longer exists, that
the recent industrial depression has shut off the possibility of em
ploym ent, and that so many cheap laborers have already been im
ported that it is useless to bring more. There is doubtless some
truth in this claim. Nevertheless, it is on the whole, misleading.
It must be borne in mind that a demand for higher wages comes
even from Italian workmen, after they have been in this country
for a time, and that on this account a plentiful supply of the cheapest
labor can be kept up only b y frequent importations. The claim is
further misleading, in that it ignores the shifting about by the
padroni of the large bodies of Italian workmen already here.
The Italian laborer comes now, not under direct contract per
haps, but with the knowledge that he need only go to the Italian
quarter in the port of his arrival to get work, as his countrymen
have done before him. Once in this quarter, he falls under the
influence of the padrone, and thereafter is at his disposition. The
padroni still manipulate immigrant labor very much as they please,
and it is thus still possible for a contractor to secure within a few
hours any number of Italian laborers, skilled or unskilled, at wages
33 to 50 per cent below the American standard. This is an injury
as serious, perhaps even more serious, to the latter than direct
im portation because of the greater ease and quickness with which
their labor can be supplanted.
The report cites a number of instances of overcharging and exces
sive fees by Italian padrones, and of cases where Italians paid fees
and fares and were victim ized by padrones, no work resulting. The
most common form of abuses by padrones was to take commissions
ranging from $1 to $6, promising work, then neither furnish work
nor refund the money. Another was to secure the railroad tickets
to take the men to their places of work and make them pay an extra
price for them. They sent laborers home after a few days’ work
without reason and employed new gangs for the sake of new com
missions. Besides the commissions, they exacted a sort o f weekly
or m onthly tax during the whole time of work. The laborers were
forced to lodge in dirty shanties, and those who refused were made
to pay for lodgings in them just the same. The men were obliged to
buy all provisions from the boarding houses connected with the
work, and every week the quantity of food was determined, the
440
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
quality being the worst and the price the highest possible. Those
who did not buy had to pay with the rest. The wages for the last
week’s work were generally stolen by the padrone.
A t the padrone banks there was fraud in exchanging money and
delay in forwarding it, and bankruptcy and flight to other places
common. The immigration investigating committee of 1895 made
a number of recommendations. For the prevention of the padrone
system the report states: “ National or State legislation is suggested
requiring all persons engaged in finding employment for immigrants
to be licensed. * * * That all persons contracting for the
services of any immigrant within one year of his arrival in this country
should pay the wages or salary earned directly to such immigrant,
who alone shall receipt for the same, and payment to any middle
man, boss, or other person shall not be recognized as a liquidation of
the debt. * * * All advances made to such immigrants for
board, lodging, food, raiment, money, or other articles shall be made
directly by the contractor to the immigrant, and not b y or through
any middleman, boss, or other person whatsoever, and at prices at
which the same articles could be procured in open market.” For
the purpose of aiding in the detection of padrones or employers
importing contract laborers, a change was suggested in the mani
fest of the steamships, which reads as follow s:
Change the tw elfth question in the manifest— whether the im migrant has paid his
own passage, or whether it has been paid b y another, or b y any corporation, society,
m unicipality, or governm ent— b y adding the words, “ and if so, b y w hom ?”
A phase of the padrone system is said to have existed in the years
following our civil war (when Italian immigration was less than 2
per cent of our total im m igration), very much unlike that which has
prevailed during the past twenty years.
The padrone of that period is said to have persuaded men, women,
and children to follow him to the United States under contract to
work for a stated length of time, covering generally from one to
three years. “ The men were farmed out to any person who saw fit
to em ploy them at the padrone’s prices,” at common labor. Unlike
the padrone of the past decade, “ the padrone boarded his people,
received their wages, and gave them the merest pittance in return
for hard work, accompanied b y much abuse.” “ F orty dollars
for a whole year’s service was a fair padrone w age;” and it is said
that in some instances that was the entire compensation for the
work of two and a half years. “ The women fared worse, since they
were frequently placed in houses of prostitution and never heard
of again.. The children were sent out on the streets as bootblacks,
to sell newspapers, fruit, and flowers, and to beg, all for the benefit
of the padrone. Minors were occasionally bought outright from the
parents.” This system had not died out when the first act to regu
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
441
late immigration was passed by Congress in 1882, but it became
practically extinct through the enforcement of the contract labor
law and the cooperation of the -Italian Government.
The system succeeding this is described in the accounts given by
the immigration investigating commission of 1894 and also in the
Bulletin of the Department of Labor of March, 1897. Details of the
1894-95 report are given in another section of this article. The de
scription of the padrone system as it existed among the Italians of
the Eastern and Middle States, which was published in the above
mentioned Bulletin, is reprinted herewith:
The bulk of Italian immigration [1897] comes from the southern
* * * provinces, Abruzzi, Avellino, Basilicata, Sicily, Naples, and
Calabria. Most of them are of the peasant class and accustomed to
hard work and meager fare, generally illiterate, but of a childlike
mind and imagination, quick to forget, and easily led astray by
schemers. The m ajority are booked for New York, comparatively
small detachments being landed elsewhere. Nearly all who come
for the first time and have no relatives to join make at least a tem
porary halt in New York. This city has thus, as a matter of course,
becom e the Italian center of the country, and hence the home as well
as the stronghold of the padrone system.
Even the Calabrian or Sicilian who finds no friends or relatives to
S eet him is rarely at a loss where to go on being released from Elhs
land. He brings at least the address of some banker, perhaps that
of the man who furnished the ticket on which he came over. The
banker has many connections abroad who are able to play more or
less into his hands, regardless of the provisions of the contract labor
law, and give the immigrant the cue how to start out on his American
career. Should he be penniless, the banker may go on his bond to
insure that he will not be a burden to the community, and stands
ready to provide him with food and shelter without immediate com
pensation until work is found. The next step is for the new arrival
to look for employment with the pick and shovel, for he is usually
an unskilled laborer. Employers of his own nationality are scarce,
and unfamiliarity with the language prevents him from applying to
others for work, so he turns to one ot that numerous fraternity who
make it their vocation to supply contractors with cheap labor— the
bosses. The common laborer, or cafone as he is vulgarly called,
recognizes only these middlemen as bosses, not the contractors them
selves, unless they happen to be Italians, in which case they are dis
tinguished as boss contractors. The cafone might also hesitate to
make a personal search for employment, fearing the vendetta of his
countryman boss, who, for reasons that will appear later, often
stands high in the graces of the contractors. There is thus little
choice. He must go to the boss (the term padrone is no longer used)
to get a job or remain idle.
The modus operandi of the average boss is simple enough. He
knows the street and steam railway corporations and the principal
contractors and others who from time to time em ploy large forces of
men, and keeps posted about new work about to be undertaken.
He may deal directly with the representative of a corporation or
with the contractor and obtain from them a definite order for a
442
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
number of men. If unable to fill such an order at once, he has
recourse to has friend the banker, to whom he states how many men
are wanted, the daily wage, the amount of the bossatura. (so is called
the commission the laborer must pay to the boss as a bonus for
obtaining employment), and whether the men shall be boarded by
him while at work, etc. A mutual understanding having been
reached, the banker posts a notice in his window calling for the
number of laborers required and sends out his runners “ to make the
men.” Enough applicants having been found without much diffi
culty, verbal information is given concerning the place of work, the
wages, the probable duration of the job, the bossatura, and the rail
road or steamboat fare. When the several stipulations have been
agreed to the men are considered “ made,” the boss takes them in
charge, and eventually ships them to their destination.
The amount of the bossatura depends on the period of employment,
the wages paid, and on whether the men are to find themselves, in
which latter case the commission is always somewhat higher. Ordi
narily it varies from $1 to $10 per man. For an assured jo b , lasting
five or six months, $10 is considered a reasonable fee. The commis
sion rates in New York appear to run higher than in other cities,
owing to the more plentiful supply of labor. The bossatura is usually
paid in advance and secretly, tne boss knowing very well that the
transaction is illegal, since he is not licensed to conduct an employ
ment bureau. Taking advantage of his countryman’s ignorance,
the boss does not hesitate to overcharge the regular rates for trans
portation. When moving a considerable body of men, he is often
able to secure reduced rates, but charges a full first-class fare. If
the place of work is in the country at some distance from the starting
point, the boss is generally permitted to board the men, or he buys
this privilege from the contractor at so much per head monthly,
according to the time of employment and the wages paid. In such
a case the men are occasionally sent out from the city a week earlier
than necessary in order that the boss may profit the more. The
boarders are threatened with heavy penalties for purchasing else
where food or any other article kept for sale at the shanty. Notices
to this effect are sometimes posted. The penalty for disobedience is
a fine or dismissal. In some instances the boarders are compelled to
buy food to a fixed daily amount, under threat of immediate dis
charge. Generally, however, they are allowed to spend at pleasure.
The provisions are furnished in a raw state, and cooked, if at all, by
the men themselves. The food furnished by the boss is usually or an
inferior quality and often unfit for consumption.
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
The boss is oftentimes prepared to supply other useful things
needed by the men, such as underclothing, shoes, and overalls, at
fancy prices. A 5-cent postage stamp costs 10 cents at the shanty,
and an envelope 5 cents; for writing a letter a charge of from 10 to 25
cents is made, and for bringing a letter from the post-office a similar
amount. But there may still be other items of expense to the
laborer. The boss must make good the cost of the boarding privilege,
and accordingly exacts from $1 to $3 per head for the huts in which.
the laborers sleep, although they may have been furnished gratis by
the contractor. To the rent are sometimes added regular fees for
medical service, drugs, and accident insurance. The latter is of
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
443
course not effected, and the case must indeed be serious if a regular
physician is called in. In some camps weekly or m onthly taxes are
levied under the heads, “ diritto di M adonna/7 “ diritto di lam pa” —
contribution to the H oly Virgin and for lamplight.
This is in outline the. present-day [1897] padrone system in its
more favorable aspects as it exists among the Italians of the Eastern
and Middle States. Its perpetuation does not, as is com m only
assumed, depend solely on fresh accessions of immigrants. The
laborer working for $7 a week under a boss who boards him must
count himself fortunate if he can save more than one-half of his
earnings. A number of men who were interrogated on this point
assured the writer that their weekly savings during the part of the
year when work is plenty did* not average over $3. Protracted
?»eriods of idleness ensue, a goodly share of the earnings are sent to
taly or squandered, and the laborer may face the winter months
with em pty pockets. Y et he need not fear starvation, nor is he
forced to seek charity. ^ The boss or banker-boss is again ready to
tide him over until spring comes. He invites him to the boarding
house, with the understanding, of course, that he shall enter the boss’s
employ at the first opportunity. Large tenement houses owned by
bankers can be pointed out on Mott and other New York streets that
serve as winter quarters for the cafoni. They are huddled together,
a dozen or twenty in one room, in violation of all sanitary regulations.
Like conditions prevail to some extent in Boston. It is not incredible,
as the writer has repeatedly been told, that the bosses encourage their
guests in all manner of extravagance in order to get a firmer grasp
on their future earnings. Another method by which the boss retains
his hold on the men is by employing them one week and keeping them
idle the next, under the pretext that work is scarce. The boss then
appears to the men in the r61e of a truly benevolent master.
The abuses under the padrone system are likely to assume an aggra
vated form when, as frequently happens, a gang of men is sent
to a remote country district in cnarge of a padrone who acts as boss,
boarding master, and foreman of the job. Then cruel treatment of
the hands is not uncommon. Cuffs and kicks have to be endured,
and the laborer may at the end of several months’ hard work find
himself possessing funds barely sufficient to take him back to the
place whence he came. Or the boss may abscond with the men’s
wages, leaving them to shift for themselves as best they can. Such
happenings, while by no means rare, seldom obtain publicity. Pov
erty and lack of intelligence keep the victim s from, prosecuting the
absconder, although some complaints reach the authorities. The
mining regions of Pennsylvania and W est Virginia have harbored a
number o f the worst padroni. They are said to have accomplices in
each gang, who share the spoils in return for protection when threats
o f violence are made and act as “ council of w ar” in case of trouble.
The report gives an illustration of one method of swindling in New
Y ork City, in which a padrone and a minor boss collected 100 men to
go to a job out of the city, each man paying $3'fee to the bankerpadrone, who in turn paid it to the boss in their presence, together
with the m oney to pay railroad fares. The boss took the men to Jer
sey City and deserted them there. The men appealed to the banker,
444
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
who protested his innocence, but finally presented them with $1 each.
The report says:
In general, the Italian padroni may be divided into three classes:
(1) The small bosses, who are by far the most numerous and subsist by
securing odd jobs for individuals and small groups, or b y resorting to
petty fraud in various ways; (2) the bosses who regularly supply con
tractors and others with laborers in considerable numbers; and (3)
those who are in the em ploy of corporations or act both as bosses and
independent contractors. The last class is very small. In New
Y ork not over half a dozen men belong to it, in Philadelphia about
four, and in Boston three or four. These men are usually graduates
from class 2. It must be said of them that they treat their subordi
nates far more humanely than do the others. The petty bosses have
the reputation of being the worst extorters of money. B y the best
informed the number of bosses in New York and the adjoining cities
is placed at about 2,000. This is the minimum estimate, and includes
those who may be regarded as assistants to the bosses.
So far as could be learned, not a single one of them undertakes to
supply any but unskilled labor to contractors doing work in New
York. Careful inquiry among the labor unions did not bring to fight
a single instance showing that the organized trades are affected by
the padrone system. * * *
The contention that the Italian laborer is always underpaid or
receives less wages than the market price seems unfounded so far
as employment m the large cities is concerned. * * *
To make the Italian bosses and bankers shoulder the entire blame
for the existence of the padrone system were manifestly unjust.
That contractors and other employees are more or less in league with
them can not be doubted, no matter what their nationality. It has
been established beyond denial that they sell boarding privileges,
ask a bonus from the padrones for giving them employment, remse
to pay for overtime, and the like. Cases have, moreover, com e to
the surface showing that American employers have adopted padrone
methods, sometimes on a large scale. A single incident m ay suffice
as an illustration. The writer has before him a fist containing the
names of twenty-three Italians and the sum each one paid to an
American connected with one of the largest railroads in New Y ork
in hopes of securing permanent situations. The total amount aggre{fates $1,605, and ranges from $40 to $115 per man. The men, at
east some of them, were put to work for a short time and then dis
charged. The dishonest official, be it said, finally suffered the same
fate, but his victim s obtained no further satisfaction. * * *
The abuses described in the Bulletin of 1897 were continued for
years after, becoming less frequent and notorious as the exposures
from time to time created a public opinion culminating in the New
York State law of 1904 and in arousing to action the general officers
of the railroads.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
445
ABUSES IN 1903, 1904, AND 1906.
W ithin the past two years the general officers of trunk line rail
roads upon which large numbers of Italian laborers were employed
have taken strong measures for correcting the abuses which had
grown up with the padrone system. The methods employed to
improve conditions are set forth in another part of this article.
The following experiences of Italian laborers show that subordi
nate officials of the railroads formed combinations with the padrones
for the systematic plundering of the men. The facts set forth occurred
in 1903, 1904, and 1906.
In several instances discharges of subordinate officials resulted.
It is admitted that when work is slack and com petition for employ
ment keen, bribes are sought, offered, and accepted by such subordi
nates, if they are satisfied it can be done secretly and without danger
to themselves. The statements in English are translations from the
statements made in Italian by each of the laborers.
On or about June 30, 1903, I needed work badly and applied to
--------------------- , an Italian boss or foreman on t h e ----------Kailroad
and demanded work. He told me that he could give me work if I
was willing to pay $5, such fee being demanded by the foreman of
the railroad. 1 paid the demanded money, was put to work on July
1, 1903, in the gang and given the Italian brass work check No.
------ . I worked with the gang until the 1st of October, 1903.
On March 3, 1904, [the padrone clerk] sent me word to go to work,
and added: “ I don’t care whether they board or live in the shan
ties or not.” I went to work with two friends of mine. My num
ber was Italian brass work check No. ------ . I can not remember
the numbers m y friends had. I started work, I think, on the same
day [March 3] 'or next. The boss of the gang w as------------- --------. I
worked up to April 13,1904. On April 13, 1904, the boss said to me:
“ No more work; the men of m y gang must board with —---------------- .”
I demanded m y time. He saia: “ Y ou must w ait; it comes from
New Y ork.” I quitted work on same day. He sent me word
through---------------------to go back to work again. I declined.
I am an Italian by birth, from the village o f Sannicandri, Prov
ince of Bari, Italy. Some time ago I and seven friends o f mine, all
from the same place, have been engaged b y a banker in New York,
in Mulberry street, to go to work t o ----------. The terms were that
we should be bound to spend $7 m onthly at the store. W e paid to
said banker $1 per capita and left f o r ----------. A t ------;— we were
packed in the railroad yard into one of the working-train cars with
another gang of eight men—in all 16 men. Our sleeping quar
ters were two rows of berths [plain boards], and each or us had to
furnish his own bedding— that is, a bundle of straw, which has been
charged 35 cents per man, and a bag, which was charged 50 cents
per man. Another car of the same size was attached to our sleep
ing car and was used as a store, where we were, under condition of our
contract, bound to buy our supplies. There we had to buy maca
roni at 8 cents per pound [bought at wholesale at 80 cents per box
446
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
of 25 pounds]; sausages at 20 cents per pound [bought at wholesale
at 10 cents]; cheese at 40 cents per pound [bought at wholesale at 21
cents per pound]; beer in bottles [1-pint bottle] at 6 cents per bottle.
They said .we should have a shovel and pay for. They charged us
75 cents per shovel. Two of my friends didn’t need any shovel,
but have been charged 75 cents each the same. I was put at work
with my friends. I had Italian No. ------ , my friends had Italian
Nos. ------ , -------, ------ , ------ , ------ , ------ , and ------ , respectively,
in the order of names afore cited. On the 22d of April [the padrone]
came to us and said: “ You must make [pay] $10 board every
m onth; if yqu don’t, I will charge the amount the same.” W e [all
eight men] quitted and demanded our time. Each of us has been
charged $1 tor rent of the car of the railroad com pany used for
fifteen days. W e had to move out of the car, although we had paid
for the rent of one month, for the cars were to be moved to another
place.
On March 3, 1904, I went to work on the ---------- Railroad at
----------, in the gang o f ----------------------. The clerk of [the padrone]
attending the store in the railroad cars in the yard told m e: “ You
must come and lodge in the car and spend $10 per month at the
store.” I said: “ I will pay you $1 per month, but I want [to] stay
home at night [as I live in the town].” The clerk said that it was
all right, but that he would charge $10 against m y wages if I were
not going to spend such amount at the store during the month.
To be able to work, I agreed to pay $1 per month for rent, and I
agreed also to spend at the [padrone] store $10 per month. My
number in the gang o f --------------------- was and is Italian No. --------,
and in the store of [the padrone] in the yard a t ----------I was booked
as N o .------ . In the book given to me by the clerk of [the padrone]
such N o .------ is marked on the top of the page and under in figures
are marked the amounts spent at the store of [the padrone] during
the month of March. The numbers so marked are. in the hand
writing of the clerk of [the padrone]. It appears from said book
that during the month of March I had bought of the store the fol
lowing amounts: $1.14, $0.28, $0.12, $0.44 $0.12, $0.36, $0.16, $0.98,
$0.37, $0.16, $0.36, $0.82, $0.15, $0.58, $0.08, $0.12, $0.72; total, $6.96.
On the pay day of the month of March I was charged $8.50. In
the month of April I was booked at the store as N o .------ . It appears
from the book given to me b y the clerk that under said N o .------ I
have bought of said store the following amounts: $0.12, $0.28, $0.10,
$0.17, $0.16, $0.73, $0.31, $0.47, $0.20; total, $2.54. Monday morn
ing, April 25, the foreman told me: “ The car[s] are to be taken to
— : ---- this morning; you must go to live in the shanty a t ----------or I must discharge you; this is the order I have.” To-day I went
to the store at the shanty at ---------- to verify m y account. The
clerk told me that he had the report from the clerk of the boarding
car moved to ----------; that m y account w it h ---------------------- was
already $8 up to this date. I met to -d a y --------------------- the clerk of
the boarding car a t--------- and asked explanation why he had charged
me the amount of $8, whilst from m y book, with his own figures, it
appears that the amount I bought is only $2.54. The clerk said:
“ The fault is not mine. [The padrone] himself marked down the
amount.”
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
447
I have been working on th e ----------Railroad for several years in the
different gangs. When I came t o ----------to get work on the railroad
I was charged $5; of these I paid only $ 2 ,1 refused to pay the balance.
On March 3, 1904, I called on Mr. ----------, the superintendent of
track a t ----------, and asked for work. M r.----------knows me pretty
well and said to m e: “ I can’t give you any job. If you want any you
must go to the shanty o f ---------------------, live there, and spend there at
least $7 per month.” I said that I couldn’t afford to do it, for I had
others to support with myself, and he said he couldn’t help it.
During the summer of 1903 I was working on th e ----------Railroad
in the gang o f ----------, and was lodged at the shanties conducted by
[the padrone] at ----------. On account of the unhealthy conditions
of the shanties, the rottenness of the groceries sold m the store
therein, and the exorbitant prices charged, I couldn’t live there and
I quitted work. I had to sleep on a handful of straw [charged 25
cents], pay $1 monthly for rent of the shanty, 25 cents per month
for lamp and light, 50 cents m onthly for coal, beer 6 cents per bottle,
1J-pound loaf of bread 10 cents, macaroni 8 cents per pound, tomatoes
14 cents a can, cheese 36 and 40 cents per pound, sardines 8 cents
er
E box, sausages 20 and 24 cents per pound, and not only that, but
ound to spend at least $10 per month, and with such high prices $10
was not enough to keep a man in shape for work fifteen days. Fur
ther, to secure work on th e ----------Railroad at such conditions, I had
to pay to [the padrone] $10 [$5 per time] otherwise he wouldn’t allow
me to work. On the 27th of February, 1904,1 called on Mr. —
--------,
superintendent o f tra ck ,----------, and asked him if he would give me
work. He said: “ Come on the 29th and I will see what I can do.” I
called on the 29th of February and M r .----------gave me a note for
the foreman, reading as follow s: “ I recommend this man.” On the
said n o te --------------------- put me at work on March 3, 1904. I made
half-day work. Next morning, March 4 , 1 reported to work and was
to commence work w hen--------------------- came along and said to me:
“ Y ou can’t work; no man can work on this line if not furnished by
[the padrone].” I dropped tools and left.
The gang I was working with is known as “ extra gang;” the boss
of said gang was an Italian whose name i s ---------------------; a resident
o f ----------. In the gang I had the Italian brass ch e ck ------ ; in the
boarding caboose book I was registered as N o .-------. The caboose
is switched in the railroad yard at ---------- , and therein [the padrone]
is lodging his laborers and conducting a general store. The laborers
therein lodged are compelled to buy all their supplies, beer included,
of the general store therein conducted by him. On or about March
31, 1904,1 quitted the work and received my certificate of discharge,
marked No. ------ . From said certificate it appears that I am in
credit, for work done, of $30, and in debt of $8.15 due, deducted
and paid to [the padrone], for supplies I have bought of him during
the time I lived in the boarding caboose. The amount of $8.15,
charged against my wages by [the padrone] deducted from the
amount o f wages due me, and paid over to him by the railroad
com pany without my approval, without giving me even a chance
to see and to say whether it is or it is not correct, has been supplied
to me only to an extent of $6.90; this fact is proved by the book.
The items marked in the book by the clerk of th e ----------show that
16251—08------1
448
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
I have received from the store the following amounts: $1.72, $0.12,
$0.80, $0.12, $0.36, $0.48, $1.36, $0.22, $0.24, $1.48; total, $6.90;
overcharged, $1.25. I complained to the clerk and he gave me 1
pound o f tea, which he valued at 60 cents, and refused any further
reimbursement.
In the month of August, 1906, Magistrate W ahle, in New Y ork
City, held a foreman and a subforeman of a railroad in $300 bail
for trial at special sessions for extorting sums of money ranging from
$2 to $8.25 from six Italian laborers in the em ploy of the railroad
com pany, under threats of deducting time worked. The affidavit
under which the men were arrested and held for trial is as follows
(names om itted):
The la b o re r,--------------------- , being du ly sworn, deposes and says -that he resides in
the city of New Y ork; that he has lately been in the em ploy of th e ----------Railroad
Com pany, as a laborer, a t-------- , in the city of New Y ork.
That w hile deponent was as aforesaid em ployed he was under the orders, direction,
and control o f --------------------- , foreman for the s a id ----------Railroad Com pany, and
---------------------, his assistant.
That the said foreman and his said assistant were the tim ekeepers of this depo
nent, and had authority to discharge this deponent, w ith or w ithout cause.
That at various tim es during the m onth of August, 1906, the said forem an -------------------, and his said assistant,--------------------- , requested and accepted m oney to the
am ount of $7.50 from this deponent, w ithout the consent or knowledge of the said
forem an’s principal, the sa id ----------Railroad Com pany, on an understanding, and an
agreement w ith this deponent, that if your deponent refused and failed to give to the
said foreman and his said assistant the said sum of m oney that sa id -------------------- and
--------------------- w ould fail to report deponent’s fu ll tim e, or w ould discharge your
deponent, all in violation of section 384r of the Penal Code.
Sworn to before m e th is------ day o f -----------, 1906.
C om m issioner o f D eeds fo r N ew York City.
TH E PADRONE COMMISSARY SYSTEM OF THE PRESEN T
TIME.
In contrasting the padrone commissary system of the present day
with that existing in the periods described in preceding pages, it becomes
evident that conditions have greatly improved and that many of the
extortions and abuses practiced in form er years have been eliminated.
But the system of segregation, keeping the Italian laborers from
coming into contact with American life, thought, and habits, con
tinues to be the m ost vicious feature, not alone of the padrone
commissary system, but of the commissary system in all of its
independent forms.
One of the results of the years of agitation and effort for the
prevention of extortions and abuses was the enactment of a law
by the legislature of the State of New Y ork on April 27, 1904, for
dealing with such conditions. This law was amended and im proved
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
449
April 27, 1906. In his annual report for 1906 the commissioner of
licenses of the city of New Y ork says:
The office of the commissioner of licenses was created two years
ago by special act of the legislature, for the purpose of abolishing the
evils which had grown up in the conduct of the employment agencies
of the city and to institute and maintain a system of inspection and
regulation which would prevent a recurrence of the abuses which
unrestricted latitude had made notorious. * * * Chief among
the features of the amended law is that it specifically applies the
jurisdiction of the commissioner of licenses to several classes of
agencies which the act of 1904 covered generally but too vaguely.
* * * It specificallyprovidesforthe regulation of the Italian padrone
system which in the past has been prolific of abuse and injustice. It
aids the commissioner of licenses to more effectually prevent the
swindles which were perpetrated upon unsophisticated members of
the community by misleading advertising ana false promises on part
of agents regarding em ploym ent; it better enables tne commissioner
to withhold licenses from persons whom he deems to be m orally unfit
to conduct employment agencies, and it prohibits absolutely the
collection of fees by agents on the promise of procuring employment
in places where no employment exists.
Summarizing the results of the work of the New Y ork City office
from May 1 , 1905, to May 1 , 1906, under the law of 1904 and before
the law of 1906 became operative, the commissioner of licenses, for
that part of his work relating to padrone and other employment
offices, gives the following, which does not include anything relating
to domestic service:
Number of com plaints involving refund of fees to applicants for em ploym ent.
812
Am ount of m oney refunded b y agencies to applicants for em ploym ent as a
result of com plaint made to this o ffic e ................................................................... $2,130
Number of proceedings instituted in crim inal cou rts..............................................
47
Number of co n v iction s..................................................................................................
15
Number of licenses revok ed ..........................................................................................
13
Number of applications for licenses re jected .............................................................
22
Under the amended law the bureau is enabled to deal with the
system more effectively.
In his report of May 1, 1906, the commissioner says:
It is hard to prove legally that the New Y ork employment agen
cies give false information to applicants as to the character and con
ditions surrounding the work at the point o f destination, and the
stories of ill treatment beyond the commissioner’ s jurisdiction by the
em ploying companies are flatly denied by them and their agents.
N o class of agencies opposed the application of the employment
agency law to them, as did the padrones. Many of them had to be
prosecuted in the police courts and made to pay fines, before they
would consent to take out licenses.
Perhaps the greatest and most important factors in improving
the condition of Italian laborers have been the action and attitude
o f the general officers of the railroad companies. For some years
450
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
past all the railroad lines in the North Atlantic States and in some of
the N orth Central States have been dependent upon Italians for
their supply of common labor. This supply could be obtained only
through the padrone commissary system and the labor agencies
inseparable from it. The customs, clannishness, and suspicious
nature of the Italians could not be met in the regular way. Lan
guage was an additional bar. Maintenance-of-way engineers, track
superintendents, and foremen were powerless in any attempt to deal
directly with them, and, as a matter of fact, they made little or no
effort in that direction. Instead of this, they entered into agree
ments or contracts with the padrones for the supply, management,
and care of all of the Italian laborers required. The padrone became
the middleman, coming between the employer and employed.
The padrone on the right of way of the railroads feeds, clothes,
and furnishes heat, light, and a sleeping place. Through him, and
not through the foremen, passes for transportation are furnished at
such times as the men need them. The padrone is to the laborers, to
all intents and purposes, the real employer. The foremen and time
keepers report the number of hours worked. A t the end of each
month, the deductions for food, rent, clothing, and sundries fur
nished at the padrone commissary are turned into the com pany’s
offices. Later, when the pay car arrives, each laborer receives the
balance due him for the previous month’s work after the deductions
are made. This system has relieved the companies of a great deal
of trouble, and they have becom e very well satisfied with it.
In former years overcharges and extortions were deducted from
the pay rolls without let or hindrance or with unavailing protests.
Foremen added to the abuses by requiring payment of certain
amounts by the laborers, with promises to retain them at work or
give them preference over others. The commissary deductions per
man ran up to $12, $15, and as high as $20 per month, which amounts
were nearly three times as great as the actual purchases. The higher
officials of the companies, desirous o f stopping the practices, employed
detectives who in the guise of laborers went over the lines and
reported the actual conditions. The padrone labor agents were
called to the offices of the companies and were emphatically told that
there had to be radical changes made in their dealings with the
laborers.
One company also extended the labor agency and commissary
privileges to other padrones, and the ensuing com petition resulted in
lowering the prices and reducing cost of living materially. The gen
eral manager of the line explains the regulations relating to labor
agents as follow s:
Men of this character are usually employed through labor agencies,
and their consideration is the privilege of running a commissary to
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
451
supply the men with provisions, clothing, etc. In some cases the men
doubtless traded out their wages. In order to regulate such practice a
rule was made that no man working as a laborer should incur any obli
gation with any such labor agent greater than $10 per month— and
proportionately less for a less period of labor— and that the prices
charged the men for supplies should not be exorbitant, all matters of
location, transportation, and other such features being considered.
Any infraction of these rules would mean the dismissal of the agent.
These rules were made very emphatic to the labor agents, and the
laborers were also made acquainted with the situation.
Under these regulations no misconduct to any extent has been dis
covered. In order to see that these regulations, and other rules of a
similar nature, are being properly observed, full information is secured
at intervals in different territories through an indirect conference
with the laborers.
In addition to this, foremen were instructed to hire laborers without
the intervention of the padrone. Further changes are contemplated
looking to the dropping of several labor padrone agents.
One of the most interesting, instructive, and enlightening docu
ments on the workings of the Italian commissary system and the
interposition of the Italian middleman between the laborers and their
American employers is herewith presented. It is a copy of the
printed rules and regulations for storekeepers employed and laborers
controlled by the Italian agent or middleman on one of the great east
ern railroads. It is printed in Italian and in English. A copy is
furnished to each laborer and he signs the agreement to abide by the
rules and regulations as part of his contract to work. The agent has
commissary stores and shanties along the main lines and branches
and sells immense quantities of supplies. The rules are as follows:
RULES AND REGULATIONS FOR LABORERS.
I. Storekeepers must keep the premises to w hich they are assigned in a neat, orderly,
and healthy condition, and are required to thoroughly clean, trim , and fill the lamps
daily.
Buildings or shanties occupied b y section gangs must be cleaned thoroughly b y the
men each day; each occupant must take his regular turn under the supervision of the
storekeeper or the person specially deputized for that purpose. Each laborer or occu
pant is required to thoroughly clean and air his mattress and bedding and change his
underwear each week.
II. The grounds adjacent to the buildings or shanties must be kept in a neat condi
tion, and all persons are forbidden to deposit refuse of any kind, or com m it any nui
sance in the im m ediate v icin ity.
I I I . A t 9 p. m. each day the occupants of the buildings or shanties are required to
retire; they shall refrain from loud talking or singing, and under no condition shall
the other occupants be disturbed.
. IV . A n y laborer detected in stealing vegetables or other property or in stealing
anything from any inhabitant shall forfeit and pay an amount not less than 25 cents
nor more than $5, or the value of the property stolen. Laborers w ill also forfeit and
pay a sum not exceeding $5 for any violation of these rules.
V. Laborers w ill be required to board themselves— that is, to do their own cooking.
If any overcharge is made b y any storekeeper for provisions or supplies, the same
should be reported at once to m y office. No correction, w ill be made alter the m onthly
statement has been rendered to the com pany showing the am ount of each man’s
board, and other charges, which amount shall be deducted from his wages b y the pay
master. Each laborer should compare his own book w ith that of the storekeeper
whenever a purchase is made and thus avoid the possibility of mistakes.
452
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Y I. Laborers must dem and their provision or supply b ill each m onth at least one
day before pay day in order that any irregularity m ay be corrected before paym ent.
No corrections w ill be made thereafter. B ills m ust be presented to the paymaster
for approval.
V II. No fee or m oney shall be paid b y any laborer to any person in m y em ploy or
under m y control except at m y office, and then the charge shall be a nom inal one,
m erely to cover the expenses of transfer of baggage and the expenses of m y repre
sentatives w hich are necessary in taking charge of gangs to and from the works. This
fee shall be known as the assistant overseer’s and clerk’s charge for expenses.
V III. Laborers are required to pay a fee (w hich w ill be agreed upon) per m onth as
rent for his lodging in the shanty, building, or for w hich charge shall in clude oil,
salt, and lamps.
A n y laborer leaving the shanty or car and selects another place to sleep w ill be
com pelled to pay the rent, $1 per m onth. If he does not obtain any provisions from
m e, h e is com pelled to pay from $1.50 to $2 per m onth. I f a laborer leaves the car or
shanty, he must state a reason for doing so, and if he can give a good cause I w ill see
that a satisfactory arrangement w ill be made.
IX . Laborers are strictly forbidden to pay cash for any articles obtained from m y
storekeepers. Each laborer w ill be provided w ith a book upon w hich his account
shall be entered, item b y item , thus avoiding the possibility of overcharge or mis
takes of any kind. A ny violation of this provision must be im m ediately reported
to m e.
X . Laborers are forbidden to loan m oney to storekeepers or to any other person
em ployed b y or representing m e or to forem en or others em ployed b y the com pany.
X I . Storekeepers shall keep all bags containing provisions and return the same to
m e or to m y representative at the depot as soon as practicable. Storekeepers w ill be
held personally responsible for all bags not returned and for all goods shipped to or
received b y them or on their behalf. I f not fu lly accounted for, the value of the
shortage discovered w ill be deducted from their wages. A ll provisions must be fresh
and fit to dispose of; otherwise they should be returned at once.
X I I . Laborers who qu it work of their own accord w ill be required to wait for their
pay until the regular pay day unless such laborer or em ployee shall obtain the tim e
or work slip and surrender the same to m e in order that it m ay be proved and certified
b y the superintendent, whereupon such laborer or em ployee after such certification
on ly shall becom e entitled to his pay, and the same m ay be paid b y m e im m ediately
or at m y discretion; but laborers discharged for in ability or sickness m ay request
their tim e from the foreman, and after such certification w ill receive their pay w ith
out delay. No person, however, who shall qu it work, leave, or who shall be discharged
shall be entitled to receive his pay unless his rule book be first surrendered to m e or
to their paymaster.
X I I I . Laborers are forbidden to board cars unless accom panied b y m y representa
tiv e provided w ith transportation. A disregard of this rule w ill necessitate the paying
of their own fare. I w ill not be responsible if any man is ejected from the train when
unaccom panied and w ithout transportation.
X IV . Laborers com ing to New Y ork on Saturday nights must report at m y office
Sunday evening at 5 p. m ., when th ey w ill be accom panied to the works b y m y rep
resentative w ith transportation, if not th ey w ill be required to pay their own fere.
The o b je ct of this is to secure the laborers’ presence on the works M onday mornings.
The com pany is not com pelled to transport free of charge; th ey'do this for the accom
m odation of the laborers, and this privilege shall b e accorded them on ly in cases of
sickness, accidents, business calls, or difficulties, and then on ly w hen in m y discretion
I m ay deem it necessary, and I reserve the right to suspend this rule at any tim e
w ithout notice.
X V . Number or checks issued to laborers are not transferable, and each laborer
must draw his own m oney. Such checks, if presented for paym ent b y any person
other than the laborer who perform ed the services, w ill be taken up and paym ent
refused except to the person who perform ed the work.
X V I. A n y laborer feeling aggrieved m ay, b y a com plaint in w riting directed to
--------------------- , ------------------ , --------------------- , have his com plaint against the store
keeper or other person thoroughly investigated, and ju stice done in the premises.
X V II. A n y laborer making a charge w hich subsequently proves to be false and
w ithout foundation w ill be im m ediately dism issed; bu t if such charge be true, the
storekeeper or other em ployee com plained of w ill b e fined, suspended, or dism issed.
X V III. Laborers discharged b y section bosses or others w ithout serious cause w ill
be reinstated if practicable or transferred b y m e to other work, in order that the best
interests of the laborers m ay b e served.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
453
It is m y w ish, how ever, that when a laborer is discharged his fellow -w orkm en con
tinue work, and they m ay feel assured that their fellow -w orkm an’s interests w ill be
taken care of b y m e, and thus all “ strikes” can be avoided.
X I X . Each man must show his num ber to his foreman every day to avoid mistakes,
and no man w ill b e allow ed to go from one foreman to another w ithout the consent of
m yself or m y authorized assistant overseer.
X X . This book w ith corresponding name and num ber is absolutely not transferable.
A strict com pliance w ith these rules and regulations w ill insure ju stice to all, and a
friendly, am icable relation betw een the laborers under m y control and m yself.
W hen m en leave the service of the com pany or are discharged th ey m ust not leave
their identification num bers, for the collection of their wages, to any one, bu t th ey
must collect their wages them selves.
X X I. It is distin ctly agreed b y the laborer whose name is signed to this book that
any m oneys w hich m ay be laid out and expended at said laborer’s request for his
benefit b y --------------------- shall b e deducted from any m oneys com ing to the said
laborer.
X X I I . I agree that the value of the provisions and other goods supplied to me b y
shall be deducted from the pay roll b y the com pany.
X X I I I . Should a laborer n ot surrender this book w hen quittm g service, h e w ill
forfeit and pay 25 cents.
--------------------- Company.
I hereby agree to abide b y the foregoing rules and regulations, and accept them as
part of m y contract to work.
New Y o r k ,----------, 190— .
Laborer.
Signed in presence of—
Witness.
RULES FOR STOREKEEPER.
N e w Y o r k , ----------- , 190 — .
I , ---------------------, hereby agree to take charge of the store entrusted to m y care and
do m y fu ll du ty as a storekeeper, keeping proper books of account, showing sales and
balance of m erchandise on hand each day, w ith a m onthly salary of $— — , and be
responsible for all goods delivered to me b y ---------------------or b y nis representative,
ana prom ise to return all goods consigned to me or pay the am ount of said goods, deduct
ing it from m y salary, or otherwise.
I also agree th a t---------------------shall retain one m onth and a half of m y salary, as
security for m y due perform ance of all m y duties, w hich salary shall b e paid to me on
leaving service and soon after a proper inventory has been taken in the store entrusted
to m e, and to g iv e ----------tim e to make out m y inventory and see that m y accounts
are correct.
I shall also diligen tly attend to :
(a) Sending all em pty bags, as soon as I have over ten.
lb) Send receipts for oread received every three days.
(c) And to send receipts for all goods sent to m e, as soon as received.
(d) If a laborer is discharged or leaves the service of the com pany, storekeeper is
com pelled to send board b ill of the man t o ---------------------office im m ediately, ana also
give the man who leaves a copy of it.
In case I fail to correctly observe the above rules I agree to pay such fine as the
office w ill im pose on me.
I also agree never to leave, on any circum stance, the store under m y care w ithout a
special perm it from ---------------------, and if I fail to com ply w ith this provision I agree
to forfeit to and pay $----- - pay a fine of $------ , besides all damage that m ight arise
from m y not com plying w ith this rule.
W hen I leave service, all m y wages and arrears due to me shall be paid to m e in
---------------------o ffic e ,------------------ street,---------- .
The rental of a shanty at $1 per month, with a low rate for lodg
ing, heat, and light to each man, is the most profitable part of the com
missary system. The buildings, or shanties as they are called, are
wooden structures and built upon the land o f the railroad com pany
454
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
free of land rental. They are well constructed and com fortable as a
rule. They are frame buildings, with tongue and groove boards, cov
ered with tar or building paper. Another layer of tongue and groove
boards is laid over the paper, with additional wooden strips over the
seams on the outside. The dimensions of one o f these shanties is as
follow s: 35 feet long by 14 feet wide, 8 feet in height at side to slope
of roof, and 16 feet high in the center. Twenty bunks are built in two
tiers, one bunk to each man; each bunk is 7 feet long. There are six
windows, four of them 18 by 20 inches each and two of them 18 by 24
inches. The door is 30 inches wide and 75 inches high. There is one
heating stove, which is also used for cooking purposes. Another of
these shanties, occupied by twenty-eight men, is 52 feet long by 18
feet wide, 12 feet high to slope of roof, being higher in the center.
There are two tiers of bunks, each bunk 7 feet long. The room is 7
bunks long.
The following table shows the prices charged for certain articles of
food at a railroad padrone commissary, at an Italian independent
commissary recommended as selling at fair prices where freight and
other charges are added, at regular retail stores in New York City,
and at a model camp at Pittsburg, all in 1906, and also at a padrone
camp near New York City for the year 1897:
P R IC E S O F C O M M O D IT IE S C H A R G E D A T V A R IO U S C O M M IS S A R IE S IN 1897 A N D 1906.
Article.
Bread, per l§-lb. lo a f....................
M acaroni, im ported, per l b .........
M acaroni, dom estic, per l b .........
Sausage, bologna, im ported, per
A t railroad
padrone
com m issary
100 miles
and over
from New
Y ork. City,
1906.
10.08
.08
S0.06-.07
A t regular
, Italian
A t regular
independent
Italian
com m issary
retail stores
over 60
in N ew Y o r k
miles from
C ity, 1906.
N ew Y o r k
City, 1906.
SO
A t padrone
cam p near
N ew Y o rk
City, 1897.
S0.06
SO. 10
.07 ........................
.05
.10
32
.16
.32
SO. 083
.10
.06
S0.25-.34
16
A t m odel
cam p a t
P ittsburg,
1906.
Sausage, bologna, dom estic, per
Cheese, im ported, per l b .............
T om atoes, per 2-lb. c a n ............ .
F a tb a ck (for la rd ), per l b ..........
Codfish, salt, dried, per l b ..........
C orned beef (V eribest), per 1-lb.
c a n .................................................
Beans in bulk, per l b ................. .
Peas in bulk, per l b .....................
Sardines, dom estic, per b o x -----Lentils, im ported, per l b ............
R ice, per l b ....................................
Tea, per l b .....................................
Coffee, per lb .................................
Sugar, per l b .................................
Cheese, dom estic, per l b .............
.18
.34
.14
.1
2
.1
2
.1
2
.16
.14
.06
.06
.07
.15
.05
.1
0
.10
.08
.05*
.10
.35
.30
.08
.1
2
.*36*
:6
e*
.16
.35
.20
.10
.12
.12
.14
.05
.05*
.05
.09-.10
.10
.06
.20
.25
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
455
The prices charged at the commissary stores in 1906 of a padrone
railroad labor agent on the line are as follow s:
P R IC E S C H A R G E D A T C O M M IS S A R Y S T O R E S O F P A D R O N E L A B O R A G E N T I N 1906.
Article.
Unit.
B re a d .............................
M acaroni, d om estic...
M acaroni, im p o r te d ..
Cheese, im p orted ........
Sardines.........................
T o m a to e s......................
Beans, lo o se .................
Sausage, bologna, d o
m estic.
lj-lb . l o a f...
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
B o x ..............
2-lb. ca n ___
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
Price.
10.08
.06
.08
.34
.05
.12
$0.05-.06
.14
Article.
Unit.
Sausage, bologna, im
ported.
Corned beef...................
Codfish, dried..............
F atback (for l a r d ). . .
Sugar............... ; ............
Soap................................
Sm oking to b a c c o ........
O veralls.........................
Jackets..........................
P o u n d ..........
$0.24
1-lb. ca n ___
P o u n d ..........
P o u n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
Cake.............
P ackage___
E a ch ............
E a ch ............
.15
.10
.12
?06
$0.03-.05
.05
.50
.50
Price.
Upon another line of railroad a padrone agent having the employ
ment agency and commissary privilege employs twenty-five store
keepers. He ships and sells weekly to the Italian laborers at the
commissaries on the road the following quantities and at the prices
nam ed:
Q U A N T IT Y A N D P R IC E O F C O M M O D ITIE S SO LD P E R W E E K T O I T A L IA N R A I L R O A D
L A B O R E R S B Y P A D R O N E C O M M IS S A R Y A G E N T .
Article.
B read..........................................................................................
Macaroni..................................................■
..................................
F a tb a c k .....................................................................................
S ugar..........................................................................................
Corned beef, canned................................................................
Sardines.....................................................................................
B eans..........................................................................................
Sausage, b o lo g n a .....................................................................
Cheese, im p orted .......................................•.............................
Macaroni, chopped (p a s ta )..................................................
Coffee..........................................................................................
S oap ............................................................................................
-------------------------------------------------------------- 1-----------------------
^
Unit.
l H b . loa f........
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
1-lb. ca n ..........
B o x ..................
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
Cake.................
P riceper
T o ta l qua n tity sold.
unit.
$0.08
.07
.12
.09
.16
.07
.06
.18
.34
.07
.35
.30
.05
7.000 loaves.
350 25-lb. boxes.
2.000 pounds.
1,200 pounds.
12 cases 1-lb. cans.
12 cases.
25 bushels.
700 pounds.
450 pounds.
6 barrels.
60 pounds.
75 pounds.
5 cases.
In addition to the above, quantities of tobacco, overalls, and shoes
were sold.
At some points on the different lines of railroad the railroad com
panies supply the shanties or box cars fitted up with bunks. No
rent is charged for these, but the padrone in such cases keeps them
in order, and furnishes lamp oil, brooms, stove, fuel, etc., and for this
service a charge of 50 cents per man per month is made.
A system slightly different from others is one where in addition to
each man having a book in which is entered the article and the price
when he buys goods at the store, a card is hung up at the end of the
month showing the amount of each man’s bill for the month, before
it is sent to the pay officers of the railroad company. This is one of
the reforms adopted b y direction of the company.
456
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
A t a padrone camp in New Jersey (not connected with railroads),
on October 22, 1906, the following prices were charged to the Italian
laborers em ployed:
P R IC E S A T A P A D R O N E L A B O R C AM P IN N E W J E R S E Y , O C T O B E R 22,1906.
Article.
U nit.
B re a d .......................................................................................................................................
M acaroni, dom estic.................................................................. - ..........................................
Sausage, bologna, d om estic...............................................................................................
Sardines...................................................................................................................................
C h e e s e .....................................................................................................................................
T o m a to es................................................................................................................................
P otatoes, w h ite.....................................................................................................................
B eer..........................................................................................................................................
Sm oking t o b a c c o ..................................................................................................................
lH b .lo a f...
P o u n d ..........
P o u n d ..........
B o x ..............
P o u n d ..........
C an...............
P o u n d ..........
Pint b o t t le .
P ackage___
Price.
10.09
.06
.16
.05
.25
.12
.02
.06
.06
The employment fee for work at this camp was $1 per man. The
railroad fare was advanced and was deducted from the wages, which
were $1.50 per day of ten hours. The shanty was two stories in
height, the first story being for the use of the foreman, and the rent
was $1 per month for each man. The second floor was 25 by 35 feet
and occupied by thirty-two men, who slept on straw thrown on the
floor; some men had their straw in mattresses or ticking, and those
who had no blankets were obliged to sleep in their clothes. The
shanty was built of one thickness of boards, and had large cracks in
the side; the roof was made of boards and leaked very much when
it rained. The place was dirty and wet, with straw all over the floor,
and it looked like a stable. The men cooked their meals outside in
the open air. This is descriptive of conditions where employment
is of a temporary character and not on regular railway systems. On
the latter, carpenters and painters now keep the shanties in repair
at the expense of the padrone.
CONDITIONS IN INDEPENDENT ITALIA N LABOR CAMPS
NOT CONTROLLED B Y PADRONES.
Before entering upon the investigation of the condition of Italian
laborers employed upon railroads and by contractors where the
padrone furnishes the men and sells them their supplies, a visit was
made to an Italian labor camp not under the control of a padrone.
The employer in this case was carrying on a work of construction
which was to continue two years or more upon his own property, in
a rural com m unity and distant from any city. He was a fair
employer and liberal to his employees. The Italian laborers employed
were sent by an Italian immigrant protective society from New York
City.
No fees were charged either to the laborers or employer for secur
ing the employment.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
457
The employer paid the laborers 10 cents per day more than the
prevailing rate of wages and for a nine-hour day, which was one hour
per day less than the prevailing workday. Being desirous of grati
fying the wishes of the men with regard to the Italian manner of
living, he built a wooden structure for their accommodation and
turned over a part of it to an Italian to use as a commissary for the
supplies purchased by the men. This man was recommended by
the society and well and favorably known to the men. The employer
had nothing whatever to do with the purchase or sale of the supplies,
nor any participation in the profit. The purchase, sale, and profit
were turned over to the Italian in charge of the commissary. The
men paid $1 per month for the use of the building, or “ shanty,” as
it is called. The men could five where they pleased, and some of
them lived with their families in the villages near by. There was a
total of 135 men, nearly all Italians, and of these 48 Italian laborers
and 16 Italian mechanics purchased all of their food supplies at the
commissary and slept in the shanty. Many of the others purchased
food at the commissary for the noonday meal.
The shanty was a wooden structure, 90 feet long by 24 feet wide,
and about 20 feet in height. The boards were covered with tar paper
and tongue and groove boards over that, with strips nailed over the
seams. The structure was divided into three apartments.. To the
commissary was assigned 12 feet by 24 feet, to the mechanics 39 feet
by 24 feet, and to the laborers 39 feet by 24 feet.
In the room of the mechanics there were 16 cots in one tier. The
mechanics supplied their own beds and bedding. In the room for
the laborers were 48 cots, one for each man, in two tiers. The men
supplied their own bedticks and bedding, straw being furnished
free. There was a large stove in each room for cooking and heating
purposes in cold weather. In summer the cooking and eating were
done outdoors, each man or two to four men cooking the evening
meal on fires built about stones conveniently arranged. Here, as
elsewhere, there was no arrangement or desire to cook or eat in one
mess composed of all the men.
Most of the laborers sat on the ground while eating, although some
rough tables and benches were provided outdoors. Articles of clothing
were not sold at the commissary, but were bought in the near-by
villages. The variety of the food purchased by the mechanics was
greater and the quality better than that purchased b y the laborers.
The former used the more expensive imported articles to a consider
able extent. The laborers, as a rule, abstained from the purchase of
wines, liquors (except beer), and cigars on sale at the commissary.
The m ajority of the laborers used at least 1 pint bottle of beer per
day at mealtime. The lowest expenditure for food and tobacco for
laborers was $6; the highest, $11, and the average, $9 per month.
458
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Twenty of the laborers, principally Sicilians, expended $8 per month.
This did not include rent of shanty. The mechanics spent from $5 to
$10 per month more than the laborers.
The articles kept on sale at the commissary, with prices the men
were charged for them, were as follows:
P R IC E S C H A R G E D A T I N D E P E N D E N T I T A L IA N L A B O R C AM P.
Article.
B rea d .....................................
M acaroni, dom estic...........
M acaroni, im p o r te d ..........
Sausage, d om estic
__ .
Sausage, d om estic.............
Sausage, im p orted .............
Cheese, d om estic................
Cheese, im ported R om a n .
Corned beef, ca n n ed ..........
Sardines, d om estic............
Salm on, ca n n ed ..................
F a t b a c k ...............................
B a c o n ....................................
Milk, con den sed ..................
T om atoes, cann ed.............
T om atoes, cann ed.............
P o ta to e s ...............................
B eans, b a k ed ......................
B eans, w h ite.......................
O n ion s........... .......................
Coffee, w hole, roa sted ____
U nit.
lj-lb . l o a f ___
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ............
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ............
1-lb. c a n .___
B o x ................
C an.................
P ou n d ...........
P ou n d ............
C an_________
Small c a n .. . .
2-lb. c a n ........
P o u n d ............
C an____ _____
P ou n d ............
P o u n d ............
P ou n d ............
A rticle.
Price.
$0.09
.06
.10
.16
.24
.32
.32
.36
.16
.05
.15
.16
.16
.10
.08
.12
.03
.10
.05
.05
.20
T e a .......................................
Sugar, lu m p .......................
Beer, from kegs.................
W h isk y ................................
W hisky, b o ttle d b ra n d s.
W ine, claret, C aliforn ia..
W ine, claret, im ported
Italian.
A nisette, liq u o r................
Soda w a ter.........................
Soda w a ter.........................
S alt.......................................
G a rlic...................................
T ob a cco, sm ok in g............
T ob a cco, m ixtures fo r
cigarettes.
C igarettes...........................
Cigarettes, Turkish..........
C igars..................................
C orncob p ip es....................
M atches...............................
U nit.
Price.
P o u n d ...........
P o u n d ...........
Pint b o t t le ..
D rin k .............
D rin k .............
Quart b o ttle .
$0.36
.06
.05
.10
.15
.25
.40
D rin k.............
Small b o t t le .
Large b o ttle .
.10
.05
.10
Free.
Free.
.05
.05
Package........
P ackage........
P ackage........
P ackage........
.05
.10
$0.05-. 10
.05
Free.
No record was kept o f the kind, quantity, or price o f the articles
sold to the men. Wages were paid twice a month. A number of
printed pasteboard checks were kept on hand by the storekeeper or
commissariat, with his name on each. These were of various denom
inations, from 1 cent upward. Each man, instead of paying cash,
bought one or more dollars’ worth of these checks. The amount of
one or two dollars was charged against him on the books and on pay
day the amounts charged were paid up. As there were no lockers or
places for keeping the food excepting at the commissary, food pur
chases were made every day, and often at every meal, and paid for
with the pasteboard checks. Some articles, such as coffee, might
be carried over for a day or more. The following were the actual
purchases of supplies for one day of 38 Italian laborers at this cam p:
O ne day's f o o d 'purchases by 88 laborers .
33 loaves of bread, 1J pounds each.
21 pounds of macaroni, domestic.
7J pounds of bologna sausage, domestic.
5 pounds of cheese, domestic.
11 boxes of sardines, 5-cent boxes.
4 cans of baked beans, 2-pound.
13 cans of tomatoes, 2-pound.
17 pounds of potatoes.
12 pounds of onions.
| pound of bacon.
7\ pounds of fatback (substitute for lard).
\ pound of coffee.
459
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
5
27
13
6
3
10
cans of corned beef, 1-pound.
bottles of beer (pints).
glasses of California wine.
bottles of soda water.
purchases of olives, 5 cents’ worth each.
packages of smoking tobacco, in addition to food purchases.
The expenditure for food at this independent camp is much
greater than at the padrone camps engaged on railroad construction
and repair. This is owing to the greater variety and to the use of
beer and wine with their food. The sale of beer is not allowed at
commissaries on the various lines of railroad.
Near Pittsburg, Pa., a general contracting company is engaged in
a great work of construction, employing 1,200 men, 600 of whom are
Italians. The work will require three years for completion. One of
the members of the firm is an Italian. A commissary has been estab
lished where the Italians purchase their food supplies, doing their
own cooking in the customary way, out of doors, during the summer
and fall months. For the other laborers of miscellaneous national
ities a boarding camp with a common table for all has been in opera
tion. Cooking sheds of corrugated iron have been erected and cooks
supply three hot meals a day to the miscellaneous body of laborers,
the price for boarding and lodging in 1906 being $4.50 to $5 per week.
The whitewashed shanties for sleeping purposes are arranged in street
formation and are substantial and comfortable. Stationary tables
are built here and there at which the laborers eat.
Through the influence of the Italian member of the firm a school
of instruction in reading and writing in English has been established
at the camp and eagerly made use of by a large number of the men
who are immigrants from southern Italy— Calabria, Basilicata, and
the Abruzzi. The wages paid to the laborers range from 15 to 17£
cents per hour for a ten-hour workday. The expenditure of the
Italian laborers for food alone is from $8.50 to $10 per month.
The prices charged at the commissary to the Italian laborers are as
follow s:
R E T A I L P R IC E S O F F O O D A T I T A L IA N L A B O R C AM P, P IT T S B U R G , P A .
A rticle.
B re a d .....................................
M acaroni, d om estic............
M acaroni, im ported...........
Beans, lim a ..........................
Cheese, im ported R o m a n .
B ologna sausage, dom es
tic.
Unit.
Price.
lf-lb . lo a f........ $0,085
.06
P ou n d .............
.10
P ou n d .............
.05
P ou n d .............
P ou n d .............
.35
P ou n d .............
.16
A rticle.
U nit.
F a tb a ck (for la r d ).
Sardines..............................
T om a toes............................
Canned roast beef.............
Coflee, ground, ro a ste d . .
T ea ........................................
B eer......................................
P o u n d .............
B o x ..................
3-lb. c a n ..........
1-lb. c a n ..........
P o u n d .............
P int U
K
Price.
-
10.12
.05
.12
.15
.20
.10
.05
The bill of fare of the Italians is as follow s:
Breakfast: Bread, coffee.
Noon dinner: Bread, cheese or sardines or sausage, tea or coffee.
Supper: Macaroni (cooked separate), a little fresh meat for stew or gravy, potatoes,
cabbage or beans, and a bottle of beer.
460
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
In the foregoing instances the Italian laborers were encouraged to
consume more food than they had been accustomed to. The pur
pose of this was to give them greater bodily strength for the labor
they are required to perform in the United States. In Italy their
wages as agricultural laborers were very low and in the mild climate
of that country the methods of labor were easy-going and the required
labor not of a strenuous character. In 1880 the food of agricultural
laborers “ in the districts of Como, Milan, Pavia, and Lodi consisted
of maize bread, badly cooked, heavy, and rancid, and thin soup of
rice or ‘ pasta7 of inferior quality, and vegetables often cold and
spoiled.” “ In southern Ita ly /7 says Villari, “ the peasants live in
miserable houses, with a sack of straw for their bed and black bread
for their sole sustenance.7 These statements relate to the years
7
immediately preceding 1880. “ Maize (Indian corn) was used gen
erally in the northern and central Provinces, rarer in Tuscany and
Rom e, widely diffused in the upper Provinces of Naples, only a
fourth of the communes in Calabria and Apulia, and none at all in
Sicily.7 “ But little wheat bread in Lom bardy, Venetia, Emilia, and
7
the Marches.7 Barley bread used “ m ostly in Apulia and Calabria,
7
rye in Sicily and Lom bardy, acorns in the Marches and Abruzzi.
Animal food holds but little place in the dietary of the poor, and even
in the houses of the w ell-to-do peasant butcher meat appears but
seldom. Sardinia is where animal food is m ostly used and Sicily
where it is least used.”
While conditions have greatly im proved in Italy since the period
referred to, it is the opinion of every contractor and employer of
Italian labor interviewed by the writer that most of our Italian
laborers were raised upon insufficient food and do not consume
enough in the United States.
The character of the present-day dietary in Italy is indicated in
the reports of the United States consuls. The consul at Catania,
1906, states that “ the native laborer must live on cheap bread,
macaroni, native wine, and fruits,7 and the consul at Yenetia says
7
that “ the principal articles of food in an artisan7 fam ily consists of
s
‘ polenta,7 a sort of solid porridge or hasty pudding made of maize
or Indian com , potatoes, beans, and bread. W ine is the beverage
of all the people.7
7
Contractors have in many instances complained of the lack of
strength of the Italian laborers in the United States and have attrib
uted it to insufficient food. The general manager of the leading
contracting com pany in the Southern States, writing from Tennessee,
says: “ The main trouble with the Italian is that he does not eat
enough to furnish him the proper nourishment needed in the work.
Of course, if a man is not properly fed he can not do a good day7
s
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
461
work.” Commenting on a physician’s report on the subject, a New
Y ork newspaper in November, 1906, says:
Very singular and pitiful is the report made by D r .----------, of this
city [New York], to the tuberculosis congress held in Milan recently
on the condition of the Italian laborers in this country. He found a
marked physical deterioration among them and endeavored to learn
the causes. He found them, first, m the miserable tenement dis
tricts inhabited by many Italian laborers in the large cities, and next
in voluntary deprivation of nourishment. In their own country the
Italians live largely in the open air; therefore the slums of the cities
hurt them little, and their simple method of country life hardens
them. In our climate they are forced to live one-half the year in
stuffy homes. W ith their native method of labor, easy-going as it
is ill paid, they require no more than light food ; here, with our
methods, they need the solid food of the average American.
But Italians do not change their home habits. Most of them eat
only a roll with coffee for breakfast, and at lunch take a saloon free
lunch with beer, taking their best meal in the evening. W ith this
slender fare they can not maintain their strength, and soon sink into
the anaemic condition which precedes consumption. It is almost
useless to point out to them the necessity of more food to meet the
harsher climate and heavier work of this country. They have come
here to earn and to save money, and save it they will at the expense
of health and life.
W hile there are instances tending to confirm this view, it must be
said that the mass of Italian laborers in the United States consume
a greater quantity and variety of food than they consumed in Italy,
and it is of superior quality. It is true, however, that the quantity
and variety of food of the Italians in the United States and its cost
are below that of other European immigrants and much below the
American standard of living or food consumption.
An instance where quantity and cost were injuriously low is shown
in the follow ing: A New Y ork City contracting firm in the summer
of 1905 employed 500 Italian laborers, m ostly Sicilians. The wage
rate was $1.75 per day. The firm established a commissary for them,
supplied with articles of food preferred by Italians, such as macaroni,
cheese, bologna sausage, etc., in addition to other things. More than
400 men out of the 500 expended not to exceed $4 per man per month
for food. They lived on bread and onions and 2 or 3 boxes of sar
dines per week. They did not buy or use macaroni, cheese, sausage,
or other foods.
The work was hard, and many of them became sick or were unable
to work. It became unprofitable to run the commissary and the work
was abandoned temporarily, owing to the unfitness of the workers.
Contracting companies engaged on railroad construction and similar
undertakings during the past two years or more have been complaining
of the shortage of laborers, and have been employing men of every
available foreign nationality and all native-born laborers presenting
462
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
themselves. In most cases the work has been carried on at places
where there are no accommodations for the boarding and lodging of
the workmen. For this reason a well-equipped boarding camp is as
much a necessity for a contracting company as the picks, shovels, and
machinery for doing the work. Many railroad companies as well as
contractors have regular boarding trains for such purposes, and this
has been the custom in one form or another for fifty years or more.
In constructing new lines of railroad, grading, bridging, tunneling,
etc., and before track is laid or trains run, it is necessary to build
kitchen, dining room, and bunk houses. A manager, cooks, waiters,
fuel, light, etc., and provisions must be furnished. Long tiers of
roughly made tables with benches are provided in a roughly built
dining room where the three meals a day are served.
A fixed charge is made for the boarding and lodging per week of
each man. A t this table, common to all, the unskilled immigrant
laborers of all European nationalities, excepting the Italian, come
into close personal contact with their first Americanizing influences.
This system and its influences is more common and stronger in the
Middle Western and Northwestern States than elsewhere. The
Swede, Norwegian, Finlander, German, and Slav rub elbows for the
first time with the American born and foreign born of the Englishspeaking races at the eating tables of the boarding shanty, and it is
there that their knowledge o f the common language is first acquired—
somewhat more picturesque than accurate, but it serves.
In the lumber camps, the coal mines, and the railroad camps, this
getting together, amalgamation, and assimilation go on every day.
The Italian laborers, however, are not brought into contact with these
Americanizing influences, rude as they may be. In all cases the rail
road and contracting companies are required to provide separately for
the Italian laborers. It is made one of the conditions of employment
of Italian laborers that a commissary be established at the labor camp
for the sale of the articles of food preferred by them, each man eating
and cooking in such fashion as may suit him. Unlike other races,
they do not select a cook from among their number or otherwise to
furnish meals at a common table.
The padrone encourages this method on account of the profits he
realizes from the sale of the food, and also because through this sys
tem he is continually in touch with his countrymen and can control
their movements and employment. When work ceases at one point
and with one employer, he can transfer them to another and make a
profit in the fee for each man. The Italian laborer himself insists
upon the commissary system because he can live cheaper this way
even if the articles are sold him by the most unscrupulous padrone.
Every agency friendly to the Italian encourages him in his method
of living. A ll o f the Italian societies that secure employment for the
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
463
Italian laborer and protect him from the swindling of the padrone and
others, insist at the same time upon the establishment at labor camps:
of the commissary or store for the purchase of food supplies and his own
methods of cooking. It is made one of the conditions of employment
by them as well as by the padrone. All they ask is that an honest
man have charge o f the store who will not overcharge the men. No*
encouragement is given the Italian laborers from any source, good or
bad, to sit and eat at the boarding camps or boarding houses and take
“ pot luck” with the men of all other nationalities.
The Labor Inform ation Office for Italians, in New York Cityy
which is doing a great deal that is good for the Italian laborer, and
was organized for the purpose of “ preventing the abuses of the
padrone system ” and of “ better distributing Italian immigrant
labor,” free of all cost to the laborer or employer, tacitly encourages
the commissary system of segregation and separation by urging the
employer to provide the raw foods for sale at or near the work at
fair prices.
The reason given for the existence of the Italian commissary is that
the Italian insists on having the food of his own country. As a matter
of fact, as is shown elsewhere in this article, the southern Italian laborer
in his native land did not use as part of his daily food the articles he
buys at the Italian commissary here and uses daily, not even the same
kind of bread and macaroni, which are here made of American flour,,
and readily, obtainable. In Italy the Italian laborer did not buy or
use sausage, cheese, sardines, lard, canned corned beef, canned toma
toes, baked beans, sugar, coffee, tea, or beer. He buys these articles
here at the commissary, and many use them daily, if meagerly. They
are all, except tea and coffee, American products. The Italian laborer
avoids Italian imported articles on account of the higher cost.
The theory that the Italian laborer must have the food and cooking:
peculiar to Italy is disproved by the fact that in emergency cases, when
a railroad company finds it necessary to assemble a body of Italian and
other laborers quickly at some given point accompanied by its own.
boarding cars, and supplies free meals of soups and roasted and boiled
meats in the usual American style, the Italians are among the heartiest
and most appreciative consumers. The fact that the Italian laborer
has abandoned wine and taken to beer is another illustration of this
fact. German laborers of former years brought food preferences with
them, which, in the boarding camps of the United States, had to be
ignored in order to meet the general requirements of all hands for
uniform muscle-producing foods. It will be seen further on in this
article that the simple fare of labor camps of former years, consisting
mainly of bread, pork and beans, vegetables, and coffee, has given
way to a much more elaborate one.
16251—08----- 5
464
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
From a prominent contracting company engaged in railroad con
struction and other work in several States, the result of an investiga
tion into the cost of living of its laborers of various nationalities has
been secured. This company employs laborers of all nationalities,
including large numbers of Italians. The good qualities of the
Italian as a laborer are fully appreciated by this com pany and
its superintendents. The com pany established in the Northern and
Southern States boarding camps for laborers of miscellaneous nation
alities and commissary stores for the Italian laborers. T o arrive at
the cost per man at the boarding camps, the actual cost of the gro
ceries, meats, eggs, fish, etc., for a given period was taken, and found
to be—
For groceries and provisions.................................................................................... $1,371.14
625.00
For cook, waiters, fuel, light, and miscellaneous camp charges.....................
Total..................................................................................................................
1,996.14
During the period there were served 10,482 meals, making an aver
age cost of 19 cents per meal, which is equal to $3.99 per week, practi
cally $4. Included in the number of meals and cost per meal were
free meals to cook and waiter, timekeepers, and some foremen. The
men were charged $18 per month for board and lodging.
The Italians at the camps lived m ostly on macaroni, sausage,
cheese, sardines, and bread. Macaroni and bread were the staples,
the sausage, sardines, and cheese being used interchangeably— that is,
if a man has sardines he does not have any sausage, etc. The average
m onthly expense of the Italian laborer was as follow s:
Twenty-five loaves of bread, at 8 cents........................................................................ $2.00
Thirty pounds of macaroni, at 7 cents...................................................................... ... 2.10
Sausage, sardines, and cheese......................................................................................... 1.50
Lard...............................................................................................................................................30
Total for fo o d ..........................................................................................................
5.90
Most o f the Italians, in addition to the above, spent an average of $3
per month for beer, cheap cigars, or tobacco, which, with the expense
of $1 per month for shanty rent, brings the total cost of living per man
to $9.90 per month.
The com parative cost of food and lodging at this camp per man per
month was—
For miscellaneous laborers at boarding camps......................................................... $18.00
For Italian laborers.........................................................................................................
6.90
D ifferen ce.............................................................................................................
11.10
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
465
The hill of fare at the boarding camps for two typical days in 1906
was as follow s:
Friday .
Breakfast: Oatmeal, ham, fried eggs, potatoes, bread and butter, coffee, cake.
Dinner: Roast beef, canned salmon or fried or boiled herring, potatoes, beans (lim a),
tomatoes, bread and butter, coffee, pie.
Supper: Cold beef, codfish cakes, potatoes, peas, com , bread and butter, cake, tea.
Saturday.
Breakfast: Oatmeal, beefsteak, potatoes, bread and butter, coffee.
Dinner: Roast pork, potatoes, cabbage, onions, bread and butter, bread pudding,
coffee.
Supper: Boiled ham, potatoes, tomatoes, bread and butter, cake, apple sauce, tea.
A t one o f the camps o f this northern contracting com pany in a
border Southern State, 5,644 meals were served, the cost of groceries
and provisions to the company for these meals being $917.52, n ot
including the wages of cook and waiters, fuel and lighting, or other
miscellaneous expenses or value o f equipment. This was in the
month of November, 1906. The charge for board and lodging at this
camp was $4 per week, the laborers that paid this rate being men
of miscellaneous nationalities.
The Italians at this camp did not take their meals at the boarding
camp. A com m issaiy and sleeping shanties were provided for them.
One dollar a m onth was charged them for shanty rent, including
light and fuel. They purchased their provisions at the commissary.
From the commissary sales it was found that their average expend
iture per man was $7.36 per month for provisions and sundries,
including tobacco, beer, etc.
The bill of fare at this boarding camp for two days in the month
of December, 1906, was as follow s:
Friday, December 7.
Breakfast: Ham and eggs, buckwheat cakes, German fried potatoes, butter, sirup,
“ force, ’ * ginger drops, cakes, stewed peaches, coffee.
Dinner: Beast beef, brown graver, boiled potatoes, stewed tomatoes, green peas,
salmon salad, bread, butter, pumpkin pie, coffee.
Supper: Beef liver, German fried potatoes, green peas, stewed tomatoes, salmon
salad, bread, butter, cheese, stewed peaches, ginger drop cakes, coffee, tea.
Saturday, D ecem bers .
Breakfast: Pig sausage links, German fried potatoes, buckwheat cakes, butter,
sirup, oatmeal, canned peaches, vanilla cake, coffee, tea.
Dinner: Roast beef, brown gravy, stewed potatoes, turnips, hot slaw, peach pie,
bread, butter, coffee.
Supper: Steak, boiled potatoes, hot slaw, turnips, bread, butter, vanilla cake, apple
sauce, coffee.
466
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
FOOD STANDARDS OF LABO RERS OTHER THAN ITALIANS.
Before entering into the minute details of kind, quantity, and
cost of food, and of clothing and lodging of Italian laborers at the
padrone commissary camps, it is desirable to present the accepted
food standards and the cost and method of living of laborers and
others in various parts of the country of American and foreign birth,
other than Italian.
A t the session of the United States Congress beginning in Decem
ber, 1905, instructions for the kind of ration to be served to the
enlisted men on the warships of the American N avy were enacted
into law. The purpose of this act was to preserve the health and
strength of the men, by furnishing them food sufficient in kind and
quantity. A specimen bill of fare served to the enlisted men on a
United States battle ship, and prepared in accordance with the Navy
ration prescribed by Congress, is as follow s:
Breakfast: Baked beans, tomato catsup, bread, butter, coffee.
Dinner: Roast beef, brown gravy, string beans, sweet potatoes, cottage pudding,
vanilla sauce, bread, coffee.
Supper: Cold boiled ham, canned peaches, bread, butter, tea.
This, of course, varies from day to day.
In the Middle Western and Northwestern States railroad com
panies in former years, in construction work, furnished each its own
boarding train and boarding boss, for the care of its workmen. This
has given way to the form ation of independent boarding and supply
companies which contract with several railways for the board of the
men at fixed rates. One of these companies has its headquarters
at Chicago, 111.
In October, 1906, this com pany was operating forty boarding
camps on five of the principal lines of railroad radiating from Chicago,
through Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, W isconsin, and Minnesota.
Fifty men was the average number of laborers at each boarding camp.
They were all English speaking, although many were foreign bom .
There were no Italians. On railroad construction work the number
of cars used in housing and feeding the men is as follow s for a gang
running from 30 or 40 up to 150 men:
One kitchen car.
One dining car for each 28 or 30 laborers.
One store car to carry groceries, meats, and vegetables.
One office car, in which is carried a stock of tobacco, shoes, clothing, etc., for
the convenience of the laborers.
One foreman’s car, for himself, assistants, and timekeeper, for their dining and
sleeping room.
One bunk car for each 14 to 16 laborers.
The railroad company furnishes the cars, constructs the bunks, the
dining-room tables, shelves in the kitchen, etc. The railroad com
pany also furnishes coal and water, transportation for help and sup
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
467
plies, and a baggage car privilege for perishables. The boarding and
supply company furnishes all kitchen utensils, mattresses, blankets,
pillows, and all the equipment that goes to make up an outfit. The
rate charged to the laborers is $4 per week.
The bill of fare for two typical days in the week is as follow s:
Sunday.
Breakfast: Oatmeal, ham and eggs, muffins, fried potatoes, stewed peaches, hot
cakes, coffee.
Dinner: Soup, chicken, roast beef, mashed potatoes, string beans, com fritters,
apple pie, cheese, pudding, coffee.
Supper: Cold roast beef, hot Wienerwurst, potato salad, hot waffles, stewed prunes,
assorted cakes, tea.
M onday.
Breakfast: Oatmeal, sausage, fried potatoes, evaporated apricots, hot cakes, coffee.
Dinner: Soup, roast mutton, beef hearts, boiled potatoes, macaroni and tomatoes,
boiled beans, peach pie, tapioca pudding, coffee.
Supper: Beefsteak, hot biscuits, hashed brown potatoes, tomatoes, cucumbers,
baked beans, cake, pears, tea.
Another company operating similar boarding camps in W est Vir
ginia, in the month of October, 1906, had its cars arranged as follow s:
Two sleeping-bunk cars, 1 dining car, 1 kitchen car, and 1 office car.
Each bunk car had 8 double bunks in two tiers for 16 men, the
dimensions of each bunk being 6 feet 4 inches long by 4 feet 2 inches
wide, each bunk supplied with a good mattress and 2 double pairs of
blankets. There were four windows in each car, a bench, a heating
stove, two sliding doors, one on each side, with a ladder on one side.
The rate for board was $3.50 per week.
Bills of fare for a typical day in two separate camps of this company
are as follow s:
Camp 1.
Breakfast: Oatmeal, fried potatoes, fried ham, corn beef hash, griddle cakes, bread,
butter, coffee, milk, and sugar.
Dinner: Boiled ham and cabbage, baked pork and beans, mashed potatoes, stewed
com , stewed tomatoes, stewed prunes with rice, cakes, bread, butter, tea, and coffee.
Supper: Cold ham, Hamburger steak, baked potatoes, stewed onions, hot biscuits,
bread, butter, tea, apple sauce.
Camp 2.
Breakfast: Rolled oats, fried potatoes, fried ham and hash, griddle cakes, bread,
butter, and coffee with milk and sugar.
Dinner: Soup, roast beef, mashed potatoes, stewed corn, stewed tomatoes, baked
macaroni with cheese, rice pudding, bread and butter, tea and coffee, jelly, pickles,
catsup, etc.
Supper: Fried potatoes or potato cakes, beef stew, cold meats, hot bread, tea and
coffee, one dessert.
Articles of food varied from day to day, and such articles as jelly,
pickles, catsup, etc., were served at each meal.
468
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR*
COST OF LIVIN G AND SURPLUS EARNINGS OF ITALIAN
LABORERS.
Through the courtesy of the general officers of three railroad sys
tems in the States of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey the
pay rolls of the companies for the years 1905 and 1906 were placed at
the disposal of the writer for inspection. The common laborers
employed on these and other eastern roads are nearly all Italians.
English-speaking laborers have practically abandoned this kind o f
work, having moved upward in the industrial scale.
The directing minds of the work of the Italian laborers, from the
constructing engineers and road masters to track foremen, are
American-born or English-speaking citizens. Before the incoming of
the Italians the railroad laborers of other nationalities sought and
secured board and lodging in the villages and towns along the line o f
railroad, and in the case of large moving gangs of men boarding cars
with cooks, utensils, and food were provided by the com pany or by
contractors, and no difficulty was encountered in providing for their
wants or directing their movements.
In procuring the necessary Italian laborers it was found that they
could be secured satisfactorily only through the Italian padrone mid
dleman, who had their undivided confidence* These Italian labor
agents or padrones proposed to the railroad companies a new method
which would relieve the latter of all anxiety, trouble, embarrassment,
or expense in handling. They offered to supply all the laborers
needed at any place and at any time free of cost to the companies,
and through their elastic system to expand or contract the supply at
will. In return for the service they asked to be permitted to establish
at all points on the line of road sleeping shanties and commissary
stores for the sale of food, clothing, and sundries to the laborers. The
Italian laborers, it was urged, disliked the American plan of furnishing
three hot meals a day at a com m on dining table, each preferring to
buy his own food and to cook it himself. As the providing of board
ing cars and camps was attended with a great deal of trouble and
often at a loss to the companies, the proposed system of dealing with
a large number of laborers, whose language the subordinates o f the
road could not understand, met with favor. The proposals of the
labor agents were accepted and the privileges asked for were granted.
An arrangement was made by which the rent of the sleeping shanty
and the value of the food, clothing, and sundries purchased by each
man each month at the commissary was to be deducted from his
wages, and the net amount due him paid to each man in person at the
pay car. The entire arrangement from a business point of view was
legitimate and fair. The abuses of it, as told elsewhere, were in the
overcharges and extortions connected with it and the unduly large
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
469
bills in excess of the actual purchases, which were turned in for deduc
tion from the wages each month.
These abuses have been corrected by the companies through a sys
tem of frequent inspection and reports, though cases of imposition
still come to light from time to time.
In order to ascertain the total earnings, the amounts deducted for
living expenses incurred at the commissaries, and the surplus earn
ings of the Italian laborers, pay rolls were inspected for representa
tive months throughout the years 1905 and 1906. The rates of wages
per hour in 1906 were higher than in 1905 by 1 cent per hour, or 10
cents per day. In 1903 and 1904 the rates o f wages were 12 and 12 \
cents per hour; in 1905, 13 and 13| cents per hour; in 1906, 14 and
14£ cents per hour, for a ten-hour workday. (a)
On the pay rolls the account of each man is set forth, as appears in
the following abstract illustrative of the methods used. The name
in full of each man with his number appears on the line with his
account. The amount deducted includes shanty rent and the charges
for food and sundry articles.
A B S T R A C T O F M O N T H L Y PAY. R O L L OF R A I L R O A D L A B O R E R S .
N um ber
of la
borer.
Name o f laborer.
•
N um ber R a te o f
T o ta l
of hours
wages
am ount
worked. per hour. earned.
265
262
270
270
260
262
247
270
267
270
10.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
.14
$37.10
36.68
37.80
37.80
36.40
36.68
34.58
37.80
37.38
37.80
A m ount
o f deduc A m ou nt
tio n fo r
due.
rent,
food , etc.
$7.10
8.20
6.50
5.85
7.00
7.50
7.21
6.45
8.59
6.50
$30.00
28.48
31.30
31.95
29.40
29.18
27.37
31.35
28.79
31.30
Similar details were secured for 2,209 Italian track laborers work
ing in 133 different gangs in the three States, and distributed at a
number of places along more than 1,000 miles of track. Included
in the total were 73 gangs of section hands numbering 1,008 men;
17 gangs of 202 men engaged in ditching, fence building, rock and
ledge work, and tunnel excavating; 12 gangs, numbering 223 men,
laying steel rails; 4 gangs of 125 men putting in ties; 17 gangs,
numbering 405 men, engaged in ballasting, gravel pit work, and
general construction work; and 10 general yard gangs, numbering
246 men.
In 1905, in one month, 44 gangs, numbering 679 men, worked
178,147 hours and earned $23,415.55. From this was deducted for
food, rent, articles of clothing, soap, tobacco, etc., $4,888.98, leaving
a Since the inspection was made increases have been made in the pay of railroad
track laborers.
470
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
a surplus over cost of living of $18,526.57. In 1906, in one month,
89 gangs, numbering 1,530 men, worked 404,699 hours and earned
$56,724.37. From this was deducted for food, rent, articles of
clothing, soap, tobacco, etc., $10,390.54, leaving a surplus over cost
of living of $46,333.83.
The average income per man for a representative month in 1905,
for the 679 men shown above, was $34.49, the average cost of living
was $7.20,' and the average surplus over cost was $27.29.
The average income per man for a representative month in 1906,
for the 1,530 men shown, was $37.07, the average cost of living was
$6.79, and the average surplus over cost was $30.28.
The increase in the income in 1906 was due to an increase in the
wage rate. A number of the gangs were kept m oving from place
to place, sleeping in bunk cars provided by the companies, for which
no rent was charged. The average cost for food alone per man for
the month in 1905 was $5.48 and in 1906, $5.30 (a difference of some
thing over half a cent per day).
The following table gives in detail the figures for these Italian
railroad em ployees:
A V E R A G E E A R N IN G S A N D COST O F L IV IN G O F I T A L IA N L A B O R E R S E M P L O Y E D ON
T H R E E R A I L R O A D SYSTEM S IN N E W J E R S E Y , N E W Y O R K , A N D P E N N S Y L V A N IA
F O R A R E P R E S E N T A T IV E M O N T H IN 1905 A N D 1906, B Y OC C U P A T IO N S.
Occupation.
.Num
Num ber of
ber of men in
gangs. gangs.
A ver
A ver
age
num
age
earn
ber of
hours
ings.
worked.
Average am ount ex
pended fo r —
R ent
of
F ood .
shanty.
A ver
age
cost of
living.
A verage
a m ou nt
o f sur
plus
over
cost o f
living.
$6.93
6.62
8.10
7.67
7.24
7.61
7.26
8.25
7.05
7.62
$28.44
29.99
29.98
28.94
26.74
28.85
26.43
18.09
24.45
24.28
Sun
dries.
1905.
Section tra ck w o r k ..............
Tunnel excav a tin g...............
Fence bu ild in g.......................
R o ck and ledge w o r k ..........
D itch in g..................................
L aying rails...........................
P u ttin g in tie s .......................
B alla stin g...............................
Gravel p it w o r k ....................
General ya rd w ork ...............
27
2
1
3
2
2
1
1
3
2
316
11
5
40
44
62
68
16
51
66
270.75
265.91
272.00
268.75
258.91
270.39
259.12
202.63
242.29
245.36
$35.37
36.61
38.08
36.61
33.98
36.46
33.69
26.34
31.50
31.90
$0.65
.50
.50
.50
.87
.50
.50
1.00
1.00
1.00
T o t a l.......... ..................
44
679
262.37
34.49
.69
5.48
1.03 i
7.20
27.29
Section tra ck w o r k ..............
Tunnel excav a tin g...............
Fence bu ild in g.......................
R o ck and ledge w o r k ..........
D itch in g..................................
L aying rails...........................
P utting in tie s .......................
B alla stin g...............................
Gravel p it w o r k ....................
General con struction w o r k .
General yard w o r k .............
46
2
1
5
1
10
3
10
1
2
8
692
11
30
58
3
161
57
292
8
38
180
266.79
256.45
249.73
250.17
240.00
264.80
251.60
266.71
275.38
243.92
267.83
37.41
36.49
34.96
35.02
33.60
37.17
35.27
37.34
38.55
34.15
37.50
.60
.50
.50
.50
.42
.50
.22
.50
.50
.40
5.34
5.23
4.50
6.17
5.44
4.92
5.47
5.24
5.31
5.86
5^27
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
1.03
6.97
6.76
5 53
7.70
6.97
6.37
7.00
6.49
6.84
7.39
6.70
30.44
29.73
29 43
27! 32
26.63
30.80
28.27
30.85
31.71
26.76
30.80
T o t a l.............................
89
1,530
264.51
a 37.07
.46
5.30
1.03
6.79
30.28
$5.26
4.82
6.57
6.07
5.41
6.08
5.64
6.59
5.06
5.56.
$1.02
1.30
1.03
1.10
.96
1.03
1.12
.66
.99
1.06
1906.
a The increase in the average incom e fo r 1906 over the average incom e fo r 1905 was due t o an increase
in the rates of wages
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
471
A t different commissary stores along the lines of railroad the daily
purchases of each man for one full month were examined into. The
purchases are recorded in the books of account kept at the stores
and in the corresponding individual books kept by the men, and
both are verified by the amounts reported for deduction to the railroad
companies.
A t one commissary store seventeen sections were supplied. For
the months of July, August, September, and October, 1906, the food
supplies sold by this store to the number of men given were as follow s:
A V E R A G E COST P E R M A N P E R M O N TH OF F O O D SO L D B Y C O M M IS S A R Y S T O R E TO
I T A L IA N R A I L R O A D L A B O R E R S , J U L Y TO O C T O B E R , 1906.
T otal
N um ber fo o d sup
o f men. plies pur
chased.
Month.
J u ly ..............................................................................................................................
A u g u st.........................................................................................................................
Septem ber..................................................................................................................
O cto b e r.......................................................................................................................
171
161
162
150
$738.18
906.79
831.79
813.00
Average
co s t per
m an per
m onth.
$4.32
5.63
5.13
5.42
At another commissary store and shanties, where 25 Italians pur
chased their food supplies, details were secured for each man. The
following were the quantities and cost for the 25 Italian laborers:
Q U A N T IT Y A N D COST O F F O O D S O LD IN ON E M O N T H A T C O M M IS S A R Y S T O R E TO 25
I T A L IA N R A I L R O A D L A B O R E R S .
Article.
U nit.
B rea d .........................................................................................
M acaroni...................................................................................
Tom atoes, ca n n ed ..................................................................
Sausage, b o lo g n a ....................................................................
Cheese, im p orted ....................................................................
F a tb a ck (fo r l a r d ) ................................................................
C odfish......................................................................................
Corned beef, ca n n ed ...............................................................
B ean s.........................................................................................
P eas............................................................................................
Sardines....................................................................................
Coffee.........................................................................................
Sugar ........................................................................................
R ic e ............................................................................................
lj-lb . l o a f . . .
P o u n d ..........
C an...............
P ou n d ..........
P o u n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P o u n d ..........
C an...............
P o u n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
* B o x ..............
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P o u n d ..........
P rice per
unit.
$0.08
.07
.14
.18
.34
.12
.12
.14
.06
.06
.07
.30
.08
.10
T otal quan
t it y sold.
555 loaves ..
443 pounds .
25 c a n s ........
2 4 pounds . .
33 pounds ..
132 pounds .
6 pounds. . .
27 c a n s ........
49 poun ds ..
18 poun ds ..
22 b o x e s ___
11 pounds ..
79 pounds . .
2 pounds . . .
T otal
cost.
$44.40
31.01
3.50
4.32
11.22
15.84
.72
3.78
2.94
1.08
1.54
3.30
6.32
.20
The total cost of all food for the month for the 25 men was $130.17,
and the average cost per man was $5.21.
472
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
A t another point on one of the lines of railroad, where 34 Italians
were furnished with their food supplies at the commissary store, the
quantity consumed and the cost were as follow s:
Q U A N T IT Y A N D COST O F FO O D SO LD IN O N E M O N TH A T C O M M IS S A R Y S T O R E T O 34
I T A L IA N R A I L R O A D L A B O R E R S .
A rticle.
Price per T o ta l quanunit.
t it y sold.
U nit.
lH b .lo a f...
P o u n d .........
P ou n d ..........
C an.............
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
14b. ca n ___
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
B o x ..............
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
P ou n d ..........
B read .......................
M acaroni.................
M acaroni (p a s t a ).
T om atoes, canned.
Sausage, b o lo g n a ..
Cheese......................
F a tb a ck (fo r lard)
C odfish.....................
Corned beef, canned
B ean s.........................
Peas............................
L en tils........................
Sardines.....................
T e a ..............................
C oflee..........................
S u ga r..........................
R io e ............................
$0.08
.07
.07
.14
.18
.34
.12
.14
.16
.06
.06
.10
.07
.35
.30
.09
.08
773 lo a v e s .. .
500J pounds.
156 p o u n d s..
73 cans.........
47 p o u n d s ...
34| p ou n d s..
1 7^ pounds.
4| p o u n d s ...
27 ca n s.........
45 p o u n d s ...
4 p ou n ds___
21 p o u n d s ...
15 b o x e s ___
1 pound____
14£ p o u n d s..
96 p o u n d s ...
8 p oun ds___
T otal
cost.
$61.84
35.04
10.92
10.22
8.46
11.73
20.94
.63
4.32
2.70
.24
2.10
1.05
.35
.64
The total cost of all food for the month for the 34 men was $184.17,
and the average cost per man was $5.42.
In the preceding tables the average cost of food per man for a
month for the 25 men was $5.21, and for the 34 men it was $5.42.
Taking the individual purchases of the 59 men during the month,
the actual cost of food for each man was as follow s:
ACTUAL EXPENDITURE POR FOOD FOR A MONTH PER INDIVIDUAL OF
COMMISSARY STORES.
$4.82
5.94
4.07
4.77
5.76
5.70
4.66
7.01
4.23
4.26
$5.29
5.23
5.05
4.84
5.81
5.98
5.20
4.81
4.86
5.43
$4.66
5.61
5.72
4.77
5.69
5.78
5.61
5.77
5.81
4.75
$5.46
5.94
5.43
5.91
5.32
5.53
5.31
5.00
5.97
4.57
$5.12
5.44
5.62
5.50
5.72
4.89
4.42
5.09
4.56
5.72
59
ITALIANS AT
$5.08
5.15
5.67
5.33
5.13
6.87
5.18
5.09
6.46
The food expenditures for each o f 69 Italians at a padrone commis
sary on another line of railroad, where the privileges were in the hands
of another agent, in the month of September, 1906, were as follow s:
ACTUAL EXPENDITURE FOR FOOD PER INDIVIDUAL OF
COMMISSARY FOR SEPTEMBER,
$6.5o
7.00
7.40
5.75
4.80
5.00
5.85
4.75
5.10
5.60
5.35
4.10
$5.50
4.55
7.80
7.10
6.90
5.70
5.10
6.00
5.10
4.60
4.30
4. 70
$5.80
5.50
4.50
6.40
4.50
4.75
4.20
4.10
4.40
4.50
4.00
5.40
$5.10
4.10
5.40
5.15
4.65
4. 20
4.85
5.85
5.00
5.15
5.00
4.60
69 ITALIANS
1906.
$5.85
6.25
4.00
4.45
5.00
4.50
6.00
4.50
5.00
4.05
4.70
4.90
AT A PADRONE
$4.65
4. 70
5.00
6.00
6.10
4.00
6.70
4.10
5.30
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
473
The following are the regular and typical bills of fare of Italian
laborers at the padrone commissaries on the different lines o f railroad,
purchasing the articles named and at the costs specified in the pre
ceding pages:
Breakfast: Bread and coffee.
Dinner: Bread and cold coffee and one only of the following articles: Bologna
sausage, or cheese, or corned beef, or codfish.
Supper: Macaroni and canned tomatoes and cheese, or macaroni and beans or peas,
or macaroni and lentils or rice; bread; fatback used for cooking; hot tea or coffee
used b y about 20 in every 100 men, 80 using water.
A t other commissaries:
Breakfast: Bread and coffee.
Dinner: Bread, bologna sausage or sardines, cold beans, cold coffee.
Supper: Macaroni and cheese, canned tomatoes and vegetables, bread, fatback
for cooking.
Breakfast: Bread and coffee.
Dinner: Bread, sausage, or sardines or cheese.
Supper: Macaroni, cheese and tomatoes, potatoes or cabbage or beans, pint bottle
of beer.
It is asserted that the Italian laborers, after being from two to four
years in the United States, change their diet to more substantial food.
On railroad work outside of cities^, where they are principally em
ployed, no evidence of this alleged change is apparent. Many of the
laborers have been em ployed for from five to ten years and upward,,
but their methods, bills o f fare., and expenditures are the same as the
first year men.
This statement applies to Italians sleeping at the commissary*
shanties or in the bunk cars furnished by companies and purchasing
their food supplies at the commissaries. These methods are the
common ones and the rule. They also apply to Italian laborers
employed by general contracting companies.
COST AND METHODS OF LIVIN G OF IM M IGRANT LABOR
ERS OTHER THAN ITALIANS.
The padrone commissary system of supplying and caring for
Italian laborers through the intervention of a middleman has not
been adopted by immigrants of other nationalities or their employers,
so far as the employment of adult unskilled laborers is concerned.
Other nationalities procure employment by personal application,
or through fellow-countrymen already at work, or through the
employment agencies. The Italian labor agencies of New York send
out Italian laborers only, while other agencies procure employment
for men of all nationalities. The Italian agencies com bine the com
missary system with employment. The work of other agencies ends
with supplying the laborers at the agreed fees. The form of “ appli
cation for laborers” o f the latter agencies contains the printed
questions— “ What nationality preferred?” and “ Cost o f board and
lodging” — in addition to the other questions as to work and wages.
474
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
The form of the labor contract of a typical agency of this cosmopolitan
kind is printed in English, German, Polish, Slovak, Hungarian,
Italian, and French.
German, Swede, Norwegian, Slavic, Hungarian, and English
speaking laborers accept the regular board and lodging supplied at
labor camps at $14, $16, and $18 per month. Excepting the Slavs
and Hungarians, they seek no other kind. Hungarians and Slavs,
where the work is of a permanent character, form groups of from 20
to 25 or 30 men and procure a house or shanty and proceed to live
on a cooperative plan. They hire a woman, usually the wife of
one of them, and pay her $1 per man per month and board for cooking
three meals a day. They do not establish a commissary store, but
purchase their supplies at the village or other stores. A t the end of
the month each pays an equal share of the cost. The Polish custom
is about the same as this. Fresh and salt meats are essential parts of
their bills of fare. As an illustration of their method the following
may be cited :
Twenty-one Hungarian laborers working in an iron and steel plant
in Ohio in the spring of 1906 lived in one of the com pany houses at a
rental of $10 per month, supplying their own stove, furniture, and
bedding. They paid a man and his wife (both Hungarians) $3 per
man per month for cooking and caring for them, not including
laundry. The cost of food averaged $3.30 every fourteen days, or
about $7 per month. The total cost per man per month was a little
over $10. They used beef as a rule three times a day.
In 1906, at Hansford, Pa., Hungarians and Slavs paid $12 per
month in boarding houses. The bill of fare was as follow s:
Breakfast: Bread and coffee.
Lunch: Four or five sandwiches (beef).
Dinner in the evening: Soup, boiled or roast beef, one-half to three-fourths of a
pound a head, vegetables, and coffee.
Sunday dinner, more elaborate.
In this vicinity, where the men live on the cooperative plan, they
pay $2 per man per month for the woman cook, and $9 a month is
the average cost of food ; a total of $11.
A t Hazleton, Pa., their board costs $13 per month.
The Sixth Annual Report of the United States Department of
Labor (p. 682) describes the kind and cost of living of Slavs and
Hungarians in Pennsylvania as follows in 1890*
Budgets were obtained from employees at twelve pig-iron furnaces
* * * and information of a general character was obtained for
ten of that number as follow s:
.
The employees are nearly all Hungarians, and the m ajority of
those who are married have left their families in Europe. They are
frugal in their habits, and usually keep on hand, for use in case of
sickness or other emergency, at least $40 in cash each. The balance
of their surplus earnings is regularly sent to their families. The
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
475
boarding houses are cooperative, companies of from 20 to 45 men
being form ed, who secure a suitable house and elect a “ boarding
boss” (usually a man whose wife is with him ), whose duty it is to
attend to the purchase of supplies, paying rent, and keeping accounts.
A t the end of every month each member of the company pays an
equal share of the total expenses, and in addition $1.50 or $2 to the
wife of the “ boarding boss,” who cooks the provisions and attends to
the rooms. They also pay the boss 50 cents each per month if his
entire time is taken up by the affairs of the com pany; but if he is
himself a working man, earning wages, he becomes one of the com
pany and pays his share of the total expenses. It is intended that
the entire cost of board and lodging shall not exceed $9 per month
per man, and if, at the end of ^a month, it is found to nave gone
beyond this amount, a meeting of the company is held and the bill
of fare revised so as to reduce the cost. Each man furnishes his own
bedding. The furniture is meager, consisting mainly of homemade
tables and benches in lieu of chairs, while the bedsteads are generally
improvised from old boards, the only really good article of furniture
in the establishment being the cooking stove. The houses are
crowded to their utmost capacity, the same rooms being occupied
alternately by the men employed during the day and at night, and
from 4 to 10 men sleeping in the same room together. Once a month,
on pay day, a keg of beer is bought on the cooperative plan, if 20
men agree, for $3, which they drink between them. Less than 20
men will not buy together, the cost per man being considered too
great. Each man usually has one fair suit of clothes besides his
work clothes, the average expense per man for clothing being about
$18 per year.
Budgets were obtained from four iron-ore mines in Pennsylvania.
The “ messes” are run at the mines the same as at the furnace,
except that the company furnishes houses rent free, with a tenantat-will clause. The bill of fare at the mines includes 2 pounds of
meat per man per day, 1 for dinner and for supper. Each man pays
the cook $1.50 per month. The expenses for one m onth as shown
by mess books were: For food, etc., $6.93; for cook, $1.50;. total,
$8.43. Where employees come into the mines for only a few days
and do not join the company or mess they are charged 25 cents a day
for food and 5 cents for cooking, or 30 cents per day. Each man
has his own bedtick and must get it filled for himself.
An expert in the anthracite regions writes, in 1904, (a) as follow s:
When these men [the Slavs] first came into the country it was
nothing unusual to see a company of 20 or 30 men leading a com
munal life in a large barn. The place was run by a boarding boss
and his wife. Each man paid $1 a month for sleeping room ; * * *
Meat, potatoes, coffee, bread, and cabbage were bought in common.
A t the close of the month each paid his pro rata share, which was
about $5. One of these men said, if his share went up to $6, “ Me
k ick ;” the cry of extravagance was raised, and there was war in the
camp. A change has come. Now single men pay from $2 to $3 a
month for lodging, washing, etc., and buy their own provisions. It
costs them under this system about $10 a month. Many Slav young
a Roberts, Anthracite Coal Communities, p. 105.
4T6
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
men in recent years, following the American fashion, board and pay
$12 a month. The Anglo-Saxon boarders pay from $16 to $18.
This amount was n ot paid by immigrants from the British Ishs in
the fifties and sixties of the last century. Young men then boarded
in Carbondale and Minersville for $10 a month. The wages at that
time were $1 per day for miners and 75 cents for laborers. But food
was cheap.
Recurring to existing conditions, this writer says:
B y a com putation made in one of the com pany stores in Schuylkill
County of the purchases of 12 English-speaking and 12 Slay families
for one year, we found the per capita expenditure {for men, women,
and children] o f the former to be $5.48 and of the latter $2.86 per
month.
In the accounts of the Slays and Anglo-Saxons the following items
were found:
VARIETY OF FOOD USED B Y SLAVS AND ANGLO-SAXONS.
Slavs.
Flour.
Balt pork.
Potatoes.
Cabbages.
Barley.
Pickles (barrel).
Garlic.
Coffee.
Coffee essence.
Sardines.
Eggs.
Butter 1
Cheese Vvery sparingly.
Sugar J
In some Slav accounts:
Cheap prunes.
Mixed jams, 5 lbs. 25 cts.
Apple butter, 3 lbs. 10 cts.
Fresh meats from the butcher.
A nglo-S axon s,
Flour.
Ham.
Potatoes.
Cabbages.
Onions.
Pickles (bottled),
Coffee.
Tea.
Lard.
Salmon.
Eggs.
Butter 1
Cheese >in large quantities.
Sugar )
Dried beef.
Spices.
Cakes.
Crackers.
Mackerel.
Canned tomatoes.
Canned peaches.
Canned apricots.
Canned cherries.
Fresh meats.
Lemons.
The Slays have good bread made of the best wheat or rye; they use
much barley in soups; they consume daily about a pound of beef for
boiling or of fat pork or bologna sausage, a quantity o f potatoes, cab
bage, milk, coffee, and beer, butter and cheese, sugar, garlic, and
eggs and fish.
Instances o f Slays crowding into small houses are not so numerous
at present as ten years ago. O f 153 families in a mining town, 111 or
72.61 per cent had no boarders. The remaining 42 families had from
1 to 7 boarders. More houses are now placed at their disposal. But
to-day many Slay families are anxious to get a few boarders, for it
reduces the item of rent.
The Anglo-Saxons as a rule stand in striking contrast with this.
They want no boarders and wish to preserve the hearth sacred for
fam ily use.
477
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
As a rule, it may be said that in mining patches as well as in mining
towns, the Slavs pay from $2.50 to $5 a month rent, while the AngloSaxons pay from $4.50 to $9.
The Slav homes of the newly married have no new furniture, no
carpets; the stoves are bought at second hand. * * * His rule
is never to start married life with a debt.
COMPARISON OF FOOD AND LODGING OF ITALIAN S,
SLAVS, AND OTHER NATIONALITIES.
The following table shows that the bills o f fare of the Italian
laborers at their commissaries in the United States, in variety, quantity,
and cost, do not equal those of the Slavs and Hungarians in the labor
camps and boarding houses, and are far below the standard o f laborers
of other nationalities, native and foreign born:
C O M P A R A T IV E COST OF F O O D P E R M O N TH F O R IT A L IA N S , S L A V S , A N D O T H E R
N A T IO N A L IT IE S .
Range per
m onth.
ITALIANS.
A verage railroad com m issary cost o f fo o d ...............................................................................
A verage con tract com m issary co s t o f f o o d ..............................................................................
A verage costs a t exceptional ca m p s...........................................................................................
I5.13-S5.48
5.90- 7.00
8.50-10.00
SLAVS AND HUNGARIANS.
Minimum fo o d costs, cooperative p la n ......................................................................................
In boarding houses, including lod gin g........................................... ...........................................
8.43-11.-00
12.00-18.00
OTHER NATIONALITIES, NATIVE AND FOREIGN BORN.
In labor cam ps and boardin g houses, including lo d gin g.....................................................
16.00-18.00
The m axim um c h a r g e per m onth fo r shanty rent is $1 for Italians.
S IX M ONTHS INCOME, COST, AND SURPLUS, CONTRASTED
FOR ALL NATIONALITIES.
The surplus earnings of laborers of various nationalities for six
months’ steady work without loss of time and at $1.50 per day over
cost of living, as shown in the preceding pages, would be as follows
at contract-labor camps.
E S T IM A T E D COST OF F O O D A N D L O D G IN G A N D S U R P L U S E A R N IN G S O F W O R K M E N
O F E A C H N A T IO N A L IT Y F O R S I X M O N TH S’ W O R K A T C O N T R A C T -L A B O R CAM PS.
Cost o f fo o d and
lodging.
N ationality.
Incom e.
A m ount.
Italia n s.............................................i ..................................
Slavs and H ungarians......................................................
Other nationalities............................................................
$234
234
234
$48
72
108
Per cent
of
incom e.
20.51
30.77
46.15
Surplus earnings.
A m ount,.
$186
162
126
Per cent
of
incom e.
79.49
69.23
53.85
478
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
In the above the cost of food and lodging for Italians is based on the
commissary system, for Slavs and Hungarians on their cooperative
system, and for all other nationalities on the regular boarding camp
system. The Slavs and Hungarians in the absence of opportunity
for cooperation live at the regular boarding camp at the same cost
as others. As a rule, a commissary is established for Italians separate
from the boarding camp.
As an illustration of the thrift of the Italian laborer the following
is an instance:
On October 30, 1906, an Italian laborer who also acted as inter
preter and subforeman at $1.50 per day sent from the post-office
in the village where the commissary was located $220 to his folks in
Italy. This was his surplus savings of six months’ work and over
time. His total food consumption and cost for the preceding month
was as follow s:
36 loaves of bread, at 8 cents.......................................................................................... $2.88
7§ pounds of fa tb a ck ............................................................................................................... 90
10 pounds of macaroni............................................................................................................. 70
Total cost of food for month.................................................................................
4.48
The Italian laborers save more money at the same wage rate than
any other class of European laborers in the United States. Accord
ing to the estimate of a commissary clerk of years of experience and
in hourly touch with them, “ In every 100 Italian laborers employed
on railroads at 14 cents an hour 95 men will save $25 to $27 per month
after paying for food, shanty, and clothing.” As shown in the table
on page 470, the average surplus earnings of 679 men in a month in
1905 was $27.29, and in 1906 the average was $30.28 a month for
1,530 men after paying for food, rent of shanty, clothing, tobacco,
soap, etc.
On railroad contract work the cost of living o f the Italian is a little
higher, but his wages are also higher, being $1.50 a day, or 10 cents a
day more.
As further indication of Italian thrift, the following table, compiled
from the annual reports of the transactions of the New Y ork postoffice, is given, showing the amount of money orders sent from all
post-offices in the United States and certified to Italy and to the
Slavic cpuntries during the seven years ending December 31, 1906:
479
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS,
I N T E R N A T IO N A L M O N E Y O R D E R S ISS U E D IN T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S A N D SE N T TO
I T A L Y A N D T H E S L A V IC C O U N T R IE S F O R E A C H C A L E N D A R Y E A R F R O M 1900 TO
1906.
[Figures relating t o m oney orders are from th e annual rep orts o f the tran saction s o f the N ew Y o r k
post-office. The am ounts are those sent from all p ost-offices in th e U nited S tates.]
M oney orders sent to
Ita ly , A ustria-H un gary,
and R ussia.
M oney orders sent t o other
countries.
Number.
Y ea r ending December 31—
Num ber.
A m ou nt.
A m ount.
163,691
263,599
395,644
594,565
700,611
966,718
1,179,805
1900..
1901..
1902..
1903..
1904..
1905..
1906..
Total.......................................
Average am ou nt o f each order.
Y ea r ending December 31—
33,845,251.14
6,251,887.64
10,464,447.48
17,385,759.72
18,997,965.90.
26,014,022.06
36,798,561.92
840,416
901,039
1,014,904
1,144,121
1,204,861
1,356,859
1,577,652
311,857,176.71
12,742,945.59
14,599,437.34
16,882,454.90
17,722,935.48
20,167,420.66
25,636,781.02
4,264,633
119,757,895.86
28.08
8,039,852
119,609,151.70
14.88
A m ount of
m oney orders
sent t o Italy.
A m ou nt o f
Im m i
m on ey orders
grants
sent t o Aus
from Italy. tria-H u ngary
and R ussia.
Im m i
grants
from Aus
tria-H un
ga ry and
Russia.
31,362,166.42
1,905,611.75
3,607,795.61
7,729,257.86
8,780,255.81
11,092,446.60
16,239,134.40
<*484,207
135,996
178,375
230,622
193,296
221,479
273,120
32,483,084.72
4,346,275.89
6,856,651.87
9,656,501.86
10,217,710.09
14,921,575.46
20,559,427.52
<*1,401,689
198,647
279,336
342,104
322,297
460,590
480,803
50,716,668.45
1900..
1901..
1902..
1903.
1904..
1905.
1906..
1,717,095
69,041,227.41
3,485,466
< T otal num ber living in the U nited States, exclusive o f Alaska and H awaii, as reported b y the census.
*
A M O U N T O F M O N E Y O R D E R S S E N T TO I T A L Y A N D TO A U S T R I A -H U N G A R Y A N D
R U S S IA P E R IM M IG R A N T F O R T H E E N T I R E S E V E N Y E A R S , 1900 T O 1906.
Country.
Im m i
grants,
1900 t o
1906. (<*)
A m ou nt of
m oney orders
sent.
A m ount
per
imm igrant.
I t a ly ..........................................................................................................
A ustria-H ungary and R u ssia ............................................................
1,717,095
3,485,466
350,716,668.45
69,041,227.41
329.54
19.81
< Includes to ta l living in the U nited States in 1900, together w ith those arriving from 1901 t o 1906.
*
This table shows that for every man, woman, and child bom in
Italy and living in or arriving in the United States $29.54 was sent
to Italy during the seven years 1900 to 1906, inclusive, or $4.22 per
year per person, and for immigrants from Austria-Hungary and
Russia in the same period $19.81 was sent to those countries, or $2.83
per year per person.
16251— 08------ 6
480
BULLETIN OF THE BIJBEAU OF LABOR.
D U M B E R A N D A M O U N T (T O T A L A N D A V E R A G E ) O F M O N E Y O R D E R S S E N T T O I T A L Y ,
H U N G A R Y , A U S T R IA , A N D R U S S IA D U R IN G T H E S E V E N Y E A R S E N D IN G DECEM
B E R 31, 1906.
N um ber o f
orders sent,
1900 to 1906.
Country.
I t a l y ...................................................................................................
H u n ga ry............................................................................................
A u stria ..............................................................................................
R u ssia ................................................................................................
A m ou n t o f
m oney orders,
1900 t o 1906.
1,314,360
709,700
892,965
1,347,618
Average
am ount o f
order,
1900 to 1906.
$50,716,668.45
22,917,566.01
22,452,492.27
23,671,169.13
$38.59
32.29
25.14
17.57
A V E R A G E A M O U N T O F E A C H M O N E Y O R D E R S E N T T O P R IN C IP A L C O U N T R IE S IN 1906.
Country.
I t a ly ..............................................................
TTungary.....................
......................
A u stria .........................................................
R u ssia ..........................................................
Great B rita in .............................................
Average
am ount of
each order
sent.
$40.51
35.21
28.80
19.19
13.28
Country.
G erm any....................................................
Sweden........................................................
N o rw a y ......................................................
Greece.........................................................
Average
am ount o f
each order
sent.
$14.96
20.60
22.89
42.52
The total amount of money orders sent in 1906 to all countries was
$62,435,342.94, and o f this the amount sent to Italy and the Slavic
countries was $36,798,561.92, or 58.9 per cent of the total, while the
number of orders sent was but 42.8 per cent of the whole number.
During the seven years there was sent to Italy 30.8 per cent of the
number o f orders and 42.3 per cent of the total amount of money
sent to Austria, Hungary, Russia, and Italy combined, while the
Italians constituted but 33 per cent of the total number o f immi
grants from the four countries.
It is probable that the reason for this is that a greater number of
immigrants from the Slavic countries brought their families to the
United States than did the Italians. The remittances through the
post-offices are but a small proportion of the total amount trans
m itted and carried over in person. Large amounts o f which there
are no records are sent over through the Italian bankers. An indica
tion of the volume of business done by the banks is given in a report
of a United States consul in July, 1906:
Consul James E. Dunning, writing from Milan, says that more than
$500,000 in American money is yearly sent out of the United States
by temporary Italian residents to a single bank in Naples, and that
tne total emigration to the States from Italy in the year 1905-6,
also approaching the 500,000 mark, is indicated by the annual state
ment or the general commissioner of emigration at Rom e.
The statement shows that in the period between April, 1905, and
April, 1906, 726,331 individuals emigrated from Italy to all countries,
against a total o f 471,191 in 1904, 293,181 in 1895, and 157,193 in
1885. A total of 316,797 left for the United States, while 86,158
emigrated to Argentina, 30,079 to Brazil, and 5,930 to Canada. The
idea o f most Italian emigrants, says the emigration commissioner, is
ITALIAN; SLAVIC; AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
481
to accumulate something like a fortune in the States and return with
it to Italy. The intim acy of the home connection is shown by the
exhibit o f the Bank of Naples, which, having advertised that sort of
business as its specialty, has more than 183,000 accounts opened by
Italian emigrants in the United States, and placed to their credit
during the fiscal year just closed more than $500,000. During the
same period Italians in Argentina sent to this single bank $828,000,
and $425,000 came back from Brazil. The total receipts from such
sources at the Naples bank were $200,000 above those of the year
before. And that is only one bank among dozens in Italy.
Probably the greatest amounts are carried over in person by return
ing emigrants late in the fall of each year. As previously shown, 95
per cent of the Italian laborers save from $25 to $30 of their wages per
month. For eight months’ work this would amount to over $200
per man. It is estimated that 40 per cent of the incoming immi
grants from Italy return for the winter when work is partially sus
pended on the railroads. This for 1906 would amount to nearly
110,000 Italians. The steerage rates of passage are low at this time
of year. For November and December, 1906, the rate from New York
to Naples was from $27 to $33 according to the steamship line taken.
Very many of the returning Italian laborers find it cheaper, health
ier, and more satisfactory to pay the expenses of the going and
returning passages than to be compelled to live in a crowded room in
a New Y ork tenement during the winter months without work,
excepting for an occasional job at 20 cents an hour after a snow
storm.
The statements made by Italian bankers, padrones, and labor
agents of New Y ork City as to the number of Italian immigrants
who return to Italy are of interest and value. These persons sell
tickets to the immigrants and procure employment for them. A few
of their statements follow :
“ Of every 100 Italian laborers laid off in the fall, 10 per cent
remain in the localities where they have been at work, 50 per cent go
to the nearest large city, and 40 per cent return to their native land,
returning for the most part in the spring.”
“ Of every 100 idle in the fall, one-third go back to Italy.”
“ Thirty-five per cent go to Italy in November and December and
return March 1 to April 1. Of the 65 per cent who do not go, nearly
all will remain three to four years or more and then about 10 per cent
will remain in the United States permanently.”
“ Of every 100 laborers outside of New Y ork City 60 come to New
York, and of these 40 per cent look for city jobs at anything, 20 per
cent wait, idle, for good weather, and 40 per cent go to Italy, and of
the latter most of them return in the spring.”
“ Of the number of Italian laborers laid off in the fall of every year,
40 per cent remain at various points on the railroad, 20 per cent go
482
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
back to Italy, 20 per cent go to New York City, and 20 per cent go to
work in the Southern States. They begin to return from Italy in
March and April.”
THE
NECESSITY FOR THE ABOLITION
M ISSARY SYSTEM.
OF THE
COM
A large proportion of the unskilled Italian laborers admitted into
the United States live and work under the commissary system. The
Italian immigrant unskilled laborer, while possessing a marked
individuality, has little opportunity to assert or exercise it or to
depend upon, think, or act for himself. He is watched over, pro
vided for, cared for, and “ coddled” at every stage and at all points.
As a rule the immigrant laborer of English-speaking and of German,
Scandinavian, and Slavic countries has to work out his industrial
salvation in the United States in his own way. The hardships and
bitter experiences he encounters and overcomes develop the spirit of
self-reliance which goes so far toward making him a desirable Ameri
can citizen. Italian laborers are afforded but little opportunity for
the development of a self-reliant spirit because of the system under
which they are working in the United States. The operation of this
system and the large part it occupies in the Italian laborer’s life is
best set forth in the language of Cav. Adolfo Rossi, traveling inspector
deputed by the Italian Government to study conditions among
Italian immigrants in the United States. W ith an intimate knowl
edge of conditions in Italy and in the United States and of the com
missary system, this writer describes the large Italian colonies in the
United States as follows:
Four-fifths of this [Italian] population is made up of the lowest
proletariat, and are employed m the most humble occupations, such
as digging, excavating, shoveling, loading and unloading, driving,
street cleaning, and as porters, fruit peddlers, bootblacks, etc. Upon
this rough foundation nas been gradually built up a sort of “ bour
geoisie” (a lower middle class) composed of business and professional
men, artisans, so-called bankers, promoters of all kinds, newspaper
men, doctors, and lawyers, etc., all meeting more or less the needs of
this great mass of humble laborers.
It is also well known that the m ajority of Italians in North America
come from our southern provinces. Love of home and fam ily and
particularly for their native village is deeply inrooted in thorn. Next
to fam ily affection comes that for those of his village and then for
those of his Province. Beyond that, every one is a foreigner and to
him indifferent and a creature not to be trusted. A Genoese or Lom
bard is as far apart, temperamentally, from a Calabrian or a Sicilian
as he would be from a Canadian. They speak a different language,
have a different point of view, and can not get on together.
It is unusual for a southern Itatian to arrive here [in the United
States] without having some relative or “ fellow villager” to go to,
and he is generally taken care of the first days. All the southern
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
483
Italians are grouped as to residence according to their village or Prov-*
ince, whether here temporarily or permanently. Thus in New York
there are several streets inhabited not only b y Sicilians alone, but by
Sicilians of one district, and so on throughout all the sections of Italy.
They are rigidly clannish in every way and go about in groups. If
one wishes to do some shopping, all the relatives and connections and
friends accompany him, to the great disgust of American shopkeepers,
etc. Equally when it is a question of employment they are loth to
separate, and not a few individuals but the whole clan must be
employed together.
As soon as a few Italians from one locality settle in any spot, a
bank, a pharmacy, and a few provision dealers will spring up, all
ready to cater to their fellow-villagers. These, b y degrees, bring over
relatives and neighbors until a good-sized colony is form ed, part of the
great whole yet isolated and autonomous, and while not visibly so,
rigidly apart and separate from those colonies composed of people
from other parts of Italy. The fraternal societies and mutual-benefit
organizations are equally local in character. How do these facts bear
upon the labor [padrone] question?
The building companies and big contractors who require laborers
em ploy a large number of agents gathered from among the different
clans, that each may deal with his own; or they em ploy Americanized
Italians and occasionally Americans who understand the habits and
dialects of any particular section. These people are intrusted with
the recruiting o f men by the contractors, and are paid b v either big
awarded subcontracts or by a percentage, and more often b y the
privilege of boarding the laborers, backed b y the contractor’s guar
anty, and he holds back the amount of the laborer’s indebtedness
from his wages.
On account of these advantages these men are most active and per
sistent and use the most subtle persuasion to induce the laborers to
accept their propositions, which are really those of the company
which employs them.
W hen these agents or bosses are not successful, then they turn to
certain bankers [padrones], who among other strange banking opera
tions include that of contracting for laborers. They also enjoy, in
different degree and manner, the harvest reaped b y the agents, and
considering their greater power and influence among the laborers of
their particular clan, their fleecing of them is all the more condemnable.
These [padrone] bankers and agents use the most ingenuous means
and will descend to any depths to direct the supply of laborers
toward the point demanding them. They keep track of all great
building operations and all other enterprises and of advertisements for
large numbers of workingmen, and usually are so well posted as to
anticipate the demand before it is generally known or advertised, and
there is keen com petition in the way or underbidding. All these
agencies have secret agents constantly at work about the streets,
saloons, lodging houses, and other meeting places and are always on
the alert for desirable material. Their jo b is to recruit men and, if
necessary, b y force or stratagem to direct them to the [padrone]
bank.
As has been said before, the southern Italians are naturally sus
picious and it is very difficult to win them. They must needs consult
484
BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
together at length before accepting any proposition. The [padrone]
banker must be able to persuade, argue, and induce them m every
way. He must have infinite patience to answer countless questions
numberless times, to realize their point of view, to speak their lan
guage [there are a great number o f languages or dialects spoken by
Italians from the different sections of Italy], and to use diplom acy,
cajolery, or violence, as the occasion requires. I have often seen one
of these “ bankers” physically and mentally exhausted and abso
lutely voiceless after having procured 100 or 200 laborers for a con
tractor; but it is worth his while. If his efforts fail and the men
leave the bank undecided, he signals to his waiting “ runners” to fol
low them and to use any means to bring them back to the bank,
where the contract is finally made. As soon as the propositions are
agreed to the fee is paid, each man paying the requisite sum as his
name is registered. Often the employer pays this, holding it back on
his first week's pay, but in this case the man's name is not registered
unless he leaves nis luggage or his tools as security. The time of
departure quickly follows the registering, usually the next morning,
and one of the bank's agents accompanies the men.
Thus the employer, their agents, the bosses, the boarding agents,
and the bankers form a solid chain which hopelessly binds the laborer,
besides the ties of fam ily, friend, and com patriot, a chain m ost diffi
cult for even a solidly organized labor bureau to break.
The padroni, or bosses, take advantage of the immigrants not so
much by the fact that they exact a fee of from $2 to $5 for procur
ing work, as by advancing their traveling expenses and by the con
tract system or feeding and housing the laborers.
This illuminating picture of the workings of the system ends with
the departure of the Italian laborer from the agency for the com
missary labor camps. Other links of the chain that binds him may
be added. He may not have a dollar in his pocket, but he need not
concern himself about that, nor with the expenses of transportation.
If he is to work for a railroad company, he is carried free on its line;
if for other employers, his fare is advanced. He does not and need
not seek an interview with his employer or the superintendents or
foremen under whom he is to work to make his wants or his wishes
known or to know something of the nature of his work. He is kept
from personal contact with them and is led to believe (with a good
deal of truth) that they are unapproachable so far as he is concerned.
His friend, townsman, countryman, the Italian agent of the com
pany and the commissary, is his virtual employer, his sole guide and
confidant. Through the Italian commissary agent (whether padrone
or independent) the American railroad company or contractor
houses him apart from other men. In addition to adopting new
and unusual methods for his employment, the American employer
transports special food for him and provides stores for the commis
sary agent to sell to him, with facilities for the individual cooking
of it.
ITALIAN, SLAVIC, AND HUNGARIAN IMMIGRANTS.
485
In deducting the cost of his living from his wages, care is now exer
cised that he is not overcharged or swindled.
Never in the history of immigration has the immigrant been so care
fully tended and safeguarded from the evil that might befall him as
is the Italian. His own Government, in article 32 of the Emigration
A ct of 1901, provides for the protection of emigrants by the institu
tion of homes in the ports of Genoa, Naples, and Palermo before
their departure for our shores. It places Government doctors on
board ships to care for his health to port of destination. It fixes
the price steamship companies may charge for his passage. It pro
vides for rewarding local committees or benevolent institutions who
shall put forth their best endeavors for him. It contributes by grants
to the support of societies for the protection of Italian immigrants
in the United States and for securing them employment. One of*
these societies states that ‘ ‘ Italian immigrants are a very ignorant and
timid kind of travelers.” The society employs uniformed agents,
who speak Italian, to look after the needs of the immigrants as they
land at Ellis Island. It supplies an escort service, which safely con
ducted to their destination in and about New Y ork City 49,000 Italian
immigrants from October, 1902, to January, 1906. It operates an
efficient employment agency. It maintains an information bureau.
It manages labor camps for contractors who employ Italian work
men. It wages unremitting war on all persons that endeavor to
swindle Italian immigrants. It is engaged in breaking up the
padrone system. It cooperates with the United States authorities
and with the New York police department.
The State of New York stretches out a protecting hand to the
Italian immigrants that the societies fail to reach and who fall
into the hands of padrone agents. It enacted in 1904 and amended
in 1906 a law which ‘ ‘ specifically provides for the regulation of the
Italian padrone system ” and prevents the Italian from being swin
dled. Thus for the protection of this immigrant, “ this very timid
kind of traveler,” a series of all-powerful agencies have been called
into existence to render him some service at every turn; and when
at last he begins work on American soil, he has by an excess perhaps
of helpful attention, been rendered more helpless and timid than
when he began his journey.
In view of the fact that at no point is he brought into contact with
the Americanizing influences, one is inclined to think that he would
have become a more self-reliant man and better fitted for and ac
quainted with the duties and meaning of American citizenship if
he landed with a little of the pioneer spirit and secured employment
alone and unaided, other than by the methods open to other immi
grants, mingling with and taking his chances and opportunities with
other men.
486
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
That was the way the “ ignorant and tim id” immigrants of other
nations were assimilated. So long as the commissary system, good
or bad, exists, just so long will the Italian remain a stranger in a
strange land. The difficulty is not one, merely, of reforming the
padrone system. Compelling honest dealing will not remedy the
evil. The action of some railroads has brought about reforms, and
there will continue to be at normal prices a big profit to the padrone
in the sale of supplies to 4,000 or 5,000 men. The honest, inde
pendent labor camp where employment is furnished without cost is
just as bad a thing for the purpose of American citizenship as the
padrone camp, if the commissary system of segregation is in opera
tion at both camps.
ECON OM IC C O N D ITIO N OF T H E J E W S IN R U S S IA .
BY I. M. RUBINOW.
INTRODUCTION.
The present study of the economic condition of the Jews in Russia
is offered as a part o f a series o f studies on immigration and its relation
to social and industrial questions in the United States. One of the
most important elements in this problem is the distribution, both
geographically and industrially) of immigrants arriving in this country.
A study of immigration at the present time would not be complete
without special attention to the Russian Jews, form ing as they do
one-eighth o f the total number of immigrants now coming to our
shores, and being found so frequently living and working under
harmful sweat-shop conditions. Some of the well-known characteris
tics of these immigrants, such as their tendency to crowd into the
great cities and to follow certain definite lines o f work to the exclusion
of the heavier manual trades and agriculture, will be much better
understood after a study o f the conditions and restrictions under
which they have worked and lived before coming to this country.
JEW ISH POPULATION.
A s far back as authentic historic records go, Jews are known to have
lived within the territory at present included in the limits of the Rus
sian Empire, yet the Russian Empire as it now exists acquired the vast
m ajority o f its Jewish citizens at a com paratively recent date. Until
1772 the number o f Jews in Russia proper was small, because until
then the absolutely prohibitive policy of the Russian Government
made any movement across the Polish-Russian frontier practically
impossible. The gradual migration of the Jews eastward through
Europe resulted in concentrating a large number in the Kingdom of
Poland, in which country and in Lithuania Jews are known to have
lived as early as the tenth century. The first partition o f Poland, in
1792, gave to Russia the section known as W hite Russia and a part of
Lithuania, with a large Jewish population; the second partition, in
1793, and the final partition, in 1795, added the ten Provinces which
now constitute the so-called region o f the Vistula. Since those events
the Russian Empire has remained the home of at least one-half o f the
487
488
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
entire Jewish race. While the total number of Jews in the world is not
definitely known, the estimate of 11,000,000 is usually accepted as nearly
correct. According to the Russian census of January 28 (February 9),
1897, the total number of Jews in the Empire was 5,215,805(a) or about
50 per cent of all the Jews in the world. Since the total population of the
Empire has been determined to be 125,640,021, the proportion of the
Jewish to the total population is therefore only a little over 4 per cent;
but this percentage has little more than a theoretical value, because of
the very uneven distribution of the Jews over the entire territory of the
Empire. The policy of the Muscovite Government toward the Jews
throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries was
that of absolute exclusion, and with a few qualifications the same policy
has been enforced within the annexed western territories, which contain
the large Jewish population. The law of 1769 definitely lim ited the Jew's
right of domicile to certain Provinces, thus establishing the strictly
defined Jewish Pale, that law being, modified in 1804 by the inclusion
of several Provinces and the exclusion of others. Several modifica
tions of minor significance have been made in subsequent years. The
Pale as it exists to-day was established in 1835 by the “ Code of the
rights of the Jews." As thus constituted, the Pale consists of twentyfive Provinces (b of the eighty-nine Provinces and Territories consti)
« The problem of determining the number of Jews in Russia presents some serious
statistical difficulties, depending upon the different definitions of the word “ Jew.” In
the census of 1897 both the religion and the nationality were taken account of, the latter
being based upon the “ mother tongue.” In the case of the Jews the “ Yiddish lan
guage ” was taken as the decisive feature. Accordingly, the following conflicting state
ments may be formed: Number of persons of Jewish religion, 5,215,805; number of
persons of Jewish nationality as determined b y the mother tongue, 5,063,156. A closer
examination of the census figures shows that there were enumerated 161,505 persons of
Jewish faith who named other languages than the Yiddish as their mother tongue. * On
the other hand, there were 8,856 persons speaking the Yiddish tongue whose religious
faith was other than the Hebrew. As the special legislation in regard to Jews applies
to all persons of Jewish faith, 5,215,805 ought to be accepted as the correct figure. Y et
in the census many important tables take the nationality (language) basis. The 12,894
Karaites (people of Jewish nationality and faith, but of a different sect and exempt
from all special Jewish legislation) must not be disregarded; of these 383 claimed
Yiddish as their mother tongue and are therefore included in the preceding groups.
The data therefore may be summarized thus:
Persons of Jewish faith claiming Yiddish as their mother tongue.................... 5,054,300
161,505
Persons of Jewish faith claiming other languages as their mother tongue----Persons of other faiths claiming Yiddish as their mother tongue....................
8,856
Karaites claiming other languages than Y id d is h ..............................................
12,511
Total.................................................................................................................. 5, 237,172
It is necessary to add that often in special tables of the census the total number of
Jews indicated does not agree with either of the totals given here.
5 The Russian word “ gubernia” has often been translated into English as “ govern
m ent,” under the influence of the French translation “ gouvem em ent.” In view of
the misleading nature of this term the word “ province” is here preferred.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA,
489
tuting the entire Russian Empire. The Pale begins immediately
south of the Baltic Provinces, stretches throughout the west, and
extends over the south as far east as the Don Army Territory. The
combined territory of the Pale is about 362,000 square miles, or less
than 20 per cent of European Russia and only a little over 4 per cent
of the entire Russian Empire. The Pale includes:
1. In the Kingdom of Poland (or the region of the Vistula), the
Provinces of Warsaw, Kalisz, Kielce, Lomza, Lublin, Petrikau,
Plock, Radom, Suvalki, and Siedlec.
2. In Lithuania, the Provinces of Vilna, K ovno, and Grodno.
3. In W hite Russia, the Provinces of Minsk, Vitebsk, and Moheelev.
4. In southwestern Russia, the Provinces of Volhynia, Podolia,
K iev (except the city of K iev), Chernigov, and Poltava.
5. In southern (new) Russia, the Provinces of Bessarabia, Kher
son, Yekaterinoslav, and Taurida (except the city of Yalta).
A t various times many modifications of the absolute prohibition
to enter the interior of Russia were made; but the entire Russian
legislation in regard to the Jew’s right of domicile is much too com
plicated to be given in detail, and consequently only the main fea
tures will be stated. Its essential principle is that, while the general
prohibition remains in force, the following specified classes of Jews
are given the privilege of domicile throughout the Em pire:
1. Merchants of the first guild— i. e., merchants paying a very high
business license— after having paid that license somewhere within
the Pale for five consecutive years. This right of living anywhere in
Russia, outside of the Pale, lasts only as long as the payment of the
license is continued, but after ten annual payments the permanent
right of domicile within the city in which the payments have been
made is acquired.
2. Professional persons, such as physicians, lawyers, dentists,
graduate engineers, army surgeons, midwives, and graduates of uni
versities and higher institutions of learning iii general, as well as
students in such institutions.
3. Master-artisans working at their trades when admitted to their
artisans’ guild, or possessing the necessary legal evidence of profi
ciency in their crafts.
In all these cases the acquired right of domicile extends to the
members of the immediate fam ily, and in cases of the merchants
of the first guild and the professional persons to a limited number of
servants and clerks of Jewish faith. In regard to the Jewish artisans,
the limitations are much more numerous; and in 1891 their further
emigration from the Pale into the interior of the Empire was made
exceedingly difficult, and those artisans who were living in the city,
490
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
as well as those living in the Province of Moscow, were compelled to•withdraw.
Another considerable class of Jews that is permitted to live through
out Russia are the discharged soldiers; but this right is granted only
to those who served in the army prior to 1874. This class, therefore,
can not increase in number.
Besides these general provisions, there are minor exceptions that
grant to limited groups of Jews (usually determined as persons or
descendants of persons who were living in certain localities before
certain dates) the right to remain in specified localities, or, in a few
cases, anywhere in the Empire. Among these exceptions are to be
found the resident Jews of Siberia, Turkestan, Caucasus, the Prov
ince of Courland, and a few other localities.
The temporary sojourn without the Pale of Jews who have no
right of permanent domicile is strictly limited b y law to from six
weeks to two months, and then only in cases of proved necessity,
such as a lawsuit, commercial transactions, or probating a will. More
over, in these cases important limitations have been introduced.
Thus, the important city of K iev has been excepted from the Pale,
and even merchants of the first guild may live only in certain dis
tricts of that city. In 1893 the city of Yalta was excepted, and the
important cities of R ostov and Taganrog, b y being transferred from
the Province of Yekaterinoslav to the Don Arm y Territory, were
also excluded from the Pale.(a)
How well the object of this legislation was accomplished will be
seen from the following official data:
T O T A L P O P U L A T IO N O F R U S S IA A N D N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F J E W S , W I T H P E R
C E N T O F D IS T R IB U T IO N O F J E W S , B Y L O C A L IT IE S , 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement G6n6ral de la Population de PEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Locality.
T otal p op u
Persons of
lation.
Jewish faith.
P er cent
o f Jews P er cen t
o f to ta l o f distri
b ution
popula
o f Jews.
tion .
Fifteen P rovinces of P a le.....................................................
T he rem aining 36 P rovinces................................................
32,936,314
60,606,560
3,578,327
211,121
10.9
.3
68.6
4.0
T o ta l European Russia, p rop er..............................
K ingd om o f P ola n d ...............................................................
Caucasus................................................................................. .
S iberia........................................................................................
Middle A sia ..............................................................................
93,442,864
9,402,263
9,289,364
5,758,822
7,746,718
3,789,448
1,321,100
56,783
34,792
13,682
4.1
14.1
.6
.6
.2
72.6
25.3
1.1
.7
.3
T o ta l................................................................................
126,640,021
5,215,806
4.2
100.0
O f all the Jews residing in the vast Russian Empire, 93.9 per cent
live in the Pale (including the 10 Polish Provinces), 4.0 per cent live
in the remaining part of European Russia, and 2.1 per cent live in all
a See M. J. Mysh, Rukowodstvo k Russkym zakonam o evreakh (Handbook of
Russian legislation in regard to Jews). St. Petersburg, 1904.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
491
the Asiatic possessions of the Empire. The Jews, therefore, con
stitute almost a negligible part of the population of Russia beyond
the Pale. Hence the present study will naturally be devoted almost
exclusively to the economic conditions within the Pale.
Even within that limited area, the Jews constitute only 11.6 per
cent, or about one-ninth, of the entire population. The proportion
varies considerably from one Province or region to another, and the
reasons for this variation are not difficult to find when the historical
line of migration of the Jews is taken into consideration. The south
ern Provinces, having been thrown open to the Jews at a compara
tively recent date, have a smaller percentage of people of that race
than has either Poland or Lithuania.
T O T A L P O P U L A T IO N A N D N U M B E R A N D P E R C EN T O F J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N O F T H E
P A L E , B Y PR O V IN C E S , 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement G6n6ral de la P op ulation de FEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Persons o f Jewish
faith.
Province or region.
T otal popu
lation.
Num ber.
V iln a.................................................................................................................
G rod n o............................................................................................................
K o v n o ..............................................................................................................
1,591,207
1,603,409
1,544,564
204,686
280,489
212,666
Per
cen t o f
tota l
popu
lation.
12.9
17.5
13.8
Lithuania.............................................................................................
4,739,180
697,841
14.7
Minsk
.......................................................
V ite b sk ............................................................................................................
M oh eelev.........................................................................................................
2,147,621
1,489,246
1,686,764
345,015
175,629
203,946
16.1
11.8
12.1
W hite R u ssia ......................................................................................
5,323,631
724,590
13.6
V olh yn ia ..........................................................................................................
P o d o lia .............................................................................................................
K ie v .................................................... .............................................................
C hernigov........................................................................................................
P o lta v a ............................................................................................................
2,989,482
3,018,299
3,559,229
2,297,854
2,778,151
395,882
370,612
433,728
114,452
110,944
13.2
12.3
12.2
5.0
4.0
Southwestern R u ssia ........................................................................
14,643,015
1,425,618
9.7
B e ssa ra b ia ......................................................................................................
K h erson...........................................................................................................
Y ek aterinoslav..............................................................................................
T aurida............................................................................................................
1,935,412
2,733,612
2,113,674
1,447,790
228,528
339,910
101,088
60,752
11.8
12.4
4.8
4.2
Southern (new ) R u s s ia ...................................................................
8,230,488
730,278
9.0
W a rsa w ............................................................................................................
K a lisz............................................................ ..................................................
K ielce................................................................................................................
L o m za ..............................................................................................................
Lublin-............................. ...............................................................................
P etrikau.................................................................. .......................................
P lo ck ....................'...........................................................................................
R a d o m ............................... ............................................................................
S uvalki.......................................................... ...................................................
S iedlec...............................................................................................................
1,931,867
840,597
761,995
579,592
1,160,662
1,403,901
553,633
814,947
582,913
772,146
351,942
71,657
83,221
91,394
156,221
222,558
51,454
112,323
59,195
121,135
18.2
8.5
10.9
15.8
13.5
15.9
9.3
13.8
10.2
15.7
P oland ...................................................................................................
9,402,253
1,321,100
14.1
T ota l in P ale........................................................................................
42,338,567
4,899,427
11.6
The Jews living in Lithuania, as well as those who live in W hite
Russia, are known as Lithuanian Jews; the Jews of the ten Polish
492
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Provinces as Polish Jews, and those who have settled in the south
western region and in New Russia as southern Jews. From the
American point of view the distinctions are not without some prac
tical significance, because the Lithuanian Jews have until recentlyconstituted the vast m ajority of the Russian-Jewish immigrants to the
United States. The general culture of the Polish Jews is considerably
lower than that of the Lithuanian Jews. The econom ic condition of
the Jews in the south of Russia is so much better than that of those in
the northwest that only since the recent disturbances has the emigra
tion fever touched the Jews of that region. Of all the Jews in the
Empire, the northwestern Jews, comprising those in Lithuania and
W hite Russia, constitute 27.3 per cent, the Polish Jews 25.3 per cent,
or approxim ately the same proportion, and the southern Jews, com
prising those in southwestern and southern (new) Russia, 41.3 per
cent.
Travelers through western Russia have seldom failed to point out the
awful congestion of Jews in the cities and towns. The census of 1897
shows, however, that the Jews constitute only from 8 to 18 per cent
of the total population of the several provinces. This concentration
of the Jews in cities and towns is due to the so-called “ May Laws,”
promulgated on May 3 (15), 1882, as a result of the series of antiJewish riots in 1881,which prohibited further settlement of Jews within
rural districts, i. e., outside of cities and towns. In practice this
meant not only prohibition of further emigration of Jews from cities
into the country, but an actual elimination of many Jewish house
holds from rural settlements, and their enforced migration into towns
and the resultant congestion of the latter. The tendency of the
m odem age everywhere is toward emigration from the rural districts
to the city; the Jewish race, however, has lived under very exceptional
conditions and for centuries has inhabited the cities almost exclu
sively. W ith the general decline of the prosperity of the Russian
and Polish nobility, the making of a living became more difficult for
the Jew and this led to a moderate though unmistakable tendency
to remove to the rural districts. Thither went the petty merchant,
the liquor dealer, the artisan, and finally the prospective Jewish
agriculturalist. The May laws not only stopped this movement but
forced many of the Jewish families already in the country back into
cities. Again, in 1891, thousands of families of Jewish artisans and
merchants were forced to leave the city of Moscow and other interior
cities and seek new homes in the cities of the Pale. Both the May
laws of 1882 and the new executive orders of 1891 caused a consid
erable increase in the emigration of Jews to the United States.
The proportion of the Jewish population to the total population of
the cities of the Pale is shown in the following table:
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA,
493
J E W IS H U R B A N P O P U L A T IO N C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L U R B A N P O P U L A T IO N IN
T H E P A L E , B Y R E G IO N S , 1897.
[Compiled from Premier Recensement Gdngral de la P opulation de l’ E m pire de Russie, 1897.]
Jewish urban population.
Region.
T ota l urban
p opulation.
Number.
Per cent o f
tota l urban
p opulation.
L ithuania..........................................................................................
W hite R u ssia ...................................................................................
Southwestern R u ssia ....................................................................
Southern (new) R u ssia .................................................................
P ola n d ...............................................................................................
595,742
588,051
1,398,717
1,612,613
2,158,662
297,980
324,847
502,830
453,980
813,375
50.0
55.2
35.9
28.2
37.7
T o t a l.......................................................................................
6,353,785
2,393,012
37.7
These data must be taken with many qualifications, for a great
deal of uncertainty exists in regard to the Russian definition of the
city. Many localities not dignified by the name of “ gorod” (city)
are known as “ miestechko,” and in these settlements the Jews have
retained the right of domicile. These “ m iestechkos” have the eco
nomic function of the American village—i. e., they serve as the com
mercial, and, to a small degree, the industrial centers of the surround
ing country. The Russian village, as is well known, is usually an
agricultural community, and in these villages the Jew is prohibited
from settling.
Interesting data that throw some light upon the concentration of
Jews within the cities and the “ miestechkos” have been gathered by
the agents of the St. Petersburg committee of the Jewish Coloniza
tion Society. (a) According to the reports of these agents, the urban
Jewish population of the Pale at the end of the nineteenth century
amounted to 3,809,361, or 77.8 per cent of the total Jewish popula
tion of the Pale in 1897.
J E W IS H U R B A N P O P U L A T IO N IN T H E P A L E IN 1898 C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L J E W IS H
P O P U L A T IO N IN T H E P A L E IN 1897, B Y R E G IO N S .
[The figures lo r 1897 are from Premier Recensem ent Gdngral de la Population de VE m pire de R ussie;
those fo r 1898 are from the R ep ort of the Jewish C olonization Society.]
Jewish urban p op ulation
(1898).
R egion.
T otal Jewish
population
(1897).
N um ber.
Per cent
o f tota l
Jewish
population
(1897).
N orthw estern Russia (Lithuania and W hite R u s s ia )........
Southwestern R u ssia ....................................................................
Southern (new) R u ssia ................................................................
P o la n d ...............................................................................................
1,422,431
1,425,618
730,278
1,321,100
1,213,054
978,406
511,487
1,106,414
85.3
68.6
70.0
83.7
T o t a l.......................................................................................
4,899,427
3,809,361
77.8
a In 1898 an extensive investigation into the econom ic con dition o f th e R ussian Jews was under
taken b y agents o f the society . A s a result o f these investigation s tw o volum es were published in
the spring o f 1905, entitled “ Sbornik M aterialov ob E conom icheskom P olozhenii E vreev v R ossii ”
(C ollection o f m aterial in regard t o the econ om ic con d ition o f the Jews in R ussia). These volum es
con tain a w ealth o f statistical in form ation w hich has been freely used in this stu d y . I n fa ct th e
statistical d a ta have been taken fro m these volum es unless otherw ise credited.
494
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
In the following table is given the percentage which the urban Jews
form of the total numbers of Jews in each region embraced within
the Pale as shown by the census of 1897. The figures relate only to
those cities that are incorporated:
J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N O F IN C O R P O R A T E D C IT IE S C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L J E W IS H
P O P U L A T IO N IN T H E P A L E , B Y R E G IO N S , 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement Gdndral de la Population de F E m pire de Russie, 1897.]
Jewish population in in
corporated cities.
Region.
T ota l Jewish
population.
Num ber.
Per cent
o f tota l
Jewish
population.
L ithuania..................................................... .*..................................
W hite R u ssia ...................................................................................
Southwestern R u ssia ....................................................................
Southern (new ) R u ssia .................................................................
P o la n d ...............................................................................................
697,841
724,590
1,425,618
730,278
1,321,100
297.980
324,847
502,830
453.980
813,375
42.7
44.8
35.3
62.2
61.6
T o t a l.......................................................................................
4,899,427
2,393,012
48.8
It is almost certain that the data obtained in the private investiga
tion are far from complete, and that the proportion of Jews living
outside of the urban communities is considerably smaller than onefifth. It is characteristic that the percentage of Jews living in rural
districts is highest in the west and in the southwest, where, as will
be shown, the Jews have attained considerable success in agricultural
pursuits and where their general economic position is better. Of
those Jews who have taken advantage of the right to migrate from
their old homes in Poland and in Lithuania to the new region, a large
proportion has ev dently preferred the country to the city. This is
significant as additional evidence of the fact (if additional evidence
were necessary) that the remarkable concentration of Jews in the
city is not a result of economic choice, or even econom ic necessity,
but of enforced legislative limitations.
As was stated before, the Jews were a commercial and industrial
race before they arrived in Poland, and therefore a strong element
in urban population; but perhaps nowhere else have they become
such a large part of the urban population as in western Russia.
J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L P O P U L A T IO N O F C IT IE S IN V E S T I
G A T E D B Y J E W IS H C O L O N IZ A T IO N S O C IE T Y , B Y R E G IO N S , 1898.
Region.
T otal populatio n o f cities in
vestigated.
Jewish population o f cities
investigated.
Num ber.
Per cent of
tota l ^pop
ulation.
N orthw estern R u ssia ....................................................................
Southwestern R ussia ....................................................................
Southern (new) R u ssia .................................................................
P oland...............................................................................................
2,093,259
2,565,763
1,945,379
2,702,846
1,213,054
978,406
511,487
1,106,414
57.9
38.1
26.3
40.9
T o ta l.......................................................................................
9,307,247
3,809,361
40.9
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
495
The difference between these data and those of the official census
is explained by the development of large cities both in Poland
(Warsaw, Lodz, etc.) and in the south (Odessa and others). The
Jewish “ miestechko,” with its economic stagnation and almost total
absence of industry, is characteristic of the northwestern provinces.
These little towns supply a large number of the Jewish emigrants to
the United States.
The greatest congestion is found in the six northwestern provinces,
where the Jews constitute almost three-fifths of the population of
the cities. In Poland the recent development of textile industries
has attracted to the cities a considerable element of German and
Polish workingmen, while the mechanical, iron, and mining indus
tries of the south have drawn upon the surrounding Russian peas
antry. The congestion of Jews in the cities of Lithuania has been
most acutely felt, especially since the May laws of 1882 and the
stringent regulations of 1891, and it is, therefore, no coincidence that
the region which shows the greatest percentage of Jews in cities also
gives the greatest number of emigrants. Scarcely a Jewish family
can be found in Lithuania that has not some members in the New
World.
It must be remembered that the census data refer to the beginning
of 1897, i. e., ten years ago. The well-known fecundity of the Jewish
race on the one hand and the vast migratory element on the other
must have introduced many important changes in the statistics of
Jewish population, which can not be ascertained with any degree of
accuracy. The census of 1897 was the first actual enumeration of
population ever undertaken b y the Russian Government, and it is
therefore impossible to determine even the rate of increase. An
official determination of the Jewish population was, however, made
for Poland in 1890 and for the remaining fifteen provinces of the
Pale in 1881, which gives some basis for comparison of the Jewish
population at these dates with that of 1897, and upon which the
approximate rate of increase may be computed.
J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N I N T H E P A L E IN 1881 A N D 1897, W I T H N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T
O F IN C R E A S E , B Y R E G IO N S .
[T he figures lo r 1881 and those lo r Poland in 1890 are taken irom official publications o l the R ussian
' m inistry o l the interior.]
Increase in 16 years.
R egion.
1881.
1897.
Num ber.
Per
cent.
N orthw estern R u s s ia ........................................................
Southwestern R u s s ia ........................................................
Southern R u s s ia .............................................. ..................
1,243,007
1,215,393
453,765
1,422,431
1,425,618
730,278
179,424
210,225
276,513
14.4
17.3
60.9
T o t a l ...........................................................................
P o la n d ...................................................................................
2,912,165
ol,134,268
3,578,327
1,321,100
666,162
6 186,832
22.9
616.5
a In 1890.
16251— 08------- 7
6 Increase in 7 years.
496
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.
An increase of 22.9 per cent during sixteen years equals about 1.4
per cent per year, a very moderate increase indeed. In Poland the
increase (during seven years) in absolute figures was greater than in
northwestern Russia during a period more than twice as long, the
average annual increase being about 2.4 per cent. The average
annual increase in northwestern Russia was less than 1 per cent.
This remarkable difference is undoubtedly due to emigration, not
only to foreign lands, but also to the southern provinces, since the
growth of the number of Jews in the south by 60.9 per cent in
sixteen years would have been impossible without considerable immi
gration from the northwestern region. There is some migration
from Lithuania into the industrial region of Poland, notably the
textile district of Lodz, but it is not very large, and there is prob
ably a correspondingly large emigration of Polish Jews to the United
States. The rate of increase shown by the Jews in Poland may,
therefore, be considered fairly normal. The natural annual increase
of the Jewish population in Russia would seem to amount to at least
100,000 or 110,000 persons, and in the ten years which have passed
since the census of 1897 to a little over 1,000,000, but emigration
must have considerably reduced this increase. The number of
Russian-Jewish emigrants to the United States alone amounted to
many hundreds of thousands, and there was a considerable emigra
tion of Russian Jews to Great Britain, while slighter currents car
ried them to many other countries of the civilized world. At present
the emigration to the United States alone is sufficient to offset
the entire natural increase, the total emigration possibly causing a
reduction of the Jewish population in Russia, not only in relative
but* in absolute figures. The last two years, however, were abnor
mal in a great many ways and can not be considered a fair measure
of the normal Russian-Jewish emigration. During the years 1898
to 1902 the emigration was considerably smaller, and it may safely
be assumed that the total Jewish population in Russia at present
is about 5,500,000.
No less significant is the tendency of the Jewish population toward
wider distribution. It has been shown above that the increase in
southern (new) Russia was considerably greater than in the rest of
the Pale. The comparison with the increase of the non-Jewish
population emphasizes this point.
P E R C E N T O F IN C R E A S E O F N O N -J E W IS H A N D J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N IN 15 P R O V
IN C E S O F T H E P A L E , 1881 TO 1897.
Per cent o f increase.
R egion.
Non-Jewish.
Jewish.
%
N orthwestern R ussia...................................................................................................
Southwestern R ussia ..................................................................................................
Southern (new) R u ssia...............................................................................................
22.7
22.3
37.8
14.4
17.3
60.9
T o ta l......................................................................................................................
26.0
22.9
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
497
Another investigator has subdivided the Provinces of the Pale
(exclusive of Poland) into western, middle, and eastern Provinces,
with the following results: (a)
In five western Provinces the Jewish population increased 7.5 per
cent; in four middle Provinces the Jewish population increased 29.3
per cent; in six eastern Provinces the Jewish population increased
46.8 per cent.
Notwithstanding the legal difficulties, the eastward pressure of
the Jewish population is clearly felt within the limits rigidly pre
scribed by the Government. This in itself suffices to explain why
of all the special legislation affecting the Jew that which limited his
right of domicile caused bitter complaints even many years before
the present acute struggle for the emancipation of the Jew began.
If it be remembered that 125,000 Jews found the means to emi
grate to the United States within one year— though the voyage
requires considerable capital—it will be understood that upon the
destruction of legal barriers there would follow a considerable
migration to the interior of Russia, where the prizes offered to
business enterprise or skilled trades are no smaller than in the
United States. Still stronger is the tendency toward removal to
the rural districts, as such movement means a closer proximity
to the natural customer of the commercial and the industrial Jew.
Notwithstanding the strict supervision exercised by the authorities,
the efforts of the Jew to enter the forbidden regions in circumvention
of existing legislation are frequent and persistent.
At first glance there appears to be no valid reason why the simple
fact of the ethnic and religious homogeneity of 40, 50, or even 60 per
cent of the population of some cities of western Russia should be
considered a cause of economic distress. But when the involuntary
nature of this concentration is understood the problem becomes much
clearer.
OCCUPATIONS.
The historical origin of the strict Jewish exclusion laws is to be
found in the spirit of religious antagonism which was perfectly
natural in the stage of culture that existed in Russia before the
nineteenth century. On the other hand, the spirit of isolation
which was strong in the Jew of Poland and Lithuania was no less an
obstacle to the diffusion of the Jewish population throughout Russia.
During the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century gradual
efforts were made on both sides to break down the wall between
o See Sbornik Materialov ob Economicheskom Polozbenii Evreev v Rossii (Collec
tion of material in regard to the economic condition of the Jews in Russia). Yol. I,
page xxxiv.
498
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
the Jews and the Russians. The Government recognized the advisa
bility of utilizing the commercial talents, the industrial enterprise, and
the professional skill of the Jew, which were to some degree lacking
in the mass of the Russian people. Western culture gradually forced
its way into the Jewish communities and for a time the ideal of
Russification had most ardent supporters in the Jewish young gen
eration. Since 1875 the conditions have considerably changed. The
Jewish right of domicile throughout Russia has been subject to fur
ther limitations, as already mentioned, and these are defended on
entirely different grounds. The religious argument was laid aside
and the economic argument emphasized instead. The argument is
that the entire Jewish race is a race of traders, and therefore exploiters,
and that the free admission of the Jews into the interior of Russia
would be to the extreme disadvantage of the entire Russian nation.
It is argued that when inclosed within the narrow limits of the Pale
and enjoined from entering the villages the injury of the exploiting
Jew to the economic well-being .of the Russian peasant would be
reduced to a minimum. This line of argument has been circulated
even beyond the boundaries of Russia and undoubtedly not without
some influence upon the public mind. This makes the data in
regard to the occupations of the Russian Jews important and doubly
interesting.
T O T A L J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N A N D N U M B E R E N G A G E D IN G A IN F U L O C C U P A T IO N S,
B Y O C C U PA TIO N S, 1897.
[F rom the Prem ier Recensement GSndral de la P opulation de PEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Class
N o.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
Occupation.
Persons engaged in gainful
occupations.
Male.
A dm inistration, justice, and p o lic e ..............
Municipal and local civil service.....................
Private law p ra ctice..........................................
Arm y and n a v y ..................................................
Clergymen, o rtn o d o x .........................................
Clergymen, other Christian.............................
Clergymen, non-Christian................................
Persons serving abou t churches, e tc.............
Teachers and ed u ca tors........ ...........................
Science, literature, and a r t ..............................
Medical and sanitary w o rk ..............................
Service lo r charitable organizations.............
Personal and dom estic service........................
Living on incom e from capital or sup
ported b y relatives.........................................
Supported b y the treasury or b y charitable
institu tion s.......................................................
Prisoners and co n v icts .....................................
A griculture...........................................................
A griculture and sericulture.............................
Cattle raising, e t c ...............................................
F orestry and forest industries.......................
Fishing and h u n tin g..........................................
M ining....................................................................
Metal sm elting.....................................................
Manufactures o f animal p ro d u cts ..................
Manufactures o f w o o d .......................................
Textile in d u stry..................................................
Manufactures of m eta l......................................
P ottery and ceram ic in d u stry........................
890
1,667
1,028
53,194
173
82
6,030
13,907
33,609
2,704
6,854
163
61,992
Female.
18
12
9
T otal.
Members
o f their
families.
T otal.
21
2
2
196
1,664
166
2,916
34
113,740
908
1,679
1,037
53,194
194
84
6,032
14,103
35,273
2,870
9,770
197
175,732
2,609
5,844
3,268
1,083
510
20420,182
47,594
90,241
5,252
16,415
432
159,105
3,517
7,523
4,305
54,277
704
288
26,214
61,697
125,514
8,122
26,185
629
334,837
33,346
25,074
58,420
113,485
171,905
11,371
3,907
29,047
61
1,789
3,291
1,955
1,331
37
20,771
41,506
21,454
42,828
5,017
8,765
414
4,054
5
305
89
15
50
20,136
4,321
33,101
66
2,094
3,380
1,970
1,381
37
21,476
42,525
34,612
43,449
5,358
5,998
102
130,925
119
5,031
9,496
6,539
3,873
92
50,744
96,951
58,686
104,880
15,333
26,134
4,423
164,026
185
7,125
12,876
8,509
5,254
129
72,220
139,476
93,298
148,329
20,691
705
1,019
13,158
621
341
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
499
T O T A L J E W IS H P O P U L A T IO N A N D N U M B E R E N G A G E D IN G A IN F U L O C C U PA TIO N S,
B Y O C C U PA TIO N S , 1897—Concluded.
Class
N o.
Occupation.
Persons engaged in gainful
occupations.
Male.
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
Chemical ind u stry..............................................
P rodu ction of spirituous liqu ors....................
P rodu ction of other beverages.......................
P rodu ction of foods, animal and v eg eta b le..
T obacco, and tob a cco m anufactures............
Printing and paper industries........................
Scientific instrum ents, watches, and t o y s ..
Jewelry, painting, articles o f luxury, e t c . . .
M anufacture o f cloth in g...................................
Building in d u stry ...............................................
Carriage and w ooden ship m ak in g................
All other persons em ployed in m anufactur
ing industry (m anufacturers, clerical em
ployees, e t c .) ....................................................
T ransportation b y w a ter.................................
R ailroad em ployees...........................................
Carting and d ra yin g..........................................
A ll other m eans o f com m unication and
tra n sp orta tion .................................................
P ost, telegraph, and telep h on e......................
Institutions o f credit and insurance.............
Commercial m iddlem en.....................................
General com m erce..............................................
Cattle tra d in g ......................................................
Trading in g ra in .................................................
Trading in all other agricultural p r o d u c ts ..
Trading in structural m aterial and in fuel..
Trading in various good s for dom estic u s e ..
Trading in m etal good s, m achinery, and
a rm s....................................................................
Trading in textiles and cloth in g ....................
Trading in furs, leather, e t c ............................
Trading in articles o f luxury, science, arts,
e t c ........................................................................
Trading in other g o o d s .....................................
Peddlers and hu cksters....................................
H otel and restaurant keepers.........................
Dealers in spirituous liqu ors...........................
Cleanliness and hygiene....................................
Indefinite occu p ation s......................................
P rostitu tes...........................................................
Occupations un know n......................................
5,137
3,972
2,239
38,713
4,432
13,487
7,143
6,349
202,714
38,847
245
Female.
1,843
116
255
7,443
3,424
2,222
73
162.
51,670
172
5
T otal.
Members
o f their
families.
T otal.
6,980
4,088
2,494
46,156
7,856
15,709'
7,216
6,511
254,384
39,019
250
13,742
12,225
7,170
137,160
9,690
25,804
14,245
12,026
528,070
113,659
723
20,722
16,313
9,664
183,316
17,546
41,513
21,461
18,537
782,454
152,678
973
2,588
2,020
1,807
38,050
474
30
49
337
3,062
2,050
1,856
38,387
5,967
7,702
5,128
132,337
9,029
9,752
6,984
170,724
3,293
310
2,299
15,423
80,637
15,745
46,483
115,343
27,051
4,810
32
16
109
552
15,578
172
2,480
29,716
662
1,043
3,325
326
2,408
15,975
96,215
15,917
48,963
145,059
27,713
5,853
9,379
818
5,376
53,581
302,722
62,669
172,624
442,048
94,094
15,967
12,704
1,144
7,784
69,556
398,937
78,586
221,587
587,107
121,807
21,820
6,298
38,470
11,774
551
5,713
777
6,849
44,183
12,551
20,899
114,700
42,153
27,748
158,883
54,704
2,776
6,953
14,812
8,534
10,802
5,489
12,276
128
7,484
289
619
5,058
1,970
1,334
3,508
4,430
1,148
7,943
3,065
7,572
19,870
10,504
12,136
8,997
16,706
1,276
15,427
7,695
19,979
49,850
32,682
44,440
18,237
25,770
488
16,037
10,760
27,551
69,720
43,186
56,576
27,234
42,476
1,764
31,464
325,370 1,530,307 3,532,849
5,063,156
T o ta l........................................................... 1,204,937
For a concise and clear statement of the main facts of this table it
has been thought desirable to prepare a table that will be, as far as
possible, comparable with the occupation grouping of the United States
census. For this purpose it was necessary to eliminate several classes
that are omitted in United States occupation statistics, namely,
class 14, “ living on income from capital, or supported by relatives;”
class 15, “ supported by the treasury or by private charitable institu
tions;” class 16, “ prisoners and convicts;” class 64, “ prostitutes;”
and class 65, “ occupations unknown.”
The one deviation from the United States system permitted is the
distinction between those occupied in commerce and those in trans
portation.
500
BULLETIN OE THE BUREAU OE LABOR.
With these modifications the distribution of the Russian Jews into
the main occupation groups is as follows:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F JE W S IN T H E R U S S IA N E M P IR E E N G A G E D IN E A C H
G R O U P O F G A IN F U L O C C U PA TIO N S, B Y S E X , 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement General de la Population de PEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Class
N os.
Group o f occupations.
17-21 Agricultural p u rsu its...................................
1-3,5-11 Professional service.......................................
4,12,13, jP erson al service(o)........................................
60-63
22-40 M anufacturing and mechanical pursuits.
41-45 T ra n sp ortation ..............................................
46-59 Commercial pursuits ( a ) ...............................
T o t a l......................................................
Males.
36,143
66,944
152,450
458,810
45,480
388,874
Per Females. Per
cent.
cent.
3.1
5.8
13.3
39.9
4.0
33.9
1,148,701 100.0
Per
cent.
40,611
71,950
2.9
5.0
29.7
.2
22.4
277,466
542,563
45,944
452,193
37.9
3.2
31.6
282,026 100.0
1,430,727
100.0
4,468
5,006
125,016
83,753
464
63,319
1.6
1.8
44.3
T otal.
19.4
a i n order t o m ake figures com parable w ith figures in the U nited States census, hotel, restaurant,
and saloon keepers are included in personal service.
In view of the theory generally accepted both in Russia and in the
United States that the European Jew is in the majority of cases a
merchant and only in America is transformed into a productive
worker, it is important to emphasize the fact that of those who were
employed in 1897 only one-third of the males and less than onefourth of the females were occupied in commercial undertakings, or
only 31.6 per cent of all the Jews employed, while the manufacturing
and mechanical pursuits claimed almost two-fifths of those engaged
in gainful occupations.
The small number of Jews engaged in agriculture is clearly brought
out in the table. The economic function of the Jewish population of
Russia may be further elucidated by a comparison of the occupation
statistics of the Jews with those of the non-Jewish population of
Russia.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F JE W S A N D O F O T H E R P E R S O N S IN T H E R U S S IA N E M P IR E
E N G A G E D IN E A C H G R O U P O F G A IN F U L O C C U P A T IO N S, 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement General de la P opulation de PEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Group of occupations.
Persons
other than
Jews.
Agricultural pursuits........................................................................... 18,204,676
P rofessional service...............................................................................
916,863
Personal service(a )...............................................................................
4,872,546
M anufacturing and m echanical pursuits........................................
4,627,356
T ra n sp ortation .......................................................................................
668,801
Commerce ( o ) ...........................................................................................
804,137
T o t a l..............................................................................................
30,094,379
Per
cent.
Jews.
Per
cent.
60.5
3.0
16.2
15.4
2.2
2.7
40,011
71,950
277,466
542,563
45,944
452,193
2.9
5.0
19.4
37.9
3.2
31.6
100.0
1,430,727
100.0
a In order to m ake figures com parable w ith figures in the U nited States census, h otel, restaurant,
and saloon keepers are included in personal service.
According to this table, 60.5 per cent of the non-Jewish population
in gainful occupations in Russia were engaged in agriculture, while of
the Jews 2.9 per cent were so employed. Of persons other than Jews
501
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
only 2.7 per cent were engaged in commerce, while 31.6 per cent of
the Jews were so engaged. The proportion of Jews in manufacturing
and mechanical pursuits was nearly two and a half times as great as
that of persons other than Jews employed in those pursuits. Although
the Jews constitute only a little over 4 per cent of the entire Russian
population, the number of Jews employed in manufacturing and
mechanical pursuits is 10.5 per cent of the total population so
engaged and the Jews engaged in commerce represent 36 per cent of
the whole commercial class.
The table shows, however, that the
entire commercial class in Russia constitutes only 4 per cent and
the Jews engaged in commerce only 1.4 per cent of the total number
of persons in gainful occupations in Russia.
Since the Jews occupy but a small portion of the vast Empire, a
comparison limited to that portion seems to promise more practical
results.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F JE W S A N D OF O T H E R PE R S O N S IN T H E P A L E E N G A G E D
IN E A C H G R O U P O F G A IN F U L OC C U PA T IO N S, 1897.
[Compiled from Prem ier Recensement General de la Population de F Empire de Russie, 1897.]
Per
cent.
T otal em
ployed.
A gricultural pursuits.....................................
Professional service........................................
Personal service ( a ) .........................................
M anufacturing and m echanical p ursuits..
T ransportation................................................
Commerce ( a ) ....................................................
6,071,413
317,710
2,139,981
1,573,519
211,983
556,086
55.9
2.9
19.7
14.4
2.0
5.1
38,538
67,238
250,078
504,844
44,177
426,628
2.9
5.1
18.8
37.9
3.3
32.0
6,032,875
250,472
1,889,903
1,068,675
167,806
129,458
63.2
2.6
19.8
11.2
1.8
1.4
T o ta l......................................................
10,870,692
100.0
1,331,503
100.0
9,539,189
100.0
Jews.
Per
cent.
Persons
other than
Jews.
Group of occupations.
Per
cent.
a In order t o m ake figures com parable w ith figures in the United States census, hotel, restaurant,
and saloon keepers are included in personal service; hence the tota ls fo r com m erce in this table do n ot
agree with those given in the tables on pages 554 and 556.
With a commercial class that amounts to only 5.1 per cent of the
working population of the Pale, the claim of the overcrowding of
that class would hardly seem justified, and the Jews inhabiting the
large cities naturally fill this class. Within the Pale the JewT
s
employed in commerce constitute more than four-fifths of all persons
so employed, and in the industrial class (manufacturing and mechan
ical pursuits) more than one-third.
In reality the contrast between the number of Jews employed in
the various groups of occupations and the number of persons other
than Jews employed in the same groups is still stronger than these
tables indicate, because of the peculiarities of the Russian occupa
tion statistics. In the class of persons employed all persons actually
working are not reported, but only the “ self-dependent” ones.
Thus, of a large agricultural family, containing from three to six
adult workers, only one person— the head of the family—is reported
as “ employed in family,” while in the United States census all persons
502
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
occupied in farm work would be so reported. If the children and
dependents are added, the agricultural class swells considerably,
and the percentage of the commercial class is correspondingly reduced.
An analysis of the statistics of the occupations of the Jews by
separate regions shows that, w hile. there is a general uniformity,
there are characteristic differences in the distribution, especially
in the comparative proportions of the industrial and commercial
classes. In the northwest, namely, in Lithuania and in White
Russia, the industrial occupations claim a much greater proportion
of the employed than commerce (44.2 per cent against 23.8 per cent
and 42.2 per cent against 27.4 per cent, respectively). This differ
ence is significant in view of the greater congestion of the Jews in
the northwest and their lower economic condition, as will be indi
cated in another section. It will be shown that in these Provinces
there is a process of rapid shifting from the commercial pursuits to
industrial work, and here also the labor movement is strongest. It
is from these Provinces that until very recently emigration to the
United States was strongest. The following table shows the distribu
tion of Jews in the various occupation groups for each region of the
Pale and for Russia outside of the Pale:
N UMBER AND PE R CENT OF JEWS IN EACH GROUP OF GA IN FU L OCCUPATIONS IN T H E
PA LE, B Y REGIONS, AND IN RUSSIA OUTSIDE OF T H E PA LE, 1897.
[C om piled from the separate reports on Provinces o f Prem ier R ecensem ent G6n6ral d e la P opulation
de 1’ Empire de Russie, 1897.]
Lithuania.
W hite Russia. Southwestern Southern (n ew )
Russia.
Russia.
Groups o f gainfu l occupations.
Per
Per N um
cent. Number. cent. ber.
P er Num ber. Per
cent.
cent.
8,279
10,455
38,819
4.0
5.1
19.0
8,223
11,556
31,865
4.2
5.8
16.1
6,427
21,226
62,112
1.7
5.6
16.5
9,614
10,571
37,473
4.5
4.9
17.6
90,322
8,053
48,608
44.2
S. 9
23.8
83,656
8,507
54,359
42.2 132,787
4.3 U ,4 $ l
27.4 142,368
35.3
3.1
37.8
74,361
6,202
76,151
34.7
2.9
35.5
198,166 100.0 376,401 100.0
214,372
100.0
Num ber.
A gricultural p u rsu its..............................
Professional service.................................
Personal service ( o ) .................................
M anufacturing an d m ech a n ica l pur
suits .........................................................
T ransportation...........................................
Com m erce ( a ) ............................................
T ota l..................................................
204,536 100.0
Poland.
Russia out
side o f Pale.
Pale.
Russian E m
pire.
Groups o f gainfu l occupations.
Per
Num ber. Per
cent.
cent.
N um
ber.
Per Num ber. Per
cent.
cent.
5,995
13,430
79,809
1.8
4.0
23.6
38,538
67,238
250,078
2.9
5.1
18.8
2,073
4,712
27,388
2.1
4.7
27.6
40,611
71,950
277,466
2.9
5.0
19.4
123,718
9,934
105,142
36.6
2.9
31.1
504,844
44,177
5426,628
37.9
3.3
32.0
37,719
1,767
25,565
38.0
1.8
26.8
542,563
45,944
452,193
37.9
3.2
31.6
99,224 100.0 1,430,727
100.0
Num ber.
A gricultural p u rsu its..............................
Professional service.................................
Personal servic*>(«).................................
M anufacturing and m ech a n ica l pur
suits .........................................................
T ransportation..........................................
C om m erce ( « ) ............................................
T ota l..................................................
338,028 100.0 1,331,503 100.0
« I n order to m ake figures com parable w ith figures in the U nited States census, h otel, restaurant,
and saloon keepers are in clu d ed in personal service.
bT his total does n ot agree w ith that show n in the tables on pages 554 an d 556 fo r the reason stated
in note a.
503
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
In this connection it is interesting to determine from which of the
occupation groups the largest part of the Russian-Jewish immigrants
in the United States is drawn. This not only has a practical bearing
upon the American problem of immigration, but also is of impor
tance from the Russian point of view as a method of determining the
effect of this emigration upon the economic make-up of the Jewish
Pale in Russia.
Up to 1898 the reports of the United States Commissioner of Im
migration have given the statistics of occupation by countries of
origin, and since then by nationality. Neither method is altogether
satisfactory when the occupations of the Russian Jews are to be
determined. But as the Jewish immigrants from Russia during the
six years 1901-1906 constituted 71.9 per cent of all the Jewish im
migrants, the figures showing the occupations of all the Jews who
came into the United States during that period are at least sugges
tive of the occupations of the Russian Jews:
NUM BER
OF J E W S A R R I V IN G I N T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S D U R IN G E A C H
Y E A R S E N D IN G J U N E 30, 1901 t o 1906, B Y O C C U P A T IO N S .
OF TH E
[From Annual R ep orts o f the Comm issioner-General of Im m igration.]
O ccupation.
Professions:
A cto rs ...............................................................................
C lergy...............................................................................
E d ito rs .............................................................................
Engineers and electricians..........................................
L a w yers...........................................................................
M usicians.........................................................................
P h ysicia n s.......................................................................
Sculptors and a rtists....................................................
T eachers..........................................................................
N ot specified...................................................................
T o t a l.............................................................................
Skilled trades:
B ak ers..............................................................................
B arbers and hairdressers...........................................
B lack sm ith s....................................................................
B ook b in d ers...................................................................
B rew ers............................................................................
B u tch ers..........................................................................
Cabinetm akers, carpenters, e t c .................................
Clerks, accountants, e t c ..............................................
Engineers and firem en.................................................
E ngravers.......................................................................
F urriers...........................................................................
Gardeners........................................................................
H a t and cap m ak ers....................................................
Iron w orkers....................................................................
Jewelers...........................................................................
L ock sm ith s.....................................................................
M achinists.......................................................................
M ariners..........................................................................
M asons.............................................................................
Mechanics (n ot specified)...........................................
Metal w orkers (other than iron, steel, or t i n ) ___
Millers...............................................................................
M illiners...........................................................................
M iners...............................................................................
Painters and glaziers...................................................
P h otograp h ers...............................................................
P lasterers........................................................................
Plum bers.........................................................................
P rinters............................................................................
Saddlers and harness m ak ers....................................
Seamstresses and dressm akers.................................
Shipw rights....................................................................
1901.
1902.
1903.
1904.
1905.
1906.
20
5
2
30
2
61
12
16
103
43
4
14
3
38
1
52
6
25
98
38
16
27
4
81
2
' 108
9
31
147
74
28
51
13
98
6
260
70
36
211
70
25
57
23
123
7
342
94
47
322
123
23
52
10
116
3
227
40
43
333
247
294
279
499
843
1,163
1,094
627
164
619
592
172
434
937
266
695
10
525
1,874
618
14
591
2,018
549
14
743
2,600
1,060
22
14
23
17
17
19
8
152
315
142
33
75
149
26
170
315
96
14
111
84
22
193
691
166
13
153
159
88
62
85
19
799
12
808
13
1,131
1
18
91
104
1,811
2
1
16
91
109
1,704
5
39
154
206
3,315
1,173
403
826
535
19
1,401
4,632
1,838
84
20
410
26
683
148
179
1,337
254
71
296
108
419
140
101
19
1,970
145
14
59
303
281
3,814
1,460
578
1,568
705
32
2,036
6,289
2,512
110
40
620
43
1,009
95
193
1,589
366
52
469
129
559
211
273
15
2,849
214
11
93
387
358
3,657
1,102
594
840
587
37
1,237
5,462
2,288
77
48
530
38
718
75
181
1,314
193
75
431
121
403
138
488
45
2,297
219
17
77
393
256
5,845
1
504
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
NUM BER
OF J E W S A R R I V IN G IN T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S D U R IN G E A C H OF T H E
Y E A R S E N D IN G JU N E 30, 1901 TO 1906, B Y O C C U P A T IO N S —Concluded.
O ccupation.
Skilled trades—Concluded.
Shoem akers.....................................................................
S ton ecutters...................................................................
T a ilors..............................................................................
Tanners and cu rriers....................................................
T inners.............................................................................
T ob a cco m an ufacturers..............................................
U pholsterers...................................................................
W a tch and clock m ak ers.............................................
W eavers and spinners and other textile workers.
W heelw rights.................................................................
W o od w ork ers.................................................................
N ot specified.................................................... ..............
T o t a l.............................................................................
Miscellaneous:
A ge n ts.
B an k ers..............................
D raym en, hackm en, e tc.
F arm ers............. .‘..............
F arm laborers...................
H otel keepers....................
L a b orers.......... .................
M anufacturers..................
M erchants..........................
Servants.............................
N ot specified.....................
T o t a l.........................................
N o o ccu p a tion ...................................
T otal H ebrew im m igran ts.
1901.
1902.
1,284
1,285
10
12
6,110
1903.
1904.
1905.
1,614
3,824
32
22,334
531
1,016
651
253
667
963
74
283
985
2,353
21
18,418
254
832
560
228
720
620
51
213
744
1906.
1,399 j 1,053
1,280
2,763
24
16,426
347
882
532
229
561
481
28
271
857
18,352 [ 17,841
27,071
45,109
60,135
51,141
31
5
61
122
498
24
8,159
90
4,596
82
21
270
517
232
5,981
341
427
297
249 i
172 I
9i
9,233
497
727
346
196
127
19
287
31
5,316
6,664
2,246
5,122
542
2,363
7,039
1,008
26
7
33
65
296
18
8,371
74
3.464
9,292
153
155
44
168
1,712
29
8,378
47
3,495
9,839
566
13,616 j 17,481
21,799
21,741
24,370
31,707 I 25,952 I 31,152
38,485
46.871
77,143
T
78
301
18
3,906
1,9
546
7,745
58
317
11
46
334
20
8,000
10
58,098 | 57,688 | 76,203 |106,236 129.910 | 153,748
It appears that 63.0 per cent of the Jewish immigrants during
the period 1901 to 1906 who were fit to pursue a gainful occupation
belong to the class of industrial workers, and undoubtedly a large
proportion of the common laborers classified with personal service
(according to the scheme followed by the United States census) are
in reality industrial workers.
In the following table the occupations in the preceding table have
been grouped in accordance with the scheme of the Twelfth Census
of the United States:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F J E W IS H IM M IG R A N T S TO T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S E N G A G E D
IN E A C H G R O U P O F O C C U PA TIO N S F O R T H E P E R IO D 1901 T O 1906.
[Compiled from data presented in Annual R ep orts o f the Comm issioner-General o f Im m igration.]
Num ber.
Per cent.
Agricultural p ursuits..............................................................................................................
Professional service.................................................................................................................
D om estic and personal service.............................................................................................
Trade and tra n s p orta tion ....................................................................................................
M anufacturing and m echanical pursu its..........................................................................
M iscellaneou s........................................................ .................................................................
4,155
4,172
83,272
27,557
208,447
2,970
1.3
1.3
25.2
8.3
63.0
.9
T o t a l ................................................................................................................................
330,573
100.0
Group o f occupations.
The statement has often been made that in the United States the
Russian Jew has for the first time learned manual labor. The sta
tistics of the occupations in Russia, as well as those of the United
505
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
States Bureau of Immigration, show that such a statement is not
warranted. While the point of religion has not been touched upon,
a study of the data presented in the Twelfth Census of the United
States relative to the occupation of the Russian Jews in New York
City shows that skilled and unskilled labor predominate in the
various means employed by these Jews in order to earn a livelihood.
A,great deal of statistical information in regard to the Russian Jews
in New York City may be obtained from the report on a Occupa
tion s/7 since in that report the persons employed in gainful occupa
tions are classified by nativity. As the natives of Finland, Russia, and
Poland entering the United States are separately reported, and as
immigration of other nationalities from Russia has been very small
until recently, and since few Lithuanians and Germans who arrive
from Russia remain in New York City, the groups of persons in New
York City designated as natives of Russia may be taken as equiva
lent to the Jews.
The following table shows the per cent of all nationalities and of
Russians in New York City engaged in each group of gainful occupa
tions in 1900:
P E R C E N T O F A L L N A T IO N A L IT IE S A N D OF R U S S IA N S IN N E W Y O R K C I T Y E N G A G E D
IN E A C H G R O U P OF O C C U PA TIO N S, B Y S E X , 1900.
[Compiled from data presented in R ep ort on Occupations, Tw elfth Census o f the U nited States, 1900.]
Females.
Males.
Group of occupations.
All
nation
alities.
R us
sians.
A ll
nation
alities.
T otal.
R us
sians.
A ll
nation
alities.
R us
sians.
A gricultural p u rsu its....................................
Professional service.......................................
D om estic and personal service....................
Trade and tra n sp orta tion ............................
M anufacturing and m echanical p u rsu its..
0.9
5.5
18.7
36.8
38.1
0.3
3.0
5.1
30.5
61.1
0.1
6.1
39.9
17.8
36.1
0.2
1.5
12.5
14.5
71.3
0.7
5.7
24.0
32.0
37.6
0.3
2.7
6.7
27.0
63.3
T o t a l........................................................
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
The difference becomes still greater when the percentage of
Russians is compared not with that of the entire working population,
but with the percentage of all the other elements of the New York
City population engaged in gainful occupations:
P E R C E N T O F R U S S IA N S A N D O F A L L O T H E R N A T IO N A L IT IE S IN N E W Y O R K C I T Y
E N G A G E D IN E A C H G R O U P O F O C C U PA T IO N S , 1900.
[Com piled from data presented in R ep ort on O ccupations, Tw elfth Census o f the U nited States, 1900.]
Group of occupations.
Russians.
All
other na
tionali
ties.
A gricultural pursu its.................................................................................................................
P rofessional service....................................................................................................................
D om estic and personal service................................................................................................
Trade and tra n sp orta tion .........................................................................................................
M anufacturing and m echanical pursu its..............................................................................
0.3
2.7
6.7
27.0
63.3
0.7
5.9
25.2
32.4
35.8
T o ta l.....................................................................................................................................
100.0
100.0
506
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
The claim has also been made that the choice of occupations is
primarily a question of national predilection, and from this point
of view the tendency of the Eussian Jew to go into trade has been
usually judged. While it has been shown above how greatly
exaggerated this supposed tendency is, the data in regard to the
occupations of the Eussian Jews in New York City seem to furnish
strong evidence that economic conditions, such as opportunities
and local demand, have a much more decisive influence than mere
national predilection, and that even the latter may be notliing more
than the result of the accumulated effect of economic conditions,
such as have forced the Eussian Jew into commercial pursuits and
have often kept him there even after those pursuits have ceased to
be profitable. Yet the rapid shifting of the Jew into mechanical
industry both in Eussia and in this country indicates that the
influence of these historic conditions can not be as strong as is gen
erally believed.
Another noteworthy feature revealed by the United States census
is the characteristic dislike of the Eussian Jew, and still more of the
Jewess, to enter domestic service. While a great number of domestic
servants register at the immigration stations, most of them seem to
drift rapidly into other occupations, preferring the more onerous but
more independent existence of an industrial workingman or workingwoman to that of a household servant.
AGEICULTUEE.
AGRICULTURAL COLONIES.
Numerically, the farmers do not represent a very considerable
proportion of the Jewish race in Eussia; but in view of the almost
universal conviction that the Jewish character is incompatible with
agricultural pursuits, it will be a revelation to many Americans to
learn that there are more than 40,000 Jews in Eussia who are in
dependently employed in farming and that more than 150,000
persons are supported by them, so that altogether over 190,000 persons
of Jewish faith derive their subsistence from agricultural pursuits.
This fact makes the data in regard to Jewish agriculture not only
interesting, but of practical importance to the people of the United
States. The condition of the Jewish farmers in Eussia has been the
subject of many thorough investigations, the most recent and ex
haustive being that made by the St. Petersburg committee of the
Jewish Colonization Society. The data for this investigation were
gathered by a house-to-house canvass at the end of the last century
and the results were published in 1904. This source will be mainly
relied upon for statistical information as to agricultural conditions.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
507
When Russia, by the annexation of a portion of Poland, acquired
authority over a large Jewish population, the Jews represented the
commercial and the industrial classes of Poland. During the first
half of the nineteenth century the acknowledged effort of the Russian
Government was to break up Jewish exclusiveness and encourage the
assimilation of the Jews with the Russian people.
A part of this policy was the effort to attract Jews to agricultural
pin-suits, and to this end purchase and rental of land by Jews were
encouraged by Alexander I and by Nicholas I. During the reign of
the former the law of December 9, 1804, was passed, a law which not
only permitted the settlement and the buying of land by Jews in new
Russia, but created a fund for the settlement of Jews in agricultural
colonies in that sparsely settled part of the Empire. Special induce
ments also were offered to Jewish colonists, as, for instance, freedom
from military service for twenty-five and even fifty years. Several
colonies were established, and by 1810 about 1,700 Jewish families
were settled on the lands of the Province of Kherson.
In that year the transfer of Jews to new Russia was discontinued
because of the exhaustion of the funds assigned. In 1823 a grant of
50,000 rubles made possible the further settlement of about 500
Jewish families.
This concluded the experiments of colonizing new Russia with
Jews during the reign of Alexander I. During the reign of his suc
cessor, Nicholas I, similar efforts, assisted by private benevolence,
were directed toward voluntary settlement of Jews in country dis
tricts, and in the forties, in accordance wdth the provisions of the law
of April 13 (25), 1835, several colonies were established in the Prov
inces of Kherson and Yekaterinoslav. These efforts, at least as far
as new Russia was concerned, were discontinued in 1865. The
experiment of sending Jewish would-be agriculturists to Siberia,
which was undertaken in 1835, was abandoned in the following year.
In new Russia the number of colonies grew from 15 in 1847 to 371 in
1865. The law of 1835 was also operative in the western Provinces,
but the condition of the soil and the life of agricultural classes in
that region were not such as to attract the Jews. In 1859 the settle
ment of Jews on Government lands in the western region was stopped,
and in 1864 the colonizing of Jews on private lands was prohibited.
The attitude of the Government toward the question of coloniz
ing Jews and attracting them to an agricultural life has evidently
changed. The reason usually given for this change was the small
attendant success. When the radical nature of the experiment is
considered, it seems evident that the process could not prove imme
diately successful. The evidences of the desire to engage in agricul
tural pursuits were many, and toward the second half of the nine
teenth century a general decline of the prosperity of the urban Jew,
508
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
caused by the Polish insurrection, created the proper conditions for
Jewish land settlement, but unfortunately the attitude of the Gov
ernment had changed. Finally, the May laws of 1882, while they
did not affect the colonies as such, put an end to the application of
Jewish private enterprise and capital to land ownership and farming,
which had been making rapid strides contemporaneously with, but
independently of, the colonies. These laws prohibited the Jews from
buying or renting lands outside of the limits of the cities and incorpor
ated towns (the so-called “ miestechkos.” ) These temporary rules,
which extended to the 15 Provinces of western Russia, exclusive of
Poland, were never repealed, and in 1891 the Jews were prohibited
from buying or renting land from the peasants in Poland.
The size of the homestead is one of the main factors in the economic
situation of a farmer. The standard of agricultural technique pre
vailing in Russia makes intensive agriculture almost an impossibility
and demands a large farm. A hundred years ago agricultural
methods in Russia were still more primitive than they are now,
and it was hardly to be expected that the Jew, as a beginner in
agriculture, would immediately excel his Russian neighbor in the
methods of tilling the soil. In the Province of Kherson, where nearly
25 per cent of all the Jewish “ colonists” are located, and where on
the whole they have been most successful, the original “ colonists”
were granted homesteads of 30 dessiatines (81.06 acres), but the
increase of population, division of households, etc., have consider^
ably decreased the size of the land holdings of the farmers. In the
western region the average size of a lot on which the Jewish colonist
started his agricultural career was still smaller, usually about 20
dessiatines (54.04 acres).
The following table shows the total number of Jewish colonies, the
number of Jewish peasant families, and the area of land in their
possession:
N U M B E R OF J E W IS H C O L O N IE S, H O U S E H O L D S , A N D M E M B E R S , A N D A C R E S H E L D
B Y T H E C O L O N IS T S, B Y R E G IO N S , 1898.
H ouseholds.
N um ber
! N um ber of
of colon
acres.
Num ber. Members.
ies.
1
Region.
N orthw estern P rovin ces.................................................................
Southwestern Provinces..................................................................
Southern (new) Russia...........................................- .......................
P ola n d ....................................................................................--............
188
60
48
(a)
2,731
2,227
6,592
2,509
18,504
12,155
32,683
12,545
66,012.5
31,975.5
171,390.6
36,028.5
T o t a l...........................................................................................
6296
13,059
75,887
305,407.1
a N o t reported.
6 N ot including colon ists in P oland n o t reported.
In new Russia the average holding per household is 11.34 des
siatines (30.6 acres), while in the northwestern Provinces the aver
age farm is but 8.95 dessiatines (24.2 acres), although the quality
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
509
of the land is much inferior to that of the black soil of new Russia.
In the southwestern Provinces, as well as in Poland, the average size
of a farm is only 5.31 dessiatines (14.3 acres). The average farm of
the Jewish peasant, therefore, contains no more than 8.66 dessiatines
(23.4 acres).
Of all the experiments to turn the Jew to an agricultural life the
colonies established in the Province of Kherson were placed under
the most favorable conditions and gave the best results. These
colonies deserve, therefore, detailed description. The colonies were
started with an allotment from the Government of 30 dessiatines
(81.06 acres) for each family, but under the influence of varying con
ditions this equality did not persist very long. There began in the
Jewish colonies the same process of differentiation that is character
istic of the entire Russian peasantry, so that only a portion of the
colonists’ households are provided with sufficient land to make* a
practical success of farming. This is clearly shown in the following
table:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T OF J E W IS H H O U S E H O L D S A N D O F A C R E S O W N E D , A N D
A V E R A G E S IZ E O F H O L D IN G , IN T H E C O LO N IE S O F K H E R S O N , B Y G R O U P S OF
H O U S E H O L D S , 1898.
Households.
Acres owned.
H ouseholds owning—
Num ber. P ercent. N um ber. P ercent.
Average
holding
(acres).
N o la n d ........ .........................................................................
Less than 13.5 acres...........................................................
13.5 to 27 acres....................................................................
27 to 54 a cres........................................................................
54 acres or o v e r ...................................................................
611
483
836
728
529
19.2
15.2
26.2
22.8
16.6
4,923
19,172
30,069
42,846
5.1
19.8
31.0
44.1
10.2
22.9
41.3
81.0
T o t a l...........................................................................
3,187
100.0
97,010
100.0
30.4
Only one-sixth of the households own at present 54 acres or more
per family, and this one-sixth owns 44.1 per cent of the entire land
of the colonies. Many of the farmers have extended their activity
by renting, since 1,165 households were found to rent additional
land, the total area rented in 1898 amounting to 25,203J dessiatines
(68,099.2 acres). On the other hand, 811 households let out a part
or the whole of their holdings, the total area let out amounting to
but 7,524J dessiatines (20,331.2 acres). If the amount let out is
subtracted from the amount rented there is shown a net increase
in holdings due to rentals of 17,678f dessiatines (47,768.0 acres), or
an average for the 3,187 households of 5.5 dessiatines (14.9 acres).
510
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Tlie following table shows the effect of the renting of land upon
the average size of the farming establishments:
A V E R A G E S IZE OF A L L O T M E N T S O W N E D , A V E R A G E N E T IN C R E A S E D U E
R E N T A L S , A N D A V E R A G E S IZ E O F T O T A L H O L D IN G S IN T H E C O L O N IE S
K H E R S O N , B Y G R O U P S O F H O U S E H O L D S , 1898.
TO
OF
[The “ average net increase due to rentals” is the excess o f the am ount o f land rented over the am ount
let out.]
Average
size o f
allotm ent
owned
(acres).
Average
net in
crease due
t o rentals
(acres).
No la n d .............................................................................................................
Less than 13.5 acres......................................................................................
13.5 to 27 acres................................................................................................
27 to 54 acres...................................................................................................
54 acres or o v e r ..............................................................................................
10.2
22.9
41.3
81.0
25.7
22.4
20.0
8.6
a 3.5
25.7
32.6
42.9
49.9
77.5
T o ta l......................................................................................................
30.4
14.9
45.3
H ouseholds owning—
Average
to ta l
holdings
(acres).
a E xcess of land let out over land rented.
Agricultural pursuits are not congenial to all colonists in the same
degree. While there are undoubtedly many who prefer to lease their
comparatively large holdings, which they are prohibited by law from
selling, there is a sufficient number of others who are anxious to apply
their labor to farming on rented land.
If the condition of the surrounding Russian peasantry be taken as a
basis of comparison, these Jewish peasants are fairly well provided
with working live stock, the average number of horses per familybeing
2.28. Yet there are 1,018 households that do not possess any horses
at all, and 216 that possess only one horse each, so that only 1,953 or
61.3 per cent of the households own two horses or more.
In the character of their agricultural methods, the kind of imple
ments they use, and the crops they grow, the Jewish peasants of these
colonies of the Province of Kherson differ little from their Russian
neighbors, from whom they received their first lessons in agriculture.
Like the Russian peasants, the Jews plant more than two-thirds of
their land in cereals, the rest being left for grazing purposes; but grass
sowing is almost unknown. The climate of Kherson is well fitted for
spring crops, and the colonists plant more than four-fifths of their cul
tivated land in spring wheat, barley, and other spring cereals; and
practically all the rest in winter cereals. According to a comparison
made in 1898 by the statistician of the Province of Kherson, the Jew
ish colonists planted in cereals 98.3 per cent of their land under culti
vation; the Russian peasants of the same district, 96.4 per cent; the
Bulgarian peasants, of whom a number live in the same Province, 99.9
per cent, and the German colonists, 92.4 per cent.
From the implements these farmers use may be judged the primi
tive methods of tilling the soil. Sixty-three per cent of the households
511
ECONOMIC CONDITION OE THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
did not own any implements for plowing the ground and had to bor
row them for temporary use. In all the colonies of Kherson there
were found only 632 plows, and 1,137 so-called “ bukkers,” peculiar
plowing implements of southern Russia which scarcely do more than
scratch the soil. Almost 80 per cent of the land under cultivation had
been plowed with these “ bukkers,” and only 20 per cent with regular
steel plows. The extremely short time during which the harvest must
be gathered in southern Russia made the introduction of harvesting
machines an absolute necessity. The thrashing is still done in the
most primitive fashion. The harvested grain is spread over a suitable
piece of ground and horses harnessed to iron rollers are driven over the
straw, the horses’ hoofs cooperating with the heavy metal rollers in.
separating the seed from the straw.
The returns from agriculture can not be very great, when such
methods are used. According to official statistics the average yield o f
cereals in the Province of Kherson in 1898 was as follows:
B ush els
per acre..
On
On
On
On
On
private estates...................
lands of German colonists
lands of Bulgarians..........
lands of Jewish colonists..
lands of Russian peasants
...
...
...
...
...
9 ,»
9.1
7.fr
7.56 .& '
According to these figures the Jews show better results than the
Russian peasants, whose only occupation for many centuries was,
agriculture.
Whatever the returns, it is important to know that the majority
of the colonists make use only of their own labor in tilling their land.
Very few colonists, mainly those whose possessions are considerably
above the average, employ hired labor all the year round. The
number of such households is only 210, or 6.6 per cent of the total,,
and the average number of laborers employed per household is 1.82.
The number of families that are forced to hire additional labor
during the season of plowing, or more especially, of harvesting and
thrashing, is considerably greater, namely, 686, or 2i.5 per cent; but.
many families who also hire permanent laborers are here included..
The total number of households employing hired labor, whether
permanently or temporarily, is only 704, or 22.1 per cent of all house
holds.
Even if the rental value of land be disregarded, it can not be claimed
that the reward of the labor of practically all the members of the
family is considerable. B y a careful calculation, based upon the
average yield of the land and the price of cereals, the average annual
income of a household has been estimated at 139 rubles ($71.59)
from grain farming, and with the addition of the products of livo
16251—08------8
512
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
stock (dairying and slaughtering), at 200 rubles ($103). In dis
cussing this estimate an investigator says: (a)
Such an income would scarcely be sufficient for a family of a Rus
sian peasant, who needs about 35 rubles ($18.03) per capita for his
bare subsistence, according to the investigations of the well-known
Russian statistician, Mr. Shcherbina. But the standard of a Jewish
family is evidently higher. The Jewish population of the colonies
has kept certain civilized customs, which they find difficult to give
up; thus they do not spare expenses for teaching their children; they
are accustomed to better food, and they dress better on holidays, and
have considerable expenses for religious purposes, for medical treat
ment, etc. From data in regard to the budgets of five agricul
tural Jewish families in the Province of Yilna, it appears that the
normal budget of a Jewish family is not less than 300 rubles ($154.50).
Persons wen acquainted with the life of the southern colonists esti
mate the normal expenditures of a family at the same figure; No
matter how approximate our calculations, one may assert with a
reasonable degree of certainty that the income from agriculture does
not by far correspond to the needs of the population of the colonies,
and that subsidiary occupations therefore are a necessity for some
part of the families.
Facts seem to support this reasoning, for a considerable number of
the families in the colonies have been forced to look for additional
sources o f income. Of the 3,187 families living in the Kherson col
onies, only 1,563, or 49.0 per cent, have no other occupation but agricul
ture; 1,194 families, or 37.5 per cent, have an additional occupation,
and 430 families, or 13.5 per cent, have abandoned agriculture and
have devoted themselves to other occupations. The proportion, of
the latter is not great enough to support the claim that the Jewish
colonists,have proved unwilling or unfit to be land tillers. At the same
time, the possibilities o f profitable employment at commerce and
handicrafts for local demand, as well as the demand of the surround
ing rural communities, have been utilized by some of the colonists.
The amount o f available labor in a family seems to have been the
decisive factor in the combination o f agriculture with other pursuits,
for of the families without any adult workers only 21.5 per cent pur
sue at the same time other occupations than farming; of the families
with one worker, 35.3 per cent, and o f the families with more than one
worker, 47.6 per cent. With the growth of population and the con
sequent reduction of the available land supply per household, this
tendency to pursue other occupations must inevitably grow. A
comparative statement is possible for one county {uyezd), the county
o f Elisabetgrad, where a similar investigation was made some fifteen
years earlier. The proportion of households employed at agricul
ture alone decreased from 65.9 per cent to 47.9 per cent, while the
a See Sbom ik Materialov ofo Economicheskom Polozhenii Evreev v Rossii (Collec
tion of material in regard to the economic condition of the Jews in Russia).,. Yol. I,
page 40.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OE THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
513
proportion, of those who combined agricultural work with other pur
suits increased from 24.8 per cent to 32.7 per cent, and the propor
tion of those who abandoned agriculture rose from 9.3 per cent to
19.4 per cent. These changes took place during the comparatively
short period of fifteen years, from 1883-1885 to 1898-99. During
the same period the population of the three colonies located in this
“ uyezd” increased more than 50 per cent, and the average supply of
land per person decreased from 17.5 to 10.1 dessiatines (from 47.3 to
27.3 acres). In the neighboring Province of Yekaterinoslav seven
teen colonies were established within the decade 1845-1855 and
under conditions very similar to those in Kherson. The allotment
of land was the same— i. e., 30 dessiatines (81.1 acres), except for two
colonies, where it was 35 dessiatines (94.6 acres) and 40 dessiatines
(108.1 acres), respectively. The average amount of land per family in
1897 was 12.5 dessiatines (33.8 acres), or about the same as in the
Province of Kherson. In addition to the 17,650 dessiatines (47,690
acres) owned, 7,814 dessiatines (21,113 acres) were rented. A de
tailed investigation was made of these colonies in 1890, when their
condition was described as fairly satisfactory. At that time 749
households were found, of which 524, or 70 per cent, tilled their land
by their own labor; 93, or 12.4 per cent, made use of hired labor in
addition to their own; 77, or 10.3 per cent, relied upon hired labor
exclusively, and only 55 families, or 7.3 per cent, did not occupy
themselves with agriculture at all. Like the colonists of Kherson,
those of Yekaterinoslav grow cereals, preferably wheat, rye, and
barley, to the exclusion of everything else.
In the realization of its object of attracting the Jews toward agri
culture the Government pursued two lines of activity. The one
consisted in settling the Jews in the sparsely populated lands of
New Russia, the other in encouraging voluntary settlement of Jews
on State or on private lands. In the latter case the land was either
bought or rented. Although the Jewish colonies were entitled to a
subsidy at the time of settling in their new homes, the land was
usually so poor and the success of the Jewish farmers often so indif
ferent that many of the colonists were forced to leave their colonies
and return to the towns. Nevertheless, the investigation under
taken by the agents of the Jewish Colonization Society in 1899
proved the existence of 248 Jewish agricultural settlements, con
taining a population of 4,958 families, or 30,659 persons. Rut the
land at the disposal of these families is limited to 36,265 dessia
tines (97,988 acres), which gives an average of 7.3 dessiatines (19.7
acres) per family, or 1.2 dessiatines (3.2 acres) per person. How
insufficient this area is for grain farming may be judged from the
fact that the average plot owned by the Jewish colonist is consid
erably smaller than the corresponding plot o f his peasant neighbor.
514
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Thus, in the six northwestern Provinces the average amount of arable
land per each male person of the peasant class was 2.25 dessiatines
(6.1 acres), while for the Jewish colonists the average was only 1.5
dessiatines (4.1 acres). In the four southwestern Provinces of Volhynia, Kiev, Podolia, and Chernigov the comparative areas were 1.75
and 0.7 dessiatines (4.7 and 1.9 acres). This insufficiency of land
was mainly due to the activity of various commissions which
redistributed the State lands in use by the peasants in the middle
of the seventies, and reduced the allotments of the Jewish farmers
on the plea that the land was not tilled by the labor of the colonists
themselves. More than 33,000 dessiatines (89,166 acres) were taken
from the Jewish colonists, and their land holdings reduced by more
than 50 per cent. The prohibition against Jews buying land in the
nine western Provinces, which dates back to 1864, and the laws of
1882, which prohibit the renting of land by Jews, prevented any
compensation for this loss by purchase or by rental.
Under these conditions successful agriculture was hardly to be
expected. Only a very small proportion of the farmers is provided
with a sufficient area of land, 42.1 per cent of the colonists having less
than 2.5 dessiatines (6.8 acres), 39.9 per cent from 2.5 to 10 dessiatines
(6.8 to 27 acres), and only 18 per cent more than 10 dessiatines (27
acres). Only a little more than one-half of the colonists actually
plow their own land, and the average surface cultivated b y a family
is equal to 4 dessiatines (10.8 acres) in the northwestern Provinces
and only 2.5 dessiatines (6.8 acres) in the southwestern region. The
methods and the implements, or rather their absence, are similar to
those of the ignorant peasants of Lithuania or of White Russia, and
practically all these “ farmers ” without land are forced to look to other
fields for support. Thus only 13 per cent of the families devoted
themselves entirely to agriculture. In addition to agriculture the
handicrafts, commerce, and unskilled labor were the principal occu
pations of the colonists. The statement that if the families with less
than 2.5 dessiatines (6.8 acres) be excluded three-fourths of the
remaining families plow their land would seem to show that the
utmost use is made of the land. Although the main colonies of
Jewish land tillers are located in the Provinces of Kherson and
Yekaterinoslav, numerous colonies, as well as individual land tillers,
are scattered throughout the Jewish Pale, and even in Siberia may be
found several villages inhabited b y Jewish peasants. A few words
may be added to show the condition of these peasants.
In Bessarabia nine colonies were established between 1836 and 1853,
five of them on bought lands and four on lands acquired by rentals that
run from twenty-five to fifty years. A t the expiration of the con
tracts it was impossible to renew them in three out of these four
colonies, and only six colonies exist at the present time. In many
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
515
details these Bessarabian colonies differ from those already described.
The enforced removal of Jews from villages has crowded into the colonies
many families in no way connected with agricultural pursuits, and
this has given to the colonies the appearance of commercial towns.
Out of 1,500 families only 536 own land, and their average land hold
ings are but 5.48 dessiatines (14.8 acres), which is a great deal less
than the average holdings in Kherson and also less than the average
holdings of the peasants of this Province, 8.2 dessiatines (22.2 acres).
On this land grain farming plays a small part, only 67 per cent of the
land being under grain, the main cereal being maize. The colonies
have a comparatively large grazing area, and several colonies keep
large flocks of sheep for commercial purposes. Another distinctive
feature of these colonies is a considerable development of various
kinds of special crops, such as fruit, tobacco, and grapes. Not only
in the colonies, but also in the Russian villages of the Province, do
Jews occupy themselves with tobacco culture; in fact, almost all the
tobacco growing in Bessarabia is done b y Jews. The competition of
the world’s crop is gradually reducing the profits of this crop and is
forcing the planters not provided with sufficient land for grain farm
ing into viticulture. The results of this highly intensive crop are not
very favorable, because of the primitive wine-making methods in use.
In Poland Jewish agriculture was encouraged mainly b y grants of
long periods of freedom from military service, and since that service
before the introduction of the new military system lasted about
twenty-five years the inducement was not inconsiderable. Though this
privilege was withdrawn in 1864 many cases of settlement of Jews on
farms occurred after that date, especially since the right of the Jew to
acquire land remained unassailed in Poland longer than anywhere else
in the Empire. Altogether 2,509 families of Jewish agriculturists,
living either on separate farms or in small colonies, were found in
Poland who held about 15,000 dessiatines (40,503 acres), or about 6
dessiatines (16 acres) per family.
The results of these experiments furnish sufficient material for a
judgment of the social worth of these efforts. In so far as the simple
question of the fitness of the Russian Jew for an agricultural career is
concerned it seems to have been proved beyond doubt. Within a
period of less than fifty years thousands of families have established
themselves in rural communities, and tilling the land has been usually
their main and often their only occupation. If their economic posi
tion is usually precarious, the same is true of the Russian peasant in
general. The Jewish peasant suffers from the same cause as his
neighbor— namely, an insufficiency of land— but suffers to a still
greater degree. Both till their land with antiquated methods and
inefficient implements. Both apply methods of extensive agriculture
to a plot of land which, in view of its small dimensions, demands at
516
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
highly intensive cultivation. It is small wonder that in either case
grain farming should lead to economic distress. In addition to these
obstacles the Jew has to contend with a great many difficulties of a
legal nature, yet it is universally acknowledged that the physical
effects of the fifty years of farming have had an excellent influence
on the health and muscular development of the colonists. The Jew
o f Bessarabia, for instance, has none of the physical characteristics
that are supposed to be so typical of the Lithuanian Jew. Had the
first benevolent efforts of the Government toward the introduction of
agriculture among the Jews been continued, agriculture might have
become an important occupation of the Jews, especially in view of
the many idealistic movements to return to the land which have
sprung up several times during the last 30 years, and caused the
organization of agricultural colonies of Russian Jews in many parts
of the world.
TRUCK FARMING.
It is still the custom in Russia to think of grain farming only when
speaking of farming, because of the very slight development of other
specialized forms of farming, or to use the inaccurate Russian expres
sion, the cultivation of commercial crops* Therefore the compara
tive popularity o f these special branches of agriculture among Jews,
which the official occupation statistics fail to indicate, is the more
significant.
Through a private enumeration, which is far from being complete,
the following figures were obtained:
J E W S E M P L O Y E D IN S P E C IA L B R A N C H E S OF A G R IC U L T U R E , B Y R E G IO N S A N D K I N D
OF FA R M IN G ,. 1898.
Southern
(new)
Russia.
South
western
Provinces.
N orth
w estern
Provinces.
Fruit g row in g...................................................
T ob a cco cu lture...............................................
V iticu lture.........................................................
Other special farm in g.....................................
622
1,015
658
27
1,641
625
117
36
7,129
40
1,907
15
5
30
11,299
1,695
780
93
T o t a l........................................................
D a iry fa rm in g...................................................
A p icultu re................................ .........................
2,322
495.
34
2,419
970
57
7,169
3,798
59
1,957
2,191
50
13,867
7,.454
200
T o t a l........................................................
2,851
3,446
11,026
4,198
21,521
Kind, o f farm ing.
Poland.
T otal.
In view of the many difficulties of acquiring land, these specialized
branches of farming that require only limited areas and a great outlay
of labor are most suitable for the Jews. Altogether, the 13,867
farmers had at their disposal only 19,475 dessiatines (52,621 acres),
which gives an average of 1.4 dessiatines (3.8 acres) per farmer, and the
acquisition of even these small tracts of land was exceedingly difficult,
as the May laws of 1882 prohibit the sale or lease o f land outside o f
ECONOMIC CONDITION OE THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
517
city limits to Jews. As a result, 7,714 dessiatines (20,843 acres), or
nearly two-fifths of the entire land of these special farms, are within
the city limits, and of the remaining 11,761 dessiatines (31,778 acres)
only 1,336 dessiatines (3,610 acres) are the property of the farmers.
Some renting of land to Jews outside the city limits continues not
withstanding the strict laws prohibiting it, but the insecure position
of the tenant, who is at the mercy of the landlord and without the
protection of the law, can not have a very stimulating effect upon
Jewish agriculture.
INDEPENDENT FARMING.
Besides Jewish labor, Jewish capital also has been applied to agri
cultural enterprises. Before the emancipation of the peasants there
could have been no inducement for Jewish capital to enter the field
of landowning, because the possession of serfs was the exclusive
privilege of the nobility, and outside of the serfs there existed no
supply of labor to enable the proprietor to cultivate his land. No
sooner had the emancipation of the serfs been realized than the Polish
insurrection caused the prohibition, in 1863, of land purchases by
Jews within nine Provinces of the west. Finally, the laws of 1882
practically stopped further purchases and greatly reduced the cases of
renting of land to Jews, since such tenancy, being unrecognized by
law, became a very risky enterprise for the Jewish tenant.
Nevertheless, considerable tracts of land are still owned or rented
by Jews. The central statistical committee, the main official statis
tical office of the Russian Government, recently stated the area of
land in Jewish hands to be as follows:
A cres.
Fifteen Provinces of the Pale................................................................................. 3,409,916
Ten Polish Provinces................................................................................................
926,913
Total in the Pale............................................................................................ 4, 336, 829
All other European Russia............................................................................ .
2,014, 735
Caucasus.......................................................................................................................
13, 705
Siberia..........................................................................................................................
50, 671
Middle Asia.................................................................................................................
6, 744
Total in the Em pire...................................................................................... 6,422,684
Although this area is considerable, it is only a small part of the
total area of the country. In the Pale, where Jewish occupancy of
estates is most common, it does not exceed 1.5 per cent; and only in
Poland, where the restrictions of Jewish land occupation are least
stringent, does the proportion reach 2.5 per cent of the land area or
more than 5 per cent of the land in private ownership, that is, the
land not in the possession of the peasants. In Poland, of the land
occupied by the Jews, 86 per cent is owned and 14 per cent is leased;
in the remaining Provinces of the Pale 32.5 per cent is owned and 67.5
518
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
per cent is leased. The difference is evidently to be explained by the
differences of the legal conditions in the two regions, caused by the
May laws of 1882. Some twenty years ago the central statistical
committee published the results of a similar investigation for twelve
Provinces of the Pale. It is thus possible to make a comparison
between Jewish land occupancy in 1881 (before the May laws) and
in 1900, for these twelve Provinces of the Pale. The Provinces of
Vilna, Minsk, Moheelev, and the ten Provinces of Poland are not
included.
J E W IS H
L A N D H O L D IN G S IN T W E L V E P R O V IN C E S O F T H E P A L E , 1900 C O M P A R E D
W I T H 1881, B Y T E N U R E .
Decrease.
Acres in
1881.
Acres in
1900.
Acres.
O w ned ................................................................................ ..........
R e n te d ...........................................................................................
1,847,879
5,400,374
1,022,418
785,523
825,461
4,614,851
44.7
85.5
T o t a l...................................................................................
7,248,253
1,807,941
5,440,312
75.1
Tenure of farm s.
Per cen t.
The Jewish Colonization Society made an independent investiga
tion of these estates, which included 1,210,796 dessiatines (3,271,571
acres), or practically the entire area owned by Jews. The investiga
tion showed that practically all of the land is in the hands of owners of
large estates, and only a small part (less than 1.5 per cent) belonged
to those persons owning a farm so small that the proprietor probably
gave to it his labor as well as his capital and management.
The following table shows the number and area of farms owned by
Jews in twelve Provinces of the Pale, by size of farms:
N U M B E R A N D A R E A O F F A R M S O W N E D B Y J E W S IN T W E L V E P R O V IN C E S O F T H E
P A L E , B Y S IZ E OF FA R M S, 1898.
Farm s.
Size of farm s.
Num ber.
Per
cent.
Area
(acres).
Per cent
o f area.
U nder 54 acres.....................................................................
54 t o 270 acres......................................................................
Over 270 acres.....................................................................
2,058
821
1,642
45.5
18.2
36.3
46,796
118,183
3,106,592
1.4
3.6
95.0
T o t a l...........................................................................
4,521
100.0
3,271,571
100.0
Average
size of
farm
(a cres).
‘
28
144
1,892
724
The question of the fitness of the Russian Jew for agricultural
pursuits has often been discussed in connection with the problem of
immigration and the congestion of Jewish immigrants in a few large
cities of the United States, and the importance of distributing the
Jewish as well as the other immigrants over the rural districts and of
encouraging them to engage in agricultural pursuits has been empha
sized.
It can scarcely be expected that agriculture will absorb a large
part of the inflowing stream of Russian Jewish immigration, but the
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
519
fact should not be overlooked that, notwithstanding many difficul
ties, thousands of Jews have gone into agriculture in the United
States, and the movement has shown a healthy growth, partly
because the wave of emigration, which until recently was limited to
Lithuania and White Russia, has extended into southwestern and
southern Russia, and partly because of the much better organiza
tion of assistance to the intending Jewish farmer. Many efforts to
organize Jewish agricultural grain-raising colonies have been com
plete failures. It has since been discovered by persons and institu
tions interested in Jewish colonization that special forms of farming
offer a much better chance of success. The reports of the Jewish
Agricultural and Industrial Aid Society indicate that while the few
scattered farmers in the western and the northwestern sections of the
United States are struggling for a precarious existence, many hun
dreds of Jewish farmers have established themselves quite success
fully upon the “ abandoned farms’7 of New England and by means
of truck and dairy farming in the vicinity of large towns are generally
laying the foundation of comfortable homes.
Within the last three years this society has come in contact with
over 1,000 Jewish farmers, most of whom were Russian Jews, and
the following data relating to these farmers were collected by the
society:
N U M B E R O F F A M IL IE S , P E R S O N S , A N D A C R E S O F L A N D A N D V A L U E O F R E A L
E S T A T E A N D P E R S O N A L P R O P E R T Y O F J E W IS H F A R M E R S IN A M E R IC A , B Y
L O C A L IT IE S .
Num ber
of fami
lies.
Num ber
of per
sons.
Land
(acres).
N orthern N ew Jersey...................................................
Southern N ew J ersey....................................................
N ew E ngla n d ...................................................................
N ew Y o r k .........................................................................
Central and Middle W e s t ............................................
N orthw estern States and N orthw est T erritory of
Canada...........................................................................
. 69
242
334
161
46
417
1,358
1,963
832
328
3,657
6,190
31,388
14,029
3,878
243
1,298
46,605
267,450
156,960
T o ta l.......................................................................
1,095
6,196
105,747
1,694,960
449,725
L ocality.
Value of
Value of
personal
real estate. p rop erty.
$171,170
291,115
517,020
368,105 ■
80,100
$30,715
49,585
121,140
70,310
21,015
ARTISANS.
NUMBER OF WORKERS.
The natural difficulties of a removal of an urban people to the
rural districts, in conjunction with the legal conditions, have been
sufficient to keep the majority of the Jewish population of Russia
in other than agricultural pursuits. This is clearly indicated by
the occupation statistics of the census of 1897, quoted in a preceding
section of this article.
But these figures must be read in the light of Russian economic
conditions. When measured by the American standard the factory
520
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB.
system in Russia is still in its infancy, and of the many thousands
of Jews engaged in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits (to use
the familiar phrase of the United States census) the great majority
are artisans or handicraftsmen.
Since the Russian census of 1897 does not draw this line, the mate
rial gathered by the Jewish Colonization Society remains the best
and most up-to-date source of information— at least as far as the
statistical study of this problem is concerned.
The agents and correspondents of this society registered 500,986
artisans, and, since the total number of Jews gainfully employed was
found to be a little over 1,500,000, the artisans constituted at least
one-third.
As a matter of fact, however, it was practically impos
sible for a private statistical investigation to cover the entire Pale,
and many artisans undoubtedly were omitted. It is stated that the
500,986 artisans constituted 13.2 per cent of the Jewish population
of the localities investigated, and as persons gainfully employed
equaled 30 per cent of the Jewish population it follows that the arti
sans included 44 per cent of the entire Jewish working population.
It is not necessary to lay too much emphasis upon this high per
centage, which considerably exceeds the percentage of all industrial
workers as obtained from the census, because the deduction that a
very great proportion of the Jews earn their livelihood by manual
labor is beyond dispute. Undoubtedly this is a higher proportion
of artisans than any other country shows. The Jewish artisans,
however, supply the demand for industrial products not only of the
Jewish population, but of the entire population of the Pale.
Nevertheless, the extreme poverty of the Jewish artisans, which
will be illustrated b y statistical data, and the large proportion of
skilled laborers or artisans among the immigrants to this country
betray the overcrowded condition of the trades within the Russian
Pale. The condition of the clothing trade may be taken as an illus
tration. Very little factory-made clothing is used in Russia, and
practically all the tailors in that country come under the class of
artisans, which class, it is necessary to point out, has a legal entity
in Russia. The census figures show that in a population of 42,338,567
within the Pale, 458,545 persons are occupied in the clothing trade,
or 109 to each 10,000, while in the rest of the Russian Empire there
were 700,320 persons in the trade in a population of 83,301,454, or
only 84 per 10,000.
The overcrowding of the Pale with artisans, the insufficient number
of such workmen in the rest of Russia, the extreme poverty of the
Jewish artisans caused by this overcrowding of the market, and,
finally, the usefulness of the Jewish artisans and the desirability of
their distribution influenced the Russian Government to raise the
barriers of the Pale for some artisans. Throughout the first half of
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
521
the nineteenth century these were principally distillers of spirits, but
in 1865 the right to live outside the Pale was extended to all Jewish
artisans. The report of the minister of internal affairs accom
panying the law of June 28 (July 10), 1865, states that according to
the reports of the governors of the Provinces of the Pale the extreme
poverty of the artisans within the Pale is a result of the enforced
overcrowding of that region with artisans; that the overcrowding is,
caused by the legal limitations of the Jew’s right of domicile, and that
not only the Jewish but non-Jewish artisans of the Pale suffer
from this enforced overcrowding. The Jewish artisans, the minister
said, are forced to cut the prices for orders, and the resulting competi
tion affects all the artisans unfavorably. And yet the Jewish artisans
were the most useful element among the Jews, and if it was found
possible to grant the Jewish merchants the right to live in the interior
of Russia, the artisans, it was argued, surely were worthy of the same
privilege.
The law of 1865 was the result of these arguments. The natural
question will be asked why the Jewish artisans have not overrun Russia,
instead of flocking in such numbers to foreign lands, like the United
States or the United Kingdom. The prospect of better earnings in
foreign lands may serve as a partial explanation; but no less impor
tant is the extreme complexity of the law, and the subsequent amend
ments to it, which makes the legal position of a Jewish artisan in the
interior of Russia very insecure. Thus a well-known text-book of
special legislation relating to Jews devotes forty pages to commen
taries and decisions regarding the right of the Jewish artisans to live
beyond the limits of the Pale. The Jewish artisan is obliged to
obtain from the artisans’ guild a certificate of proficiency in the trade
chosen, which certificate is granted only after an examination; he is
obliged to have a certificate from the local authorities, as to his record;
in his new place of residence he is strictly bound to his special trade,
and not only is he obliged to be actively engaged in his trade, but he
is also strictly prohibited from working at anything outside of it. The
closest supervision over the fulfillment o f these requirements is kept
up by the police, and the artisan is liable to summary expulsion from
his new place o f residence for any infringement of these regulations.
He is not permitted to deal in any products not made in his shop; so
that a watchmaker, for instance, can not sell any watches unless put
together by him, and under no circumstances can he sell a watch
chain or fob. Many artisans are forced to return to the Pale when too
old to work at their trade, and the children when they reach maturity
are required to leave for the Pale unless they have qualified for a
trade. The total number of Jewish artisan shops in fifteen of the
most important Provinces of the interior of Russia, according to ar
522
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
official investigation in 1893, was ascertained to be less than 2,000, and
the total number of Jewish artisans outside the Pale was estimated at
considerably less than 10,000.
The distribution of the artisans through the four main divisions of
the Pale, as well as the distribution according to the main classes of
occupations, are shown in the following table compiled from the report
of the Jewish Colonization Society:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F J E W IS H A R T IS A N S IN E A C H C L A S S IF IE D
T IO N IN T H E F O U R M A IN D IV IS IO N S O F T H E P A L E , 1898.
O CCU PA
N orth
western
Russia.
South
western
Russia.
South
ern
(new)
Russia.
Poland.
C lothing and wearing apparel........................
Leather g o o d s .....................................................
F o o d p ro d u c ts ....................................................
W o o d m anufactures..........................................
Metals ................................................................
Chem icals..............................................................
B uilding and ceram ics......................................
T extiles.................................................................
Paper and sta tion ery........................................
60,637
32,292
23,174
19,791
16,667
1,535
14,754
6,993
3,660
56,240
21,853
14,401
16,382
15,706
1,198
8,007
3,422
3,640
26,223
9,348
5,083
5,276
8,553
322
3,411
809
* 2,238
50,854
21,813
15,229
8,139
7,995
562
5,418
7,204
2,157
193,954
85,306
57,887
49,588
48,921
3,617
31,590
18,428
11,695
38.7
17.0
11.6
9.9
9.8
.7
6.3
3.7
2.3
T o t a l...........................................................
Per cent o f artisans of Jewish p o p u la tio n ..
179,503
12.6
140,849
9.9
61,263
8.4
119,371
9.0
500,986
10.2
100.0
Class of occupation.
T otal.
Per
cent.
When this table is compared with the table on page 491, giving the
distribution of the Jewish population, the interesting fact is noticed
that the larger the proportion of the Jewish population to the total
population the larger is the proportion of artisans to the Jewish pop
ulation. Thus, in northwestern Russia, where the Jews constitute
14.1 per cent of the total population, the proportion of artisans among
the Jews is 12.6 per cent; in Poland the proportions are 14.1 per cent
and 9.0 per cent; in southwestern Russia, 9.7 per cent and 9.9 per
cent; in southern (new) Russia, 9 per cent and 8.4 per cent. It is
only in Poland that this regularity of decrease is slightly disturbed,
which may be due to the fact that the legal rights of the Jews in Poland
are less limited than in the rest of the Pale. As a rule, however, a
large proportion of Jews are forced into trades, because of the difficulty
of earning a living in other walks of life, while their dispersion among
other nationalities, especially those of a lower culture, stimulates them
to adopt a commercial career. The same difference may be noticed
in the United States, when the occupations of the Jews in New York
City are compared with the occupations of Jews in the southern cities.
The classification of the artisans into nine main groups shows that
the great majority of the Jewish artisans supply the immediate wants
of the neighborhood, producing goods mainly for immediate consump
tion; thus, 38.7 per cent are occupied in the production of clothing
and other wearing apparel and 17.0 per cent in the manufacture of
leather goods, i. e., boots and shoes, gloves, and harness. Likewise
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
523
the workers in the groups of food products, of wood manufactures,
and even that of metal manufactures, produce for the immediate
demands of the neighborhood, as do most of the artisans belonging to
the group of building trades and the ceramic industry.
On the other hand, the last three or four groups include many trades
in which a wider market for the products is necessary, and in these
the artisan’s trade loses the character of a neighborhood industry.
In the class of chemical industry are included such trades as the mak
ers of ink, shoe blacking, dyes, soap, candles, turpentine, and tar; the
ceramic industry includes brick and tile makers; the textiles group
consists of weavers, rope makers, and brush makers; the last group
embraces the printing trades and the stationery trades.
Most of the trades enumerated do not manufacture to order only—
do not employ the customer’ s material— and the artisan approaches
more nearly the domestic industry, or even the small factory.
It is unfortunately impossible to determine from the data in hand
what proportion of the 500,000 registered artisans are working for
wages. The authors in the report from which most of the data have
been obtained venture to take the proportion between master work
men, journeymen, and apprentices as a measure of the size of an
average artisan’s shop, evidently on the supposition that the former
are usually independent artisans. But their own data frequently
furnish convincing refutation of this hypothesis. For instance, in the
case of the manufacture of agricultural machinery in the small town
of Rakov we find 8 artisans’ shops, which employ 23 master workmen,
37 journeymen, and 15 apprentices, or 75 persons,'of whom only 8 are
the proprietors. Nevertheless, the number of the journeymen is at
least indicative of the number of wageworkers. Of the 500,986
artisans, 259,396 were masters, 140,528 were journeymen, and 101,062
were apprentices. The minimum number of wageworkers was,
therefore, at least 241,590, or 48.2 per cent; in reality it was much
greater. Besides the masters, who are forced to work for other mas
ters, there must certainly be counted as wageworkers those persons
who work for a middleman and use his material, as is shown to be the
case with the knit-goods makers of Yilna.
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN THE HAND TRADES.
The proverbial sanctity of the Jewish home has for many genera
tions kept the Jewish woman out of industrial life. While it was
not unusual for a Jewish woman of the middle class to continue the
business after the death of her husband, or under other exceptional
circumstances, the appearance of the Jewish girl or woman in the fac
tory or even in the artisan’s shop is comparatively recent. Of the
524
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
500,000 artisans, there were 76,548 women and girls, who were dis
tributed as follows:
J E W IS H F E M A L E A R T IS A N S C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L , J E W IS H A R T IS A N S , B Y
R E G IO N S , 1898.
Female artisans.
T otal
artisans.
R egion.
N um ber.
Per cent
o f total
artisans.
N orthw estern R u ssia ......................................................................................
Southwestern R u ssia .......................................................................................
Southern (new) R u ssia ............................................................................... ....
P ola n d ..................................................................................................................
179,503
140,849
61,263
119,371
31,800
21,233
8,581
14,934
17.7
15.1
14*0
12.5
T o t a l..........................................................................................................
500,986
76,548
15.3
The difference in the percentages which women constitute of the
entire class of artisans in various sections of the Pale is significant,
in view of the greater poverty and greater overcrowding of the Jews
in the northwestern Provinces.
The limitations o f a private investigation did not permit a detailed
inquiry into the ages of the workers, but the organization of the
artisan guild indirectly furnishes information in regard to the exten
sion of child labor. The Russian artisan guild, like the mediaeval
prototype, recognizes three grades— the master workman, the jour
neyman, and the apprentice, the latter being invariably a minor and
usually under 14 years o f age at the beginning of apprenticeship.
Thus the number of apprentices gives the number o f children
employed.
Altogether there were 101,062 apprentices, o f whom 70,160 were
boys and 21,893 were girls. For the entire Pale the proportion was
as follows: Men, 68.9 per cent; women, 10.9 per cent; boys, 15.8 per
cent; girls, 4.4 per cent. The number and per cent of men, women,
boys, and girls employed in the trades in the four different regions
of the Pale are shown in the following table:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T OF J E W IS H M E N , W O M E N , B O Y S , A N D G IR L S E N G A G E D IN
T H E T R A D E S IN E A C H R E G IO N O F T H E P A L E , 1898.
N orthw estern
R ussia.
Southwestern
Russia.
N um
ber.
N um
ber.
Southern (new)
Russia.
Poland.
T o ta l in Pale.
/11a no
v lu S S *
Per
cent.
Per
cent.
Num
ber..
Per
cent..
N um
ber.
Per
cent.
N um
ber..
Per
cent.
M en............ 119,481
W om en ___
21,990
B o y s ........... 28,222.
Girls............
9,810
66.6
12.2
15*7
5.5
99,858
16,120
19,758
5,113
70.9
11.5
14.0
3.6
42,310
6,010
10,372
2,571
69.1
9.8
16.9
4.2
83,620
10,535
20;817
4,399
70.1
8.8
17.4
3.7
345,269
54,655
79,16ft
21,893
68.9
10.9
H5.8
4.4
T o t a l .. 179,503
100.0
140,849
100.0
61,263
100.0
119,371
100.0'
500,986
100.0
Here also northwestern Russia makes the poorest showing, having
the largest proportion of women and girls, and the number of men
falls to two-thirds of the entire number of artisans.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
525
As one might expect, the greater number of the females are found
in a limited number of trades. Thus, 49,950 of them are employed
as dressmakers and seamstresses (two-thirds of the total number
employed), 4,014 are milliners, 5,700 are knit-goods makers, and 1,700
are cigarette makers. These trades comprise over 80 per cent of the
total number of females employed.
MARKETING OF THE PRODUCTS.
Although the enumeration of the various trades is in itself sufficient
to show that the typical method of the mediaeval artisan of producing
to the order of the individual consumer is not the only method used
by the Jewish artisans, a study of the various methods of marketing
these products confirms the induction that the artisan is developing
into a petty manufacturer. The prohibition of living in the village
forces the Jewish artisan— the tailor or the shoemaker— to seek his
natural and most important customer, the peasant, in a more indirect
way. This he does by visiting the many fairs frequented by the
peasant; but this method of conducting a business has the serious
drawback that it consumes a great deal of the artisan’s time. Because
of this a class of middlemen has naturally grown up who give large
orders. B y means of these middlemen the range of the market has
gradually extended, so that it is not unusual to find artisans who
work for these intermediaries exclusively. The small city of Radom,
in Poland, sends out annually shoes to the value of about 1,000,000
rubles ($515,000); in Vitebsk the tailors work mainly for the dealers
in ready-made clothing, a trade condition that approaches the system
of contracting which is so familiar to students of economic conditions
in New York City; in Dubrovna, a small town of the Province of
Moheelev, a large proportion of the population is specialized in weav
ing “ taleisim,” peculiar towel-like cloths used for religious pur
poses, and here about 500 artisans are completely dependent upon
three or four middlemen, who buy the entire product of the industry
and find a market for it throughout the Pale. Usually many mem
bers of the family work at the same trade, which combines all the
objectionable features of the sweat-shop and the domestic-factory
system. The causes of the growth of the system are the same in the
Pale as those which have brought about the development of the
domestic system, and later the factory, in many industrial countries;
namely, the lack of capital, the impossibility of borrowing except at
usurious rates of interest, and, in addition, the strong competition in
many trades of factory-made goods. The poor “ independent” arti
san often has not the money to buy even the material for a small
private order, to say nothing of buying the necessary machinery that
has gradually forced its way into the hand trades.
A characteristic instance of this is found in the knitting industry
in the city and Province of Vilna. From 1,000 to 2,000 women in
526
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
the Province are employed in this industry. A very small proportion
of them work in factories that are provided with steam power, because
the majority of the manufacturers (for the middlemen in this instance
are middlemen in name only) prefer not to have the expense of rent
and supervision, especially since factory inspection and all labor legis
lation do not apply to the artisan shops and to domestic industry.
These manufacturers, therefore, buy the knitting machines, place
them in the homes of the workingwomen, supply the necessary yarn,
and pay the women piecework wages. Surely, there is very little of
the independent artisan left under such an arrangement of an industry.
With the growth of the market several cities are specializing in
one line of trade or other. In the small Polish town of Bresin a
large ntimber of tailors work for dealers in ready-made clothing, who
visit the town several times a year, coming from all over the south.
Several towns of the Polish Province of Siedlec have specialized in
brush making. In the Province of Grodno shoe and boot making is
the principal occupation of a large part of the Jewish population.
In several towns of the Province of Vitebsk the production of agricul
tural machinery has grown rapidly within the last few years. These
artisans’ shops, which employ a considerable number of hired labor
ers, differ little from factories.
CONDITIONS OF WORK.
The artisan’s home is the artisan’s shop. And while sentimen
talists may consider it one of the advantages of the artisan’s work,
because of its tendency to preserve the home, in reality it is one of
the greatest drawbacks in the life of the artisan’s family. It is not
the function of the home to be the workshop, and the combination
is specially harmful where the homes are as small, crowded, and
poverty-stricken as are the majority of Jewish homes within the
Pale. The following is a fair description by a Russian writer of the
condition of the Jewish artisans’ homes in one of the largest towns of
the Jewish Pale, the city of Moheelev, which has a population of
about 50,000 and is the capital of the Province of the same name:
The homes of the artisans are small and crowded. But no matter
how small and crowded, tenants are often admitted, and there is
seldom more than one room for a family. The room serves as
kitchen, living and sleeping room, and workshop. And it is not
unusual for a tailor to rent the same room for school purposes, so
that instruction is served to a small class of private pupils in the
same room where the tailor works with his apprentice; the tailor’s
wife cooks the food and washes the clothes, and the tailor’s prolific
family mingles its joyful noise with the monotonous chanting of the
Hebrew teacher and the scholars. (°)
a See Die Organizationen des Judischen Proletariats in Russland, von Sara Rabinowitsch. Karlsruhe, 1903.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
527"
It is impossible to expect any regulation of the working-day under
conditions such as described above. The independent artisan w ho
works on his own account is only too happy to have any work to do,,
and, unless idle for lack of orders, works as long as it is possible to
work. Still worse is (or was until the very recent epidemic of striker
changed conditions considerably) the situation in the larger artisans*
shops, which are virtually sweat shops of the worst order. The fac
tory legislation is not applicable to such industrial establishments;
the'workingm en or workingwomen live, eat, and sleep in the work
room, and, being under constant supervision, the only limitation
upon the working-day is the generosity of the proprietor, of the shop.During the busy season the girls in the dressmaking establishments,
may work from 6 o’clock in the morning until 12 midnight. In
Moheelev “ the normal working-day of the seamstresses lasts 12:
hours, while during the winters it may be prolonged to 14, 16, and
even 18 hours.”
The organization of the Jewish workingmen dates from the end of
the last century, and the strikes that followed showed immediate
improvement in the condition of the factory workers as well as of the
artisans.
In Vitebsk the working-day of all the Jewish artisans, which had
been from 13 to 18 hours, was in 1898 reduced to 10 to 12 hours. In
Homel the reduction was as great, the 16 to 17 hour working-day
of the tailors being reduced to 14 to 15 hours net; of the joiners,
from 17 hours to 13 to 14 hours net; of the locksmiths, from 16
hours to 14 hours net; of the shoemakers, from 18 hours to 15 hours.;
net; of the dressmakers, from 16 hours to 13 to 14 hours net.
These long working hours have been, until recently, a feature of all
Russian industry; and, as a rule, the hours of work in the artisans’
shops which do not come under the provisions of the factory legisla
tion are invariably longer. But in view of the great changes in the.
political as well as the econom ic life of Russia, which are taking place
at present, it is difficult to say what the average working-day is.
Undoubtedly many factories, and many more artisans’ shops in the
interior of the country, still keep up a very long day of 13 to 15 hours;:
yet the workday of 10 and even 9 hours has been introduced in many
establishments in St.. Petersburg and in Moscow. There is no infor
mation of such shortening of the labor day in the industrial centers o f
the Pale, but even in that section the actual working-day varies,
greatly.
The following illustrations of successful reductions of the hours o f
labor, for the years 1903 and 1904, b y means of strikes have been
gleaned from the Letzte Nachrichten, the official organ of the “ Uni
versal Union of the Jewish Workingmen in Lithuania, Poland, and
16251—08------0
528
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Russia,” and published until recently in Switzerland. During the
last two or three years the extraordinary political activity of this
organization has forced it to neglect its econom ic activity.
In Lodz, the Manchester of Russian Poland, the bakers, in the
summer of 1903, struck for the reduction of the hours of labor from
15 to 13 and were successful. (a) In the small town of Prilooki, in the
Province of Poltava, the workingmen of the local tobacco factory
succeeded, in August, 1903, in having the hours of labor reduced
from 13 to 10J. (b During the same month the locksmiths of Vitebsk,
)
the capital city of the province of the same name, had their hours
reduced from 13 to 12. (c) In Radomysl, Province of K iev, the
tailors, as a result of a strike which lasted one day and a half, had
the working-day of from 17 to 18 hours reduced to 14 hours. (< )
*
These few quoted instances show that the Jewish workingmen,
even in the small establishments of the artisans, are fully alive to the
gravity of an abnormally long working-day and are persistently
striving to shorten it.
WAGES AND EARNINGS.
In the absence of systematic wage statistics in Russia it is futile
to try to determine the average wages of the artisans’ employees.
Still more difficult is it to speak with any degree of accuracy of the
average earnings o f the army of small independent artisans, since
these earnings must of necessity be subject to great variations, both
o f place and time and from one artisan to another. Nevertheless,
the usual estimates furnished by local correspondents well acquainted
with local conditions are of some value. From some reports a num
ber of such estimates were gathered, and these estimates are pre
sented in the following tabular statement:
E A R N IN G S O F J E W IS H A R T IS A N S , B Y L O C A L IT IE S A N D B Y O C C U P A T IO N S, 1898.
L ocality.
L ithuania:
Vilna (tow n o f V iln a ).......................................
V ilna (tow n o f V U n a).......................................
Vilna (tow n o f V iln a ).......................................
K o v n o (tow n of K o v n o )...................................
G rodno (tow n o f G rod n o)................................
Grodno (tow n o f G rod n o)................................
Grodnd (tow n o f G r od n o)...............................
W hite R ussia:
Minsk (tow n o f M insk).....................................
Minsk (tow n o f S lo o ts k )..................................
V itebsk (to w n o f V ite b s k )..............................
V iteb sk (tow n of V it e b s k )..............................
V itebsk (tow n o f V ite b s k )..............................
Southwestern R ussia:
V olhynia (35 loca lities).....................................
V olhynia (26 loca lities).....................................
K iev (17 loca lities).............................................
« L etze N achricliten, N o . 139.
&Letze N achrichten, N o. 144.
c Letze N achrichten, N o. 146.
Occupation.
K n it-goods operatives (w o m e n )..
K n it-g oods operatives (m en )........
K n it-g oods operat ives (m en, high)
Shoemakers (h ig h )...........................
Shoem akers.................................. ..
Shoemakers (a vera g e).....................
T a ilors.................................................
Earnings per
annum.
« $1.29 to
38.63 t o
128.75 t o
206.00 t o
154.50 t o
77.25 t o
77.25 t o
*
$1.80
51.50
154.50
257.50
206.00
103.00
257.50
K n it-g oods operatives (w o m e n )..
Shoem akers........................................
B lacksm iths.......................................
Carpenters..........................................
P o tte r s ................................................
38.63 t o 51.50
«1.55 t o 3.09
« 2.58 t o 3.09
« 2.06 t o 2.58
185.49
T a ilors.................................... .'...........
T a ilo r s ............................. .......... .......
T a ilors.................................................
61.89 t o 163.00
103.00 t o 154.50
77.25 t o 103.00
£ L etze N achrichten, N o . 185.
• Per week.
529
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA,
E A R N IN G S O F J E W IS H A R T IS A N S , B Y L O C A L IT IE S A N D B Y OC C U PA TION S,
1898—Concluded.
L ocality.
Southwestern R ussia— Concluded.
K iev (34 loca lities)....................................
K iev (9 loca lities)......................................
K iev (7 loca lities).......................................
P odolia (42 localities)...............................
Podolia (32 loca lities)..............................
P oltava (17 loca lities)..............................
P oltava (5 loca lities).................................
V olhynia (12 localities).............................
V olhynia (12 loca lities).............................
V olhynia (13 loca lities).............................
V olhynia (25 loca lities).............................
K iev (24 lo ca lities).....................................
K iev (31 loca lities).....................................
K iev (8 loca lities).......................................
P odolia (16 loca lities)..............................
P odolia (21 localities)......................... ......
P odolia (24 localities)................................
K iev (31 localities).................................... .
K iev (9 localities)................................
V olhynia (35 localities)...................... ......
V olhynia (12 localities).............................
V olhynia (7 localities).................... ..........
P od olia (16 loca lities)..................... ..........
Podolia (22 localities)................................
Podolia (20 localities)................................
V olh yn ia (13 loca lities).............................
V olh yn ia (20 loca lities).............................
V olh yn ia (13 loca lities).............................
K iev (33 localities).................................... .
K iev (18 loca lities).....................................
P odolia (52 loca lities)................................
P odolia (16 loca lities)................................
P oland :
Thirty-three per cent of the localities.
F orty-seven per cent o f the loca lities...
T w en ty per cent of the localities............
F ifty -tw o per cent of the localities........
Thirty-three per cent of the localities..,
Fifteen per cent o f the localities.............
T ow n o f L o d z ..............................................
T ow n of L o d z ..............................................
Small to w n s .................................................
South R ussia:
F ifty -fou r localities....................................
Fourteen localities......................................
F ifty-five per cent o f all localities..........
F orty-five per cent o f all localities.........
O ccupation.
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
T a ilors..........
Shoem akers.,
S hoem akers..
Shoem akers..
Shoem akers..
S hoem akers..
Shoem akers..
Shoem akers..
S hoem akers.,
Shoem akers..
Shoem akers..
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
C arpenters...
Carpenters...
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Seamstresses.
Earnings per
annum.
$115.88 t o
180.25 t o
257.50 t o
51.50 t o
103.00 t o
92.70 t o
180.25 t o
51.50 t o
77.25 t o
103.00 t o
77.25 t o
103.00 t o
180.25 t o
77.25 t o
118.45 t o
103.00 t o
128.75 t o
77.25 t o
115.88 t o
38.63 t o
51.50 t o
84.98 t o
128.75 t o
12.88 t o
25.75 t o
61.80 t o
25.75 t o
61.80 t o
15.45 t o
64.38 t o
154.50
206.00
309.00
103.00
154.50
154.50
257.50
51.50
77.25
103.00
154.50
103.00
154.50
257.50
77.25
103.00
154.50
154.50
257.50
103.00
154.50
90.13
77.25
103.00
154.50
25.75
51.50
103.00
51.50
103.00
51.50
103.00
Tailors and dressmakers,
Tailors and dressmakers.
Tailors and dressmakers,
Shoemakers.......................
Shoemakers........................
Shoemakers........................
Brush m akers...................
W eavers (at h o m e ).........
Lace m akers (girls).........
U nder 128.75
128.75 t o 154.50
154.50 o r over
Under 128.75
128.75 t o 154.50
154.50 o r over.
103.00 t o 206.00
o 3.09 t o 3.61
23.18 o r over.
T ailors..........
Tailors...........
Seam stresses,
Seamstresses.
128.75 t o 206.00
206.00 o r over.
51.50 t o 206.00
U nder 51.50
o Per week.
These money earnings must not be judged from the standpoint of
American prices and the purchasing value of the dollar in the United
States, for while the ruble is the equivalent of only 51.5 cents, yet
its purchasing value in the m ajority of the cities of the Pale, with
the exception of large cities like Odessa and Warsaw, is about
equal to that of the American dollar. Even with this qualification,
the earnings of the m ajority of the artisans are very small, and in
view of the determination of the normal Jewish fam ily’s budget in a
small town as 300 rubles ($154.50), a vasi number of these artisans
seem to have considerable difficulty in earning the necessary
minimum.
530
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.
The following table, compiled by the Jewish Colonization Society
in its report on the economic condition of the Jews in Russia, gives
the earnings of a number of Jewish artisans in the cities of southern
Russia:
J E W IS H A R T IS A N S R E P O R T E D IN T H E C IT IE S O F S O U T H E R N R U S S IA R E C E IV IN G
E A C H C L A S S IF IE D A M O U N T O F A N N U A L E A R N IN G S , 1898.
N um ber o f artisans reported in
cities having a population of—
T o ta l artisans
reported.
Annual earnings.
Under
10,000.
$51.50 o r under..................................................
$52.02 t o $128.75.................................................
$129.27 t o $206.00...............................................
$206.52 t o $283.25...............................................
$283.77 t o $360.50...............................................
$361.02 t o $437.75...............................................
$438.27 t o $515.00...............................................
$515.52 or o v e r...................................................
57
379
176
57
12
10,000 t o
50,000.
44
199
217
62
50
10
5
7
50,000 or
over.
32
74
32
25
11
13
3
N um ber.
101
610
467
151
87
21
18
10
Per cent.
6 .0
41.6
31.0
10.3
6.0
1.4
1.2
.7
The earnings of the artisans in the southern cities are evidently
much higher than in the northwest, and in the larger cities reach a
level practically unknown in Lithuania or in W hite Russia. These
data are a sufficient explanation of the movement of the Jews south
ward, as well as of the absence of any perceptible Jewish emigration
from the southern Provinces until it was stimulated b y other than
normal economic causes, namely the anti-Jewish riots.
ORGANIZATIONS OF ARTISANS.
The tendency toward improving the condition of work of the jour
neymen has been illustrated above. Some information of the Jewish
labor movement of the last few years has reached the American
press. This broad labor movement under the auspices of the power
ful “ Universal Union of Jewish Workingmen in Lithuania, Poland,
and Russia” (the so-called “ Bund” ), which primarily directs its
efforts toward the organization of the factory workers, will be dis
cussed fully in another section of this article. Very little is known
outside of the Pale of a peculiarly Jewish organization among the
artisans and their employees, which antedated the “ B und” b y many
decades and must have prepared the way for the broader movement
which was to follow . This organization is the so-called “ khevra,” a
word of Hebrew origin, meaning a company, an association.
To a certain extent the “ khevra” as it exists to-day is analogous
to the artisans’ guilds and journeymen’s guilds of the Middle Ages
in western Europe. Its origin, however, must be sought in the rites
of the Jewish religion. Various Hebrew religious functions must be
observed in common. In fact, the prayers on certain occasions must
he held in the presence of at least ten adults of the Jewish faith.
Again, the main accessory of the Hebrew devotional exercises— the
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
531
“ thora” (the Old Testament, written in Hebrew on a long roll of
parchment)— is too expensive to be in the possession of any but the
richest citizens of the community. Thus, organizations for the
express purpose of praying and of owning a “ thora” sprung up;
and it was easy for these organizations to develop along trade lines,
because of the natural leaning of people of the same occupations
toward each other. Gradually charitable functions were added to
the religious ones; but in the beginning even the charitable acts had
a religious basis, such as the execution of the various ceremonies
connected with the burying of the dead members of the “ khevra.”
The members of the “ khevra” must not only accompany the body
of the dead to its last resting place but must also assemble daily
during the entire month to say the customary prayers. More impor
tant from the social-econom ic point of view is the obligation to
stay, in regular turn, with a sick “ brother” throughout the night if
necessary.
The transition from this service to a sick benefit fund is natural.
To make such financial assistance possible, a small entrance fee and
still smaller dues are provided, the first being often as small as 1
ruble (51.5 cents) and the latter only 4 or 5 copecks (2 or 2\ cents)
or less per week. If this moderate income still leaves a surplus it
may be used in granting the members small loans without any inter
est. This tendency toward mutual assistance leads to a strong bond
among the members of the “ khevra” and teaches them the advantages
of cooperative activity along broader lines. This depends upon the
constituency of the organization. The original “ khevra” consisted
exclusively or primarily of independent master workmen. This is
still true of “ khevras” in those industries where the average shop is
small and the m ajority of the artisans employ few or no wageworkers.
The few journeymen join the organization and do not of themselves
represent any considerable force in it; but as the number of working
men grows, a feeling of dissatisfaction with the management of the
“ khevra” arises. In the original “ khevra” the democratic spirit is
manifested by trusting the election of the officers to lot, and thus in
a mixed “ khevra,” i. e., one where both masters and employees are
found among the members, the offices may be exclusively given to
the employers, which causes the form ation of distinct parties in the
“ khevra.” One solution of the difficulty is the breaking up of the
“ khevra” into two branches— one composed of the employers and
the other of the employees. Or again, where the number of the
employees is proportionately large and the employers approach the
small capitalist, the latter may lose all interest in the “ khevra” and
it becomes a purely labor organization. (a)
a D ie Organizationen des Judischen Proletariats in Russland, von Sara Rabinowitsch. Karlsruhe, 1903.
532
BULLETIN o f t h e b u r e a u o f l a b o r .
Such development has been noticed in the city of Moheelev, the
only town where the “ khevras” have been carefully studied. In
that city were found single “ khevras” of independent artisans in the
follow ing trades: Shoemakers (from 50 to 60 mem bers); jewelers and
watchmakers; and tin, roof, and lock smiths (about 30 members).
Double “ khevras,” i. e., separate organizations of the masters and
the employees, were found in the trades of the ladies’ tailors, carpen
ters, dyers, and stove builders. The “ khevra” of the ladies’ tailors’
employees is one of the oldest and strongest. It included over 70
workingmen and was able not only to conduct a comparatively exten
sive benevolent activity, but also to influence, to some extent, the
condition of labor. Thus, it has put an end to a customary irregu
larity of payment of wages, has forced wages upward, and has even
carried through the principle of the closed shop, in fact if not in name,
since only the members of this “ khevra” are entitled to employment
by the tailors. This “ khevra” is open to all workmen above the age
of 18 years, but the entrance fee is 10 rubles ($5.15).
These social tendencies manifest themselves eloquently among the
mass of the Jewish workingmen even in this country. The large num
ber of Jewish “ khevras,” lodges, clubs, fraternities, brotherhoods, and
other organizations— frequently under American names and with the
introduction of various rites— that are pursuing partly religious and
partly charitable purposes, and often possessing national organiza
tions, are in reality only an outgrowth of the primitive “ khevras.”
It was in this habit of organization that the labor-union propaganda
found such fertile soil among the mass of the Jewish workingmen in
New York City.
UNSKILLED LABORERS.
It has been observed that the Russian Jewish immigrant in the
United States takes very unwillingly to unskilled labor. Thus in
New Y ork City of the total foreign population (foreign bom and
native bom of foreign parentage) 10 per cent are common laborers,
while of the Russians only 2.4 per cent are so reported. Similarly
in Russia the Jew who finds it impossible to earn a living in com
merce chooses some skilled trade. Aside from the low social position
of the unskilled laborer, the reasons for this disinclination to enter
that field of work are to be found in the inferior physique of the un
derfed city-bred Jew. The Jew in southern Russia more frequently
lives in the country, is generally of a much more powerful physique,
and takes more readily to unskilled or (according to the Russian
term inology) “ black” labor. Another reason is found in the unlim
ited supply of unskilled labor furnished by the Russian peasant, espe
cially in northwestern Russia. In the Provinces of southern (new)
Russia, which are more sparsely settled and often suffer from scarcity
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
533
of labor, the wages of agricultural labor are higher and the Jew,
both of the city and the country, is more often drawn to it.
The data in regard to unskilled Jewish labor are not very satis
factory. No data at all could be obtained in regard to the five
large cities of Lodz, Odessa, K iev, K ovno, and Moheelev. Outside
of these five cities the number of unskilled laborers was 97,900, so
that the total number was certainly considerably over 100,000. In
this number are included many kinds of work which in this country
are not classified with unskilled labor, as is shown in the following
table:
N U M B E R O F J E W IS H U N S K IL L E D L A B O R E R S IN T H E F O U R P R IN C IP A L D IV IS IO N S
O F T H E P A L E (N O T IN C L U D IN G T H E C IT IE S O F L O D Z , O D E S S A , K I E V , K O V N O , A N D
M O H E E L E V ), B Y OC C U PA TIO N S, 1808.
Occupation.
Poland.
N orth
western
Russia.
South
western
Russia.
Southern
(new)
Russia.
Total.
Agricultural laborers......................................
Cabm en...............................................................
D iggers and s to n e b r e a k e r s ........................
Longshorem en and carriers..........................
L um berm en.......................................................
R aftsm en ...........................................................
R agp ickers.........................................................
T eam sters..........................................................
W ater carriers..................................................
N ot specified......................................................
882
2,884
681
7,670
411
161
1,155
3,327
1,404
31
3,814
4,981
1,379
7,349
2,263
1,975
1,988
5,916
1,054
111
5,824
3,520
550
8,044
590
141
1,034
2,919
1,844
132
2,381
1,875
376
9,465
1,022
836
124
6,657
1,076
54
12,901
13,260
2,986
32,528
4,286
3,113
4,301
18,819
5,378
328
T o t a l........................................................
18,606
30,830
24,598
23,866
97,900
Altogether, these occupations employ about 2 per cent of the total
Jewish population (equivalent to about 7 per cent of the Jews gain
fully em ployed). For reasons indicated above, the percentage rises to
3.3 per cent in southern Russia (or about 10 per cent of those employed)
and falls to 1.4 per cent in Poland (4.2 per cent of those em ployed).
This high proportion is due to the inclusion among the unskilled work
ers of workmen in trades of a more or less skilled nature, such as lum
bermen, teamsters, and agricultural laborers.
The data of the preceding table are mainly interesting as showing
that the hardest forms of physical labor are not unfamiliar to the
Russian Jews. W hile some of the occupations are not familiar in this
country, such as a water carrier or a ragpicker, com paratively few
Jews remain in the other employments atove enumerated when they
migrate to this country or to England, because they come in com peti
tion with workers of other nationalities who are more fit for heavy work
in the open air. It is probable that under the influence of economic
distress the number of the Jews in these occupations in Russia is
increasing, since the turning of city-bred men and women to hired
agricultural labor is a very unusual econom ic phenomenon. It is also
probable that the number of Jewish agricultural laborers would
have been considerably greater had it not been for the laws of 1882,
534
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
which preclude the possibility of the Jew wandering very far in quest
o f such labor, because he has no right to live in the rural districts.
The average daily wage of an agricultural laborer varies consider
ably from locality to locality and from one season to the other, being
highest in the Provinces of southern Russia, where it varies from 50
copecks (25.8 cents) during sowing time to 1.50 rubles (77 cents) dur
ing harvest; and lowest in northwestern Russia, where the wages are
25 copecks and 50 copecks (12.9 and 25.8 cents). These wages are not
supplemented with board, and if board is supplied, the wages are
somewhat lower. The standard of living of an agricultural laborer in
Russia may easily be judged from the fact that the cost of subsistence
is officially estimated at from 45 to 50 rubles ($23.18 to $25.75) per
annum, which equals about 6 cents per day. The regular daily ration
of an agricultural laborer consists of about 4 pounds of bread, which
is sometimes supplemented with a cucumber or a few onions. In the
Provinces of southern Russia there is often a perceptible shortage of
agricultural labor during harvest time. Nevertheless the same restric
tions against the Jew furnishing his labor at this time remain in force,
which causes the scale of wages to rise, for a short time at least, much
above the given limits.
For obvious reasons the number of longshoremen and carriers shown
in the table is greatest in southern Russia, and if the data for Odessa
had been obtained the number would have been much greater, for
many of the Jewish cities, especially Odessa and Nikolaiev, are im
portant ports and conduct a great exporting trade in grain.
Speaking of these laborers a Russian investigator of the conditions
in Odessa says: (a)
From their external appearance it is difficult to guess at their nation
ality, so strong, rough, and muscular do they look. Their wages,
besides being very low, rarely more than 50 copecks [25.8 cents] for a
whole day’s work, are seldom regular, their employment almost acci
dental, and the large numbers of these laborers anxiously waiting for
an opportunity to earn a few copecks, and crowding the so-called mar
ket (or the open public ground) is one of the most distressing pictures
of each and every Russian-Jewish town.
The draymen’s occupation was very popular among the Jews of
the northwestern Provinces before the railroads were built, and in
the smaller towns of the Pale, especially in the northwest and in
Poland, it is still exclusively in the hands of the Jews. An official
investigation of the 15 Provinces of the Pale (exclusive of the 10
Polish Provinces) made in 1887, determined the number of cabmen
and teamsters at 18,532, and, according to the above table, the
number had grown to 25,868 in 1898-99, and yet this increase of 39.6
a See V Cherte Evreiskoy Osedlosti (Within the Jewish Pale), b y A. P. Subbotin.
St. Petersburg, 1888. Yol. II, p. 228.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
535
per cent within the short period of eleven years did not come because
of exceptional prosperity in that occupation. The development of
the railway system in western Russia has curtailed the old form of
transportation of passengers and to some extent of the freight among
the towns of the Pale, which was a profitable business at one time.
The rapid construction of electric tram lines in most of the larger
cities of the Pale has had a similar effect upon the business of the
city cabmen, who, before the advent of the electric lines, controlled
the only mode of intraurban transportation. There are still many
towns in the Pale not connected by any railroad line, but most of
them have lost their commercial importance, and the income of the
old teamster, with his large, ugly, and dilapidated wagon, not unlike
that used by the American pioneer in his migrations westward, has
also fallen considerably. In the large towns the new methods of
transporting goods have developed; but in the development of the
business the independence of the teamsters has been destroyed.
Whether they get a stipulated wage, as do the cabmen in Warsaw,
of board and 1 ruble (51.5 cents) a week, or are given a fixed per
centage of their daily earnings, or get the residue after a certain
minimum has been earned for their employer (as in Odessa), their
incomes are invariably smaller than under the old system. The
average daily income of a teamster who does not possess his own
team has been estimated at from 75 copecks to 1.5 rubles (38.6 to
77.3 cents), while the teamster or cabman who is the owner of his
outfit may earn even from 2 to 2J rubles ($1.03 to $1.29).
A very peculiar occupation, which is rapidly vanishing in the larger
cities of the Pale, but which will probably remain for a long time in
the middle-sized towns, is that of the water carrier. Ten or twelve
years ago even the larger cities of the Pale, such as the seats of the
provincial governments, had no other provision for water supply than
tiie river flowing by in the vicinity, and the distribution of water
over the entire city was done in a very primitive manner. Often the
water carrier did not possess even a horse and wagon and a barrel.
This primitive method is still in use in the smaller towns, where the
poverty of the people precludes the possibility of constructing a sys
tem of waterworks. A water carrier, even though he works inces
santly, can not clear much more than 50 copecks (25.8 cents) a day.
Another specifically Russian occupation is that of the drivers of the
sanitary wagons which, in most of the smaller Russian towns, serve
as a substitute for a system of sewerage and drainage. Probably
because of the objectionable character of the work the daily income
of the drivers of these wagons ranges from 80 copecks to 1J rubles
(41.2 to 77.3 cents).
536
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
MANUFACTURING IN D U STRY.
JEWISH BRANCHES OF INDUSTRY.
The emancipation of the serfs in 1863 gave to Russia an abundant
supply of free labor, which naturally gravitated into the cities, and
thus the industrial history of Russia since that time presents a growth
of manufactures on a larger scale than was ever before known in that
country. In western Russia the growth was most rapid, because the
econom ic condition of the masses of Jews inhabiting the cities of
the Pale was especially favorable to the growth of industries. Both
Jewish commerce and Jewish hand trades had rapidly become less
profitable; therefore Jewish capital and Jewish labor were attracted
toward manufacturing. The following data for the two periods 1889
and 1897, separated only by the short period of nine years, illustrate
the rapid growth of the industry in the P ale:
N U M B E R OF M A N U F A C T U R IN G P L A N T S A N D E M P L O Y E E S A N D V A L U E OF P R O D U C T S ,
B Y R E G IO N S , 1889 A N D 1897.
[From official data published b y the R ussian m in istry o f finance.]
R egion and year.
N orthw estern R ussia:
1889.............................................................................................................
1897............................................................................................................
Southwestern R ussia: ,
1889.............................................................................................................
1897.............................................................................................................
Southern (new) R ussia:
1889.............................................................................................................
1897.............................................................................................................
Mills and
factories.
E m p loy
ees.
Value o f
p roducts.
1,337
1,962
20,080
39,802
$11,466,475
26,461,730
1,711
2,596
a 19,727
42,613
26,824,290
38,599,250
1,084
2,562
25,319
99,170
30,382,425
119,228,165
The Pale (not including P o la n d ):
1889..................................................................................................
1897..................................................................................................
4,132
7,120
a 65,126
181,585
68,673,190
184,289,145
Per cent of increase............................................................................
72.3
a 150.8
168.4
a N ot including em ployees in the Province o f K iev. In 1897 the num ber o f em ployees in that P rovince
w as 18,270, w hich num ber was deducted from the to ta l in calculatin g the per cent o f increase.
The greatest growth of industrial activity according to these
official data is found in southern Russia, which is accounted for by
the rich mineral deposits in that region. The northwestern Provinces
are very poor in such deposits, and there the condition of the labor
market was probably the greatest stimulus to the growth of the
industry, and next to it were the efforts of Jewish enterprise. These
considerations explain, for instance, why one of the greatest of the
Russian tobacco factories grew up in a small and insignificant town
like Grodno and why Bialystok, near Grodno, became a great textile
center.
But this manufacturing industry is not all the result of Jewish
enterprise. In fact, the proportion of Jewish capitalists is not so
great as the number of Jews would lead one to expect.
537
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
In the first of the following tables, taken from the report of the St.
Petersburg Jewish Colonization Society, is shown the number of
factories in three regions of the Pale and the number and per cent of
such factories operated by Jews; also the number of employees in
all factories, the number and per cent of employees in Jewish facto
ries, and the average number in each factory classed as non-Jewish
and Jewish. The value of products manufactured by all the factories
and the value and per cent of the products manufactured by Jewish
factories are also given in the second table, as well as the average
value by non-Jewish and by Jewish factories. A study of the
figures reveals the fact that although in northwestern Russia the
Jews controlled 51 per cent of all the factories and had 58.3 per
cent of the total number of employees, the value of the products
manufactured was only 47.6 per cent of the total. In the 15 Prov
inces the Jews had 37.8 per cent of the factories, employed only 27
per cent of the workingmen, and the value of products manufactured
in Jewish factories was but 22.5 per cent of the total value of
manufactured products. The averages, perhaps, indicate more
clearly the smaller relative productiveness of Jewish factories as
compared with non-Jewish factories. The tables show that while
the average number of employees in each Jewish factory was con
siderably over one-half of the average number in each non-Jewish
factory the average value of the manufactured products was less
than one-half of that of the non-Jewish factory. This discrepancy
is fully explained, however, b y the fact that among the Jewish
factories there is a larger percentage unprovided with any mechanical
power.
N U M B E R O F J E W IS H F A C T O R IE S A N D E M P L O Y E E S C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L F A C T O
R IE S A N D E M P L O Y E E S , IN T H R E E S P E C IF IE D R E G IO N S O F T H E P A L E , 1898.
[F rom R ep ort o f Jewish Colonization Society.]
Factories.
E m ployees.
In Jewish fa c
tories.
Jewish.
Average.
R egion.
T otal.
Per
Number. cent of
tota l.
T otal.
In
Per In non Number. cent o f Jewish Jewish
fa cto
tota l. fa cto
ries.
ries.
N orthw estern R u ssia ............
Southwestern R u ssia .............
Southern (new) R u ssia .........
2,749
3,374
1,627
1,402
1,143
388
51.0
33.9
23.8
51,659
108,769
74,775
30,105
28,142
5,262
58.3
25.9
7.0
16.0
36.1
56.1
21.5
24.6
13.6
T o t a l................................
7,750
2,933
37.8
235,203
63,509
27.0
35.6
21.7
538
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
V A L U E OF P R O D U C T S M A N U F A C T U R E D IN J E W IS H F A C T O R IE S C O M P A R E D W I T H
T O T A L V A L U E O F M A N U F A C T U R E D P R O D U C T S IN T H R E E S P E C IF IE D R E G IO N S OF
T H E P A L E , 1898.
[F rom R ep ort of Jewish Colonization Society.]
Value o f products m anufactured.
In Jewish factories.
Average.
R egion.
Total.
T otal.
Per
cent o f
tota l.
In n on Jewish
factories.
In Jewish
factories.
N orthwestern R u ssia ..............................
Southwestern R u ssia ..............................
Southern (new) R u ssia ..........................
$32,403,028
82,106,141
94,039,309
$15,430,894
22,114,049
9,414,660
47.6
26.9
10.0
$12,600
26,890
68,301
$11,006
19,347
24,264
T o t a l.................................................
208,648,478
46,969,503
22.5
33,546
16,011
Although in Russia there are no statistics of distribution of wealth
and no income statistics, it is still possible to draw the conclusion
that, notwithstanding the existence of a few wealthy Jewish manu
facturers in northwestern Russia and in southern Russia, the average
Jewish manufacturer commands a much smaller capital than does
his non-Jewish com petitor, and that the average Jewish factory is
in reality a very small establishment.
Besides the lack of Jewish capital there are undoubtedly other
factors, of a legal nature, which keep the Jews from establishing
large industrial enterprises.
One of the reasons why the participation of the Jews in this branch
of industry has been so insignificant is the fact that in the cities, where
purchase and renting of landed property is permitted to them, for
sanitary reasons not all kinds of factories and mills may be estab
lished, and the acquisition of real estate beyond the city limits was
prohibited by the laws of 1865; furthermore, the May laws of 1882
forbid them the renting of land and even settlement within the
villages.
The corporate form of organization is still little used in Russian
industry, especially in small establishments, and for a factory with
an average production valued at 20,000 to 40,000 rubles ($10,300 to
$20,600) per annum, the presence of the proprietor is an absolute
necessity. A small Jewish capitalist can not, therefore, establish a
factory in a locality in which he is denied the right of domicile.
In Russia Jewish capital has not that tendency to one-sidedness
which is so marked in the New W orld. Such capital may be found in
a great variety of industries, though some branches attract it more
than others. In the following list only those industries are men
tioned in which Jewish capital and enterprise are more prominent
than in the others:
539
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
T O T A L F A C T O R IE S , J E W IS H F A C T O R IE S , A N D P E R C E N T O F J E W IS H F A C T O R IE S , B Y
IN D U S T R IE S .
Jewish factories.
Industry.
T e x tile.........................................................................................................................
L u m b er.......................................................................................................................
T o b a cco .....................................................................................................................
H id es...........................................................................................................................
S oap .............................................................................................................................
B rick ............................................................................................................................
T iles.............................................................................................................................
F louring m ill p rod u cts............................................................................................
Creameries..................................................................................................................
D istilling.....................................................................................................................
Beer b rew in g.............................................................................................................
Mineral w aters...........................................................................................................
T otal
factories.
372
329
110
530
139
752
37
1,907
159
846
381
119
N um ber.
Per cent
o f tota l
factories.
299
199
83
287
122
157
30
542
80
57
110
83
80.4
60.5
75.5
54.2
87.8
20.9
81.1
28.4
50.3
6.7
28.9
69.7
Smaller investments of Jewish capital may be found in dozens of
other industries. Its participation in the beet-sugar industry is very
great, that being one of the industries in which the corporate form of
management has become customary, but the per cent of Jewish capital
can not be determined. There are Jewish glass factories and iron and
steel mills. More than one-half of the number of match factories
and all the brush factories in the Pale belong to the Jews, and there
are Jewish paper factories, machine shops, etc. Some twenty years
ago the distillery business was almost altogether in the hands of Jews,
but the difficulty of establishing themselves outside the limits of the
cities has forced many of them out of this industry. The number of
small Jewish beer breweries has also rapidly diminished because of the
introduction of the Government m onopoly in the sale of spirituous
liquors. No less significant is the almost entire absence of Jewish
capital from the mining and metallurgical industry, for reasons
indicated above.
JEWISH INDUSTRIES IN POLAND.
The insufficiency of official data in regard to Polish industry leaves
the data collected by the agents and correspondents of the Jewish
Colonization Society the only source of information. During the
last thirty years the industrial development of Poland has been very
great, but German capitalists and business men much more than the
Jewish were instrumental in fostering this development. A stream
of German capital, energy, and experience has constantly flowed
across the frontier, and a greater stream of labor has followed until
Poland has become the great industrial center of the Russian Empire.
[ Gradually domestic capital and enterprise and labor drifted into
manufacturing industry, and this domestic capital meant Jewish
capital. But Jewish factories still remain the weaker and smaller.
Of the 4,221 factories officially registered in Poland, the correspond
ents of the Jewish Colonization Society reported on 1,867 only, of
540
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
which number 1,416 belonged to Jewish and 451 to non-Jewish
capitalists, but this must not be taken as a true proportion of the
Jewish factories, because the correspondents devoted themselves
especially to the description of the Jewish establishments. Never
theless, it is significant to find that in a Jewish factory the average
number of workingmen was 30, while in a non-Jewish factory it was
102. Moreover, of the Jewish factories only 27 per cent were provided
with mechanical power, while of the non-Jewish factories 69 per cent
had such power. If the factories be divided into two classes, those
with and those without mechanical motors, it is found that of the
factories with mechanical power, the non-Jewish had an average
number of 135 workingmen and the Jewish only 72; of all the facto
ries without mechanical power, the non-Jewish had an average
number o f 28 workingmen and the Jewish only 15 workingmen.
In the following statement is shown the number of establishments
in the various branches of industry in which Jewish capital is
em ployed:
T ex tiles...............................................
Leather................................................
Creameries...........................................
Mineral waters....................................
Flour m ills..........................................
Brick factories....................................
D ry goods............................................
Manufactures of w ood.......................
Glass and pottery..............................
Metal goods.........................................
305
162
98
81
68
66
63
58
50
49
Lum ber................................................
Beer breweries...................................
Paper manufacture...........................
Chemical industry............................
Soap manufacture.............................
Brushes, e tc ........................................
All other..............................................
46
45
42
29
28
25
201
Total......................................... 1,416
JEWISH ACTIVITY IN THE TEXTILE INDUSTRY.
The textile industry remains the most prominent industry of
Poland, but recently several important centers of textile industry
have sprung up in other regions of the Pale. Lodz, a city in the
Polish Province of Petrikau, has within the com paratively short
time of thirty or forty years become a great manufacturing center,
and supplies cotton goods to the entire Russian Empire. Zgierz and
Tomaszow, in the same Province, have developed into great centers of
manufactures of woolen goods. In Lithuania the most important
center of the textile industry is Bialystok, where woolen goods are
manufactured. In Poland there are 305 Jewish factories o f textile
goods, of which number 155 are located in the city of Lodz. In the
region of Bialystok (Province of Grodno) and its suburbs there are
299 Jewish factories out of a total of 372. Some of the greatest
factories in Lodz belong to Jews, such as the cotton factories of
Posnansky, Rosenblatt, Silberstein, and others. The first of these
employs from 6,000 to 7,000 workingmen, and the value of its prod
ucts is about 12,000,000 rubles ($6,180,000) each year. A few
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
541
such establishments may distort any averages; nevertheless, it still
remains true that the 155 Jewish textile factories em ploy 12,848 men,
or about 83 workingmen per factory, while the 112 non-Jewish
factories employ 31,593 men, or 282 workingmen per factory, and that
of the Jewish factories 37 per cent have no mechanical power, while
r
of the non-Jewish factories 14, or only 12.5 per cent, are without such
power.
Even in Bialystok, which is much more of a Jewish manufacturing
center than Lodz, the same inferiority of the Jewish factory is noticed.
Thus of the 318 factories manufacturing woolen goods, 260 were
Jewish and only 58 non-Jewish. The average value of the production
of a Jewish factory was 16,800 rubles ($8,652) and the average
number of workingmen 17; in a non-Jewish factory the average
value of production was 73,000 rubles ($37,595), and the average
number o f workingmen was 55. In short, it must be admitted that
notwithstanding a few individual cases, the number of great Jewish
capitalists is small, and that the m ajority of the Jewish manufac
turers are people of moderate means. It will appear presently that
this circumstance has some important consequences upon the condi
tion of Jewish labor.
FACTORY LABOR.
Jewish labor appeared in large manufacturing industries much
later than Jewish capital and enterprise, and for obvious reasons. In
the middle of the last century the m ajority of the Jews belonged to
the middle class; they were either merchants or independent arti
sans and work in a factory presented to them a considerable down
ward step in the social scale. So it is natural to find that a strong
prejudice existed against such action some thirty years ago, especially
when the remuneration of a factory worker and the general conditions
of his life and work were very unsatisfactory, as they always are in the
initial stages of the development of capitalistic industry. It required
a perceptible decline in the econom ic condition of the Jewish artisan,
in the early eighties, to force him into the ranks of the industrial
army. Since then the number of Jewish wageworkers in manufac
turing industries has grown rapidly, but owing to the absence of
official labor statistics it is impossible to state the number of these
factoiy workers with any degree of accuracy. The only source for
even approximate information upon this most important problem
remains in the data collected by the agents of the Jewish Colonization
Society for their report on the economic condition of the Jews in
Russia. While these data are not up-to-date and are incomplete,
they remain the best that may be had. Reports were made for
only 3,186 out of 7,750 factories existing in the Pale in 1897. In the
factories reported for northwestern, southwestern, and southern (new)
542
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Russia 33,933 Jewish factory workers were employed, and in those
reported for Poland 12,380 were employed, a total of 46,313 in the
factories reported for the Pale.
There can be no doubt that this total is far below the actual number,
and an effort may be made to correct the returns of this private
investigation, at least approximately, by making the legitimate
assumption that in the factories omitted the percentage of Jewish
workingmen was the same as in the factories reported, which gives the
following:
E S T IM A T E D N U M B E R O F J E W IS H W O R K IN G M E N IN T H R E E S P E C IF IE D R E G IO N S O F
THE PALE.
N um ber o f workingm en.
R egion.
A ccording
t o census
figures
(1897).
Per
cent of Calculated
R eported
Jewish
num ber of
to Jewish colonization o f tota l
Jewish
com m ittee.
reported w orking
t o com
men.
m ittee.
Jewish.
T otal.
N orthw estern R u ssia .........................................
Southwestern R u ssia .........................................
Southern (new ) Russia ....................................
51,659
108,769
74,775
41,589
83,280
33,341
22,279
9,596
2,058
53.6
11.5
6.2
27,689
12,508
4,636
T o ta l.............................................................
235,203
158,210
33,933
21.4
50,033
No such comparison is possible for the 10 Polish Provinces; but
if it be supposed that the proportion is about the same and the 12,380
recorded Jewish workingmen of Poland be taken to represent about
18,000 workingmen in that section, then the total number of Jewish
factory workers in the entire Pale would be about 68,000. When
it is remembered that the large industrial centers like Lodz and
Bialystok are included in this total, its inadequacy becomes appar
ent. It must be borne in mind that these data at best are over nine
years old; that, as was shown in a preceding table, the number of
factory workers increased 150 per cent in the eight years, 1889 to
1897, and that Russian industry has developed considerably since
the latter date. Then, too, it has been pointed out in a previous
section of this article that a great number of the so-called artisans’
shops are in reality small factories, therefore a considerable number
of so-called artisans are but skilled factory employees. When all
these facts are taken into consideration, the statement seems plausible
that there are at the present time from 100,000 to 150,000 Jewish
factory employees in the Pale. It is nevertheless true that while
the Jews constitute almost one-half of the city population, and the
commercial and industrial half, only about 20 per cent of the factory
workers are Jews. A great many reasons, besides those of a historical
nature mentioned above, have combined to retard the transformation
of the poor Jewish mass in Russia into an army of factory employees;
it is because some of these reasons are absent and the others are
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA,
543
weakened that this transformation is going on much more rapidly
in the United States.
One of these reasons is the strength of the religious convictions
of the Russian Jew and his strict compliance with all the rites and
observances, especially those relating to the Sabbath. This makes
the operating of a factory that employs both Jewish and non-Jewish
workingmen a rather difficult matter, because the Jewish working
men are forced to stop their work at sunset on Friday night and
rest on Saturday, while the non-Jewish rest on Sunday. This diffi
culty becomes more serious in establishments with mechanical
power, since neither the plan of running two days a week on half
power nor that of stopping work altogether for two days a week is
likely to appeal to the manufacturer. The objectioxi to factory
work is much stronger among the older than among the younger
generation and is rapidly losing ground; but it is still much stronger
among the Jews in Russia than among the Jews in New Y ork City,
where many factors tend to destroy the strict observance of all
demands of the Jewish Church.
Another factor over which the Jews have had no control are the rules
regarding the right of sojourn beyond the limits of the cities. It
is shown above how these rules keep back Jewish capital from enter
ing various branches of industry. In the case of the Jewish work
ingman, this entirely prevents employment in some of the important
factory industries. Jewish labor is practically unknown in the
sugar-beet factories, nearly all of which are located beyond the city
limits. In all such factories there were employed only 531 Jewish
workingmen out of a total of 65,258, or 0.8 per cent. In lumber
mills there were 1,213 Jewish workingmen out of a total of 19,239,
or 6.3 per cent. Few Jewish workers were found in the large mining
industries.
Another peculiar difficulty that the Jewish workingman is forced
to meet when in quest of employment is the strong anti-Semitic
sentiment existing among many manufacturers, especially among
the manufacturers of Lodz, where German capital is strongly repre
sented. This is shown in the following comparison for 1,867 fac
tories reported in Poland:
T O T A L E M P L O Y E E S A N D N U M B E R O F J E W IS H E M P L O Y E E S I N 1,867 F A C T O R IE S IN
P O L A N D , B Y O W N E R S H IP O F F A C T O R IE S , 1898.
Em ployees.
Ownership o f factories.
T otal.
Jewish................... .......................................................................................... i .........
N on-Jew ish.................................................................................................................
16251— 08------10
43,011
45,925
Jewish.
P e rc e n t
o f Jewish
o f to ta l.
11,954
426
27.8
.9
544
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Though the Jew is much more predominant in the textile factories
of Bialystok, the same tendency is noticed there.
T O T A L E M P L O Y E E S A N D N U M B E R O F J E W IS H E M P L O Y E E S IN T E X T I L E F A C T O R IE S
O F B I A L Y S T O K , B Y O W N E R S H IP O F F A C T O R IE S , 1898.
Em ployees.
Ownership o f factories.
T otal.
Jew ish..........................................................................................................................
N on-Jew ish................................................................................................................
3,863
3,908
Jewish.
Per cent
o f Jewish
o f to ta l.
2,885
134
74.7
3.4
These figures convey the strong impression that there is a decided
racial discrimination in the matter of hiring labor. To some extent
it may be explained by the difficulty of the Sabbath rest, which may
seem much more objectionable to a non-Jewish than to a Jewish
manufacturer. This consideration does not change the econom ic
aspect of the fact that the nationality of the manufacturer becomes a
matter of serious import to the workingman. If the newly arrived
Jewish immigrant finds no great difficulty in obtaining employment
in New Y ork City, it may to a great extent be due to the existence of
a large number of Jewish employers, and here may be found the true
explanation of at least one important cause of the concentration of
the Jewish immigrants in a few large industrial centers.
Strange as it is this racial discrimination may be found in some of
the great cotton factories of Lodz, which belong to Jews but are
supervised by German master mechanics and foremen who have
brought the anti-Semitic feeling along with them from Germany.
Another peculiar reason that works against the Jewish factory
worker is the unwillingness to trust him with com plicated machinery
and mechanical power. There is a decided difference recorded in the
proportion of Jewish workingmen as between factories with and
factories without mechanical power, the difference being greatest in
Poland where the supply of German skilled labor comes in com peti
tion with Jewish labor.
T O T A L E M P L O Y E E S A N D N U M B E R O F J E W IS H E M P L O Y E E S I N P O L IS H F A C T O R IE S ,
C L A S S IF IE D A S TO W H E T H E R O R N O T P O W E R IS U S E D , 1898.
E m ployees.
K in d o f fa ctory.
Jewish.
Per cen t
o f Jewish
o f to ta l.
27,582
15,429
5,236
6,718
19.0
43.5
10,967
1,881
1,184
779
10.8
41.4
T otal.
A ll P oland:
W ith p ow er.........................................................................................................
W ith ou t p o w e r...................................................................................................
L o d z (textile in d u s try ):
W ith p ow er.........................................................................................................
W ith out p ow er...................................................................................................
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
545
This distrust probably acts most powerfully in eliminating the
Jewish workingman from certain industries, as, for instance, the
metal industries and the production of machinery. It may be that
the lower muscular strength of the average Jew or his peculiar school
training, which lasts through many hours day in and day out for
many years and develops his speculative power at the expense of
his manual dexterity, makes him unfit for work at many of the
machines. Surely it is difficult to suspect the Jew of unwillingness
to enter the industries mentioned, when he is usually found in the
trades that are most unwholesome and injurious.
The general statistics of occupation may give some information as
to the trades preferred by the Jews, but owing to incomplete classifi
cation it is impossible to arrive at any definite idea in regard to the
kind of factories in which Jewish labor is preferred. The report of
the Jewish Colonization Society contains the following table, but
unfortunately does not give the actual figures upon which the per
centages are based:
P E R C E N T O F J E W IS H E M P L O Y E E S O F T O T A L E M P L O Y E E S IN T H E P A L E IN E A C H
S P E C IF IE D I N D U S T R Y , B Y R E G IO N S , 1898.
Industry.
G loves..............................................................................................................
Brushes, e t c ....................................................................................................
M atches............................................................................................................
T o b a cco ...........................................................................................................
S o a p ..................................................................................................................
B u tto n s ...........................................................................................................
H ides and ta n n in g ........................................................................................
Candies.............................................................................................................
W ool spinning ...............................................................................................
F lour m illin g ........................................................................................................................
Beer b rew in g..................................................................................................
B rickm aking...................................................................................................
W ool w ea v in g................................................................................................
D istillin g.........................................................................................................
Lum ber m ills..................................................................................................
Cast-iron m ills...............................................................................................
M achinery.......................................................................................................
N orth
western
Russia.
100.0
96.8
95.2
92.1
84.7
84.2
64.6
62.4
57.7
51.5
50.1
49.4
31.8
25.4
18.3
14.9
4.2
South
western
Russia.
Southern
(new)
Russia.
100.0
12.0
78.4
81.1
56.4
63.6
45.8
100.0
68.0
34.6
36.5
8.5
27.3
34.8
3.0
4.2
18.3
15.2
21.4
30.1
.7
In Poland the data refer to the Jewish factories alone, and such
calculation of the percentages would be misleading; but there also
the same trades have especially attracted Jewish labor. The tex
tiles em ploy about 4,000 persons; tobacco, 1,300; paper, about 1,000.
It is impossible to escape the conclusion that as yet the most inju
rious trades continue to monopolize Jewish factory labor, and this
tendency is most pronounced in the northwestern Provinces, where
the distress is most acute.
FEMALE AND CHILD LABOR IN THE FACTORIES.
In the section devoted to the artisans it is shown that though
female work in the industrial field is still a novelty, yet within the
last few decades it has been growing more common. It is to be
546
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB.
expected that this growth will show itself in a greater degree in fac
tories than in small artisans' shops, for factory work does not as a
rule require the same amount of special training. It might be
thought that in view of the cheapness of labor the incentive to
employ female and child labor would not be strong; but the data in
regard to the Jews in the Pale show the fallacy of the assertion that
only dearness or scarcity of labor drives the manufacturer to em ploy
female and child labor.
N U M B E B A N D P E B C E N T O F J E W IS H M E N , W O M E N , B O Y S , A N D G IB L S IN T H E P A L E
W O B K IN G IN F A C T O B IE S , B Y B E G IO N S , 1898.
N orthwestern
Bussia.
Southwestern
Bussia.
Southern (new )
Bussia.
Poland.
Sex.
Num ber.
Per
cent.
Num ber.
Per
cent.
N um ber.
Per
cent.
N um ber.
Per
cent.
M en.............................................
W om en.......................................
B o y s ............................................
G irls............................................
11,693
5,492
1,389
1,749
57.6
27.0
6.8
8.6
6,746
988
860
940
70.7
1Q.4
9.0
9.9
1,642
106
158
152
79.8
5.1
7.7
7.4
6,984
2,345
867
962
62.6
21.0
7.8
8.6
T o t a l................................
20,323
100.0
9,534
100.0
2,058
100.0
11,158
100.0
The proportion of female and child labor together is seen to be in
indirect proportion to the general level of prosperity. It equals 42.4
per cent in northwestern Russia, 37.4 per cent in Poland, 29.3 per cent
in southwestern Russia, and only 20.2 per cent in southern Russia,
the four main divisions of the Pale being mentioned in the regular
scale of econom ic well-being.
Female and child labor is found in many industries where its appli
cation is likely to be the most injurious— in brick factories, in match
factories, in textile factories, etc.— and is encouraged by the develop
ment of that most pernicious form of industrial work, the domestic
system. Thus, in many small towns where match factories have been
established, it is customary for girls to do at home work of a nature
that can be done there; such as, for instance, packing the matches.
In the textile centers of Lodz and Bialystok there exist a great number
of weavers who do their work at home on their own looms, usually all
the members of the fam ily taking part in the work, though sometimes
they are assisted by a hired worker. This feature of industry has been
spoken of above in discussing the marketing of products.
WAGES OF FAOTOBY WOBKEBS.
Of the conditions of the wage contract those that are of greatest
importance are the hours of work and the wages, and of neither of
these two problems is it possible to present accurate statistics; that
is, properly calculated averages. The best that can be done is to
give all available, fragmentary information, which, though it lacks
the desirable scientific accuracy, nevertheless conveys some informa
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
547
tion as to the general level of wages. Of the hours of work and the
organized efforts toward their reduction, an account will be given in
the section devoted to the labor movement and the Bund, the main
organization of the Jewish wageworkers.
Twenty years ago a Russian economist, Mr. A. P. Subbotin, whose
work has already been quoted, investigated the econom ic condition
of the Jewish Pale, and stated that the wages of the factory workers,
the number of whom was very small at that time, were “ quite high.”
In the tobacco factories of Vilna they reached as much as 5 rubles
($2.58) per week for the men and 2\ rubles ($1.29) per week for the
women. He commended the Jewish workers, because u one never
hears of acute conflicts with the employers, which are becoming so
common in the central Provinces of Russia.” The next section of
this article will show how much these conditions have changed within
the last twenty years. In the city of Bialystok, which even at that
time had begun to gain great importance as a center of the woolen
industry, the best paid workingmen, the weavers, sometimes earned
from 6 to 8 rubles ($3.09 to $4.12) a week, and this income made the
Bialystok weaver an aristocrat among the Jewish workingmen. A
great number of children worked in the tobacco factories, where they
earned from 25 copecks to 1 ruble (13 to 51.5 cents) a week.
Of all the Jewish wageworkers the brush makers are the best organ
ized. As early as 1895 they succeeded in form ing a general union of
the brush workers, which in 1897 joined the Bund as an independent
national union. In its report to the international socialist congress
in Paris in 1900 this union contributed a table of wages of brush
makers in the twelve main towns of the Pale. From this table the
following data are taken: (a)
The average weekly wages in different towns varied from 2.80 to
5.85 rubles ($1.44 to $3.01), the maximum ranging from 5 to 8 rubles
($2.58 to $4.12) and the minimum from 5.25 rubles to 75 copecks
($2.70 to 39 cents). Even this income was not steady, because the
number of weeks of regular employment during a year varied from
46 to 25.
In the two large volumes on the econom ic condition of the Jews
in Russia, published by the St. Petersburg committee of the Jewish
Colonization Society, very little information in regard to wages is
to be found, because the data were collected from the proprietors of
the factories, and it was feared that a question in regard to wages
would prevent a truthful answer to all questions asked. The few
fragmentary data found therein refer to 1897, and therefore may not
have more than a theoretical value. In Warsaw, in the metal indus
try, the Jewish workers at that time did not earn more than 30 to 35
aZhisn, a Russian magazine w hich was published for a short time in London,
June, 1902, p. 83.
548
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
copecks (15 to 18 cents) per day, on the average, the maximum being
about 1 ruble (51.5 cents) for the men and 70 copecks (36 cents) for
the women. In a trade as skilled as that of a clockmaker the weekly
wages of adults were only from 7 to 15 rubles ($3.61 to $7.73) and
those of children from 2 to 4 rubles ($1.03 to $2.06). In the toy
factories in Czenstochow, Poland, the wages of adult Jewish workers
were stated to be from 3 to 5 rubles ($1.55 to $2.58) per week, while
girls below 15 years of age, who made up 60 per cent of the employees,
received from 80 copecks to 1.20 rubles (41 to 62 cents) and those
over 15 years from 1.80 rubles to 2.50 rubles (93 cents to $1.29) a
week. In Lodz the weavers who are in the em ploy of the factories,
but who do their work at home, earn from 8 to 10 rubles ($4.12 to
$5.15) a week, but they usually em ploy help, whose earnings seldom
exceed 3 or 4 rubles ($1.55 to $2.06). In the woolen factories of
Bialystok the weekly wages of the male workers seldom exceed 6
rubles ($3.09), while those of the women and girls are as low as 1.50
or 2 rubles (77 cents or $1.03).
It is probable that down to the second half of the nineties the
average wages of the Jewish workers did not rise much, if at all. The
growing congestion of the cities of the Pale and the increase of special
restrictive legislation against the Jews so flooded the labor market
that natural com petition was all against the wageworkers. From
that time on, however, the Jewish labor movement has asserted itself,
and while the general level of wages remains low from the European
and especially from the American point of view, the present con
ditions seem to indicate a strong tendency toward increased wages.
The official publications of the Bund, which form erly appeared in
Geneva, contained in nearly every number accounts of strikes, usu
ally very small ones, where the demands for both shortening of the
labor day and for increase of wages were invariably made and often
carried. Unfortunately the correspondents cared a great deal more
for the political effects than for the econom ic results of the strikes, and.
seldom reported the actual wages and the increases. From private
inquiries made of many persons who recently left the Jewish Pale
and had either worked in the factories or had the opportunity to
observe the life of Jewish workers it seems a warrantable conclusion
that 6 or 8 rubles ($3.09 or $4.12) a week is a very fair wage and
that the ordinary wage is probably nearer to 5 rubles ($2.58).
LABO R ORGANIZATIONS.
The organization mentioned several times in the preceding pages
as having influenced the conditions of work of the Jewish wageworker
in Russia is the so-called Bund, or to use its official title, “ Der allgemeine Jiidische Arbeiterbund in Littauen, Polen, und Russland.”
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
549
The econom ic activity of the Bund is all that concerns us here, but
it is difficult, if not impossible, to understand this interesting organi
zation without a few remarks with regard to its general nature, which
is a peculiar one, owing to the exceptional political conditions of Rus
sia. In its economic field the Bund endeavors to do the work of the
American labor unions, yet it is a very different organization from
the American Federation of Labor.
It must be borne in mind that the Russian code does not provide
for the existence of labor unions, and that even at the present time,
when dozens of labor unions have been formed in the open since
October, 1905, a law providing for the existence of such organizations
is still in the process of elaboration. Also, it must be remembered
that Russian law specifically prohibits the strike, the main weapon
of a labor union, as well as any form of collective activity. Thus,
every effort at labor organization and collective bargaining is legally
a crime, and this prevents the growth of a peaceful labor movement.
The low educational standard of the mass of the workingmen is
another great obstacle to such development. In discussing the “ khevras” in a preceding section it was shown how out of these mutual
benefit organizations of the Jewish artisans, whose educational and
intellectual standard fifteen or twenty years ago was immeasurably
higher than that of the Russian workingmen, some semblance of a
limited labor movement developed; but these secret and local organi
zations could not have any great influence over the condition of the
working class.
Both the Jewish and the Russian labor movements have grown out
of the political revolutionary propaganda and are still closely asso
ciated with it.
During the nine or ten years of its existence the histoiy of the Bund,
notwithstanding the great obstacles which the necessity of secrecy put
in the way of a labor movement, was one of very rapid growth.
According to the report presented by the central committee of the
Bund to the International Socialist Congress, held in Amsterdam in
1904, the number of organized workingmen in 1904 was estimated to
be 30,000, (a) but any such estimate may have only a general value.
Undoubtedly a great many persons must be under the influence
of this organization who. do not wish to be openly identified with it.
Then, too, in hundreds of small towns clubs have been established
which are not always in direct communication with the central
organization. In the same report 35 large and important cities are
mentioned in which organizations of the Bund existed, but the peri
odical publications of the Bund often contribute news of the activity
a Die Thatigkeit des Allgemeinen Judischen Arbeiterbundes in Littauen, Polen,
und Russland ( “ Bund ” ) nach Seinem V. Parteitag. Geneva, 1904.
550
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
of the Bund organizations beyond these 35 cities. Thus, within that
year alone over 25,000 Jewish workingmen struck in the region
influenced by the Bund, and in the general strike which swept over
Russia during the second half of the year 1905 the number of Jewish
strikers went into hundreds of thousands.
This origin of the Jewish labor movement in the socialist and revo
lutionary movement had very significant consequences, since it led
to a close union of efforts: Of the working masses to improve their
econom ic condition; of the Jewish race in Russia to improve its legal
standing, and of the revolutionary elements to introduce an entirely
different form of government in the Russian Empire. The distinctive
feature of the Bund is that it endeavors to do all these things at the
same time, and to a certain extent other Russian socialist organiza
tions share this peculiarity with the Bund.
A few data as to the extent of the activity of the Bund will be
found suggestive. According to the imperfect registry kept by the
central committee of the Bund, there took place during the year,
June, 1903, to June, 1904, 429 meetings, in 418 of which 74,162
persons participated; 45 street demonstrations, in 31 of which
20,340 persons took part, and 41 political strikes (including 35 May
celebrations), in 31 of which there were 23,035 participants.
The term “ political strike” is used when a stoppage of work is
ordered by the organization for no specific econom ic reason, but
simply to demonstrate the strength of the movement. Such strikes
are usually of brief duration, being ordered for only one, two, or three
days, as the case may be. They are especially frequent on the 1st of
May, all socialist organizations in Russia celebrating that day with
short strikes or with street demonstrations and large meetings.
During the same year 109 strikes were reported, and in 101 of
these strikes, for which careful data were furnished, 24,124 persons
participated.
The strikes are usually conducted by the local organizations of
the Bund, together with the assistance of the strikers themselves,
although among the strikers many men are often found who are not
permanently identified with the organization. In preparation for
such a strike the workingmen of a certain industry or trade, or even
of a certain factory, may combine and keep up some form of benefit
fund, but this is far from being a trade union. One of the many
interesting features of the Jewish labor movement is the fact that
although the central committees of the Bund made every effort to
keep up among the workingmen the agitation for strikes and other
forms of struggle with the employers, they did not encourage the
form ation of trade unions; not because they doubted the econom ic
efficacy of the trade union in the work of improving the condition of
the workingmen, but because, so they claimed, the form ation of trade
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
551
unions would narrow down the efforts of the workingmen to their
own individual or group interests, and thus deplete the ranks of the
fighters for the political cause.
The leaders themselves feel that such a policy, aside from its wis
dom or unwisdom, can not be carried on when the form ation of labor
unions shall have been legalized in Russia. Even at the present time
the project of a law to legalize unions and strikes is being actively
elaborated in St. Petersburg. Immediately after the issuance of the
manifesto of October 17 (29), 1905, dozens of labor unions were form ed
within as well as without the Pale. The question of the attitude of
the Bund, as a political organization, toward the form ation of these
unions immediately arose, and the decision reached is significant.
In the official circular published in the last issue of the Letzte
Nachrichten (No. 255), dated December, 1905, the central committee
of the Bund calls attention to the fact that the conditions caused by
the manifesto of October 17 (29), 1905, make the creation of profes
sional (trade) unions, both possible and necessary.
According to Mr. M. Gourevitsch, who is a member of the central
committee of the Bund, the econom ic activity of the Bund is becoming
greater each day. The period 1897 to 1900 was one of struggle for a
10-hour labor day (or twelve hours a day with two hours at midday
for rest). A t present the struggle may be characterized as one for the
9 and 8 hour day in the higher trades and the larger cities, and a
10-hour day in the small towns and lower trades. The strikes for
this shortening of the labor day have had unusual success. Out of
the 119 strikes which were registered in the year 1903-4, 81, or 68 per
cent, ended in a full victory for the workingmen; 23, or 19 per cent,
in partial victory for the workingmen, and 15, or 13 per cent, in fail
ures. Approxim ately, of the victorious strikes 50 per cent led to the
establishment of a lOJ-hour (or 10 hours net) day, 30 per cent to a
9-hour day, 10 per cent to an 8-hour day, and 10 per cent to a 11-hour
day. While the shortening through each strike is usually equal to 1
hour, sometimes in very backward trades much more considerable
reductions have taken place at once. The female bakers within the
last few years have succeeded in reducing their hours of work from 19
to 12; the tailors, from 17 to 12; the shoemakers, from 17 to 12, and,
as will be pointed out elsewhere, the salesmen, from 15 or 16 to 10 or
11. In the latter half of the year 1904 there were registered 56
strikes, of which number 41 were defensive and 15 offensive. Of
these 56 strikes, about 70 per cent were successful. An interesting
feature of the activity of the Bund within recent times is the carrying
of the agitation for strikes among those classes of employees in which
neither the United Kingdom nor the United States have been used to
see any organized efforts for the improving of the conditions of the
wage contracts. Of the strikes of the commercial employees more
552
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
will be said when discussing the condition of that class. Draymen in
Pinsk and Berdichev, boatmen in K ovno, hotel attendants in Pinsk
and Slonim, and even domestic servants in Warsaw, Grodno,
Moheelev, Bobruisk, Pinsk, and Dvinsk have struck for higher wages
and shorter hours. Strangely enough the domestic servants have
shown themselves especially susceptible to the agitation of the Bund.
The following, for instance, were the conditions demanded by the
servants during their strike in Dvinsk:
Hours to be from 8 a. m. to 9 p. m., with a recess of one and onehalf hours.
On Saturdays the work shall stop at 3 p. m.
W ages to be increased.
The servants to have private rooms.
The employer to provide medical treatment in case of necessity.
The right to receive visitors after working hours.
In case of dismissal without cause the servant shall receive two
weeks’ salary.
The many-sided activity of the Bund, carried on as it was u n til.
recently under conditions of great secrecy, did not offer many oppor
tunities for development of original methods of trade-union activity.
As has been shown, its activity was mainly in the nature of strikes.
Only occasionally were boycotts used, and then almost exclusively
for causes which were not purely economic. The Bundists take the
ground that the law is against the workingmen, and that the rules
of a fair fight forbid the employer from appealing too readily to the
police and the m ilitary for assistance. Moreover, where striking
workingmen have been turned over by their employers to the
authorities the strikers have been punished not so much for par
ticipation in the strike as for belonging to the revolutionary Bund.
Such appeals are therefore considered in the nature of informing and
are punished by declaration of a boycott. The best known case
is that of a shoe manufacturer in Warsaw against whom a boycott
was declared soon after the strike wave of January, 1905. The
boycott must have threatened him with ruin, since the manufac
turer was forced to appeal to the Bund for relief, promising to
yield to all their demands. The boycott against him was called off
only after he sent the following declaration to the local committee of
the Bund in Warsaw, which declaration was published in full in the
official organ of the Bund: ( a)
DECLARATION.
Recognizing that the boycott declared against me by the Bund for
m y contemptible treatment of m y workingmen (as physical assault,
and even turning them over into the hands of the ponce) has been
well deserved by m e; recognizing that I am actually guilty of the
accusations brought against me, and desiring to clear m y name of
a D ie Letzte Nachrichten, No. 244; August 5, 1905.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN BUSSIA.
553
this disgraceful blot, I applied to the Warsaw committee of the Bund
with the request to call off the boycott against me, and agreed in
advance to all the demands which will be made by the Bund.
These demands are as follow s: To dismiss several objectionable
workingmen; to reimburse the workingmen for all the time during
which they were out of employment through m y fault; not to give out
any work to be performed m the house of the workingmen; to employ
only those workingmen who will be indicated by the Bund; and to
publish all these facts in some newspaper.
( S i g n e d ) -------------- .
Warsaw, June 23, 1905.
Only a very disastrous boycott could call forth such a statement;
and this effectiveness of the boycott is due to the fact that the influ
ence of the Bund extends beyond the workingmen far into the middle
classes, among those who are willing to disregard the econom ic work
of the Bund on account of its political work and its defense of the Jew.
COMMERCIAL PURSUITS.
W hile the general impression that the Russian Jew is a person fit
only for commercial life has been shown to be at variance with the
facts, it remains true that commerce employs a great number of the
Jewish breadwinners in Russia. According to the Russian census,
as shown in the table on page — , 31.6 per cent of the Jews employed
in gainful occupations were earning their living from some form of
commerce. If, in addition to these persons, the number dependent
upon them for a livelihood is considered, it appears that 35.6 per
cent of the total Jewish population in Russia belong to the commer
cial class. In calculating these per cents the hotel, restaurant, and
saloon keepers have been om itted from the commercial class in order
to conform the classification to that of the United States census.
If these occupations with their dependents are included under com
merce the percentage in the commercial class rises to 37.5 per cent
o f all the Jews in Russia. Therefore, a study of Jewish commerce is
a matter of utmost importance. It is to be regretted, however, that
very little authentic data in regard to this subject are to be had, the
only available data being more than 20 years old, and for that
reason scarcely applicable at this time. But while accurate statis
tical data are lacking, that does not preclude the possibility of draw
ing a more or less true picture of the condition of the Jewish
merchants.
According to the Russian census of 1897, a total of 1,495,087 per
sons were employed in commercial pursuits in all Russia (including
hotel and liquor saloon keepers). Of this total the Jews number
474,833 persons, or 31.8 per cent. But in the Pale the proportion
is considerably greater. As is shown in the following table, the
Jews constitute nearly three-fourths of the commercial class of the
Pale (448,514 out of 618,762, or 72.5 per cent). This proportion
554
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
between the number of Jews and the total number of persons engaged
in commercial pursuits varies considerably from region to region
and from one Province to another. In the northwest the. Jews con
stitute almost 90 per cent of the commercial class— in Grodno and
in Minsk even over 92 per cent. Practically all the commercial
activity in these Provinces is in the hands of the Jews. In the south
west the Jews constitute only three-fourths of the commercial class,
and in southern (new) Russia a little over one-half. The percentage
rapidly declines the farther we go from the center of Jewish con
gestion, which is found in the northwest; and with the decline of
this percentage there was noticeable, at least until the recent dis
turbances, a rise in the economic condition of the merchants.
The following table gives by Provinces and by regions in the Pale
the number of Jews engaged in commerce compared with the total
number of persons so engaged:
N U M B E R O F J E W S E N G A G E D IN COM M ERCE C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L P E R S O N S SO
E N G A G E D IN T H E P A L E , B Y P R O V IN C E S A N D R E G IO N S , 1897.
Compiled from the separate reports in Provinces of Prem ier Recensement Gdn&al de la P opulation
de rE m p ire de R ussia 1897.]
Province and region.
Jews engaged in
T otal
commerce, (o)
persons
engaged
in com
Per cent
merce, (o) Number. o f tota l.
18,884
20,545
20,662
16,178
19,005
17,821
L ith u a n ia .......................................................................................................
60,091
53,004
88.2
M insk...........................................................................................................................
V ite b sk ........................................................................................................................
M oheelev.....................................................................................................................
25,555
19,781
19,578
23,588
16,713
17,641
92.3
84.5
90.1
V iln a ...........................................................................................................................
G ro d n o........................................................................................................................
K o v n o .........................................................................................................................
85.7
92.5
86.3
W hite R u s s ia .................................................................................................
64,914
57,942
89.3
V olh yn ia .....................................................................................................................
P o d o lia ........................................................................................................................
K ie v .............................................................................................................................
C hernigov...................................................................................................................
P o lta v a .......................................................................................................................
39,434
44,660
63,740
21,015
23,954
35,172
39,040
45,718
12,736
13,910
89.2
87.4
71.7
60.6
58.1
Southwestern R u s s ia ..................................................................................
192,803
146,576
76.0
Bessarabia..................................................................................................................
K h erson......................................................................................................................
Yekaterino Slav.........................................................................................................
Taurida....................................................... ...............................................................
32,253
62,321
25,823
25,385
24,636
37,058
11,673
5,987
76.4
59.5
45.2
23.6
Southern (new ) R ussia ...............................................................................
145,782 ,
79,354
54.4
W arsa w .......................................................................................................................
K a lisz..........................................................................................................................
K ielce...........................................................................................................................
L o m za .........................................................................................................................
L u b lin ..........................................................................................................................
P etrikau......................................................................................................................
P lo ck ............................................................................................................................
R a d o m ........................................................................................................................
Suvalki........................................................................................................................
Siedlec..........................................................................................................................
52,497
9,305
10,240
6,477
16,019
28,812
5,810
11,313
4,987
9,712
32,178
5,995
8,725
5,484
13,982
19,860
2,579
9r946
4,169
8,720
61.3
64.4
85.2
84.7.
87.3
68.9
44.4
87.9
83.6
89.8
P o la n d ..............................................................................................................
155,172
111,638
71.9
T otal in Pale ( a ) ............................................................................................. a 618,762 j o 448,514
72.5
« Including hotel, restaurant, and saloon keepers; hence tota ls d o n o t agree w ith tota ls show n fo r
com m erce in tables on pages 501 and 502.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
555
In a preceding section a table was given (p. 502), showing the
distribution of the Jews gainfully employed into the great occupa
tion groups by separate regions of the Pale. It was shown there
that of all Jews engaged in gainful occupations a smaller percentage
were in commercial life in the northwest than in the south and
southwest. On the other hand, we find here that of all persons en
gaged in commerce the Jews constitute a larger proportion in the
northwest than in the south. Coupled with the fact that the south
received most o f its Jewish population by immigration from the
northwest, these percentages seem to indicate that, until recently
at least, southern Russia offered better prospects to Jewish immi
grants of the middle classes, while the wage-earners were tending
to the New W orld.
An analysis of the proportion of the Jews in various branches of
commercial life presents many interesting features. It shows, first
of all, that almost one-half of all the Jewish merchants deal in agri
cultural products such as cattle, grain, hides, furs, etc. It also shows
a very high proportion of that trade in Jewish hands. Thus over 90
per cent of the grain dealers are Jews— in southwestern Russia as
high as 96.7 per cent and in Lithuania 97.1 per cent. A very large
number of Jews is found in general commerce or the group of com
mercial middlemen and peddlers, which usually means very petty
trading. The better paying branches of commercial activity are just
those in which the number of Jews is smallest. Thus institutions of
credit require some capital, and the Jews constitute only 34.9 per cent
of that class in the Pale, while in the south they constitute only 29.1
and in Poland only 18.1 per cent. A bookstore can not be opened
without special permission, and as a result less than half of the stores
of that group are in Jewish hands. Of the liquor saloon keepers, less
than two-fifths and of the hotel keepers less than one-third are Jews.
In the southwest the number of Jews employed as liquor saloon
keepers is extremely small.
556
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
N U M B E R O F J E W S E N G A G E D IN COM M ERCE C O M P A R E D W I T H T O T A L P E R S O N S SO
E N G A G E D IN T H E P A L E . B Y M E R C A N T IL E P U R S U IT S A N D R E G IO N S , 1897.
[Compiled from separate reports on Provinces o f Prem ier Recensement G6n6ral de la P opulation
de PE m pire de Russie, 1897.]
W hite Russia.
Lithuania.
Mercantile pursuits.
T otal
per
sons.
N um
ber.
Southwestern Russia.
Jews.
Jews.
Per T otal
per
cent
sons.
of
total.
N um
ber.
Jews.
T otal
Per
per
cent sons.
of
total.
N um
ber.
Per
cent
of
tota l.
797
Institutions o f cre d it.......................
1,255
Commercial m iddlem en...................
General com m erce............................. 10,607
Dealers in—
C attle............................................. 1,388
2,423
G rain.............................................
Other agricultural p rod u cts... 21,817
3,424
B uilding m aterial and fuel—
664
H ousehold g ood s........................
710
Metal good s and m achinery.. .
D ry g ood s and clothing............ 4,066
Hides, furs, etc............................ 1,401
644
Articles o f luxury, books, e tc.
Miscellaneous a rticle s.............
1,195
Peddlers, e t c ....................................... 3,321
H otel and restaurant keepers........ 2,794
L iq u or saloon keepers, e t c .............. 3,585
416
1,116
9,714
52.2
88.9
91.6
579
1,478
9,591
365
1,341
8,790
63.0
90.7
91.6
1,783
5,173
35,487
690
4,499
29,113
38.7
87.0
82.0
1,227
2,353
20,134
3,192
585
611
3,799
1,133
416
822
3,090
1,453
2,943
88.4
97.1
92.3
93.2
88.1
86.1
93.4
80.9
64.6
68.8
93.0
52.0
82.1
3,230
3,325
23,784
6,486
699
836
4,160
1,578
577
1,312
2,077
2,545
2,657
2,621
3,120
22,264
5,950
605
770
3,980
1,527
467
790
1,769
1,555
2,028
81.1
93.8
93.6
91.7
86.6
92.1
95.7
96.8
80.9
60.2
85.2
61.1
76.3
8,793
21,344
57,549
11,154
2,665
2,593
14,976
5,583
1,577
4,034
3,825
7,757
8,510
6,825
20,643
44,168
9,538
1,878
2,021
12,802
4,512
634
2,845
2,200
3,377
831
77.6
96.7
76.7
85.5
70.5
77.9
85.5
80.8
40.2
70.5
57.5
43.5
9.8
T o ta l.......................................... 60,091
53,004
88.2
64,914
57,942
89.3 192,803 146,576
76.0
Southern R ussia.
Poland.
Jews.
Mercantile pursuits.
Pale.
Jews.
Jews.
Total
per
sons.
Per
N um cent
ber.
of
tota l.
T otal
per
sons.
Per T otal
per
N um cent
sons.
ber.
of
to ta l.
N um
ber.
Per
cent
of
to ta l.
1,608
5,726
18,897
468
4,103
10,479
29.1
71.7
55.5
1,622
5,870
42,337
293
4,185
32,083
18.1
6,389
71.3 19,502
75.8 116,919
2,232
15,244
90,179
34.9
78.2
77.1
3,254
17,596
42,978
5,942
2,234
2,067
16,025
2,511
1,333
2,996
4,251
11,149
7,215
1,774
14,041
22,865
3,725
1,279
1,318
10,599
1,671
516
1,283
2,030
1,899
1,304
54.5
79.9
53.2
62.7
57.3
63.8
66.1
66.5
38.7
42.8
47.8
17.0
18.1
3,885
8,056
40,059
5,328
1,494
2,133
10,534
3,416
1,650
2,431
9,893
6,171
10,293
3,001
7,350
28,776
3,915
1,200
1,747
8,541
3,039
790
1,548
8,674
1,679
4,817
77.2 20,550 15,448
91.2 52,744 47,507
71.8 186,187 138,207
73.5 32,334 26,320
7,756
80.3
5,547
6,467
81.9
8,339
81.1 49,761 39,721
89.0 14,489 11,882
2,823
47.9
5,781
7,288
63.7 11,968
87.7 23,367 17,763
27.2 30,416
9,963
46.8 32,260 11,923
75.2
90.1
74.2
81.4
71.5
77.6
79.8
82.0
48.8
60.9
76.0
32.8
37.0
T o t a l.......................................... 145,782
79,354
54.4 155,172 111,638
71.9 a618,762 0448,514
72.5
Institutions o f cr e d it.......................
Comm ercial m iddlem en...................
General com m erce.............................
Dealers in—
C attle............................................
G rain.............................................
Other agricultural p rod u cts...
B uilding m aterial and fuel___
H ousehold good s........................
Metal good s and m a ch in ery ...
D ry g ood s and cloth in g ...........
H ides, furs, etc...........................
A rticles o f luxury, books, e t c .
Miscellaneous articles...............
Peddlers, e t c .......................................
H otel and restaurant keepers........
L iquor saloon keepers, e t c .............
o These tota ls d o n ot agree w ith those given under com m erce in the tables on pages 501 and 502,
where the hotel, restaurant, and saloon keepers are included in personal service.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
557
Of the total number of Jewish merchants in the Pale, 213,044,
or 47.5 per cent, were dealing in agricultural products (including
hides, furs, etc.). Their function evidently is to. gather the farm prod
ucts from the agricultural population of the Pale for shipment and
sale in distant localities, and they stand to the surrounding population
in the capacity of buyers. W ith the exception of small groups of large
wholesale merchants the m ajority of the remaining 52.5 per cent are
sellers o f various kinds of goods to the same population of the vil
lages, and also to the population of the cities. It is a fallacy of old
standing that the only occupation of the Jew of the Pale is to sell
liquor to the Russian peasant. No matter what the wishes of the aver
age Jew might have been in the matter, it is an important fact that
in 1897 only 32.8 per cent of the hotel and restaurant keepers and only
37.0 per cent of the liquor-saloon keepers were Jews. Undoubtedly
this was in a measure due to the legislative restrictions, the laws of
1882 having forced many Jews out of the liquor business by denying
them the right to live in the villages. Another factor of no less
importance was the introduction of the State m onopoly of the sale
of liquor. The effect of this measure is only partly reflected in the
statistics o f 1897, because the census was taken during the time of the
gradual introduction of this measure in the Pale. As a result, the
proportion of Jewish saloon keepers in southwestern Russia was only
9.8 per cent and in the south 18.1 per cent, while in the northwest
nearly 80 per cent of the saloon keepers were Jews. Since then prac
tically all the Jews, have been eliminated from this field of commerce,
and doubtless the families (nearly 12,000) that lived b y this trade in
1897 were forced to swell the army of the unemployed in the cities.
In this connection it is worthy of notice that under conditions of
freedom to enter the saloon keeper’s trade the Russian Jews do not
show any strong liking for this occupation. As is shown in the fol
lowing table, the male Russians gainfully employed in New York
City constitute 6.56 per cent of all male persons gainfully employed,
while the Russian saloon keepers represent only 2.77 per cent of the
total number of saloon keepers. In other words, while there are 45
saloon keepers per 10,000 males gainfully em ployed there are only
19 Russian saloon keepers per 10,000 Russians gainfully employed as
against 56 per 10,000 in the remaining foreign population. The
mass of the Jewish merchants and all persons occupied in some com
mercial activity, whether or not they deserve to be called mer
chants, m ay be classified into two groups— those who stand toward
the local population in the capacity of buyers and those who are
sellers of goods. The buyers are those who come m ostly in contact
with the agricultural population. It is this class which is probably
meant where the report of the census of 1897 says: “ The Jews do not
till the land themselves, but exploit the land tiller.” In view of this
558
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
official opinion it is interesting to study the methods which are used
b y these buyers in dealing with the peasants.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F R U S S IA N M A L E S A N D O F M A L E S IN O T H E R N A T I V I T Y
G R O U P S E N G A G E D IN A L L G A IN F U L O C C U PA TIO N S A N D A S S A L O O N K E E P E R S IN
N E W Y O R K C IT Y , A N D N U M B E R O F S A L O O N K E E P E R S P E R 10,000 M A L E S E M P L O Y E D
IN E A C H G R O U P , 1900.
[Compiled from report on O ccupations: T w elfth Census o f the U nited States, pages 635 and 636.]
Males em ployed. Male saloon
keepers.
N ativity.
N um
ber o f
saloon
keepers
per
10.000
m ales
em
ployed.
N um ber.
R ussians...................................................................................................
All other foreign w hite and native w hite o f foreign p arentage.
N ative white o f native p arentage....................................................
C olored......................................................................................................
Per
cent.
N um
ber.
Per
cent.
72,291
808,307
195,205
26,668
6.56
73.31
17.71
2.42
136
4,514
236
27
2.77
91.88
4.80
.55
19
56
12
10
4,913 100.00
45
T o ta l............................................................................................... 1,102,471 100.00
The 213,044 dealers in agricultural products serve in the m ove
ment o f the crops and other agricultural products from the peasant
to the market, which is usually some distance away, and often
beyond the borders o f Russia. In estimating this function it must
be remembered that the commercial methods o f the Russian peas
ants are exceedingly prim itive; there are no local elevators and no
feeding railroad lines, and the peasant, when forced to sell some of
his grain so as to pay his taxes and buy the few simple necessaries of
life, outside o f his food, takes the grain to the market to sell, and in
the Pale the buyer in almost nine cases out o f ten is the Jew. The
Jewish “ merchant,” whose only capital may be the price o f a few
bushels of corn, is more anxious to buy than the peasant is to sell,
for the latter is sure of his ability to sell all he has, the question being
only between a higher or lower price, while the Jew is by far not so
sure of his ability to buy, and it is the difference o f a few cents
more or less that means to him either some profit or a loss. It is
therefore the buyer that is anxious to capture the seller, and because
he has no legal right to travel from one village to the other buying up
grain, and as any such transaction would require considerable capital,
he employs on the market day the primitive m ethod of going out as
far as possible on the road to intercept the peasant before other buyers
reach him. The com petition among the buyers is very severe and
the Jewish merchant is satisfied with almost any profit. It is true
that he has better bargaining ability than the Russian peasant, but
it is doubtful whether the peasant could obtain as good prices as he
does if this keen com petition did not exist. Having bought the few
bushels of grain or the small quantities of other agricultural products,
the Jew is anxious to sell as quickly as possible, that he may recover
his capital, and he sells to a merchant who is in a position to accumu
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
559
late purchases of a few carloads until he is ready to ship them to the
central market or to Germany.
B y reason of the peculiar conditions that prevail in Russia the
farm products invariably pass through many more hands than they
would otherwise have to, but the rate of profit to each is so small
that the entire increment is not excessive. Thus the small mer
chant of this kind rims about the whole day in his effort to buy as
much as possible and as cheaply as possible and considers a daily
income of from 50 copecks to 1 ruble (25.8 to 51.5 cents) satisfac
tory. That sum is scarcely sufficient for his modest living, but it
is about as large an income as that of the average artisan without
any capital or of the average factory worker; and this merchant is
a man with little capital and is of the same social scale as the arti
san or the factory worker. This is the condition of the great m ajor
ity of the grain merchants, though above this class there are the
important business men of the centers.
A few decades ago this trade, in grain and in other articles of agri
cultural production was a source of prosperity to many little towns
in the northwest. Before the construction of railroads the methods
of marketing were different, the competition among the buyers was a
great deal less acute, the surplus of the peasants was much greater,
and the local market was not so sensitive to the changes of the
world market. Thirty or forty years ago the Pale used to ship large
quantities of grain, eggs, lumber, etc., along the Niemen and other
rivers to the German markets. After making sufficient purchases
the Jewish grain dealer or lumber dealer went personally on the rafts
to the German markets and sold his merchandise at high profits.
But the developm ent of the Russian railroad system and the agri
cultural growth of the Far East so reduced the grain trade of the
northwest, and the increase of the local urban population so affected
the surplus, that many families which had accumulated small com
petencies from this branch of commerce found themselves without
any means of subsistence and were forced to migrate into larger
cities or to the United States. There are dozens of small settlements
all along the Niemen which have fallen from a state of comparative
prosperity into one of abject poverty. The few large grain mer
chants who may be found in most Jewish towns do not in any way
disturb the truthfulness of this picture. The very fact— pointed out
in a previous section— that the number of artisans and factory
workers is rapidly growing, notwithstanding the very large emigra
tion, which to a great extent consists of this class, shows that the earn
ings of the m ajority of the business men are probably smaller than
the earnings of a busy factory worker, and that in spite of the deplor
able condition of the shop and factory workers there is a constant
16251— 08------ 11
560
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
stream from the commercial pursuits into the trades and into the
factories.
The other large class of merchants are the retail dealers, who are
to be found in such large numbers in every town of the Pale. It is
more than probable that the data of the census are far from com
plete, the tendency having been to classify among dependents many
members of the fam ily who are in reality employed at some trade,
especially if it be the same trade in which the head of the fam ily is
occupied. The incomes of the m ajority of the “ grain dealers” are
so small that the wives are forced to sell something so as to earn a
few cents a day.
W hile a superficial investigation of the trade in the Pale proves
the presence of an unnecessarily great number of middlemen, a
closer investigation shows that the sufferers are the middlemen them
selves and not the consumers. The cheapness of all articles sur
prises the stranger, and the purchaser who is not a seller profits con
siderably thereby; but these advantages can not appeal to the Jew
very strongly, because most of the purchasers are themselves sellers,
and they suffer a great deal more than they profit by the system.
The agricultural population seem to be the positive gainers by this
com petition, and gainers in a double sense— as producers of agri
cultural products, for which there is always a brisk demand, and as
consumers of articles of manufacture, which they obtain at a com
paratively low price. It has been acknowledged by many investi
gators that the average profit of the Jew on the purchase of grain
and like products is much smaller than the profit of the Russian
middleman in the interior of Russia in similar transactions, and
that the general level of prices on manufactured .articles in the cities
of the Pale is much lower than in the Russian towns. More than
this, it is a matter of common observation that even in the same
towns the prices in the Jewish stores are lower than in the Russian
stores, for, says Subbotin, “ The Jewish merchant is satisfied to
receive a smaller rate of profit on his turnover, so long as he can
turn his capital quicker.”
The same observer during his investigation found that in the
Province of Minsk the average rate of profit in the stores of the
Jewish merchants was 8.07 per cent, while in the stores of the
non-Jewish merchants it was 10.02 per cent. In the Province
of K ovno the rate of profit to Jews was 4 per cent, while that to the
other merchants was 10 per cent. In K iev the rates were 4.8 per
cent and 5.3 per cent, respectively. In Odessa, where the volume
of commerce is much larger, the rates of profit were much lower,
namely, 2.6 per cent and 3.1 per cent. That the entrance of the
Jew into the grain trade of Odessa has diminished the rate of the
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
561
middleman's profits is acknowledged by so well known a Russian
economist as Professor Yanson.(a)
But Russian evidence of this fact is scarcely necessary, since the
same phenomenon has been well observed in the United States
wherever Russian Jews have entered commerce, no matter how
petty that commerce may be. It may safely be said that nowhere
in the United States are the prices of general merchandise, whether
it be dry goods, clothing, or groceries of well-known make and sup
posedly fixed prices, so low in price as they are on the east side of
New Y ork City. Any investigation of retail prices in other cities
will show the same differences between Jewish and non-Jewish
prices.
It has been stated above that this com petition has been intensified
during the last twenty years because of the rapid growth of the
number of Jewish merchants. This is shown by the great number
of new licenses which are issued to merchants each year. But not
all trading requires such licenses. The most distressing feature of
the econom ic situation of the Pale is the large number of “ pauper
merchants," if one may use this term. The women peddlers have
already been spoken of. There is, however, a large number of small
storekeepers whose economic condition is in no way better than
that of the peddlers on the streets or in the markets. These “ stores "
are located in miserable holes, with but little light or air, and with
very limited space. All the available goods for sale may not be
worth more than 5 rubles ($2.58), em pty boxes, bags, and papers
being artfully displayed with the intention to deceive the prospective
buyer into the belief that the “ store" is really a store. How these
merchants manage to pay the rent and eke out a living is a niystery
that is solved only when the kind of living is known. In these
“ stores" from early m om until midnight may be seen the store
keeper, usually a woman clothed in rags, patiently waiting for the
rare customer.
All this must not be taken to mean that there are no large Jewish
commercial houses in the Jewish towns, because it is well known
that the origin of some of the fortunes among Russian Jews was due
to commerce and not to manufacture. To the Jews belong a number
of the better stores in the cities of the Pale, even though the nonJewish element is much greater in the field of commerce on a
larger scale. Not only is the entire commercial class, which, with
the children and dependents, numbers almost 2,000,000, far from
being econom ically homogeneous, but within this class an antag
onism between the employer and the employee has developed which,
though perhaps not so acute, is more extensive than the corresponda See Y Cherte E vreiskoy O sedlosti (W ithin the Jewish P ale), b y A . P . Subbotin.
St. Petersburg, 1888. V ol. I I , p. 218.
562
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
ing conflict between the manufacturer and his wageworkers. W ith
the extremely low profit rate and the usually high rent (a result of
commercial com petition), the profits of the more prosperous mer
chants in the Pale are derived from two sources, an unusually rapid
turning over of the capital and the low expenses of business man
agement, both factors meaning hard work and small pay for the
commercial employees.
Unfortunately the basis of the occupation statistics of the Russian
census of 1897 has been the nature of the establishment and not the
technical or economic quality of the work. It is therefore impos
sible to tell how many of the 452,193 Jews reported as employed in
commerce were salesmen or other employees of the merchants and
not independent tradesmen. But the number is undoubtedly large,
probably as large as the number of Jewish factory employees.
Until recently the conditions of work of these commercial employees
were more onerous than those connected with work in the factories.
The small Jewish retail dealer knows no limitations of his working
day, the anxiety to find the buyer being so great that the small stores
are kept open from 6 or 7 o’clock in the morning till 12 o’clock at night.
Until a short time ago this was also the rule in the larger stores, where,
besides the members of the family, additional help is employed.
Under the influence of the examples of the many successful strikes of
the factory and small-shop workers, the commercial employees
became restive; but until the end of the last century they had no
hope of active resistance, since the abundance of unemployed labor
in the market naturally increased the com petition in the Pale for
even the poorest paid positions. Nevertheless the principle of
collective bargaining which the Bund organizations preached with
such energy appealed to them as well as to the factory workers.
In many cities the initiative of the strikes among the commercial
employees came from the labor organizations, while in other cities
the salesmen and clerks sought from the more experienced organi
zations advice and help.
The following detailed account of the salesmen’s strike in Kishinev,
typical in many respects of the whole, will best characterize the
m ovem ent: (®)
Kishenev, June 2 5 ,0 . 8 .— Under influence of salesmen’s strikes in
various cities considerable excitement began to manifest itself among
our salesmen. A few salesmen made efforts to organize professional
salesmen’s unions, but we began to appear at their meetings and
imbue them with the social democratic spirit. W ithin seven or eight
weeks as many as 60 meetings were called, the attendance at which
varied from 10 to 100 men. * * * These meetings caused the
development among the salesmen of a very energetic militant
spirit. * * *
a L etzte N achrichten, No. 244, August 5, 1905.
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
563
It was originally intended to call a strike for the beginning of
August, when the season begins, but the salesmen themselves hur
ried us with the declaration of the strike, pointing to the excited
condition of the mass of their comrades. * * * It was, there
fore, decided to declare the strike immediately. The following
demands were formulated:
1. The labor day shall be, April 1 to September 1, from 7 a. m. to
7 p. m., and September 1 to April 1, from 8 a. m. to 8 p. m.
2. The time from 1 to 3 p. m. shall be allowed for dinner, the stores
to be closed during the dinner recess.
3. No work from the beginning of a holiday till the next morning
after the holiday. (a)
4. Annual leave of four weeks with pay.
5. Increase of pay.
6. Double monthly salary before the Passover and Succoth [the
two most important Jewish holidays].
7. Pay during sickness: In full during the first three months, and
half pay during the following three months, the employee to be rein
stated after recovery.
8. Payment of the salary on the 1st and the 15th of every month,
in advance.
9. The employer must notify his employee of intended dismissal:
Those who have been in service less than three years, three months
in advance; those having been in service from three to eight years,
six months in advance; those ^having been in service from eight
to fifteen years, nine months in advance; and those having been
in service more than fifteen years, an entire year in advance.
10. Polite treatment of the employees.
11. The employees shall not be forced to draw customers.
12. The salesmen shall be obliged to perform only those duties
which are directly connected with commerce.
13. The right to sit and read when not employed.
14. The salesmen shall not be obliged to deliver purchases to the
homes of the customers.
15. The stores shall be heated.
16. The salesmen shall be provided with tea twice a day.
17. The wives of the employers shall not be permitted to interfere
in the adjustments of the relations between the employers and
employees.
18. Apprentices shall receive a salary of not less than 3 rubles
[$1.55] per month during the first half year of their service, and not
less than 6 rubles [$3.09] per month during the second half year of
their service.
19. All conflicts between employers and employees shall be adjusted
b y means of special commissions.
20. Dismissals shall not be made without good cause.
21. All strikers shall be taken back into their old positions.
22. No dismissals shall* be made until six months after the end of
the strike.
23. The time of the strike shall be paid for.
a The Jewish holiday begins in the evening, at the tim e of the setting of the sun
and ends also at the setting of the sun; it is custom ary, therefore, for the sm all mer
chants to reopen their stores for the evening after the holiday.
564
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
24. Strike breakers shall be dismissed.
As a matter of course, political demands were also made, the sig
nificance of which was explained to the strikers. During the last
few days before the beginning of the strikes special meetings were
called at which the necessary advice was given as to how to pre
sent the demands, how to act during the strike, and so forth. On
the 18th of June representatives of almost all the stores were called
together and they were given circulars, containing the demands, for
distribution among the strikers. A t the hours appointed the stores
began to close one after the other, and the salesmen and clerks
gathered on the street. A t the invitation of the non-Jewish work
ingmen, who are in sympathy with our organization, the stores of
the Christians began to close up also.
That a general strike of the salesmen was in preparation could
not long remain a secret— everybody in the town knew about it. Of
course, the administration dia not fail to take its usual measures.
It increased its normal complement of police, called in troops, etc.
* * * The assistant chief of the police personally visited the
stores and asked the Christian salesmen not to join the “ sheenies,”
for the “ sheenies” organize strikes only out of love for riots, etc.
Nevertheless, all stores closed that very day. The following day
pickets were placed by us on all streets, whose duty it was to see that
no salesmen returned to the stores. In several places it was found
necessary to “ take o ff” the strikers several times.
The city looked like a m ilitary camp. Patrols with loaded arms
were to be found on all comers. Mounted police rode on the streets.
The employers soon applied to the police for assistance. Arrests
began. * * * These arrests could not but have considerable
influence over the course of the strikes. A considerable portion of
the salesmen who were less imbued with the consciousness of their
interests was easily frightened. Other circumstances influenced the
success of the strikes. On Sunday the Christian salesmen, whose
affiliation with our organization was not very strong, returned to
work. W hat was still worse, the employees of the ironware stores
also returned to work. This became generally known, and many
others began to contemplate returning to their offices. Nevertheless,
the m ajority of stores remained closed on Sunday, and in most of
those that were opened there were no salesmen except the employers
themselves. Monday morning the employees of several stores of
dress goods retumea to work. The salesmen of other stores, espe
cially of the dry-goods stores, kept up better, but it was generally
felt that the strike was losing its spirit. The arrests continued. The
strike lasted three or four days more, when negotiations began with
many individual storekeepers. Monday morning one dry-goods store
with over 60 employees satisfied almost all demands of the strikers;
other stores made various concessions, some more, some less. In
general it may be said that the strikers obtained the 12-hour day,
while previous to that the salesmen worked at least 13J or 14 hours,
and sometimes as many as 18 hours per day. They obtained 1 to 1J
hours7recess for dinner, and in the larger stores the right of a 2-weeks7
vacation with pay, and many other minor concessions.
In many respects the description of this strike is characteristic, if
one remembers that it is written by an interested party. The many
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
565
varied and, from a practical point of view, extravagant demands
show that the object of the strike is not so much actual reform as
the resulting political and economic agitation. It is, therefore, diffi
cult to judge how far the strike was successful, for it is doubtful if
the m ajority of the demands were made with a hope of their possible
realization. It also shows how peculiar the position of the commer
cial employees is in a great many respects, in that it is necessary to
fight against the performance of menial duties and against the inter
ference of the wife of the employer in the treatment of the salesmen.
The history of most other strikes is similar to that just given.
During the month of March, 1905, a strike of over 2,000 salesmen and
other commercial employees was started by the Bund in Minsk.
The demands formulated were as follow s:
1. A 12-hour labor day (from 9 a. m. to 9 p. m .).
2. One-half hour interval for luncheon and one and one-half hour
interval for dinner.
3. Closing of the stores on Saturday nights.
4. W eekly payment of wages.
5. Double wages four times a year, before the four chief Jewish
holidays.
6. Polite treatment of all the employees.
7. The salesmen shall not be forced to perform menial duties.
8. The messengers shall not be obliged to carry heavy bundles.
9. Wages shall be paid for the entire time of the strike.
10. None of the strikers shall be discharged for participation in
the strike.
The strike lasted ten days and ended with an almost complete
victory for the strikers. All the demands were granted except
demand 5; and in regard to demand 3, it was decided that during
the four summer months the stores would not open on Saturday
nights, while during the rest of the year the salesmen should be free
on alternate Saturdays. This decision was reached at a combined
meeting of the representatives of both parties to the struggle.
Similar strikes, more or less successful, have taken place in most of
the larger cities of the Pale, with the result that at present a twelvehour day, with one or two recesses, which bring the actual working
day to ten hours, is the normal day of the commercial employee.
These results have not been obtained in the many smaller towns and
villages; but the number of commercial employees in these towns,
in view of the petty nature of trade, is probably insignificant. The
wages of the ordinary salesman or clerk are from an American point
of view very small, 10 rubles ($5.15) a week being a fair compensation,
while often as low as 5 or even 3 rubles ($2.58 or $1.55) a week are
paid. It is probable, however, that the conditions of life of the
m ajority of the commercial employees are better than are those of
566
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
the mass of the petty traders described on a preceding page. These
successful strikes have served to increase the strength and influence
of the Bund among other social classes than the industrial workers.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICE.
The striving of the Russian Jew for a professional career has so well
asserted itself during the comparatively short period of his life in the
United States that it is surprising to find in Russia a very small
percentage of the Jews in the professions, especially in view of the
fact that all the universities in that country are state institutions,
the tuition fee being small, and the great m ajority of the professional
students coming from the poorer part of the city population. A lto
gether the number of Jews in the professions is 57,847 (not including
the 14,103 persons who serve around churches, etc., given for com
parative purposes in the tables of occupations), or a little more than
4 per cent of the Jews in gainful occupations. Even this number is
to a great extent made up of an army of Hebrew teachers, consisting
m ostly of persons without any special training, who have failed in all
other occupations and eke out a more miserable existence than even
the average tailor or shoemaker. I f the 35,273 persons constituting
this army be disregarded, there is a remainder of only 22,574 in all
the other professions— law, medicine, the ministry, government
service, and service in public institutions.
The real cause of this seeming aversion of the Jew in Russia to a
professional career, like so many features of Russian Jewish life, must
be sought in the legal conditions of his existence. The relation of
the Russian State to this problem, like its relation to the problem of
Jewish agriculture, has undergone many changes. The practice of
a profession usually requires a thorough special preparatory educa
tion. In the first half of the last century it was the avowed object
of the Russian Government to attract the Jews into the higher
schools of learning, that being rightly considered the best method
to break up Jewish exclusiveness and help along the natural assimi
lation of the Jewish race. For many years this plan met with but
moderate success, the older and more conservative Jews considering
the Christian schools as institutions destructive of the Jewish religion
and traditions, especially since the entering into those schools usually
led of necessity to infringement upon the strict Jewish Sabbath and
dietary laws. The pioneers of the younger generation, on going into
the secular schools, had to meet the strenuous opposition of the
other members of their families and often were forced to break
fam ily ties entirely.
Gradually, however, these prejudices gave way. But simulta
neously with this change of feeling the attitude of the Government
toward the problem of education of the Jews also changed. In the
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
567
beginning of the eighties the proportion of Jews to be admitted to
some schools was limited to a certain percentage of the students
admitted. The growing number of Jewish students in the “ gymna
siums” (high schools) and universities began to be looked upon with
alarm. It was pointed out b y opponents that the proportion of Jews
was growing to be larger in the schools than in the population at large.
The fact was disregarded that while constituting about 10 to 12 per
cent of the population of the Pale, the Jews made up almost one-half
of the population of the cities, which alone could be expected to furnish
students of secondary and higher institutions of learning.
In the summer of 1887 the minister of instruction was empowered
to limit the number of Jewish students to be admitted into the
secondary institutions of learning. This limit was defined as 10 per
cent for the institutions located within the Pale, 5 per cent in the
remaining cities, and only 3 per cent in the two capital cities of Mos
cow and St. Petersburg. The measure was justified as necessary to
maintain a more “ normal proportion between the number of Jewdsh
and Christian students.” The result of this was that the classes in
many classical and technical high schools remained half empty, for in
the cities where the Jews constituted from 50 to 75 per cent of the
population only 10 per cent of the high school boys could be of Jewish
faith.
A full high school diploma is required to gain entrance to the univer
sity, yet it was found that many more Jewish than Christian boys
were clamoring for admission. Besides, the effect of this limitation
in regard to entrance into high schools could affect the university
only in eight years, the course in the gymnasium lasting that long.
The rule was therefore extended to the universities and other higher
institutions of learning as well. The temporary rules have been
enforced now for almost twenty years, but the number of Jewish
applications for admission to the universities is still considerably
larger than the number of vacancies provided for them, and hundreds
of young men who can afford it, and a great many who really can not,
throng the universities of Germany, Switzerland, France, AustriaHungary, and even the United States and Italy. Only a small
m inority can avail itself of such an expedient.
The granting of so-called autonomy to Russian universities in Sep
tember, 1905, raised the hope that the restrictions in regard to the
admission of Jews to the schools, at least so far as the universities are
concerned, would be abolished. As a matter of fact, in the fall
of 1905 and 1906 some universities and technical schools disregarded
all restrictions as established by the rules of 1887. The practice,
however, was not universal. W ith the establishment, of more nor
mal conditions the question came up again. Recently the minister
of public instruction has insisted upon the enforcement of the
568
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
rules as they existed before autonomy was granted. In some insti
tutions the old rules have therefore been applied in their entirety, in
others the number of Jewish students admitted was above this legal
limit. The ministry of public instruction permitted this accomplished
infraction of the rules to stand, while insisting that such exceptions
shall not be granted in the future. The situation therefore at present
is about the same as it was before autonomy was granted.
More direct difficulties stand in the way of the Jews who try to enter
the legal profession. W hile the admission of applicants to the bar
according to the law depends upon local courts, since 1889 further
admission to the bar of Jewish counselors at law is conditional upon
a special permit of the minister of justice in each case.
As in the case of the limitation of the right of entering colleges,
these restrictions were defended on the ground of the abnormal increase
of the number of Jews in the professional schools of the universities.
The practical Jew, it was said, did not care for higher education as such,
but only for the lucrative profession to which a college education led.
The extremely limited number of Jewish students in the purely scien
tific departments of the universities was claimed to prove this asser
tion. It should be said that very few can afford a purely scientific
course in view of the fact that very few positions in the Government
service are open to the Jews. The highly centralized system of Rus
sian Government and the enormous administrative machine of Russia
necessitate an army of Government employees, and Government
service has always been the most popular profession of the educated
classes in Russia. Besides, almost all the educational institutions
are either governmental institutions or under Government supervision,
and teaching in universities, colleges, and secondary, and even public
schools is included under Government employment. Therefore not
only an official but also a scientific or pedagogical career is out of the
reach of the Jew in Russia.
Government em ploy has not been open to the Jews since 1828,
but in the sixties some exceptions were made for Jews who received
a medical education, the right of service in the medical department
of the army having been given to them. Since 1882 the number of
Jewish physicians and surgeons to be employed b y the department
has been limited to 5 per cent. While the law is not clear in regard
to the teaching profession, there are no Jewish professors in the
Russian universities, only a few docents, and no teachers in high
schools and primary public schools for Christian pupils. Jewish
teachers practice their profession only in special schools for Jews
or in a few private institutions of learning.
It is customary in Russia to make a distinction between “ Gov
ernment service,” i. e., service in the employ of the central Govern
ment, and “ public service,” i. e., service in local elective bodies or
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
569
in the em ploy of the organs of local self-government, the “ zemstvos,”
or the municipalities, etc. These latter institutions of self-govern
ment are also under the supervision of the central government, and
the rights of the Jews in the domain of the public service are con
siderably curtailed. About the only important branch of public
service in which Jews may receive appointments is the medical
branch. The “ zem stvos” (local self-government of the provinces
and counties) employ a large number of physicians, druggists, nurses,
and midwives to give gratuitous medical attendance to the peasants,
and in this line of work persons of Jewish faith sometimes obtain
appointments. These appointments are made by the zemstvos,
but require the approval of the governors.
W ith so few opportunities in these avenues of employment, private
practice of law and medicine remains almost the only field in which
the educated Russian Jew may try his fortune. The result is an
overcrowding of the professions, which is strongly felt in the towns
of the Pale, where the general poverty of the masses reads upon the
earnings of the professional classes. Many graduate lawyers are
forced to remain bank clerks at 10 rubles ($5.15) per week, and it
is not unusual for physicians to receive only 30 to 40 kopecks (15 or
21 cents) for a visit at the patient’s house. That the earnings of a
practicing physician are not large is shown by the anxiety of the
Jewish physicians to obtain the “ zem stvo” positions spoken of above,
which pay only 1,000 to 1,200 rubles ($515 to $618) a year. The
graduates of the other schools usually make use of the right of living
in the large cities outside of the Pale, and devote themselves to litera
ture and journalism, the material returns being very moderate
indeed. Cases of official change of religion are more frequent in
Russia among professional persons and graduates of universities
than among other classes of Jews, not only because the old bonds
of religion are weakened but also because the material advantages
to be obtained are greater.
PAUPERISM AND CH ARITY.
PAUPERISM.
The insecurity of the earnings of the independent artisans, the low
wages of the factory and small-shop employees, the petty business
profits of the merchants and the extreme difficulty of finding employ
ment after it is once lost, have all been indicated in the preceding
pages, yet observers of the life in Jewish towns state that there are
few professional paupers in comparison with the Russian towns, and
that the paupers seen are usually either old and decrepit persons or
children, that is, people who are unable to make a living. (a)
a See V Cherte E vreiskoy Osedlosti (In the Jewish Pale), b y A . P. Subbotin.
Petersburg, 1888, V ol. I, p. 134.
St.
570
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Even if the number of professional paupers, or persons who exist
exclusively by private or public charity, is not so great among the
Jews in Russia as one might expect, especially in view of the fact
that professional pauperism is tolerated in that country, the number
of the poor is extremely large, even interpreting the term “ poor”
in its narrower sense. In the broader sense of a person with an
insufficient income, a person unable to make any savings and forced
to live from hand to mouth, probably 90 per cent of the Russian
Jews are poor. Robert Hunter says:
Poverty is a much broader term than pauperism. Those who are in
poverty may be able to get a bare sustenance, but they are not able to
obtain those necessaries which will permit them to maintain a state
of physical efficiency.
Even this definition is perhaps somewhat too broad for our purpose.
The poor as described therein are those persons who do not need to
apply to charity, yet there are among the Jews in Russia a multitude
of persons who occupy a middle ground. Not paupers “ who depend
upon public or private charity for sustenance” all the time, but per
sons who are not able to meet all the extraordinary expenses of the
daily life, and who are therefore at intervals forced to apply, hateful
as it may be to their feeling of self-respect, to public or private charity.
Such extraordinary emergencies occur in the life of a poor Jewish
fam ily with distressing regularity, due to a peculiar cause, the religious
holidays.
The Jewish holidays are not many, but they have an importance
and holiness which, for the orthodox Jew, at least, make their fitting
celebration an absolute law. These obligatory celebrations mean
com paratively large expenditures of money, which a considerable
number of the Jews are unable to meet, and it is then that the great
est amount of assistance is both given and received. It is note
worthy that so well is the exceptional nature of the occasion under
stood that the complaint has never been made that this form of charity
leads to idleness and pauperism, or to destruction of self-respect.
Some such principle guides one form of charity in the United States,
namely, the Christmas dinners organized for the poor by various
charitable organizations, notably the Salvation Army. But those
dinners are admittedly for the benefit of the very poor, and consist in
the direct administration of food in a fashion scarcely acceptable to
the self-respecting poor, while in Russia a slight contribution of a few
rubles to a fam ily so as to enable it to celebrate in fitting fashion the
holy days is considered more in the nature of a religious duty than a
charitable act.
Even the ordinary “ Shabees” (Sabbath) is a serious function with
the orthodox. It demands not only absolute rest, but various observ
ances in the way of special food, etc. The whole thought of the poor
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
571
Jew, and especially of the Jewish woman, during the week is directed
to so manage as to be able to com ply with the Sabbath requirements
in a manner befitting a good Jew.. That requires at least the regula
tion white bread, the fish, e tc.; and the success of the week’s work is
judged by the ability to observe the Sabbath in the proper way. Then
there is the Passover week, which is the only holiday to be compared
in holiness to the Sabbath, and this period is a great deal more exact
ing than an ordinary Sabbath, so far as expenditure is concerned. It
demands not only several days of interruption in work, but also many
special dishes, the preparation of which is costly. Moreover, the
demands of the Passover are absolutely peremptory. The religious
law not only enjoins the eating of certain things during this week, but
absolutely prohibits the eating of ordinary bread. There are other
demands no less difficult of observance by the poorer Jews. In fact,
the Jewish fam ily that lives from hand to mouth often finds itself
facing the approaching Passover absolutely unable to meet it accord
ing to the commands of the Hebraic law, and consequently in danger
of com m itting a serious sin. Assistance of Jewish families during this
season is the most common form of charitable work. A t that time
the Jewish people may truly be said to be divided into givers and
receivers.
The data in regard to assistance distributed at that critical period
are, therefore, the fullest possible measure of distress, the number
immediately rising with every general fall in the prosperity of the
people. The data were collected by the Jewish Colonization Society
in its report, but the serious mistake was committed of broadly
defining as paupers the entire number of people who applied for this
kind of relief, .of whom many often did not apply at all but custom
arily received some small sum.
Taken in this limited sense, as a measure of general distress but not
of direct pauperism, the number of families receiving help for the
Passover is nevertheless very significant. Inform ation was obtained
from more than 1,200 localities, containing over 700,000 families,
and the families assisted reached the enormous number of 132,855, or
almost 19 per cent. The proportion of families receiving assistance
varied greatly as between different provinces, most of the Polish
provinces showing a percentage as low as 14, while the three prov
inces of Lithuania give a percentage of 22. This agrees with the
general observation, frequently emphasized in this article, that the
Jews in Lithuania are probably lower in the economic scale than the
Jews of any other part of the Pale, because the congestion of Jews is
greatest there. Still more significant is the fact that the number of
families assisted is rapidly growing. From many localities compara
tive data for several years have been obtained which conclusively
show this rapid increase. B y adding the data for all the localities
572
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
for which information has been obtained it is found that within the
short period of five years the number of families assisted had increased
from 85,183 in 1894 to 108,922 families in 1898, an increase of 27.9
percent. . The amount of assistance given is usually small, some
times falling as low as 75 copecks (39 cents), and, where the distribu
tion of funds takes place through some organized agency, seldom
exceeding 3 rubles ($1.55), a contribution which is not sufficient to
put the recipients into the category of paupers.
Since this group of persons needing some assistance almost equals
one-fifth of the total Jewish population of the Pale, all occupation
groups have their representatives among them. An investigation in
Odessa showed that the unskilled laborers were the most numerous
recipients of this charity, but there was also a large number of artisans,
such as tailors and shoemakers, as well as many persons who gained
a precarious living from retail trade, peddlers, push-cart men and
women.
CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS.
The foregoing remarks refer to what might be called normal con
ditions, such as existed before the present anti-Jewish sentiment
manifested itself.
The assistance b y means of a small payment before the Passover
being the most frequent form of charitable work serves best as a
measure of the extent of the need for charity, but it by no means
represents all of the charitable work needed or given in the Pale.
On the contrary, the charitable institutions are numerous and varied.
It is well known that when two hundred and fifty years ago the first
Jews applied for permission to come into North America, namely,
into New Amsterdam, they were granted the permission under the
condition that they care for their own poor— a condition they have
faithfully kept. It was scarcely necessary to exact that condition,
for the care of the poor is a characteristic feature of the Jewish people.
Though the Russian Jews were an integral part of the population of
the region in which they lived long before the time they came under
the domination of the Russian Government, the Russian code of laws
contains a similar provision in regard to the Jews and their poor.
This demand could have been made only because of the special
Jewish communal organizations which exist in the towns of the Pale,
and which are not only recognized by law but intrusted with certain
powers and duties, the most important of which, from an economic
point of view, being the collection of taxes. A series of special taxes,
direct as well as indirect, have been established (the principal one
being the tax on meat) for the purpose of supplying the community
with means to do charitable work, support schools, hospitals, etc.
The amount and the objects of the tax, in addition to the indirect
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
573
tax on meat, are determined by the community under the supervision
and with the approval of the authorities, but the tax is not collected
directly by the community; it is rented out at auction, also with
the approval of the administration. The tax, therefore, must bring
an income, not only to the community but also to the lessor. More
over, the actual distribution of the sums collected is not intrusted to
the Jewish community, but to the local authorities. The budget
must be approved by the governor of the province. Unnecessary
econom y in the distribution of the funds usually results and large
sums are transferred to the public treasury, after which an applica
tion for these funds to be used for charitable enterprises must have
the approval of the ministry of finance.
The income from these special taxes, nevertheless, remains a very
important item of the budgets of the various charitable institutions,
but no less important are the private contributions and those of the
various nonofficial charitable organizations.
The following statement shows the number of each of the most
common types of charitable organization known among the Jews in
Russia:
Societies for general relief...............................................................................................
H ospitals and dispensaries..............................................................................................
Committees for the care of the sick ........................ ......................................................
Hom es for the old and the infirm ..................................................................................
Lodging houses and houses of refuge for strangers....................................................
Societies for noninterest-bearing loans..........................................................................
Societies for distribution of food ....................................................................................
Societies for distribution of cloth in g.............................................................................
Societies for assisting poor brides....... ...........................................................................
290
112
665
126
180
350
500
72
51
T otal......................................................................................................................... 2,346
The variety and number of relief societies is characteristic not only
of the great need for them but also of the charitable traditions of the
Jews.
The divers functions of these charitable organizations are of special
interest to the American, because many similar organizations, though
usually on a much larger scale than in Russia, have been established
in the United States by the Jewish immigrants, who thus introduce
types of relief little known to the American charity worker. It is
well, therefore, to begin with the description of these specialized
institutions.
Perhaps the most important from an econom ic point of view are
the institutions for gratuitous credit. The high cost of credit in the
Pale is a serious cause of distress, since the smallest loan may often
lead a self-supporting fam ily to financial ruin. It may not be difficult
for the petty trader or the artisan to obtain a small loan, but the con
ditions are usually onerous. The money lender charges exorbitant
574
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
interest, which may reach 20, 30, or even 60 per cent. The following
is a typical case:
An artisan borrows 50 rubles ($25.75), with an agreement to pay
up in weekly installments of 1 ruble (51.5 cents) per week; but the
interest, amounting to 12 rubles ($6.18), is deducted from the loan at
the time it is made, only 38 rubles ($19.57) being actually received
by the borrower, and under the plan of paying the loan in weekly
installments, covering principal and interest, the rate of interest
amounts to about 59 per cent per annum.
In 1895, by a special law, the form ation of small societies for mutual
credit was facilitated, and by 1902 there were within the Pale 50
societies of that nature, in which the Jews constituted the predomi
nating element. But since that year the authorities have demanded
that two-thirds of the board of directors of all such new societies
shall consist of Christian men and that the chairman shall be a Chris
tian. These limitations have effectively stopped the increase in the
number of Jewish credit societies of the mutual kind, and have empha
sized the necessity for the charitable institutions.
It is characteristic that of the 350 loan societies 205, or 58.6 per
cent, are found in northwestern Russia, not only because the need
for them is greater there, but because the communal feeling and social
activity is much greater in that region.
The revenues, and therefore the range of activity, of these societies
are very small. Of 253 organizations for which the amount of capital
was given 77 had less than 100 rubles ($51.50) each, 112 had from
100 to 500 rubles ($51.50 to $257.50) each, 38 had from 500 to 1,000
rubles ($257.50 to $515) each, and only 26 had over 1,000 rubles ($515)
each. The resources being so limited, the loans range from 3 to 15
rubles ($1.55 to $7.73), and seldom exceed 25 rubles ($12.88). Yet,
in its conception, it is a useful method of granting relief. Several
large organizations of this kind exist in New Y ork City. Some of
these societies require security in the shape of valuables, others
require the guaranty of some well-to-do person, but the rule is not to
charge any interest for the loan. The most significant feature of these
organizations is that they are not established by the private munifi
cence of some one person, but by means of small contributions from
almost all the members of the local Jewish community, the contribu
tions sometimes being not greater than 25 kopecks (13 cents) per
annum.
There is nothing especially interesting to be said in regard to the
112 Jewish hospitals existing in the Jewish cities of the Pale. Besides
the general insufficiency of hospital facilities in Russian towns,
there is the important consideration of the religious dietary laws,
which make separate Jewish hospitals necessary. There are a few
hospitals endowed by private charity, but most of these institutions
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
575
are supported out of the special taxes spoken of above. Most of the
large hospitals are located in the South and Southwest, and while
northwestern Russia has a greater share of all other charitable insti
tutions, it has only a few hospitals. A hospital is an establishment
that annually requires a large sum of money for its support, and few
northwestern towns can afford to make the necessaiy outlay.
The lack of hospitals in the Northwest is partly compensated by
numerous societies for the care of the sick at their homes. Out of a
total of 665 such societies 349 are located in the northwestern, 143 in
the southern and the southwestern, and 173 in the Polish provinces.
The functions of these circles are varied, ranging from financial assist
ance and hiring of medical help to actual care of the sick by members
of the circle. The budget of such a circle seldom exceeds 500 rubles
($257.50) each year.
The organizations for furnishing food to the needy at a nominal
compensation, or absolutely free, are not many and exist mainly in
the larger cities. Thus, the dining room for the poor in Vilna dis
tributes during the year about 200,000 dinners, at the average cost
to itself of 8 or 9 kopecks (4.1 or 4.6 cents), while the price charged is
3 or 5 kopecks (1.5 or 2.6 cents). This is the result of an effort to sub
stitute organized assistance for the traditional custom o f having some
poor person at one’s table, a custom that is still observed in the smaller
towns, and is a form of charity specially popular during the most
important holidays, when one or two poor persons are to be seen at
the tables of the richest men of the town each Saturday, if not every
day. The poor scholars of the “ kheders” and of the “ eshiboths”
(institutions for higher instruction in the Hebrew language and
Jewish theology) are the most frequent recipients of this primitive
form of charity, but the practice is rapidly dying out. It was cus
tom ary for such poor students to make their way through the school
by boarding at seven places, one day a week at each place. Another
form of charity, which is rapidly vanishing, is the assistance to poor
brides. This consists in small subsidies, sometimes limited to 5
rubles ($2.58) for the purchase of the most necessary household uten
sils. Since marriage is strongly urged on each and every Jewish
youth and maiden, it is considered a holy act to assist poor girls to
its consummation.
The more primitive charitable institutions are centered around
the local synagogue, because charitable activity has among all nations
found its inception in the religious feeling, but the more m odem
organizations are managed by special boards and committees, and
are frequently incorporated. But no matter how the organization
is effected, practically each Jewish fam ily, unless it be itself a recip
ient of charity, contributes to some charitable purpose, even if it be
16251—08----- 12
576
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
only 2 copecks (1 cent) a week, this sum not infrequently being the
regular dues in some of the societies of the smaller towns. Even a
superficial acquaintance with the fife of the Russian Jews in the
large American cities shows the same tendencies to mutual help and
self-help to a marked degree, the desire to take care of its own poor
and sick being still strong in the Jewish race.
EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES.
The econom ic importance of popular education is so well recog
nized that no apology is necessary for introducing the subject of
education in a study of economic conditions.
The degree of literacy may be considered a fair measure of the
educational standing of a people. It is therefore proper to begin
the study of education of the Russian Jews by quoting the available
data of the degree of literacy among them.
According to the Russian census of 1897 there were in a popula
tion of 125,640,021 persons, 26,569,585 literate persons, or 21.1 per
cent. The number of males who could read and write was 18,318,812
out of a total of 62,477,348, or 29.3 per cent, while the number of
literate females was 8,250,773 out of 63,162,673, or 13.1 per cent.
Thus the degree of Russian illiteracy is not so great as frequent
assertions in the press would make it appear, for one often sees the
statement that more than 90 per cent of the Russian people can
neither read nor write. Moreover, the proportion stated above does
not take into consideration the large number of children of tender
age, who should certainly be excluded in calculating the percentage
of illiteracy.
But the point which must be emphasized here is that the propor
tion of illiterate persons of Jewish faith is much smaller. Of 5,215,805
persons of Jewish faith there were 2,031,497 literate persons, or 39
per cent, which gives a per cent of literacy almost double that of the
total population of Russia. Of 2,547,144 males, 1,259,248, or 49.4
per cent, were literate, while of 2,668,661 females, 772,249, or only
29 per cent, could read. Thus the proportionate literacy of the Jews
is about twice as high as that of the entire Russian nation.
A better idea of the degree of literacy and illiteracy among the
Jews, in comparison to the entire population of the Russian Empire,
may be obtained by means of a table giving the number and per cent
of persons able to read, by age groups. These data are presented in
the table following. Unfortunately the basis for this table in the
reports of the Russian census is not religion, but nationality as
determined by the mother tongue. As a result about two hundred
thousand Jews of the higher, more educated classes, who claimed
577
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
Russian as their mother tongue, have been excluded, which un
doubtedly reduces the actual percentage of Jewish persons able to
read.
L I T E R A C Y O F T H E T O T A L R U S S IA N P O P U L A T IO N A N D O F T H E J E W IS H P O P U L A
T IO N IN E AC H S P E C IF IE D A G E G R O U P , B Y S E X , 1897.
[From Prem ier Recensement Gdndral de la Population de F Em pire de Russie, 1897.]
A ll Russia.
Jews.
Literates.
A ge group.
T otal
population.
Number.
Literates.
P^r
cent of
tota l
p op u
lation.
T otal.
Num ber.
Per
cent o f
to ta l
Jews.
MALES.
U nder 1 y e a r............................................. 2,155,199
1 t o 9 y e a rs ................................................ 14,975,808
10 t o 19 y ea rs ............................................ 13,094,402
20 t o 29 y ea rs ............................................ 10,145,066
7,893,941
30 t o 39 y ea rs............................................
5,873,596
40 t o 49 y ea rs............................................
4,110,800
50 t o 59 y ea rs............................................
60 years or o v e r ........................................ '4,202,616
25,920
A ge un know n...........................................
789,489
5,955,693
4,552,412
3,118,509
1,950,533
1,087,720
858,322
6,134
5.3
45.5
44.9
39.5
33.2
26.5
20.2
23.7
82,607
637,496
563,622
414,791
284,037
196,560
148,672
142,684
926
77,781
336,863
294,365
198,413
132,620
91,555
77,452
442
12.2
59.8
71.0
69.9
67.5
61.6
54.3
47.7
T o t a l................................................
62,477,348
18,318,812
29.3
2,471,305
1,209,491
48.9
10 years of age or o v e r ...........................
45,346,341
17,529,323
38.7
1,751,292
1,131,710
64.6
2,136,542
15,071,969
13,359,380
10,215,904
7,912,107
5,832,868
4,210,657
4,398,724
24,522
461,097
2,915,494
1,995,914
1,245,535
735,910
465,619
428,056
3,158
3.1
21.8
19.5
15.7
12.6
11.1
9.7
12.9
79,270
639,006
646*552
429,693
294.282
214,246
159.283
128,588
841
44,222
282,590
195,953
100,458
55,013
32,029
19,182
219
6.9
43.7
45.6
34.1
25.7
20.1
14.9
26.0
FEMALES.
U nder 1 y e a r.............................................
1 t o 9 y ea rs................................................
10 t o 19 yea rs............................................
20 t o 29 y ea rs............................................
30 t o 39 y ea rs............................................
40 t o 49 y ea rs............................................
50 t o 59 y e a rs ............................................
60 years or o v e r .......................................
A ge un know n...........................................
T o t a l................................................ 63,162,673
8,250,773
13.1
2,591,761
729,666
28.2
45,954,162
7,789,676
17. tf
1,873,485
685,444
36.6
4,291,741
30,047,777
26,453,782
20,360,970
15,806,048
11,706,464
8,321,457
8,601,340
50,442
1,250,586
8,871,187
6,548,326
4,364,044
2,686,443
1,553,339
1,286,378
9,292
4.1
33.5
32.2
* 27.6
22.9
18.7
15.0
18.4
161,877
1,276,502
1,210,174
844,484
578,319
410,806
307,955
271,272
1,767
122,003
619,453
490,318
298,871
187,633
123,584
96,634
661
9.6
51.2
58.1
51.7
45.7
40.1
35.6
37.4
T o t a l................................................ 125,640,021
26,569,585
21.1
5,063,156
1,939,157
38.3
25,318,999
27.7
3,624,777
1,817,154
50.1
10 years o f age or o v e r ...........................
BOTH SEXES.
U nder 1 y e a r.............................................
1 t o 9 y e a rs ................................................
10 t o 19 y ea rs ............................................
20 t o 29 y ea rs............................................
30 t o 39 y ea rs............................................
40 t o 49 yea rs............................................
50 t o 59 y ea rs............................................
60 years or o v e r ........................................
A ge unknow n...........................................
10 years o f age or o v e r ...........................
91,300,503
The following deductions may be made from the above table:
Of those over 10 years of age the illiteracy among the Jews is con
siderably smaller than for the total population of the Russian Empire,
it being 72.3 per cent for the entire country, and only 49.9 per cent
for the Jews. For the male population over 10 years of age the com
parative figures of illiteracy are: For the total 61.3 per cent, and for
the Jews only 35.4 per cent. For the female population over 10 years
of age the data of illiteracy are: For the total 83 per cent, and for the
Jews 63.4 per cent.
578
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
When, however, the table is examined carefully it is found, both
for the total population and for the Jews, that the lower the age of
the class the higher is the percentage of literacy. This indicates an
improving condition in Russia. The rise is more noticeable in the
case of the total population, which seems to indicate that within
recent years the cause of education has received greater stimulus
among the Russian population than among the Jews.
Some slight rise is noticed also among the Jews, especially among
women, the education of the latter being com paratively an innovation.
Nevertheless, it is worthy of notice that the highest age group among
the Jews has a larger percentage of people able to read than the most
educated total age group, there being proportionately more literate
Jews over 60 years old than literate Russian population of the age of
10 to 19 years. In other words, fifty years ago the educational stand
ard of the Jews was higher than that of the Russian people at large is
at present. This comparison is certainly very significant.
It must be added that the data are ten years old, and that the gen
eral rise of education must have further reduced the percentage of
illiterates among the Jews and among other persons in Russia.
This com paratively high standard of education, achieved, as will be
shown presently, without any system of State obligatory schools, is to
a great extent due to the religious spirit of the Jews. The ability to
read his prayers is as sacred to the Jew of the older generation as it
was to the New Englander of the colonial times and had the same
effect of stimulating education. It follows that the m ajority of the
Jews first learn to read the Hebrew alphabet; and since the same
alphabet is used for the so-called Yiddish (a German dialect, the col
loquial language of the Jewish mass), therefore the Jew who can read
his prayers has the ability to read and write in his spoken tongue.
The vast m ajority of the Jews, and especially the Jews in the cities
of the Pale, where they constitute the m ajority of the population,
speak this Yiddish, but the mingling with persons who speak other
tongues forces upon the average Jew a knowledge of some other
language. The enforced use of Russian in all Government institutions
makes some knowledge of Russian almost a necessity, and so, nolens
volens, a great number of the Jews derive what additional culture
there is to be obtained from a knowledge of a second language. In
the following table are presented the data in regard to the number and
per cent of Jews of all the age groups who can read Russian.
579
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F J E W S IN E A C H S P E C IF IE D A G E G R O U P A B L E TO R E A D
R U S S IA N , B Y S E X , 1897.
[From Premier Recensement G6n£ral de la P opulation de FEm pire de Russie, 1897.]
Females.
Males.
A ble t o read
Russian.
A ge group.
T otal.
T otal.
Per
cent.
40,385
237,947
217,984
137,615
79,674
46,302
31,777
315
6.3
42.2
52.5
48.4
40.5
31.1
22.3
34.0
639,006
646,552
429,693
294.282
214,246
159.283
128,588
841
31,520
204,648
127,737
52,484
20,931
9,677
4,657
133
T o t a l.................... 2,388,788
791,999
33.2 2,512,491
10 years o f age or over. 1,751,292
751,614
42.9 1,873,485
637,496
563,622
414,791
284,037
196,560
148,672
142,684
926
A ble t o read
R ussian.
T otal.
N um ber.
1 t o 9 yea rs....................
10 t o 19 yea rs................
20 to 29 yea rs................
30 to 39 yea rs................
40 t o 49 yea rs................
50 t o 59 yea rs................
60 years or o v e r ...........
A ge u n know n...............
B o th sexes.
A ble to read
Russian.
N um ber.
Per
cent.
4.9 1,276,502
31.7 1,210,174
29.7
844,484
17.8
578,319
410,806
9.8
6.1
307,955
271,272
3.6
1,767
15.8
N um ber.
Per
cent.
71,905
442,595
345,721
190,099
100,605
55,979
36,434
448
5.6
36.6
40.9
32.9
24.5
18.2
13.4
25.4
451,787
17.9 4,901,279 1,243,786
25.4
420,267
22.5 3,624,777 1,171,881
32.1
Thus it is found that more than two-fifths of the males 10 years of
age or over, and almost one-fourth o f the females of the same age
group, are able to read Russian. This feature of education is com
paratively new, since the figures show that the percentage is larger
among the lower than among the higher age periods. The age
period of ‘from 20 to 29 is the most characteristic among the males,
52.5 per cent being able to read Russian, while among the females
10 to 19 is the age period that shows the greatest proportion, 31.7 per
cent being able to read that language.
To appreciate these results achieved by the Jews of the Pale
within a very short time it is necessary to know something of the
educational system as it exists in Russia. A system of gratuitous
education supplied to all by the Government is an institution com
paratively new to Russia. High schools and universities were
established by the Government long before there were any schools
for the common people. The emancipation of the serfs in 1861
found the Russians an illiterate people. It was only after the Gov
ernment had established the so-called “ zem stvos” that an organ
ized effort was made to introduce schools in the rural districts, and
the granting of some measure of municipal self-government to the
cities gave the first impetus to the city schools. No such institu
tions were granted to the western Provinces o f the Pale, because the
foreign population was not trusted with such rights; therefore the
Jew in Russia has never enjoyed the benefits of a general gratuitous
governmental system of education.
W hile this may be considered a passive infringement of the Jew’s
opportunity for an elementary education, there have existed and
still exist many other restrictions o f a more direct kind. The limita
tions, by percentages, of Jewish students admitted to universities
and high schools have been pointed out in the section on professional
580
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
service. These restrictions exist even for private high schools, which
are subject to governmental supervision in the same degree as govern
mental institutions.
To provide for the education of the Jewish children, who are thus
almost debarred from the general schools, a few special Government
schools are established, but these schools depend upon a lim ited fund
and the number is very insufficient. The number of such schools at
the end of the last century was determined to be 183, with an average
of 113 pupils for each school. Two teachers' institutes for the prepa
ration of Jewish teachers were established, but one of them was subse
quently discontinued.
W ithout the benefits of a system of free education the Jews are
forced to depend upon their own resources. Private schools and
communal schools established and supported by charitable or other
organizations have been opened in many places, the number of such
schools with systematic courses being 637, so that the total number of
schools in Russia for the Jews is 820.
But the number of schools in itself does not give a proper con
ception of the lack of educational facilities; much depends upon the
size of the schools. The total number of pupils in these schools was
determined to be about 50,000, and if the inevitable omissions are
considered the number may be as great as 60,000; but if the number
of children of school age be estimated at one-seventh of the total
population (which is a very small proportion), it follows that out of
more than 700,000 children less than 10 per cent enjoy the privilege
of schooling in more or less organized schools, which, on the whole,
have a course of studies lower in grade than that of a grammar
school in the United States.
The Russian Jews owe their com paratively low degree of illiteracy
to the peculiar Jewish institution called the “ kheder," a denomi
national school the primary object of which is instruction in the
Bible and in Jewish religion and learning. In practice this takes the
form of instruction in the Hebrew language and in reading the Scrip
tures and the many commentaries. If the specific name of these
schools has come to be used in the Russian language, it is because of
the many peculiarities of their organization, which peculiarities have
been preserved from time immemorial.
The “ kheder" is a private school. The State interests itself little
in the organization of these “ kheders" beyond requiring that no per
son shall teach in them without a permit, and that he shall not teach
anything but Jewish subjects. Practically no requirements of an
educational nature are enforced. The profession of a “ melamed," as
a teacher in one of these “ kheders" is called, has therefore become the
refuge of men who have failed in other occupations. A “ m elam ed"
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
581
organizes the school, and upon his energy and facilities depends the
number of scholars that can be gathered into it.
An investigation conducted by the well-known Imperial Russian
Free Econom ic Society in 1894 determined the number of “ kheders”
at 14,740, with 202,000 pupils, or an average of 13.7 pupils per
“ kheder.” This gives an idea of the nature of the school. The
Jewish Colonization Society collated data from 507 localities, with a
Jewish population of 1,420,000, and found 7,145 “ kheders,” from
which data it estimates the total number of existing “ kheders” to
be 24,000. Taking the average number of pupils to each “ kheder” to
be 13.7, these 24,000 “ kheders” evidently contained about 329,000
pupils.
The investigation of the Russian Free Econom ic Society showed
that in 1894, out of a total of 201,964 pupils registered in the 14,740
“ kheders” reported, there were only 10,459 girls, or 5.2 per cent. It
seems, then, that almost all the boys of school age attend a “ kheder,”
while only a few girls do so. It is true that the religious element plays
some part in this unequal distribution of the educational advantages,
the church duties of the Jewish men being more important than those
of the women. For the same reason the old-fashioned Jew of the
Pale is readier to send his daughter than his son to a secular, Christian
school. As has been shown above, the facilities for giving the Jewish
child an education in the governmental schools are extremely limited,
and while the percentage of illiteracy among the Jewish women is
much higher than among the men, still the data in regard to the num
ber of girls attending schools do not show where the 45 per cent of
young Jewish women acquired an elementary education, and, what is
still more surprising, where 35 to 40 per cent of them acquired a
knowledge of Russian in addition to Yiddish.
The explanation lies probably in the peculiar zeal of the Jewish
people for some education, for there is scarcely another race or social
group which has succeeded in attaining such a high percentage of
literacy without a public school system. The women and girls use
every available means to learn to read and write. Private tutoring is
very popular in Russia, and because of the general low standard of
prosperity such tutoring has been made so inexpensive as to be within
the means of even poor families, the average Jewish fam ily being will
ing to sacrifice a great deal to obtain some education. Then, again, the
male members of the fam ily will share their education the best
way they know how with their sisters. The very widespread tend
ency of the educated minority to organize secret classes for the
instruction of adult working men and women in combination with
secret socialist and other propaganda must not be disregarded, although
no statistical accounting of the dimensions of this movement is possi
ble. Y et there is evidence in the tables of the existence of this belated
582
BULLETIN OF THE BUKEAU OF LABOR.
education. It will be noticed that for the total population of Russia
the age period of from 10 to 19 is the one that shows the highest per
centage of people able to read, while among the Jews it is, on the con
trary, the age period of from 20 to 29, and the difference between this
age period and the one immediately preceding is 2 per cent among the
females and as much as 11 per cent among the males. If the natural
progress of educational facilities be taken into additional considera
tion, it follows that the percentage of persons acquiring the ability to
read and write many years after the passing of the school period is
even greater than the percentages given above indicate. The same
tendency is noticed in the overcrowded night schools of New York City.
Still the “ kheder'' remains the most important educational insti
tution of the Jewish Pale. In the absence of other and better facili
ties the “ kheder'' has an important function to fulfill. It does not
follow that it does it in a satisfactory manner, the “ melamed” having
in the m ajority of cases neither the fitness nor the facilities for suc
cessful teaching. The methods are antiquated and the environments
indescribably bad. The facilities of the schoolroom may be imag
ined, or at least guessed at, if one remembers that the tuition fees
from 15 to 20 pupils are the only source of income of the “ melamed;”
and in view of the poverty of his clients these tuition fees can not
amount to much. Yet, while the income of the “ melamed” is
small, the expense of education is a heavy burden to a poor fam ily
with several children of school age. For a half-year term the average
tuition fees vary from 10 to 15 rubles ($5.15 to $7.73) for the younger
pupils, and from 12 to 25 rubles ($6.18 to $12.88) for the older and
more advanced pupils. The fees are usually higher in the large
cities and lower in the small settlements, the average being about 25
rubles ($12.88) a year in the former and 18 rubles ($9.27) a year in
the latter. Such fees scarcely provide the “ melamed” with an
income of 200 to 300 rubles ($103 to $154.50) a year, therefore the
hiring of special premises for school purposes is out of the question,
and the dwelling of the “ melamed” is at the same time the school.
Only in about 20 per cent of the schools investigated was a separate
room specially provided in the house of the teacher. In the remain
ing 80 per cent the schoolroom was the living room of the teacher's
fam ily, which was at the same time the sleeping room, the kitchen,
etc. The furnishings of a typical “ kheder” are limited to a long
table provided on both sides with plain wooden benches, so high that
the children's feet hang down without touching the floor, because the
teacher can not afford to provide the children of different ages with
benches of different heights. Usually there is not even a back to
lean on, and the children are forced to bend over the table through
the long school day. The air in this improvised schoolroom has
often been described as killing. During the winter months the
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA.
583
dearth of fuel necessitates keeping the windows closed, and the air
is vitiated not only by the overcrowding of the room with pupils but
also by the cooking of food.
All these objectionable features of the typical “ kheder” are accen
tuated by the excessively long hours, almost as excessive as were
the hours in the factory before the struggle of the Bund for a shorter
workday began. The antiquated methods of instruction, together
with the zeal of the parents that their son understand the intricacies
of Bible exegetics at the time when the American boy has scarcely
advanced beyond the second reader, encourage these long hours.
The school day begins at 9 a. m. and ends at 5, sometimes at 6 or
even at 8 p. m., so that the school day lasts anywhere from eight to
eleven hours. Only in the larger cities, especially of the South,
where the Jewish traditions are weakened and Jewish learning not
held in such esteem, does the school day sometimes fall to seven
hours. When the Jewish boy spends the entire day for many years,
and practically without any vacation, in this atmosphere in the
strenuous mental effort of disentangling the medieval intricacies of
the commentators of the Bible, there is little wonder that he leaves the
“ kheder” an anaemic, emaciated youth, with physical powers much
impaired.
The “ talm ud-thora” is a communal school, supported by the
Jewish community, in which an effort is made to do away with the
hygienic and educational imperfections of the “ kheder” system. The
Hebrew branches are given sufficient prominence to make the school
satisfactory to the orthodox, while at the same time are introduced
the Russian language and some general educational subjects. The
“ talm ud-thora” is gradually growing into a national school for the
Jews; but the number of these institutions is limited, because of
their general expensiveness.
An improvement of the school facilities for the Jews in Russia will
come only after the many restrictions are abolished and with sub
stantial assistance from the Government funds.
The facts detailed in the foregoing pages indicate how deeply the
lives of the Russian Jews have been influenced by the legal condi
tions under which they live. A study of these conditions and their
econom ic results seems to be doubly im portant for a clear under
standing of Russian Jewish immigration to this country; not only
because these conditions shape the physical, psychological, and eco
nom ic status of the immigrant, but also because they are of decisive
influence in determining the veiy dimensions of the current of immi
gration from Western Russia to the United States.
RECENT REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR STATISTICS.
CALIFORNIA.
Twelfth Biennial Report o f the Bureau o f Labor Statistics o f the State
o f Oaliforniafor the years 1905-1906. W . Y. Stafford, Commissioner.
244 pp.
The following are the subjects considered in this report: Social
statistics, 49 pages; Chinese and Japanese, 11 pages; condition of
farm labor, 10 pages; wage statistics, 84 pages; factory inspection,
8 pages; child labor, 3 pages; employment offices, 4 pages; strikes
and lockouts, 32 pages; rehabilitation of San Francisco, 7 pages;
welfare work, 1 page; labor laws and court decisions, 21 pages.
S o c i a l S t a t i s t i c s .— Criminal statistics (misdemeanors, felonies,
and juvenile crimes) and statistics of marriages and divorces for the
year ending June 30, 1906, are embraced in this presentation.
C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e .— This chapter comprises an investiga
tion into the condition of the Orientals in the State. The former
biennial report (1903-1904) of the Bureau led to the conclusion that on
October 1, 1904, there were upward of 20,000 Japanese and in the
neighborhood of 40,000 Chinese resident in the State. Since that
date, from the records of the steamship companies, exact figures
of arrivals and departures are obtainable. During the two years
ending September 30,1906, the net increase in arrivals over departures
of Japanese at the port of San Francisco was 13,658, while during
the same period the departures of Chinese from the same port ex
ceeded the arrivals by 7,748, thus showing a net decrease in the
Chinese population to that extent.
Excluding agricultural labor, tables are given showing for the
year 1906 wages per day, per week, and per month in various occu
pations of Chinese in San Francisco and Oakland and at points out
side of those cities; also, similar data for Japanese in different sections
of California.
In Fresno County and in the Pajaro and Yaca .valleys, devoted
extensively to fruit and vegetable growing, the Japanese have largely
displaced the white labor and to a great extent that of the Chinese.
More than half of the fruit orchards of Vaca Valley and adjoining
foothills are said to be in the hands of Japanese lessees or owners,
584
REPORTS OP STATE BUREAUS OP LABOR— CALIFORNIA.
585
and many of the vineyards about Fresno are leased or owned by
Japanese.
C o n d i t i o n o f F a r m L a b o r .— Under this title the social, sanitary,
and economic conditions surrounding white and oriental farm labor
in different sections of the State are set forth. In two tables (the
first for white male employees) are given, for the year 1906, the
wages paid per day and per month without and with board for both
permanent and temporary farm help, and (for oriental male employees)
the wages paid per day and per month without board for both per
manent and temporary farm help. The following summary statement
respecting wages is reproduced:
Taking the entire State, there is very little difference between the
amounts paid for temporary and for permanent employees, except
in harvest time, when the wages are greatly increased. The wages
can safely be put at $1.25 per day and $30 per month with board
for white help the State over, and $1.50 per day and $45 per month
for the same kind of help without board. Harvest hands must be
rated an exception. Oriental laborers command a rate of $1.25 per
day and $35 per month, always without* board.
W a g e S t a t i s t i c s .— Wages and hours of labor of employees in
railroad construction, on steam and electric railways, in stores and
factories, in gold mines, and in lumber woods and sawmills are
presented in this chapter. The tables give for each industry shown
occupations,‘ number of establishments and of employees, classified
daily hours of labor with number of employees in each class, and
classified wages per hour, day, week, or month with number of
employees in each class.
C h i l d L a b o r .— An act regulating the employment of children was
passed at the 1905 session of the State legislature. It provides that
no child under 14 years of age shall be employed except (1) during
the regular vacation of the public schools and (2) during the sickness
of the parent, on a certificate of the judge of the juvenile court allow
ing the exemption. It also provides that no minor under 18 years of
age shall be employed more than nine hours per day. All minors
between 14 and 16 years of age must be provided with age and school
ing certificates, which must be kept on file by the employer.
Since the enactment of the law Ghild labor in six important indus
trial lines, in different sections of the State, has been investigated,
viz, in stores, in canneries, in laundries, in can and glass factories, in
clothing and shoes, and in the iron trades. Canneries showed the
greatest percentage of child labor, many of the children, however,
being vacation employees. Laundries showed very little child labor;
and the iron trades employed m ostly boys between 16 and 18 years of
age when minor help was used, and many of these were apprentices.
E m p l o y m e n t A g e n c i e s .— The law relating to employment agen
cies makes it the duty of the State commissioner of labor to exercise
586
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
certain jurisdiction over these institutions. From the records of the
most important agencies throughout the State tables have been com
piled showing for the year 1906 the wages and occupations of persons
sent out at various times, and the number of persons who secured
employment at each occupation. Data from six Japanese employ
ment agencies in San Francisco are also given.
S t r i k e s a n d L o c k o u t s .— This chapter of the report relates to
statistics of the strikes, and lockouts occurring in California for the
five years ending December 31, 1905. The figures were furnished
from data collected by the United States Bureau of Labor for its
Twenty-first Annual Report.
R e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f S a n F r a n c is c o .— The work of the free em
ploym ent agency operated for the National Red Cross Society b y the
State labor bureau from May 2 to May 29, 1906, for the benefit of the
people thrown out of employment by the earthquake and fire of April
18, 19, and 20 preceding is recounted under this caption. A compara
tive table is also presented showing daily wages in selected occupa
tions in San Francisco building trades on June 10 and on August 20,
1906. During this period there was a general increase in wages of
from 15 to 20 per cent. In September an investigation of the change
in house rents since April was undertaken. Of 157 dwellings considered,
the increase in rents in the later month over the earlier averaged 27
per cent. Of cost of living it is stated: ^There seems to be little dif
ference in the cost of living in San Francisco, aside from house rent,
from that existing a year ago.”
W e l f a r e W o r k .— In the principal cities of the State provision is
made in many stores and factories for supplying meals at cost, rest
rooms for temporarily indisposed employees, facilities for educational
improvement, medical attendance and hospital privileges, sick bene
fits, etc.; and it is becom ing the general custom to allow pay during
the summer vacation to clerks and office staff in retail and wholesale
stores and in factories. A recent investigation showed from one to
two weeks’ vacation with pay to 198 employees in Stockton, 986 in
Oakland, and 3,134 in San Francisco. In addition, many firms pay
wages during sickness.
L a b o r L a w s a n d C o u r t D e c i s i o n s .— This chapter reproduces
the factory and workshop law of 1889 and the laws passed and
amended at the 1905 session of the State legislature, together with
decisions of the supreme court upholding the validity of the childlabor laws.
REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR---- INDIANA.
587
IN DIANA.
Eleventh Biennial Report o f the Bureau o f Statistics fo r 1905 and 1906.
Joseph H. Stubbs, Chief of Bureau. 780 pp.
The subjects presented in this report are as follow s: List o f Indiana
factories, 206 pages; list of domestic and foreign bureaus of labor
statistics, 3 pages; social statistics, 124 pages; economic statistics,
302 pages; industrial statistics, 65 pages; agricultural statistics, 54
pages.
L is t o f F a c t o r i e s .— A list of the factories in the State in 1905 is #
presented by counties, giving name of factory, town in which located,
and nature of product. Including those of every description, Indiana
had in 1905 a total of 8,207 factories.
I n d u s t r i a l S t a t i s t i c s .— The subjects considered in this division
of the report relate to manufactures, labor organizations, banks and
trust companies, steam railroads, electric railroads, coal mines, and
stone quarries.
M a n u f a c t u r e s .— Under this presentation are included only those
factories of the State which had in 1905 a product of $500 or upward.
The following is a summarized statement of the returns from the
factories for the year 1905:
Factories whose output was over $500.....................................................
7,912
Capital invested...................................................................................... $312,071,234
Salaried officers and clerks......................................................................
14, 862
Amount paid in salaries.......................................................................... $15,028, 789
Average number of wage-earners.............................................................
154,174
Amount paid in wages......................................... ............................... ..............
$72, 058, 099
Miscellaneous expenses........................................................................... $46,682, 513
Cost of materials...................................................................................... $220, 507,007
Value of products (including custom work and repairing)..................... $393, 954,405
The largest average number of wage-earners employed during any
one month of the year was in the month of September, the number
being 164,568— 136,446 males 16 years of age or over, 24,099 females
16 years of age or over, and 4,023 children under 16 years of age.
L a b o r O r g a n i z a t i o n s .— There were 10 international organiza
tions in 1905 with headquarters in Indiana, 3 of which were not affili
ated with the American Federation of Labor. In 1905 there were
1,280 local trade unions in the State, 1,278 of which.belonged to the
87 national and international organizations. The reported member
ship of these local unions was 72,504. Sick benefits were paid by 50
o f the 87 national and international organizations. The average
weekly sum for sick benefits locally was $4.43, and the total paid out
during the year was $32,780. Death benefits were paid by 71 of the
organizations. The average death benefit locally was $204.84, and
the total paid out during the year was $185,186.94. Strike benefits
588
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.
were paid b y 72 of the organizations. The average weekly sum for
strike benefits locally was $5.99, and the total paid out during the
year was $11,234.85. Traveling benefits were paid b y 22 of the
organizations, and the total paid out during the year locally was
$8,335.95. Out-of-work benefits were paid by 17 of the organiza
tions, and the total paid out during the year locally was $2,057.82.
In the different trades the average daily wages of journeymen were
$2.75 and of apprentices $1.67. The average length of apprentice
ship was 3 years and the ratio of apprentices to journeymen 1 to 8.
S t e a m R a i l r o a d s .— The operations of the steam railroads in Indi
a n a for the two years ending June 30, 1906, are reported under this
head, and show earnings and expenses, passenger and freight traffic,
employees and wages paid, and accidents. The following table
shows, for 1905 and 1906, number of employees in each occupation and
average wages per day and average earnings per year:
A V E R A G E W A G E S P E R D A Y A N D A V E R A G E E A R N IN G S P E R Y E A R O F R A I L R O A D
E M P L O Y E E S , 1905 A N D 1906.
1906.
1905.
Occupation.
S tation a gents.................................................
Other s ta tio n m e n ..........................................
E nginem en........................................................
Firem en.............................................................
C on d u ctors.......................................................
O ther train m en...............................................
M achinists.........................................................
C arpenters........................................................
Other shopm en................................................
Section forem en...............................................
Other trackm en...............................................
Switchm en, flagmen, and w atchm en..........
Telegraph operators and dispatchers........
E m ployees (floating eq u ip m en t)................
O ther em ployees and laborers.....................
N um ber
of em
ployees.
1,528
6,168
2,870
2,971
2,337
5,325
2,231
3,239
8,973
1,796
13,768
1,937
2,049
202
9,024
Average Average N um ber
yearly
o f em
daily
wages. earnings. ployees.
$1.95
1.42
4.10
2.36
3.37
2.33
2.60
2.16
1.90
1.84
1.36
1.50
1.91
1.66
1.90
$624.14
492.42
1,195.69
697.60
1,046.75
695.12
758.75
636.02
560.50
590.00
386.40
520.56
623.30
519.40
570.33
1,432
4,408
2,289
2,392
1,870
4,320
1,968
2,653
8,678
1,595
11,961
1,844
1,733
5*672
Average
daily
wages.
Average
yearly
earnings.
$1.91
1.62
4.14
2.40
3.45
2.39
2.62
2.10
1.92
1.80
1.43
1.60
1.94
(«)
1.78
$628.52
508.37
1,284.69
•709.69
1,084.93
714.57
794.08
642.07
591.22
584.13
378.93
512.81
619.92
?44.45
a N ot reported.
The falling off in the number of employees in 1906 as compared
with 1905 is accounted for b y the fact that only in the later year were
some of the larger companies, operating also in other States, able to
separate the returns in regard to their roads in Indiana from those of
the entire system.
As the result of accidents on steam railroads in the State for the
year ending June 30,1905,354 persons were killed (8 passengers, 112
employees, and 234 others) and 3,809 injured (221 passengers, 3,289
employees, and 299 others); for the year ending June 30, 1906, there
were 358 killed (5 passengers, 115 employees, and 238 others) and
4,316 injured (342 passengers, 3,531 employees, and 443 others).
E lectric R a i l r o a d s .— In 1906 there were 32 electric railroads in
operation in Indiana and 4 in process of construction. Statements
are presented showing earnings and expenses, passenger and freight
REPORTS OF STATE BUREAU'S OF LABOB---- INDIANA.
589
business, number of employees and wages paid, and number of acci
dents and amount paid in damages. Including officers and clerks,
the roads employed 3,337 persons in 1905 and 4,095 in 1906, to whom
were paid in salaries and wages $2,003,161 in 1905 and $2,524,475 in
1906. In 1906 the average daily wages o f motormen w ere.$1.88; of
conductors, $1.89, and of linemen, $2.26. As the result of accidents,
in 1905 there were 40 persons killed and 4,346 injured, and in 1906
there were 53 killed and 4,852 injured. In 1905 damages were paid
to the amount of $96,061 for accidents, and in 1906 to the amount of
$166,928.
C o a l M i n e s .— During the year ending December 31, 1905, there
were 202 coal mines in operation in the State. These mines were in
operation an average of 150 days and produced 10,996,170 tons of
coal. There were 18,811 workmen employed and 313 persons in
offices at the mines. The wages paid aggregated $9,387,210, o f which
$6,465,578 was paid to inside workmen. Salaries paid aggregated
$501,355.
S t o n e Q u a r r i e s .— There were 79 stone quarries in Indiana in 1906,
which were in operation an average of 222 days each. The quarries
gave employment to 3,686 workmen, who quarried 1,761,883 cubic
yards o f stone and to whom was paid $1,619,836 in wages. To 151
office employees was paid $210,491 in salaries.
NEW JEKSEY.
Twenty-eighth Annual Report o f the Bureau o f Statistics o f Labor and
Industries o f New Jersey, fo r the year ending October SI, 1905.
W . C. Garrison, Chief, iv, 429 pp.
This report consists of four parts, in which the following subjects
are presented: Statistics of manufactures, 121 pages; steam rail
roads, 12 pages; cost of living, 17 pages; fruit and vegetable can
ning, 8 pages; health conditions of the pottery industry, 21 pages;
wages and production in the glass industry, 12 pages; the eight-hour
movement, 23 pages; labor legislation and decisions o f courts, 17
pages; industrial chronology, 175 pages.
S t a t i s t i c s o f M a n u f a c t u r e s .— This presentation of the statis
tics of manufactures is based on returns for the year 1904, secured
from 1,756 industrial establishments, 1,698 representing 88 specified
industries and 58 grouped as unclassified. The facts are set out in
eleven tables, which show b y industries the number of establish
ments owned b y corporations and by partnerships and individuals,
amount of capital invested, value o f materials and o f products, num
ber of wage-earners and wages and earnings, number of salaried
employees and amount paid in salaries, days in operation and hours
worked per day and per week, and character o f power used.
590
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
The returns show that of the 1,756 establishments reporting, 1,001
were under the corporate form of ownership and management and
755 were owned and managed by partnerships and private indi
viduals. Capital invested showed an aggregate of $509,758,252,
value of materials or stock used of $341,074,722, and value of prod
ucts or goods made of $578,647,032. The total paid in wages
amounted to $98,104,992. There was an average of 208,526 wageearners employed during the year, 147,700 males 16 years of age
or over, 53,960 females 16 years of age or over, and 6,866 children
under 16 years of age. To 1,841 salaried officers was paid a total of
$6,315,139, and to 13,673 salaried employees (superintendents, man
agers, foremen, clerks, etc.) a total of $15,110,970. Under normal
conditions, the average number of hours worked per day for the
1,756 establishments was 9.78, and the average number of hours
worked per week 55.58. The average number of days in operation
during the year was 287.99.
The table following presents, by age and sex, the total number
and the per cent of wage-earners employed in 1904 in all industries
(1,756 establishments) at the specified weekly rates of wages:
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F W A G E -E A R N E R S O F E A C H A G E A N D S E X IN A L L IN D U S
T R IE S (1,756 E S T A B L IS H M E N T S ), B Y C L A S S IF IE D W E E K L Y R A T E S O F W A G E S , 1904.
Num ber.
Classified weekly
wages.
Per cent.
Males 16 Females Children
years of 16 years
under
age or
of age or 16 years
over.
over.
of age.
T otal.
Males 16 Females Children
years of 16 years
under
age or
o f age or 16 years
over.
over.
o f age.
U nder 13......................
$3 or under 14.............
$4 or under $5.............
15 or under $6.............
|6 or under $7.............
$7 o r under |8.............
18 o r under $9.............
$9 o r under $10...........
$10 or under $12.........
$12 or under $15.........
$15 or under $20.........
$20 or under $25.........
$25 or o v e r ..................
1,985
3,234
5,595
6,037
8,614
12,406
14,300
23,041
25,512
26,522
26,814
7,051
4,171
3,489
5,548
10,076
10,786
9,045
6,271
4,334
3,018
2,307
1,321
332
18
2
1,698
3,490
1,538
448
185
18
12
7.172
12,272
17,209
17,271
17,844
18,695
18,646
26,059
27,819
27,843
27,146
7,069
4.173
1.2
2.0
3.4
3.7
5.2
7.5
8.6
13.9
15.4
16.0
16.2
4.4
2.5
T o t a l.................
165,282
56,547-
7,389
229,218
100.0
a Less than 0.05 p er cent.
6.2
9.8
17.8
19.1
16.0
11.1
7.7
5.3
4.1
2.3
.6
23.0
47.2
20.8
6.1
2.4
.3
.2
3.1
5.4
7.5
7.5
7.8
8.2
8.1
11.4
12.1
12.1
11.8
3.1
1.9
100.0
100.0
8
100.0
T otal.
REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR---- NEW JERSEY.
591
The following comparative table shows for selected industries, for
the years 1903 and 1904, the average number of persons employed per
establishment and the average yearly earnings per employee:
A V E R A G E E M P L O Y E E S P E R E S T A B L IS H M E N T A N D A V E R A G E Y E A R L Y E A R N IN G S
P E R E M P L O Y E E , 1903 A N D 1904.
Establishm ents.
Industries.
1903.
1904.
Average em ployees pei • establisnn]Lent.
1903.
1904.
Averagib yearly
earnings per
em ployee.
1903.
1904.
Artisans’ t o o l s ................................................
Boilers, s t e a m ................................................
B rew ery p r o d u c t s .........................................
B rick and terra c o t t a . .................................
Chemical p r o d u c ts .........................................
Cigars a n a to b a c c o .........................................
D raw n wire and wire clo th ...........................
Electrical appliances.......................................
Furnaces, ranges, and heaters.....................
Glass, w indow and b o tt le ............................
H ats, m en’ s ......................................................
Jew elry...............................................................
Leather, tanning and finishing...................
L am ps, electric and oth er............................
M a ch in ery ........................................................
Metal g o o d s .....................................................
O ils......................................................................
P aper ................................................................
P o tte r y ..............................................................
R ubber products, hard and s o ft .................
Shipbuilding.....................................................
Silk, broa d and rib b o n ...................................
Smelting and refining precious m etals___
Steel and iron, structural.............................
Steel and iron, forg in g...................................
W oolen and w orsted g o o d s ..........................
35
13
32
58
42
31
6
25
15
22
45
79
62
8
95
61
12
33
34
33
10
123
9
19
12
26
34
13
32
55
42
34
7
24
13
21
43
77
59
7
93
59
11
30
37
34
9
113
10
21
13
26
56
135
62
91
131
224
787
221
107
280
146
37
89
340
177
91
280
60
116
157
381
183
260
176
245
323
52
155
61
101
128
189
604
115
124
263
109
35
83
410
157
88
348
59
102
132
328
191
276
144
198
318
1563.92
565.66
872.12
446.03
487.51
319.47
571.98
497.61
617.63
501.05
491.62
598.91
499.54
405.88
603.98
434.81
598.34
484.78
611.41
468.12
638.11
395.69
525.79
530.71
591.11
349.26
$555.46
611.53
861.09
411.54
487.47
300.44
454.45
472.03
691.32
528.23
529.73
621.75
571.80
348.16
610.18
426.43
672.13
505.16
602.32
491.45
617.59
392.42
545.25
537.96
583.06
332.55
T w enty-six industries.........................
Other in d u s trie s ............................................
940
871
917
839
148
102
139
96
494.41
436.25
492.46
436.20
All industries.........................................
1,811
1,756
126
119
471.81
470.47
S t e a m R a i l r o a d s .— For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1905, the
7 railroads in the State employed 37,953 persons for an average of 296
days per person, each working an average of 10.4 hours per day. The
total paid in wages amounted to $23,168,811, the average wages per
day being $2.06 and the average yearly earnings per employee $610.46.
Four of the companies reported the number of employees injured
during the year as 1,323. The injuries of 60 resulted in death.
C o s t o f L i v i n g .— This is a continuation of the presentation of
previous years, and shows the retail prices of 50 items of food and
other commodities in the principal markets in all counties of the
State in the month of June, 1905. Comparisons with retail prices in
1904 and in 1898 (the year the investigation was begun) are also
given. Taken together, the prices of the commodities in 1905 as
compared with the prices in 1898 showed an increase of 16.8 per cent,
or an average increase from year to year of 2.4 per cent.
F r u i t a n d V e g e t a b l e C a n n i n g .— In 1904 there were 35 can
neries from which returns were received. Invested capital to the
amount of $754,671 and wages paid to the amount of $342,305 were
16251—08-----13
592
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
reported by 33. The 35 canneries gave employment to 4,898 wageearners— 2,092 males and 2,806 females. The selling value of the
product amounted to $1,703,389.
T h e P o t t e r y I n d u s t r y .— A canvass of the potteries in the city of
Trenton was made by the Bureau of Labor in 1904 for the purpose of
gaining, as nearly as possible, an exact knowledge of the health con
ditions prevalent in the industry. Returns were received from 33
potteries, which employed at the time of making the canvass an
aggregate of 3,751 work people, about 675 of whom were females.
The results of the inquiry showed that the conditions peculiar to the
industry, which produced diseases in former years, had, to a fairly
large extent, passed away as a result of improved factory buildings
and the adoption in many old potteries of the latest methods of san
itation and ventilation; yet much remains to be done if the trade is
made absolutely healthful. Physicians whose practice lies largely
among potteries and who were consulted on the subject of diseases
peculiar to the potter’s trade stated that there has been a pronounced
decline during recent years in potter’s tuberculosis, asthma, lead
colic, and other forms of illness. W ith regard to accidents in the
potteries where all m odem safeguards have been adopted, the only
dangerous work now is said to be about the kilns, and the risks con
nected with them are slight. Dust, once a prolific cause of asthma
and consumption, has, to a large extent, ceased to be so, all sweeping
and cleaning up being done at night. During recent years the social
condition of the potters has steadily improved.
T h e G l a s s I n d u s t r y .— This is a review of the changes in wages
and in methods of production in the glass industry of the State
from 1875 to 1905. The information was obtained from men who
had followed the trade as blowers during the thirty-year period, or
for an even greater length of time, and who were thoroughly familiar
with every new feature introduced into the process of manufacture
during that time, and also from the records of the largest and oldest
glass-making plants. But the main purpose of the inquiry was to
ascertain the trend of glass blowers’ wages during the period of time
under review, improvements in process of manufacture being noticed
only in so far as they may have affected the question of wages. It was
found impossible to obtain wage data for each year of the period
separately, but average earnings covering various periods were deter
mined with approximate correctness. Up to 1879 the average
earnings of blowers appears to have been $3.83 per day; from 1879
to 1890 the average was about $4.83 per day; from 1890 to 1905 the
average has been about $5 per day.
T h e E ig h t - h o u r M o v e m e n t .— This part of the report reviews
the investigation made by the Federal Government, during the
REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR---- NEW JERSEY.
593
Fifty-eighth Congress, concerning the relation of the shorter work
day to cost of production, preparatory to the consideration of House
bill, No. 4064, “ limiting the hours of daily service of laborers and
mechanics employed upon work done for the United States, or for
any Territory, or for the District of Columbia.”
L a b o r L e g i s l a t i o n a n d D e c i s io n s o f C o u r t s .— This presenta
tion consists of a reproduction of the labor laws enacted at the 1905
session of the State legislature and extracts from recent (1904-5)
decisions of the New Jersey courts on cases affecting the interests of
labor.
I n d u s t r i a l C h r o n o l o g y .— This industrial record is for the year
ending September 30,1905. The record presents, by date and locality,
accounts of accidents to workmen, changes in hours of labor, closing
of factories (partial or total), damage to manufacturing plants by
fire or flood, enlargement of manufacturing plants, establishment of
new manufacturing plants, incorporation of new industries, increases
and reductions in wages, industrial plants that have left the State
and that have m oved into the State from elsewhere, organization of
new labor unions, litigation in connection with manufacturing plants,
strikes and lockouts, and wage-scale and working-hour demands of
labor unions.
OREGON.
Second Biennial Report o f the Bureau o f Labor Statistics o f the State o f
Oregon, 1905-6. O. P. H off, Commissioner. 229 pp.
The present report, the second biennial issued by the bureau, pre
sents a variety of subjects pertaining directly and indirectly to labor
and industrial conditions.
L a b o r L a w s a n d D e c i s io n s o f C o u r t s .— This section of the
report consists, principally, of a reproduction of the laws of the State
relating to labor, and two decisions of the supreme court in 1906
sustaining the validity of the ten-hour law for females and the childlabor law.
L a b o r O r g a n i z a t i o n s .— Reports were received from 96 unions,
having a total membership of 9,252, giving date of organization,
membership of each union, membership fees, m onthly dues, strike,
sick, and funeral benefits, wages and hours of labor, regulations
governing apprenticeship, number of members idle, etc.
S t r i k e s a n d L o c k o u t s .— Brief accounts are given of 9 strikes
and 1 lockout which occurred in the State during the twelve months
ending September 30, 1906.
I n d u s t r i e s .— Reports from various manufacturing, agricultural,
transportation, and other industries of the State present capital and
output, wages and hours of labor, number of employees, and miscel
594
BULLETIN OF THE- BUKEAU OF LABOB.
laneous data. In the woolen mills of the State the following average
daily wages were paid in the different occupations:
Foremen......................................
Sorters and pullers (male).'—
Dry-house m en ..........................
Pickers.........................................
Carders.........................................
Spinners (m ale).........................
Spinners (fem ale)......................
Spoolers and dressers (m ale)..
Spoolers and dressers (female)
Weavers (m ale)..........................
Weavers (fem ale).......................
Finishers, wet (m ale)...............
Finishers, dry (m ale).............. .
Finishers, dry (fem ale)............
Engineers and firemen.............
Watchmen...................................
Workers not classified (male)..
$3.00
1.81
1.21
1. 52
1. 30
1.92
1.59
1.54
1. 27
2.09
1.42
1.59
1. 55
1.25
1. 96
2.49
1.48
M i s c e l l a n e o u s .— Other subjects given consideration in the report
are domestic help; education; accidents in factories, sawmills, and at
logging; Chinese and Japanese; for each county of the State an
account of its physical aspects, products, resources, transportation
facilities, wages paid farm, ranch, and other labor, and various
additional items of general inform ation; and for each incorporated
city and town its population, elevation, principal industries, trans
portation facilities, value of public buildings, cost of light and water
service to consumers, cost of police and fire service, wages paid day
labor, etc.
UTAH.
Reports o f the Bureau o f Statistics o f the State o f Utah fo r the years
1901 to 1906. Charles De Moisey, Commissioner (1901 to 1904);
Fred W . Price, Commissioner (1905 and 1906). 6 vols.; 527 pp.
The law creating the Utah bureau of statistics became effective
May 13, 1901, the duties of the bureau as set forth in the act being
to collect, assort, systematize, and present in annual reports sta
tistical details relating to agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and
other industries of the State. The first report of the bureau (for the
year 1901) was presented to the governor of the State on January
10, 1902.
Returns relating to statistics of agiiculture show that for the fiveyear period 1901 to 1905 monthly wages, including board, of farm
hands were as follow s: In 1901 farm hands received an average wage
of $29.25 per month, in 1902 an average wage of $29.78 per month,
in 1903 an average wage of $30.01 per month, in 1904 an average wage
of $31.10 per month, and in 1905 an average wage o f $31.07 per
REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR---- UTAH.
595
month. The average weekly wages, including board, of women
employed in farmers’ families were $2.48 per week in 1901, $2.64 per
week in 1902, $2.88 per week in 1903, $3.08 per week in 1904, and
$3.21 per week in 1905.
In 1903 there were 171 coal mines operated in the State, which
produced 1,762,178 tons of coal, giving employment to 2,182 work
men, to whom were paid wages to the amount of $1,538,390. In
1904 there were 160 mines operated, which produced 1,563,274 tons
of coal, giving employment to 2,215 workmen. In 1905 there were
151 mines operated, which produced 1,600,528 tons of coal, giving
employment to 2,092 workmen. The average daily wages of miners
in 1905 were $3.58; of inside laborers, $2.75; of outside laborers, $2.56.
The amount and value of gold, silver, lead, and copper produced
in the State from 1877 to 1905 are also shown.
Statistics relating to the mercantile institutions of the State are
presented for the years 1902 to 1905. They are presented by coun
ties and also by kind of business for the four principal counties and
the two principal cities. The number of establishments reporting,
kind of ownership, capital invested, volume of business (wholesale
and retail), percentage of sales inside and of sales outside the State,
number of employees, total and average weekly wages, and daily
hours of labor are shown. The table following summarizes the prin
cipal statistics:
S T A T IS T IC S O F M E R C A N T IL E IN S T IT U T IO N S , 1902 T O 1905.
Item s.
1902.
2,392
N um ber o f establishm ents rep ortin g........................
Capital in v ested .............................................................. $19,972,606
Value of wholesale business......................................... $24,647,927
V alue o f retail business................................................. $39,041,771
N um ber o f adult male em ployees...............................
5,635
N um ber o f adult fem ale em ployees............................
1,428
N um ber of children under 16 yea rs............................
302
Average w eekly wages o f adult m ales.......................
$15.28
Average weekly wages of adult fem ales....................
$7.26
Average weekly wages of children under 16 y e a rs ..
$3.76
Average hours of la bor per d a y ..................................
9.8
1903.
1904.
2,488
$20,748,334
$26,126,355
$41,870,539
5,692
1,433
360
$15.17
$7.32
$3.08
9.8
2,552
$22,740,481
$30,000,005
$51,673,184
7,369
1,916
317
$16.56
$6.95
$3.90
10.3
1905.
2,641
$26,519,998
$34,938,735
$60,166,883
7,697
1,998
327
$16.97
$7.08
$4.71
10.0
Returns from the various manufacturing industries o f the State
are given, showing number o f establishments reporting, capital
invested, value of materials and products, number of employees,
total wages paid, days in operation, daily hours o f labor, percentage
o f product sold within the State, percentage of product sold without
the State, etc. The table following presents for the year 1905 sta
tistics relating to establishments, capital, product, employees, wages,
and time.
596
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
S T A T IS T IC S O F M A N U F A C T U R E S , 1905.
In d u stry.
A erated w a ters..........................
B rew eries.....................................
Canneries.....................................
C igars............................................
Clay p ro d u c ts .............................
Creameries and cheese facto
rie s..............................................
F lour and grist m ills................
M etal p rod u cts ...........................
W oolen and knittin g m ills___
M iscellaneous..............................
Capital
invested.
6
5
20
21
22
$110,025
989,820
866,703
151,427
1,289,323
$250,377
731,327
386,206
415,212
1,337,553
56
168
1,081
242
524
(«)
$147,906
40,083
143,038
266,515
304
313
38
266
.224
9
8.5
9
8
9
30
67
34
13
29
527,460
1,266,913
337,489
823,612
10,479,807
1,296,901
1,647,966
985,017
640,909
3,893,411
284
226
342
508
1,421
160,284
131,657
259,636
193,543
915,624
365
246
290
(°)
8.7
10
8
10
9
Value of
product.
Num ber
of em
ployees.
Average
num ber Average
daily
o f days
in opera hours of
labor.
tion.
E stab
lish
m ents.
T otal
wages
paid.
a N ot rep orted .
For the year ending June 30, 1906, there was employed in the
public schools of the State a total o f 1,892 teachers— 567 males and
1,325 females. Exclusive of those employed in the five principal
cities, the average m onthly salary of teachers was $69.17 for males
and $48.50 for females. In Salt Lake City the average monthlysalary of male teachers was $122 and o f female teachers $66.01; in
Ogden the average m onthly salary was $89.41 for males and $47.96
for females.
RECENT FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS.
BELGIUM.
Monographies Industrielles. (Aperpu Economique, TecTmologique et
Commercial.) X I V . Industries du Papier. Fabrication et Mise en
Oeuvre du Papier et du Carton. Minister© de PIndustrie et du Tra
vail, Office du Travail et Inspection de Plndustrie. 1906. 199 pp.
This volume is one of a series of monographs being prepared b y the
Belgian labor office on conditions existing in selected industries or
groups of industries, considered from the economic, technical, and
commercial standpoints. The present work relates to the paper
industry, the first part relating to the conversion of the raw materials
into paper and pasteboard and the second part to the working up of
the same into finished products.
An introductory chapter is devoted to a statistical account of the
industry, based on the industrial census of 1896 and showing the num
ber of establishments, employees, hours of labor, and other facts rela
tive to the different branches of paper manufacture in Belgium at that
period.
The first part of the report describes the materials used, the various
mechanical processes employed, and the different classes of finished
products and contains a statement of the total production, exports,
imports, and market value of paper and pasteboard during certain
years, and a directory of establishments.
The second part of the report devotes a chapter to each of the follow
ing classes of paper products: Coated or saturated paper and paste
board, paper and pasteboard ornamented in colors, writing paper and
paper for cigarettes, paper and pasteboard for packing purposes, card
board and articles made of paper, and fancy articles of paper. The
description of each class of products is accompanied b y an account of
the materials used, the methods employed in manufacture, and the
commercial value and destination of, the output. A directory of man
ufacturing establishments is also given for each class of products.
The volume contains numerous illustrations.
597
598
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
GERMANY.
D ie Regelung der Notstandsarbeiten in deutschen Stadten. Bearbeitet
im Kaiserlichen Statistischen Amt, Abteilung fu r Arbeiterstatistik.
Berlin, 1905. viii, 181 pp.
The purpose of this study, made b y the Imperial statistical office, is
to show the methods used at the present time b y the principal German
cities which have instituted relief or emergency work for the purpose
of alleviating distress caused b y inability to secure employment. On
January 15,1903, schedules were sent to 57 cities, containing inquiries
as to the kinds of work selected for the unemployed, the conditions
imposed on those accepting such work, the hours of labor, the wages
paid, the wage system used, and the relative cost of work when carried
on b y the usual methods, as compared with the cost of the same work
when done with the object of providing a means of livelihood for per
sons unable to secure employment. The information presented in the
report is compiled from the data contained in the replies to these
schedules of inquiries.
D e f i n i t i o n o f R e l i e f W o r k .— The term “ relief w ork” (Notstandsarbeit) as used in this report is defined as meaning special work
undertaken b y the public authorities for the purpose of providing a
source of income for able-bodied persons unable to secure employ
ment in the usual channels. The inauguration of relief work assumes
that a condition of unemployment exists which is unusual as regards
(1) the number of persons out of work, (2) the length of time it has
continued, and (3) its general character.
P e r s o n s A i d e d .— Relief work in this sense is never instituted to
provide for persons whose distress was caused b y (1) strikes or lock
outs or (2) the overcrowding of certain occupations or industries.
Assistance in such cases must come from the regular charity depart
ments of the municipalities. In some of the cities investigated per
sons accepting aid from the regular charity departments were not
permitted to be assisted by the relief works. However, in most of
the cities reporting, a close relation exists between the administra
tion of the relief work and the municipal charity department.. In
particular, the investigation of the record of the applicant for work
is generally done by the latter.
G e n e r a l R e g u l a t i o n s .— It was found that 9 of the 57 cities
investigated have issued general regulations directing that relief work
shall always be instituted whenever certain conditions exist, and
specifying the methods which shall be followed in the administration
of the work. This systematic treatment of the subject is regarded
by the writer of the report as an indication of the tendency to make
relief work a permanent feature of municipal administration.
FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS---- GERMANY.
599
C l a s s o f W o b k P r o v i d e d .— The kinds of work which the munic
ipal authorities are able to offer the unemployed are naturally limited
in variety. The investigation showed that the operations under
taken were “ earthwork” (i. e., street construction, sewer construc
tion, etc.), street cleaning, snow removal, demolition of old buildings,
planting trees in the municipal forest reserves, chopping wood, and
breaking stone. Those given employment on the relief worksv there
fore, must do unskilled laborers’ work; but an effort was made to
avoid assigning men to any work which might diminish their tech
nical skill or injure their health. Most of the work which the munic
ipal authorities are able to offer has the disadvantage of being
difficult to execute in the winter season. The cleaning of streets
and the removal of snow do not belong to this class, of course, and
are consequently viewed with especial favor in some cities.
R e s t r ic t io n s a s t o t h e P e r s o n s A i d e d .— Though not always
specified in the printed regulations, it is clearly understood that the
relief work is provided only for those willing and able to work but
unable to secure employment. Distress arising from a strike or
lockout, leaving a position voluntarily, refusing an offer of employ
ment, and inability to prove that he was regularly employed during
the preceding summer are some of the causes which prevent an appli
cant from being granted employment on relief work. The problem
of aiding workers of the seasonal industries, such as the building
trades, is solved in various ways, but in the cities investigated there
was a tendency to exclude such persons unless special circumstances
accompanied the case. Another restriction in many 6f the cities
excluded persons who are not married or who have no one dependent
on them for support.
T i m e L im it s o n t h e R e l i e f W o r k .— Practically all the cities
limited such operations to the winter months. In the m ajority of
the cities the work began on or shortly before the 1st of December
and continued for periods varying from eight to twenty-six weeks.
O r g a n i z a t i o n .— Complete information on this phase of the sub
ject was not secured, but it may be said that the work is usually
administered by the officials of the city government rather than by
special commissions. In 10 of the cities reporting the municipal
charity departments were in charge of the work, while in 4 cities the
municipal employment agencies performed that office. In 2 cities
the management of the work was placed in the hands of contractors.
Frankfort-on-the-Main was the only city reporting which appointed
a special commission to administer the relief work.
W a g e s .— It is evident that the compensation paid to the worker
must be fixed at such a rate that he can earn an amount sufficient
to support himself and his dependents, as otherwise the charity
department would have to supply the deficiency. On the other hand,
600
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
it should not be possible for a laborer to earn an amount large enough
to discourage him from seeking employment in the regular business
establishments. For this reason maximum wage rates were usually
established and generally at an amount somewhat less than the
market rates for casual or unskilled labor. In Frankfort-on-theMain, for instance, the rate per hour for a man without dependents
was 20 pfennigs (5 cents), while for those with dependents it was 25
pfennigs (6 cents). The usual practice was to pay time rates for
practically all the work except stone breaking, for which piece rates
were paid.
In addition to the compensation just mentioned some of the cities
paid the whole cost of insurance under the national workmen's insur
ance system, provided a hot midday meal or hot coffee, loaned tools
and implements, etc.
H o u r s o f L a b o r .— In the cities investigated the daily working time,
not including the meal or rest periods, averaged eight and one-half
Hours. As most of the work was done out of doors the length of the
working day was largely dependent upon the period of daylight.
C o m p a r a t i v e C o s t o f R e l i e f W o r k . — Of the 44 cities which made
replies regarding the cost of work when done under the usual condi
tions, as compared with the cost of the same work when done to pro
vide means of earning wages for the unemployed, b y far the greater
number replied that the cost was higher in the second case. For
instance, it is estimated in the report that the increased cost of the
class of work termed “ earthwork” was 29 per cent, while for stone
breaking the increase was 34 per cent. Two facts— first, that those
employed on the work are usually without experience, and second, that
the season of the year when the work is done is the least favorable for
such work— readily account for most of the increased cost.
C o n c l u s i o n . — As far as the cities investigated are concerned the con
clusion is drawn that with the possible exception of a few cities, the
use of relief or emergency work as a means of alleviating distress
caused by unemployment was still in an experimental stage. The
advantage of postponing great municipal improvements until times of
industrial depression in order to -provide employment is emphasized,
and the benefit of planning to have as much as possible of the ordinary
municipal work done at times when a high rate of unemployment pre
vails is also pointed out. Such a policy consistently carried out
would ordinarily obviate the necessity of establishing relief work and
would be less likely to impose an extra burden on the taxpayers.
FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS---- GREAT BRITAIN.
601
GREAT BRITAIN .
Third Abstract o f Foreign Labor Statistics. 1906. xxxiv, 343 pp.
(Published by the Labor Department of the British Board of Trade.)
This abstract is the third of a series intended to be supplementary to
the Statistical Abstract for the Principal and Other Foreign Countries,
and also to the Annual Abstract* of Labor Statistics of the United
Kingdom.
The subjects dealt with are: Wages and hours of labor; trade
unions; trade disputes; conciliation and arbitration; workmen's insur
ance, and cooperation. The latest available reports have been utilized
in the preparation of the tables given, and, as far as practicable, the
tables appearing in former abstracts, which related to a series of years,
have been reviewed and brought to date. The source from which the
abstract has been compiled is usually stated in connection with the
tables presented. Altogether statistics on one or more of the subjects
dealt with are given for twelve principal European countries, the
United States, and Japan. France and Germany are the only coun
tries for which statistics are given on each of the six subjects.
A large number of new tables relating to the eleven countries
embraced in previous reports and a new section relative to horns of
labor have been added, and several sections have been enlarged by the
addition of tables relating to countries not embraced in the previous
numbers. The section devoted to cooperation has been considerably
extended.
Comparative tables, especially those relating to the building trades,
blacksmiths, pattern makers, etc., are shown, giving the rates of wages
per hour and week and hours per day and week in the different coun
tries. The rates of wages are reported in all the tables in English
money, and the rates of conversion used are given in Appendix I. As
far as possible the figures have been arranged on fines adopted in the
reports relating to labor statistics of the United Kingdom.
Appendix II gives a fist of tables which appeared in the first and
second abstracts, but which have been superseded in this volume by
later reports.
Fifth Report o f Proceedings under the Conciliation (:Trade Disputes)
Act, 1896. (Published by the British Board of Trade.) 1905.
81 pp.
This is a report of the proceedings under the Conciliation A ct, 1896,
and covers a period of two years, from July 1, 1903, to June 30, 1905.
During the period 27 cases were presented for settlement. In 23 of
these cases the application for arbitration or conciliation was made
by both parties to the dispute, in 2 by workmen, in 1 by an employer,
602
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
and in 1 by arbitrators who had failed to agree. Of the disputes
leading to these applications, 12 were in the building trades, 7 in the
metal, engineering, and shipbuilding trades, and 8 in various other
groups of trades. There were 23 cases settled under the act, 1 was
pending at the date of the report, on 1 the action taken did not
directly lead to a settlement, and on 2 applications action was refused.
The total number of applications for arbitration or conciliation
reported since the act went into operation (August 18,1896) was 181.
Of this number 68 were in the building trades, 38 in the metal, engi
neering, and shipbuilding trades, 23 in the mining and quarrying
trades, 16 in transport trades, 8 in textile trades, 8 in clothing
trades, and 20 in various other trades. Of the 181 applications made
122 were settled under the act, 14 cases were settled by the parties in
dispute while the negotiations by the board were pending, in 44 cases
action was either declined by the board of trade or no direct settle
ment resulted from their intervention. Settlement was effected in
85 cases by arbitration, and in 37 by conciliation, in 23 of which the
settlement was arranged by officials of the department.
During the period covered by the fifth report 20 cases were settled
by arbitration and 3 by conciliation. In 11 cases work was stopped,
and in 16 there was no cessation of work. As regards the number of
persons affected, the dispute in the tin-plate industry was the most
important. On account of this dispute 41 works, comprising about
250 mills, were closed on August 29, 1903, and 14,000 employees were
thrown out of w ork; an award was made January 27, 1904. Other
im portant disputes settled were: That of the cigar makers, mainly in
London, in which 800 persons stopped work for over two months;
that of the quarrymen in Leicestershire, involving 400 employees and
a cessation of work for seven weeks; that of the plasterers at Brad
ford, affecting 200 men, where work ceased on January 1, 1903, and
where a settlement was'effected in November of the same year, and the
dispute at Sunderland, where 350 house joiners ceased work for more
than three months.
It is known that 48 agreements between employers and employees
contain a clause intended to prevent deadlocks, providing that “ in the
event of the board or other conciliatory agency failing to effect a set
tlement, application shall be made to the Board of Trade for the
appointment of an arbitrator or conciliator.”
Appendixes give tabular summary and detailed statement of each
case presented to the board during the period covered by this report;
text of awards and agreements made under the Conciliation A ct dur
ing the same period; rules of conciliation boards and other agreements
containing clauses which provide for reference of disputes to the
Board of Trade, failing their settlements by other agencies, and a
reproduction of the text of the Conciliation A ct, 1896.
FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS---- GREAT BRITAIN.
603
Directory o f Industrial Associations in the United Kingdom in 1905.
210 pp. (Published by the Labor Department of the British Board
of Trade.)
This is the fourth report of its kind issued b y the labor and statis
tical department. It contains a list of employers’ associations, trade
unions, councils, federations, and other organizations of w orkpeople;
conciliation and arbitration boards; cooperative, distributive, pro
ductive, and agricultural societies; friendly societies, and cooperative
banks for the Kingdom.
The list embraces 984 employers’ associations, 1,147 trade unions,
232 trade councils, 93 federations of trade unions, 6 federations of
trade councils, 3 parliamentary committees of trade union congresses,
169 conciliation and arbitration boards, 3 free labor associations,
2,671 workmen’s cooperative societies, and 347 of the more important
friendly societies. The names and addresses of the secretaries of all
employers’ associations, trade unions, and other labor organizations,
so far as known, and of friendly societies are given, as are also the
addresses of distributive, productive, and cooperative societies, and
of cooperative banks and centralized societies.
Health o f Cornish Miners, Report to the Secretary of State for the
Home Department. 1904. I l l pp.
This volume presents the results of an investigation, made in the
years 1902 and 1903, into the conditions of health and employment
among the miners in Cornwall. The mines there are entirely metal
liferous, b y far the most important mineral now extracted being tin
ore. The present workings are m ostly at a depth of between 2,000
and 3,000 feet. Almost no artificial ventilation is in use, soT
called
natural means being generally relied upon. The use of compressed
air in the operation of rock drills is estimated to have an appreciable
advantageous effect on the conditions of the air so far as the presence
of carbon dioxide is concerned, and in regard to the presence of this
gas the atmospheric conditions were found to compare favorably with
those in iron and coal mines, where much more attention is paid to
ventilation. The investigation showed, however, that the death rate
among Cornish miners was considerably greater than among coal and
iron miners; and, further, that whereas up to 1890-1892 the excess had
been marked only among miners above the age of about 40 years,
there was a great increase noted in 1900-1902 between the ages of 25
and 50.
Of the 6,059 work people returned as mine employees in Cornwall
in 1901, 4,102 are employed in the Redruth district. Special inquiries
were made relative to these in the course of this investigation, and the
604
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
following table summarizes the data obtained as to the deaths occur
ring during the three-year period 1900-1902:
A N N U A L D E A T H R A T E P E R 1,000 M IN E R S A N D M IN E L A B O R E R S I N R E D R U T H D IS
T R IC T , C O R N W A L L , 1900-1902.
Death rate per 1,000 in each age group.
Causes o f death.
15-20.
20-25.
25-35.
35-45.
45-55.
55-65.
L ung diseases.........................................................
O ther causes...........................................................
0.4
0.8
12.3
4.4
18.6
2.1
33.8
4.8
35.5
11.5
44.4
20.4
65.6
41.9
T o ta l death ra te .........................................
1.2
6.7
20.7
38.6
47.0
64.8
107.5
65-75.
For purposes of comparison the following table is added, show
ing the annual death rate per 1,000 male work people in England and
Wales for the three-year period 1890-1892.
A N N U A L D E A T H R A T E P E R 1,000 E M P L O Y E D M A L E S I N E N G L A N D A N D W A L E S , 18901892.
Death rate per 1,000 in each age group.
Causes o f death.
15-20.
20-25.
25-35.
35-45.
45-55.
L un g diseases........................................................................
O ther causes,.........................................................................
1.0
1.6
2.6
2.5
3.7
3.6
5.9
6.5
8.5
12.2
13.0
23.7
T o ta l death r a t e .......................................................
2.6
5.1
7.3
12.4
20.7
36.7
55-65.
A comparison of the above tables shows the excessive death rate
among the Cornish miners. The following table shows the number
o f deaths of miners in the Redruth district, 1900-1902; those miners
who had at any time worked machine drills and those who had not
being separately classified:
D E A T H S O F M IN E R S W H O H A D W O R K E D M A C H IN E D R IL L S , A N D O F O T H E R U N D E R * G R O U N D M IN E R S , I N R E D R U T H D IS T R IC T , C O R N W A L L , 1900-1902.
D eaths per 1,000 in each age group.
Item s.
D eaths o f miners w h o had w orked m achine
drills, caused b y —
L un g diseases..................................................
O ther causes...................................................
D eaths o f other m iners caused b y —
L ung diseases..................................................
O ther causes....................................................
1
2
20-25.
25-35.
35-45.
45-55.
55-65.
3
2
15-20.
51
4
54
1
22
2
3
1
6
8
2
19
7
23
12
36
16
65-75.
25
13
The number of men engaged in operating machine drills being com
paratively small, it is evident from these figures that the m ortality
due to lung diseases among “ miners who had worked machine drills”
is enormously greater than among the “ other miners.”
Phthisis, or “ miners' disease,” was the certified cause of death of
120 of the machine-drill men, other diseases of the respiratory organs
being responsible for the death of 13. The average age of the 142
machine-drill men at death was 37.2 years. Besides the 171 miners
FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS---- GREAT BRITAIN.
605
other than rock drillers whose deaths are tabulated above, 7 are
reported as dying at more advanced ages. Of the total of 178 deaths
68 were ascribed to phthisis and 48 to bronchitis and other diseases of
the respiratory organs, the average age of all at death being 53 years.
The committee record their conviction that the dust developed in
drilling by machinery, the use of which has much increased in recent
years, is the predisposing cause of the excessive m ortality among
metalliferous miners, and that the use of a small water jet would
easily prevent the production of dust. It also recommends the adop
tion of approved special rules for metalliferous mines and the prohi
bition of the use of percussion rock drills unless satisfactory precau
tions for preventing the inhalation of dust have been taken.
ITA LY .
I Probiviri Industrially 86 pp.; Basi Tecniche di una Cassa di Matemitdj 61 p p .; I Carusi nelle Solfare della Sicilia j 42 p p .; L ’ Ispezione
del LavorOy 64 pp. Ufficio del Lavoro, Ministero di Agricoltura,
Industria e Commercio, 1904.
These four volumes are the first of a new series of publications issued
b y the bureau of labor of the Italian department of agriculture, indus
try, and commerce. They contain the results of inquiries conducted
b y that office upon the application of certain laws enacted b y Parlia
ment for the betterment of conditions among the working classes.
The first volume of the series relates to the operation of the act of
June 15, 1893, governing the creation of councils of prudhommes for
the settlement of industrial disputes. This report consists of three
parts, the first containing a discussion of the means provided by law
for the organization of the boards, the second dealing with their func
tions, and the third with their jurisdiction and powers. Certain
defects existing in the terms of the present law are pointed out and
measures for their correction are suggested. The facts presented in
the report are illustrated b y means of several tabular statements.
The second volume, which is designed to assist in the application of
article 6 of the law of June 19, 1902, governing the employment of
women and children, consists of an inquiry into the essential requisites
necessary to the support and maintenance of a maternity fund. The
first portion of the report contains a brief account of the movement
in Parliament for the creation of a fund of this character and of the
investigations undertaken in connection therewith by the ministry of
agriculture, industry, and commerce, and subsequently b y the bureau
of labor. The second half of the report is devoted entirely to tables.
In the third number of the series are published the results of an
investigation into the circumstances surrounding the employment of
young boys (carusi) as laborers in the sulphur mines of Sicily. The
606
BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR.
first part of the report is devoted to an examination of the principal
literature bearing on the subject of child labor in the mines, together
with a summary of the recommendations made b y eminent writers
with a view to alleviating the conditions under which the children are
compelled to work. Other chapters contain a history of the investi
gation made b y the labor office and a discussion of the probable effects
upon the sulphur industry of the enforcement of the new law regu
lating the employment of women and children. The report concludes
with a brief examination of the measures necessary to correct the
limited scope and efficacy of the present law.
The fourth volume contains a study of the labor-inspection service
in Italy as organized under the provisions of existing labor laws. The
report consists of three parts, the first tracing the origin and develop
ment of the inspector’s office, the second explaining its present organi
zation and powers, and the third describing the investigations con
ducted b y the labor bureau among the persons interested in its opera
tion. The last chapter comprises a summary of the replies made by
various employers’ associations, labor exchanges, and other organiza
tions to the inquiries sent out b y the bureau concerning the efficacy
and needs of the inspection service.
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
[Except in cases of special interest, the decisions here presented are restricted to
those rendered b y the Federal courts and the higher courts of the States and Terri
tories. Only material portions of such decisions are reproduced, introductory and
explanatory matter being given in the words of the editor. Decisions under statutory
law are indexed under the proper headings in the cumulative index, page 655 et seq.]
DECISIONS UNDER STATUTORY LAW .
E m p l o y e r s’ L ia b il it y — E m p l o y m e n t
of
Ch il d r e n — A
ge
L i m it —
Van Wyck v. Dickinson, Supreme
Court o f Michigan, 111 Northwestern Reporter, page 10SS.— In this case
Leroy Van W yck sued, by his next friend., to recover damages for
injuries received while in the defendant’s employment, and from an
adverse judgm ent in the circuit court o f Kent County he brought this
appeal. Two points were involved, one the condition o f the machine
at which Van W yck was employed and the other the application o f the
statute making 16 years the minimum age o f employment o f children
in establishments where life or limb is endangered. Van W yck was
15 years o f age at the time o f the accident causing the injury. On
both these points the supreme court held with the court below that the
plaintiff had no ground for recovery. As to the child-labor statute,
Judge Ostrander, speaking for the court, said:
W e are asked to give some effect to the statute (act No. 113, p. 157,
Laws 1901) which forbids the employment of children under the age or
16 years in a manufacturing establishment at employment where life
or limb is endangered. Section 2 of this act was amended in 1905 ( act
No. 171, p. 239), and it appeared that the mother o f plaintiff, before
defendant hired the boy, made the sworn statement required by said
section [relating to age and ability to read and write]. It is not
averred that it was negligence to em ploy plaintiff in this establishment,
at this work. (B orck v. Michigan B olt and Nut Works, 111 Mich. 129,
69 N. W . 254.) [Bulletin No. 12, p. 640.] It is contended that, so
long as the facts show an employment prohibited b y the statute, it is
immaterial, so far as the question o f defendant’s negligence is concerned,
whether the statute is declared upon or not. If by this is meant that
it is unnecessary to aver an employment such as the statute prohibits,,
the contention is not sound, and the point is ruled b y the case above
cited. W hether a defendant is conducting a manufacturing establish
ment within the meaning of the statute, and whether the particular
employment endangers life or limb, are questions of fact, and if it is
claimed that the facts exist the rules o f pleading demand a tender of
the issues so that defendant may be informed of the case he is required
to meet.
B r in g in g Ca s e
w it h in
16251—08------ 14
St a t u t e —
607
608
E m ployers’
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
L ia b il it y — M in e
R e g u l a t io n s — St a t u s
of
M in e
B oss— F e l l o w -S e r v a n t s — McMillan v. Middle States Coal and Coice
Company, Supreme Court o f Appeals o f West Virginia, 67 Southeastern
Reporter, page 129.— John McMillan was injured b y the explosion of
dynamite caps used in shooting down coal in the mine in which he was
employed, and sued to recover damages. McMillan was a car loader
and went for the caps under the direction of an employee known as a
“ bank boss.” Judgment was in his favor in the circuit court of
McDowell County. On appeal this judgm ent was reversed on the
ground that the bank boss was not the com pany’s representative in the
matter in hand, and it was not therefore liable for his acts.
The reasoning b y which this conclusion was reached is set out in the
following extract from the opinion of the court, as given b y Judge
Brannon:
The first question is: W ho gave the order to McMillan to get the
dynamite caps ? The mine boss. N ot a bit of authority in him to so
order McMillan is shown. It was not within his statute duties. In
fact, it is not shown what was his authority, or that the com pany ever
Save him any authority. The evidence simply calls him a “ bank
oss.” W e suppose that he is a mine boss appointed b y the com pany
under the mandate of the statute in the code (ed. 1899), appendix,
page 1052 [Ann. Code 1906, sec. 410]. That appointment did not give
him authority to order McMillan to get the caps. His act would not
bind the company. Assume that McMillan was working outside of the
line of labor for which he was employed, and sent b y the mine boss to a
new, a different, a dangerous service, still it must appear that the
order to get the dynamite was the com pany’s order. “ Where the
injury was received b y the servant while doing work outside the scope
of his employment, it often becomes a material question whether he
was acting under proper authority; for it is clear, upon general prin
ciples, the negligence can not be predicated«of the master’s omission to
instruct a servant as to work which he was neither expected nor
ordered to do. As, in the case of an order given b y a superior employ ee
in respect to matters within the scope of the original employment of the
injured servant, the master is not bound b y an order o f tne kind con
sidered in the present chapter, unless it was one which the directing
employee had authority to give. Where the servant, in doing work
outside the scope of his employment^ was acting without proper
authority, it is clear that the failure to give him instructions can not be
imputed to the master as negligence.” (1 Labatt, Master and Servant,
secs. 240, 457.) “ The mere assumption of an employee of the power
to control his fellows, without a delegation of such power b y the
employer, will never render the employer liable for the orders or such
subordinate, and, if an employee sees nt voluntarily to recognize such
self-constituted authority, ne assumes the risk of obedience, or should
look to such employee for redress.” (W hite on Personal Injuries, sec.
222.) Thus we see that one giving orders must have authority from
the master. W e held in Wuliams v. Thacker Coal Company, 44
W . Ya. 599,30 S. E. 107 [Bulletin No. 19, p. 879], that a mine boss is a
fellow-servant with other employees, and that, when the coal operator
has complied with the statute by making a fit appointment, its duty is
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
609
at an end, and he is not responsible for damages resulting from his
negligence. It has been held elsewhere that the coal operator is not
responsible even for those acts which fall within the scope of the duties
of the mine boss, though resulting from his negligence. (W addell v.
Simoson, 112 Pa. 567, 4 Atl. 725; Lehigh Valley Coal Co. v. Jones,
86 Pa. 432; Delaware Canal Co. v. Carroll, 89 Pa. 374; Lineoski v.
Susquehanna Coal Co., 157 Pa. 153, 27 Atl. 577; Reese v. Biddle,
112 Pa. 72, 3 Atl. 813.) These cases are found in 2 Labatt, Master
and Servant, note “ o,” page 1451.
But, now, with special eye to the question whether the coal oper
ator must answer for the order of the mine boss: He is really the
representative of the State appointed for the protection of the lives
of the miners. He has been said not to be the officer of the corpora
tion. The company was bound to appoint him whether it would or
no. He is put m to the mine by the power of the State to watch the
condition or the mine, to hold the mine operator up to his duty in
certain things. The statute prescribes certain duties for him. He
has no others. He has power to watch the condition of the mine in
certain respects, to detect its wants, to demand their cure, and to
bring the mine operators up to the standard required by the act.
It has been said that he performs functions for the State, in behalf
of the miners, and is not the representative of the coal operator,
unless it be shown that the coal operator, by his own act, has com
mitted other duties and granted powers to him. The Pennsylvania
court in Delaware Canal Company Q. Carroll, 89 Pa. 374, said: ‘ 1There
is no room for the allegation that a mining boss under the mine-ven
tilation act of 1870 is an agent of the mine owner or a coemployer.
He is clothed with no power of engaging and discharging miners and
the laborers at pleasure. He is merely a fellow-servant with the
miner. He is nowhere in the act designated as the agent of the
owner of the mines. His duties are specified in the same manner
that the duties of the engineer are specified in the sixteenth section,
and as the duties of other employees are defined in various other
sections. He has no general power of control. His duties are con
fined to special matters. That they are different from those of others
of his fellow-colaborers, or even that they are of a higher grade, does
not matter.” In Red Stone Coke Company v. Roby, 115 Pa. 364,
8 Atl. 593, the court declared that the mine boss “ is a creature of
the legislature, selected by the mine owner in obedience to the com
mand of the law, and in the interest and for the protection of the
miners.” In the Colorado case of Coal Company v. Lamb, 6 Colo.
App. 255, 40 Pac. 251, the court said: “ W e are unable to see how
he is, in any sense, either as vice principal or otherwise, the repre
sentative of the master, or how he can stand in any other relation
to his colabqrer than that of a fellow-servant.” This coal company
had a superintendent. And as said in Lehigh Valley Company v.
Jones, cited, this mine boss did not supersede the superintendent.
It was for the superintendent to give the order. He had no part in
this transaction. The statute does not make the mine owner liable
for the acts of the mine boss. In the Colorado case of Coal Company
v. Lamb, 6 Colo. Aj>p. 255, 40 Pac. 251, it is held: “ The mine boss,
under the coal mining act of 1885, is, in the absence of proof that
he had other authority than that derived from the statute, a fellow servant with the miners, and the mine owner is not responsible to
610
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
the workmen for injuries resulting from the negligence of the mine
boss.” The court said: “ There is nothing in the record which dis
closes his relation to the company to be other than what was derived
from his statutory authority.” So we say in this case. This ends
the case. There is positively no authority shown in this mine boss
to bind the company for his order to McMillan or for the mine boss’s
failure to instruct McMillan as to the dynamite. Counsel would
argue that the act for appointment of the mine bosses has only taken
from the operator some duties, those specified in the act, but has
left other duties on the operator, and that the duties of the mine
boss specified in the statute have no relation to the act of the mine
boss in this case, giving the order and failing to give warning to
McMillan, and that this is a nonassignable duty; but the trouble is
the company is not bound for the act of this mine boss or for his
omission.
Furthermore, the authorities above cited hold the mine boss a
fellow-servant with McMillan, and say that the company is not
liable for his negligence or omission. W hat is it that is claimed to
have caused the injury to McMillan? The act of the mine boss in
ordering him to different work and particularly in failing to instruct
him of the danger of dynamite. In other words, the negligence of
the mine boss. How can you make the com pany liable for the negli
gence of a fellow-servant? If servant as to statutory duties, the
court regards the mine boss a fellow-servant. This act was not a
statutory duty, and his authority as to it is not shown, and, even
then, he would be a fellow-servant.
From these views we must say that the circuit court should have
struck out the evidence of the plaintiff and directed a verdict for
the defendant, and therefore we reverse the judgment and render
judgment for the defendant.
E m p l o y e r s ’ L ia b il it y — R a il r o a d
C o m p a n ie s — F e d e r a l
St a t
Malloy v. Northern Pacific
Bailway Company, Circuit Court o f the United States, Western District
o f Washington, 151 Federal Reporter, page 1019.— This was an action
by one Malloy to recover damages for an injury received by him while
employed by the above-named company as a workman in its car
shops. The accident causing the injury was charged to be due to the
unguarded condition of a saw in the shops. The defendant com
pany replied that the condition of the saw and the danger attending
its operation were obvious, and that the risk was therefore assumed.
To this the plaintiff, Malloy, demurred, holding that under the Fed
eral law of June 11,1906, he would not assume the risk.
This view was sustained by the court, as appears by the opinion
delivered by Judge Hanford, given herewith:
ute—
A p p l ic a t io n
to
Sh o p E m p l o y e e s —
A ct Cong. June 11, 1906, 34 Stat. 232, c. 3073, commonly called
“ The employers’ liability act,” fixes a liability upon all common
carriers engaged in interstate and foreign commerce, for damages to
their employees who may suffer injuries resulting from negligence, or
by reason of any defect or insufficiency due to negligence in cars,
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
611
engines, appliances, machinery, track, roadbed, ways or works, and
the third section o f the act provides:
“ That no contract of employment, * * * entered into by or
on behalf of any employee, * * * shall constitute any bar or
f defense to any action brought to recover damages for personal injuries
to or death or such employee.”
The intent and object o f Congress in the enactment o f this statute
is plain, viz, it is to make the liability o f common carriers engaged in
interstate commerce for injuries to their employees in consequence of
negligence, or insufficiency or defects o f the physical property used in
the carrying business or pertaining thereto, more nearly absolute, and
to deprive such employers o f the benefit of defenses which were, pre
vious to the enactment o f the statute, legal. It is still lawful for men
to engage in hazardous employments; but the class o f employers to
which the act refers can not by any contracts which they may make
with their employees avoid liability for damages which may be suf
fered as a consequence of negligence. An express contract between
the plaintiff and the defendant, exempting thelatter from liability for
damages in case of an injury caused by the operation o f a saw in its
car shop, negligently permitted to be unnecessarily dangerous b y rea
son o f being unboxed, would not constitute a bar to a recovery, of
damages in this case, because the statute so declares, and if an express
contract would be unavailing, this special defense, predicated upon an
implied contract, must also tall.
H
ours of
L abor
of
S t a t u t e — People
W
om en—
N ig h t W
ork—
Co n s t it u t io n a l it y
v. Williams, Court o f Appeals o f ,New York, 81
Northeastern Reporter, page 778.— David L. Williams had been con
victed of employing a woman at night in violation o f the law forbid
ding the employment o f females for more than sixty hours per week,
or after 9 o’clock in the evening or before 6 in the morning. On his
appeal this judgm ent had been reversed by the court o f special ses
sions, the supreme court agreeing. The people then appealed, this
appeal resulting in the affirmation o f the judgment o f the supreme
court, and the discharge of Williams on the ground o f the unconstitu
tionality of the statutory provision referred to. The opinion was pre
pared by Judge Gray, all concurring, and is in part as follow s:
In m y judgment, the determination below was correct. I think
that the legislature, in preventing the employment of an adult woman
in a factory, and in prohibiting her to work therein before 6 o’ clock in
the morning, or after 9 o’clock in the evening, has overstepped the
limits set by the constitution of the State to the exercise of the power
to interfere with the rights of citizens. The fundamental law of the
State, as embodied in its constitution, provides that “ no person
shall * * * be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
process of law.” (Art. 1, sec. 6.) The provisions of the State and
of the Federal constitutions protect every citizen in the right to pursue
any lawful employment in a lawful manner. He enjoys the utmost
freedom to follow his chosen pursuit, and any arbitrary distinction
against, or deprivation of, that freedom by the legislature is an inva
of
612
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
sion of the constitutional guaranty. Under our laws men and women
now stand alike in their constitutional rights, and there is no warrant
for making any discrimination between them with respect to the
liberty of person or of contract. It is claimed, however, m this case,
that the enactment in question can be justified as an exercise of the
police power of the State, having for its purpose the general welfare of
the State in a measure for the preservation of the health of the female
citizens. It is to be observed that it is not a regulation of the number
of hours of labor for working women. The enactment goes far beyond
this. It attempts to take away the right of a woman to labor before
6 o’clock in the morning, or after 9 o’clock in the evening, without any
reference to other considerations. In providing that “ no female
shall be employed, permitted, or suffered to work in any factory in
this State before 6 o’ clock in the morning, or after 9 o’ clock in the
evening of any day,” she is prevented, however willing, from engaging
herself in a lawful employment during the specified periods of the
twenty-four hours. Except as to women under 21 years of age, this
was the first attempt on the part of the State to restrict their liberty
of person, or their freedom or contract, in the pursuit of a vocation.
I find nothing in the language of the section which suggests the pur
pose of promoting health, except as it might be inferred that for a
woman to work during the forbidden hours of night would be unhealthful. If the inhibition of the section in question had been
framed to prevent the ten hours of work from being performed at
night, or to prolong them beyond 9 o’ clock in the evening, it might
more readily be appreciated that the health of women was the matter
of legislative concern. That is not the effect, nor the sense, of the
provision of the section with which alone we are dealing. It was not
the cr,se upon which this defendant was convicted. If this enact
ment is to be sustained, then an adult woman, although a citizen, and
entitled as such to all rights of citizenship under our laws, may not be
employed, nor contract to work, in any factory for any period of time,
no matter how short, if it is within the prohibited hours; and this,
too, without any regard to the healthfulness of the employment. It
is clear, as it seems to me, that this legislation can not, and should
not, be upheld as a proper exercise of the police power. It is, cer
tainly, discriminative against female citizens, in denying to them
equal rights with men in the same pursuit. The courts have gone
very far in upholding legislative enactments, framed clearly for the
welfare, com fort, a*nd health of the community, and that a wide range
in the exercise of the police power of the State should be conceded, 1
do n ot deny; but when it is sought, under the guise of a labor law,
arbitrarily, as here, to prevent an adult female citizen from working
at any time of the day that suits her, I think it is time to call a halt.
It arbitrarily deprives citizens of their right to contract with each
other. The tendency of legislatures, in the form of regulatory meas
ures, to interfere with the lawful pursuits of citizens, is becoming a
marked one in this country, and it behooves the courts, firmly and
fearlessly, to interpose the barriers of their judgments, when invoked
to protect against legislative acts plainly transcending the powers con
ferred b y the constitution upon the legislative body.
In this section of the labor law, it will be observed that women are
classed with minors under the age of 18 years, for which there is no
reason. The right of the State, as parens patriae, to restrict, or to
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
613
regulate, the labor and employment of children is unquestionable;
but an adult female is not to be regarded as a ward of the State, or in
any other light than the man is regarded, when the question relates
to the business pursuit or calling. She is no more a ward of the State
than is the man. She is entitled to enjoy, unmolested, her liberty
of person, and her freedom to work for whom she pleases, where she
pleases, and as long as she pleases, within the general limits operative
on all persons alike, and shall we say that tnis is valid legislation,
which closes the doors of a factory to her before and after certain
hours? I think not. W ithout extended reference to the cases
bearing upon the much-discussed subject of the exercise of the police
? >wer, I need only refer to the recent case of Lochner v. State or New
ork (198 U. S. 45, 25 Sup. Ct. 539, 49 L. Ed. 937), where the
Supreme Court of the Unitea States had before it a case arising in
this State under a provision of the labor law which restricted the
hours of labor for the employees of bakers. The argument there was,
and it had prevailed in this court, that the legislation was valid as a
health law under the police power; but the federal Supreme Court
refused to recognize the force of the argument, and held, if such
legislation could be justified, that constitutional protection against
interference with the liberty of person and the freedom of contract
was a visionary thing. It was held that bakers “ are in no sense wards
of the State. View ed in the light of a pure labor law, with no reference
whatever to the question or health, * * * the law * * *
involves neither the safety, the morals, nor the welfare of the public,
and the interest of the public is not in the slightest degree affected
by such an act.” It was also observed that “ there must be more
than the mere fact of the possible existence of some small amount of
unhealthiness to warrant legislative interference with liberty.”
So I think, in this case, that we should say, as an adult female is in
no sense a ward of the State, that she is not to be made the special
object of the exercise of the paternal power of the State, and that the
restriction here imposed upon her privilege to labor violates the con
stitutional guaranties. In the gradual course of legislation upon
the rights o f a woman, in this State, she has come to possess all of the
responsibilities o f the man, and she is entitled to be placed upon an
equality of rights with' the man. It might be observed that working
in a factory in the night hours is not the only situation of menace to
the working woman; but such occupation is arbitrarily debarred her.
For these reasons, I advise that the order appealed from should be
affirmed.
P r o t e c t io n
t io n s —
of
E m ployees
Com merce— P o w er s
of
as
M em bers
of
L a b o r O r g a n iz a
Co n g r e ss— E q u a l P r o t e c t io n
of
United States v. Adair,
District Court o f the United States, Eastern District o f Kentucky, 152
Federal Reporter, page 737.— William Adair, master mechanic of the
Louisville and Nashville Railroad Company, had discharged one
Coppage, a fireman employed by the company, for the reason, as
was alleged, that Coppage was a member of a labor organization
L a w s — Co n s t it u t io n a l it y '
of
St a t u t e —
614
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
known as the Order of Locom otive Firemen. Adair was indicted
under the Federal law of June 1, 1898, chapter 370, 30 Stat. 428
(U . S. Comp. Stats., 1901, p. 3205), which provides for the arbitra
tion of labor disputes between companies operating interstate rail
roads and their employees. The particular provision in question
is found in section 10 of the law, which provides for a punishment
by fine against any employer who makes it a condition of employ
ment that an employee shall not become or remain a member of any
labor organization, or who threatens with loss of employment or dis
criminates against any employee because of such membership.
The indictm ent was demurred to on the ground that the portions
of the act recited are unconstitutional, and this point alone was
before the court at this time. The law was held to be constitu
tional by Judge Cochran, who reviewed the subject in an opinion
which went fully into the contentions of Adair7 counsel, and distin
s
guished between the law in question and State laws of similar im port,
which have been held unconstitutional in every instance b y the
higher courts of the States. This section of the Federal law was
declared unconstitutional in United States v. Scott (148 Fed. 431)
[Bulletin No. 68, p. 431], so that the present opinion stands prac
tically alone as upholding such legislation. For this reason, and
on account of the discussion of the powers of Congress to regulate
interstate commerce, and the definition of such commerce (which
m ay be compared with the discussion of the same subject b y Judge
Morris in K elly v. Great Northern Railway Co. (152 Fed. 211) [Bul
letin No. 70, p. 717], the reasoning of the court will be given at some
length.
The law under consideration is entitled “ An act concerning car
riers engaged in interstate commerce and their employees.7 Judge
7
Cochran first reviewed briefly the conditions attending its enactment
and summarized the provisions of the various sections, and came to
the conclusion that through them all runs “ a unifying thread, an
organizing idea that makes them parts of a real whole. That idea
is a common purpose, and that common purpose an avoidance of an
interruption to interstate commerce arising from a resort b y em
ployees to strikes, lockouts, or boycotts to redress their real or fan
cied wrongs.7 The facts in the case as given above were then set
7
forth, after which the court said:
It is claimed that said section is unconstitutional for several rea
sons. The first one is that no warrant for its enactment is to be
found in the Federal Constitution. It is denied that it is within
subsection 3, section 8, article 1, conferring on Congress power
“ to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several
States and with the Indian tribes,7 the only provision thereof which
7
it can be claimed justifies it. Is this demal sound? The question
whether any given legislation b y Congress is within this provision
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
615
hangs upon two others. W hat is it that Congress is thereby em
powered to regulate? And, what is to regulate it? It is empowered
to regulate nothing else and to do nothing else to it than to regulate it.
In considering what it is Congress is thereby empowered to regu
late, I will, for convenience sake, lim it myself to commerce among
the several States, or interstate conunerce. Interstate -commerce,
though perhaps not limited thereto, includes interstate intercourse.
We are concerned here with no more. Interstate intercourse is the
passage of property, persons, or messages from within one State to
within another State. It has certain adjuncts, to wit, the persons
corporate or natural and their employees effectuating the passage,
the means b y which they effectuate it, including the ways, artificial
or natural, over which, and the instrumentalities b y which, the pas
sage is made, and the charges made for the service rendered. Strictly
speaking, these things are not interstate intercourse or commerce.
They are merely the adjuncts thereof. Congress, however, is em
powered by said provision to regulate the adjuncts of interstate
commerce as much so as interstate commerce itself. Its power
to regulate them is as extensive, full, and com plete as its power to
regulate it. The rationale or juridical explanation of this may be
debatable. It may be because, within the meaning o f said provision,
the adjuncts of such commerce are parts thereof, or because to
regulate the adjuncts thereof is to regulate it, or because power to
regulate the former is granted by necessary im plication; to regulate
the latter being all that is expressly grantea. Or it m ay be that the
power to regulate the adjuncts of interstate commerce is dependent
somewhat on the last subsection of said section 8, article 1, which
confers on Congress power to pass laws necessary and proper to carry
into execution the powers conferred by the other and preceding
sections thereof. But as to the existence o f power to regulate the
adjuncts of interstate commerce, and as to the extent thereof being
as stated, there can be no question.
W hat I have said as to the nature of interstate commerce and its
adjuncts is not put forward as exhaustive or exactly accurate. The
matter has not been sufficiently reflected upon for me to be absolutely
sure of m v ground. It is put forward simply as a working basis, and
is deemed sufficient for that purpose. It is a deduction from the
relevant decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. I will
not, however, pause to make this good.
W hat is it, then, to regulate interstate commerce and its adjuncts?
This question requires a more extended consideration, as it is here
that it is claimed on behalf of defendant that said section breaks
down. It is urged that the power to regulate, conferred b y said
provision of the Federal Constitution, is a power to regulate directly
and substantially, and not indirectly, remotely, incidentally, or col
laterally, and that said section, in so far as it is a regulation at all,
is an indirect, and not a direct, one, and hence not within such power.
Two lines of decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States are
relied on in support of both these positions, i. e., as to the nature of
said power, and as to the nature o f the legislation embodied in said
section.
One line consists of decisions in cases in which the application of
Anti-Trust A ct, July 2, 1890, c. 647, 26 Stat. 209 [U. S. Comp. St.
1901, p. 3200], was involved, and divides itself into two classes;
616
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
those where it was held that it did not apply, and those where it was
held that it did. Cases of the former class are the following, to w it:
United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S. 1, 15 Sup. Ct. 249,
39 L. Ed. 325; Hopkins v. United States, 171 U. S. 578, 19 Sup. Ct.
40, 43 L. Ed. 290; Anderson v. United States, 171 U. S. 604, 19
Sup. Ct. 50, 43 L. Ed. 300. Cases of the latter class are the follow
ing, to w it: United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight Association,
166 U. S. 290,17 Sup. Ct. 540,41 L. Ed. 1007; United States v. Joint
Traffic Association, 171 U. S. 505, 19 Sup. Ct. 25, 43 L. Ed. 259;
Addyston Pipe and Steel Co. v. United States, 175 U. S. 211, 20 Sup.
Ct. 96, 44 L. Ed. 136; Northern Securities Co. v. United States, 193
U. S. 197, 24 Sup. Ct. 436, 48 L. Ed. 679; Swift & Co. v. United
States, 196 U. S. 375, 25 Sup. Ct. 276, 49 L. Ed. 518. The other
line consists of decisions to the effect that certain State legislation was
not an encroachment on the commercial power of Congress, and hence
was valid. Amongst the cases cited containing such decisions are the
following, to w it: Sherlock v. Ailing, 93 U. S. 102, 23 L. Ed. 819;
Escanaba Co. v. Chicago, 107 U. S. 678,2 Sup. Ct. 185, 27 L. Ed. 442;
Smith v. Alabama, 124 U. S. 465, 8 Sup. Ct. 564, 31 L. Ed. 508;
K idd v. Pearson, 128 U. S. 1, 9 Sup. Ct. 6, 32 L. Ed. 346; Nashville
etc., R y. Co. v. Alabama, 128 U. S. 96, 9 Sup. Ct. 28, 32 L. Ed. 352;
Hennington v. Georgia, 163 U. S. 299, 16 Sup. Ct. 1086, 41 L. Ed.
166; C., M. & St. Paul R y. Co.v. Solan, 169 U. S. 133, 18 Sup. Ct. 289,
42 L. Ed. 688; Williams v. Fears, 179 U. S. 270, 21 Sup. Ct. 128, 45
L. Ed. 186.
I can not accede to the correctness of either position, i. e., as to the
nature of said power, or as to the nature o f said legislation, or that
either finds support in either one of these lines of decision. The posi
tion as to the nature of the power conferred on Congress b y said consti
tutional provision interpolates therein the qualifying word “ directly.”
The power conferred thereby is “ to regulate” without lim itation, and
not “ to regulate directly.” The courts have no right to limit a consti
tutional provision by inserting a qualifying word therein. They must
take it as they find it. If, then, there is such a thing as an indirect
regulation of interstate commerce, or its adjuncts— if indeed all regula
tion is not in its very nature direct— it is hard to conceive why it is not
covered by the power conferred. In the case of Gibbons v. Ogden, 9
W heat.'1, 6 L. Ed. 23, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall said:
“ This power, like all others vested in Congress, is com plete in itself,
may be exercised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges no limita
tions other than are prescribed in the Constitution.”
The correct definition of the power, as it seems to me, is that it is
the power to enact legislation that directly affects interstate commerce
or its adjuncts, and not legislation that affects it or them indirectly
only. Or it may be put this w ay: It is the power to enact legislation
which relates to, acts upon, or touches interstate commerce or its
adjuncts or legislation of which either is the subject. Such legislation
affects them directly. Legislation which does not relate to, act upon,
or touch them, or of which they are not the subject, can only affect
them indirectly.
No support of the position o f defendant's counsel as to the nature of
the power in question can be found in either of the two lines of deci
sions relied on by them. So far as they throw light on the subject,
they bear out the statement as to the nature thereof, which I have put
DECISIONS OP COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
617
forward. The last line throws less light on it than the first. This is
to be expected, as it has to do with State legislation; whereas, the
other has to do with Congressional legislation. Indeed, the decisions
in the Sherlock, Escanaba Company, Smith, Nashville, etc., Railway
Company, Hennington, and Solan cases, and certain expressions in the
opimon m some or them, may mislead one as to the nature of that
power or the subject of it, if he is not careful. The legislation involved
m those cases and held valid was as follows, to w it: In the Sherlock
case, tne Indiana wrongful death statute in its applicability to owners
of steamboats engaged in interstate commerce; in the Escanaba Com
pany case, the Chicago bridge ordinance, providing that the draws in
the bridge across Chicago River should be closed at certain times in the
day, and not kept open longer than ten minutes at other times; in the
Smith case, the Alabama statute requiring locom otive engineers to be
examined and licensed in its applicability to such engineers engaged
in interstate commerce; in the Nashville, etc., Railway Company case,
the Alabama statute prohibiting employment in certain capacities by
railroad companies of persons afflicted with color blindness, in its appli
cability to such companies when engaged in interstate commerce; in
the Hennington case, the Georgia statute prohibiting the operation of
railway trams on Sunday in its applicability to such as were so
engaged; and, in the Solan case, the Iowa statute prohibiting con
tr a c t b y railroad companies to exempt them from liability as a com
mon carrier in its applicability to such companies when so engaged.
These decisions may so mislead one as to the nature of said power
or the subject of it that if he does not duly consider them he may
think that it follows, from the fact that it has been held thereby that
a State legislature has power to enact such legislation, that Congress
has no power to enact similar legislation. He will naturally so think,
if he has the idea that in no state of case can a State legislature enter
the field of interstate commerce or its adjuncts— that, so far as that
field can be occupied at all by legislation, it can only be occupied
by Congressional legislation, and properly so, if such idea is correct.
For if in no state or case can a State legislature enter such field, a
decision that particular legislation enacted by it is valid, necessarily
means that it does not by its enactment enter it, and, if by its enact
ment it does not enter that field, Congress by the enactment of
similar legislation Would not enter it either, and hence its action
would be beyond its power. But that idea is not correct. It is not
true that in no state of case can a State legislature enter the field of
interstate commerce or its adjuncts. The commercial provision of
the Federal Constitution does not in terms exclude the several States
from the field of interstate commerce and its adjuncts. It simply
confers on Congress power to enter it.
Judge Cochran then quoted from a number of the cases cited in
support of the right of the State to legislate so as to affect com
merce until Congress acts in the matter. Of these quotations, one
from the opinion delivered by Justice Field in the Nashville, etc.,
Railway Company case may be taken as representative:
“ It is conceded that the power of Congress to regulate interstate
commerce is plenary ; that, as incident to it, Congress may legislate
as to the qualifications, duties, and liabilities of employees and
618
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
others on railway trains engaged in that com m erce; and that such
legislation will supersede any State action on the subject. But, until
such legislation is had, it is clearly within the com petency of the
States to provide against accidents on trains whilst within their
lim its.”
Concluding these citations, the court said:
It does not follow , then, from the decisions ;in those cases, that
Congress has no power to enact similar legislation to that involved
therein. On the contrary, it follows therefrom— the validity thereof
depending on the implied consent of Congress— that it has power to
enact similar legislation; and this is expressly recognized in the quo
tations I have made from the opinions embodying those decisions.
Viewed in this light, these decisions, instead of misleading one as to
the nature of said power or its subject, will be helpful m enabling
one to arrive at a true notion in regard thereto.
Then, as to the expressions in some of said opinions which may
mislead one, I have in mind such expressions as that in the quotation
made from the opinion of Mr. Justice Gray, in the Solan case, con
tained in these words, to w it:
“ They are not in themselves regulations of interstate commerce.”
And as that in the quotation from the opinion of Mr. Justice Har
lan in the New York, New Haven and H artford Railroad Company
case, contained in these words, to w it:
“ Nor is it within the meaning of the Constitution a regulation of
commerce, although it controls m some degree the conduct of those
engaged in such commerce.”
Substantially similar expressions may be found in the opinion of
Mr. Justice Matthews in the Smith case, in these words, to w it:
“ But the provisions on the subject contained in the statute of Ala
bama under consideration are not regulations of interstate commerce.
It is a misnomer to call them such.”
And, again:
“ They are not per se regulations of such commerce. It is only
when they operate as such m the circumstances of their application,
and conflict with the expressed or presumed will of Congress enacted
on the subject, that they can be required to give way to the supreme
authority of the Constitution.”
And in the opinion of Mr. Justice Harlan, in the Hennington case,
where he speaks of such local laws not being, “ within the meaning of
the Constitution and considered in their own nature, regulations of
interstate commerce, simply because for a limited time, or to a limited
extent, they cover the field occupied by those engaged in such
commerce.”
Such expressions can not be construed to mean that such legisla
tion, if enacted by Congress, as to interstate commerce or its adjuncts,
would not be regulations thereof. Congress would not have power
to enact them unless they were. The fact that Congress has power to
so enact them, according to the conclusion heretofore reached, settles
the fact that they would be such regulations if so enacted. W e are
now in position to appreciate the value of the decisions which we have
been considering in extenso in their bearing on the nature of the com
mercial power of Congress. The legislation involved therein, if
enacted by Congress as to interstate commerce and its adjuncts,
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
619
would affect them directly. It would relate thereto, act upon, and
touch them, and such would be the subject thereof. And it follows
that the nature of that power is to enact legislation that will do and
be this.
W e come, then, to the first fine of decisions cited and relied on by
defendant’s counsel as bearing out their claim as to the nature of the
commercial power of Congress, and which, I think, bear out the state
ment which I have put forward as to the nature thereof. As they
have to do with Congressional legislation, it is to be expected that
they will settle beyond question the true nature of that power, and in
this we will not be disappointed. The exact question in each of those
cases was, not whether Congress might enact any particular legisla
tion under its commercial power, but whether the contract involved
therein was in restraint of interstate commerce within the meaning of
said antitrust act, and prohibited by it. That act, however, depended
for its validity on said power of Congress, and its meaning— the kind
of contracts intended to be covered thereby— was treated in those
cases as dependent on the nature of that power. It was held that it
covered contracts that affected interstate commerce directly, that
related thereto, acted upon and touched it, and of which it was the
subject, and did not cover contracts that affect it indirectly only, and
which did not relate thereto, act upon, or touch it, or of which it was
not the subject.
In the Knight case the contract involved affected directly the manu
facture of sugar in the State of Pennsylvania. It related to, acted
upon, and touched it, and such manufacture was the subject thereof.
It affected interstate commerce indirectly only. It did not relate
thereto, act upon, or touch it, and such commerce was not the subject
of it. It was neld not within the act. In the Hopkins and Anderson
cases the contracts involved were between the members of certain live
stock exchanges doing business in Kansas City, Mo., embodied in cer
tain rules thereof. Those contracts affected directly the buying and
selling of live stock at the stock yards in said city. They did not
relate to interstate commerce on five stock, and affected it indirectly
only. They were held to be not within the act. In the TransMissouri Freight Association, Joint Traffic Association, and Northern
Securities Company cases, the contracts involved were between com
mon carriers engaged in interstate commerce. In the Addyston Pipe
Steel Company case the contract involved was between persons
engaged in interstate commerce in iron pipe. And in the Swift and
Company case the contract involved was between persons engaged in
interstate commerce in meat. The contract in each instance affected
directly the interstate commerce carried on by the parties thereto.
It related to such commerce, acted upon, and touched it, and such
commerce was the subject thereof. It was held in each instance
that the contract was within the act.
It follows from these holdings that the nature of the commercial
power of Congress is as I have stated it. Legislation prohibiting con
tracts that anect interstate commerce or its adjuncts indirectly, or
which do not relate thereto, act upon, or touch either, or of which such
is not the subject, itself, affects interstate commerce or its adjuncts
indirectly, and does not relate thereto, act upon, or touch them, and
such is not the subject thereof. It is only legislation prohibiting con
tracts that affect interstate commerce or its adjuncts directly, or that
620
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OP LABOR.
relate thereto, act upon, or touch either, or of which such is the sub
ject, that itself affects interstate commerce or its adjuncts directly and
relates thereto, acts upon, and touches them, and of which such is the
subject. In the course of his opinion, in the Addyston Pipe and Steel
Company case, Mr. Justice Peckham frequently refers to contracts
within said act as those regulating said commerce directly and
substantially, and not those regulating it indirectly, remotely,
incidentally, and collaterally. It is this reference, no doubt, that
suggested the position taken here as to the nature of said power
which I have criticised. There are, however, other references in said
opinion which show that what he had in mind was the distinction
between contracts and legislation that affected interstate commerce
directly, and contracts and legislation that affected it indirectly,
which is the correct way, as I submit, of putting the matter.
I have thus arrived at the conclusion as to the nature of the power
in question b y a generalization of the two lines of decisions cited and
relied on b y defendant’s counsel, as upholding their view thereof.
The generalization might have taken a wider scope b y embracing the
great number of other decisions involving the validity of State legis
lation claimed to be an encroachment on the commercial power of
Congress not cited or relied on; but to have done so would not have
changed the result and unduly lengthened this opinion.
There are not many other decisions of the Supreme Court involving
the validity of Congressional legislation, whose validity was dependent
on that power, that can be considered at arriving at such a conclusion.
Until lately, legislation in any way affecting interstate commerce or
its adjuncts has been enacted principally by State legislatures. There
has not been a great amount of Congressional legislation affecting that
matter. It is only in recent times that it has become, to any great
extent, the subject of Congressional consideration and action. It is
just what one would expect, therefore, to find that there are not many
decisions of that court dealing with the validity of such legislation.
Outside of those already considered, I do not deem it important to
make any reference to any such decisions beyond the case of Johnson
v. Southern Pacific, 196 U. S. 1, 25 Sup. Ct. 158 [Bulletin No. 56, p.
303]. It involved the safety appliance act of Congress of March 2,
1893, c. 196, 27 Stat. 531 [U. S. Comp. St., 1901, p. 3174]. The con
stitutionality of the act was assumed therein. It was not attacked.
The decision was occupied entirely with its construction. The safety
appliance act affected directly an adjunct of interstate commerce, to
wit, the cars engaged therein, and that as to their couplers. It related
thereto, acted upon, and touched it, and such was the subject thereof.
I am aware that the classic definition of the power in question is to
be found in the words of Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, in the case of
Gibbons v. Ogden, when he said that the power to regulate com
merce is the power “ to prescribe the rule b y which commerce is to
be governed,” often subsequently repeated in subsequent decisions
of the Supreme Court in substantially the same words. Mr. Justice
Harlan, in the case of Champion v. Ames, 188 U. S. 321, 23 Sup. Ct.
321, 47 L. Ed. 492, characterized it as a “ general observation.”
W hat I have advanced is* simply the outcome of a struggle after
something more definite. After the great number of decisions of that
court involving State and Congressional litigation affecting inter
state commerce and its adjuncts, the matter ought to be capable of
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
621
more definite statement. A true generalization thereof is bound to
give it.
Having thus reached a conclusion as to the nature of the power in
question, we come to the other position of defendant’s counsel, to
wit, that said section is not within said power; and in disposing of it
I will treat its nature as I have defined it, and not as they have.
Does it affect interstate commerce, or any of its adjuncts, directly?
Does it relate thereto, act upon, or touch either, or is either the sub'ect
J of it? It must be admitted that it does, and that such is the case,
't affects an adjunct of interstate commerce, relates thereto, acts
upon, and touches it, and such is the subject of it. That adjunct is
common* carriers engaged in interstate commerce, and their officers,
agents, and employees. It forbids them from doing any of the things
covered b y that section.
But it may be thought that it is not sufficient that Congressional
legislation should affect an adjunct of interstate commerce directly,
relate thereto, act upon, or touch it, or that it be the subject thereof m
order to be valid. To this end it must serve some useful purpose in
regard to interstate commerce itself, and not be intended to and in
fact accomplish no more than some ulterior purpose. I am not preJared to say that such a view is not correct. There is nothing in the
ohnson case impugning its correctness. Of course, the requirement
as to providing couplers was and is beneficial to the manufacturers
thereor and to brakesmen; but it is beneficial also to interstate com
merce itself. It makes it more attractive for brakesmen to engage
therein, by lessening the danger of the business. The necessities of
this case do not require that I should dispute the correctness of this
view. The section involved herein is not without a beneficial effect
upon interstate commerce itself. Its tendency is to prevent an inter
ruption to interstate commerce b y reason or strikes, lockouts, and
boycotts, and such, as I have already stated, was its intent.
until recent times, the national attitude toward interstate commerce
has been almost solely to prevent its being burdened and interrupted.
Such has been the controlling consideration in determining the valid
ity of State legislation affecting it or its adjuncts.
In the case of United States v. Coombs, 12 Pet. 72, 9 L. Ed. 1004,
the question involved was whether one could be indicted under the act
of Congress entitled “ An act more effectually to provide for the
punishment of certain crimes against the United States, and for other
purposes,” approved March 3, 1825, for stealing a quantity of mer
chandise belonging to a ship wrecked on the coast or New York; the
goods at the time they were stolen being above high-water mark, and
hence outside of the jurisdiction of the United States. It was held
that he could. Mr. Justice Story said:
“ It [commercial power of Congress] does not stop at the mere
boundary line of a State; nor is it confined to acts done on the water,
or in the necessary course of the navigation thereof. It extends to such
acts done on land which interfere with, obstruct, or prevent the due
exercise of the power to regulate commerce and navigation with for
eign nations and among the States. Any offense which thus inter
feres with, obstructs, or prevents such commerce and navigation,
though done on land, may be punished b y Congress under its general
authority to make all laws necessary and proper to execute their
delegated constitutional powers. No one can doubt that the various
622
BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
offenses enumerated in the tenth section of the act are all of a nature
which tend essentially to obstruct, prevent, or destroy the due oper
ation of commerce and navigation with foreign nations and among the
several States ’ ’
In the case of In re Debs, 158 U. S. 565, 15 Sup. Ct. 900, 39 L. Ed.
1092, it was held that the United States, through its Attorney-General,
had a right to bring a suit to enjoin the interruption of interstate com
merce caused by the Chicago strike of 1894.
The antitrust act of 1890 is another manifestation of this national
attitude, and there would seem to be no room to doubt that the tenth
section of the act of June 1, 1898, involved herein, is a still further
manifestation thereof.
The ground upon which it is claimed by defendant’s counsel that
said section does not affect directly or, as they have it, regulate
directly that which is the subject of the commercial power of Congress,
and hence is not within it, is that “ it is merely an intermeddling by
Congress with the private relations between master and servant.”
But it does not deal with the relations between master and servant in
the abstract. It deals with the relations between particular masters
and servants, to wit, common carriers engaged in interstate commerce
and their employees. Such carriers and their employees are the
adjuncts of such commerce. Hence said legislation affects those
adjuncts directly. It relates thereto, acts upon, and touches them,
and they are the subjects thereof. This being so, it is within that
power. I conclude, therefore, that said section is not unconstitu
tional for this reason.
Another reason given in support of the claim that said section is
unconstitutional is that, however it may be as to its being within the
commercial power of Congress, it is prohibited b y the fifth amend
ment to the Federal Constitution, in so far as it provides that no
person shall “ be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
process of law.” In other words, it is claimed that that portion of
said amendment is a limitation upon the commercial power of Con
gress, and, though said section comes within the latter, it comes within
the former also. It must be conceded that, if this position is correct,
then said section is unconstitutional.
Defendant’s counsel cite in support of his position the following deci
sions of the highest courts of the States of Missouri, Illinois, W iscon
sin, and New York, to w it: State v. Julow, 129 Mo. 163, 31 S. W . 781;
Gillespie v. People, 188 111. 176, 58 N. E. 1007; State v. Kreutzburg,
114 Wis. 530,90N .W . 1098; Peoples.M arcus, 77 N. E. 1073,185 N. Y.
257. In each of these cases a State statute was involved substantially
similar to said tenth section, in making it an offense for an employer to
discharge or refuse to employ an employee because of his membership
in a labor organization. In those cases they were sought to be
enforced against persons engaged in private business— in the Missouri
and New York cases against a manufacturer, and in the Illinois case
against a contractor. It does not appear in what business the de
fendant was engaged in in the Wisconsin case. In each case the
statute was held to be unconstitutional, as in violation of certain pro
visions of the State constitution and of the fourteenth amendment of
the Federal Constitution, in so far as it prohibited State action de
priving any person of life, liberty, or property without due process
of law.
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
623
Counsel for the United States contend that said decisions are
erroneous. They maintain that such statutes do not deprive the
employer of any lawful right; that they simply protect the rights of
employees against invasion b y the employer; and that the alleged
right of the employer is a right to interfere with the liberty of his
employees because they are m his service. This argument merely
begs the question. No decision is cited to the contrary of those
decisions, except a nisi prius decision in the case of Davis v. State,
30 W kly. Law Bui. 342. I am not disposed to question the cor
rectness of those decisions. On the contrary, they seem to me based
upon sound reasoning. As said b y Cooley on Torts, 278:
“ It is a part of every man’s civil rights that he be left at liberty
to refuse business relations with any person whomsoever, whether the
refusal rests upon reason or is the result of whim, caprice, prejudice,
or malice. With his reasons, neither the public nor third persons
have any legal concern.”
But it does not follow from the correctness of these decisions that
section 10 is unconstitutional, though it seems quite plausible that, if
State legislation of this character is unconstitutional as being in viola
tion of the fourteenth amendment, prohibiting State action depriving
any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, said
tenth section is unconstitutional also, as being in violation of the fifth
amendment, prohibiting Federal action depriving a person of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law. The question m ay be
thought to depend upon whether said fifth amendment is a limitation
upon the commercial power of Congress conferred b y subsection 3,
section 8, article 1, of the original Constitution.
In the case of Gibbons v. Ogden, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, in the
language heretofore quoted, said:
“ This power, like all others vested in Congress, is com plete in itself,
may be exercised to its utm ost extent, ana acknowledges no limita
tions other than are prescribed in the Constitution.”
This language is repeated several times in subsequent cases. It
would seem to im ply that limitations on said power are to be found in
the Federal Constitution. I have found nowhere any statement as to
what limitations thereon are to be found therein. Nor have I taken
the time to study the Constitution with the view of ascertaining for
myself those limitations. But it would seem to be reasonable to hold
that said amendment is a lim itation on said power. '
In the case of United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S. 1, 15
Sup. Ct. 249, 39 L. Ed. 325, Mr. Justice Harlan, in his dissenting
opinion said:
“ In committing to Congress the control of commerce with foreign
nations and among the several States, the Constitution did not define
the means that may be employed to protect the freedom of commer
cial intercourse and traffic established for the benefit of the people of
the Union. It wisely forbore to impose any limitations upon the
exercise of that power, except those arising from the general nature
of the Government, or such as are embodied in the fundamental
guaranty of liberty and property.”
It would hardly be held that it was not a limitation on the commer
cial power of Congress in the matter of depriving a person of his prop
erty without due process of law.
16251—08------ 15
624
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
In the case of Monongahela Nav. Co. v. United States, 148 U. S.
336, 13 Sup. Ct. 630, 37 L. Ed. 463, Mr. Justice Brewer said:
“ But, like the other power granted to Congress b y the Constitu
tion, the power to regulate commerce is subject to all the limitations
imposed b y such instrument, and among them is that of the fifth
amendment we have heretofore quoted. Congress has supreme con
trol over the regulation of commerce, but if, in exercising that supreme
control, it deems it necessary to take private property, then it must pro
ceed subject to the limitations imposed b y this fifth amendment, and
can take only on payment of just compensation. The power to regu
late commerce is not given in any broader terms than that to establish
post-offices and post-roads; but, if Congress wishes to take private
property upon which to build a post-office, it must either agree upon
the price with the owner, or in condemnation pay just compensation
therefor.”
If Congress were to pass a law reducing the rates for interstate
transportation of passengers or goods to such a point as to amount to
a confiscation of the property of a common carrier engaged therein,
there can be no question that such a law would be held to be affected
b y the fifth amendment. If, then, said amendment limits said power
in the matter of depriving a person of his property without due proc
ess of law, no reason can be given why it should not be held to lim it
said power in the matter oh depriving a person of his fiberty without
due process of law.
Y et it has been held in the cases heretofore considered in which the
antitrust act of 1890 has been applied, that it does not lim it said power
of Congress in prohibiting contracts in reasonable restraint of inter
state commerce, whether made b y common carriers or others engaged
therein. The liberty of private contract in this particular is held not
to be preserved b y said amendment as against the commercial power
of Congress. In the Addyston Pipe and Steel Company case, Mr.
Justice Peckham said:
“ The provision in the Constitution does not, as we believe, exclude
Congress from legislating with regard to contracts of the above nature,
while in the exercise of its constitutional right to regulate commerce
among the States. On the contrary, we think the provision regarding
the liberty of the citizen is to some extent limited b y the commerce
clause of the Constitution.”
But, conceding, as I think we must do, that said amendment is a
limitation, to a certain extent at least, upon the commercial power
of Congress, in so far as it prohibits a deprivation of liberty without
due process of law, is the legislation in question a deprivation of such
liberty within the meaning thereof, and hence unconstitutional ? This
depends entirely upon what liberty is intended to be protected thereby.
It is certainly not the liberty to do what one pleases that is thereby
protected from invasion by Congress under its commercial power.
W e have just seen that the liberty of making reasonable contracts
in restraint of interstate commerce are not so protected. Congress,
under its commercial power, notwithstanding said amendment, had
the right to enact the antitrust act of 1890 which has been construed
to prohibit the making of such contracts, or of any contracts that
directly affect by way of restraint such commerce. In the case of
Champion v. Ames, 188 U. S. 357, 23 Sup. Ct. 327, 47 L. Ed. 492,
it was held that the act of Congress, prohibiting the transportation
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
625
of lottery tickets from one State to another by an express company,
was valid under said commercial power, notwithstanding said amend
ment. Mr. Justice Harlan there said:
“ But surely it will not be said to be a part of anyone’s liberty, as
recognized by the supreme law of the land, that he shall be allowed
to introduce into commerce among the States an element that will be
confessedly injurious to the public morals.”
In view of these decisions, one must conclude that it is only a lib
erty that it is reasonable and proper that should not be subject to
invasion by Congress under its commercial power that is protected
therefrom by said amendment. The matter here, then, comes to
this: Is the liberty of a common carrier engaged in interstate com
merce to discharge an employee, or to refuse to employ him, because
of his membership in a labor organization, such a liberty as that it is
reasonable and proper that it should not be interfered with b y ConE 3 under its commercial power? W e have seen that it has been
that the liberty of one engaged in what may be characterized as
a lawful private business to so act is such that it is reasonable and
proper that it should not be invaded by State legislation, and that it
is protected by the fourteenth amendment; but it does not follow
from this that tne liberty of such a common carrier to so act is such that
it is not reasonable or proper that it should be invaded by Congress
under its commercial power. A person engaged in a lawful private
business and a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce occupy
entirely different positions. The former has a fundamental rignt
upon his own choice to engage in and carry on such business. The
latter has no such right. It exercises a public function, and has no
right to exercise it except by consent oi the National Government,
express or implied.
The position that a common carrier, such as a railroad for instance,
exercises a public function, is upheld by frequent statements in the
opinions o f the Supreme Court. In the case of Charlotte, C. & A. R .
Co. v. Gibbes, 142 U. S. 386, 12 Sup. Ct. 255, 35 L. Ed. 1051, Mr.
Justice Field said:
“ Though railroad corporations are private corporations, as dis
tinguished from those created for municipal and governmental pur
poses, their uses are public. They are formed for the convenience of
the public in the transportation of persons and merchandise, and are
invested for that purpose with special privileges. They are allowed
to exercise the States’ right of eminent domain, that they may appro
priate for their uses the necessary property of others upon paying
Just compensation therefor, a right which can only be exercised for
public purpose, and they assume, by the acceptance of their charters,
the obligations to transport all persons and merchandise upon like
conditions and at reasonable rates, and they are authorized to charge
reasonable compensation for the services tney thus perform.”
A number of additional quotations of like import were made, con
cluding with one from the case last above cited, as follows:
“ Being the recipients of special privileges from the State to be exer
cised in the interest of the public, and assuming the obligations thus
mentioned, their business is deemed affected with a public use, and
to the extent of that use is subject to legislative regulation. Georgia
Railroad and Banking Co. v. Smith, 128 U. S. 174, 179, 9 Sup. Ct.
626
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
47, 32 L. Ed. 377. That regulation may extend to all measures
deemed essential not merely to secure the safety of passengers and
freight, but to promote the convenience of the public in the transac
tion of business with them, and to prevent abuses o f extortionate
charges and unjust discrimination. It may embrace a general super
vision of the operation of their roads, which may be exercised by
direct legislation commanding or forbidding, under severe penalties,
the doing or omission of particular acts, or it may be exercised through
commissioners specially appointed for that purpose. The mode or
manner of regulation is a matter of legislative discretion.”
The court then said:
If this line of reasoning is sound, then said section is not within the
fifth amendment. It is not reasonable or proper that the liberty of
action of a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce in the par
ticulars covered thereby should be beyond the control of Congress
under its commercial power. It is not such liberty of action as is
protected thereby against the exercise of said power, in that it is
action calculated to provoke strikes, boycotts, ana lockouts, and cause
an interruption and cessation of interstate commerce. The one par
ticular, more than any other, in which such common carrier’s liberty
of action seems to be within the control of Congress under its commer
cial power, is in doing that which will, or may, obstruct such commerce.
As we have seen, Congress has power to prevent obstruction thereof by
contracts reasonably restraining it, entered into between competing
common carriers, and so great is its power here that it can prohibit
such contracts when made b y persons not exercising any public func
tion. Had the United States itself exercised this public function,
there can be no question that legislation of this character affecting
officials would be entirely legal. There is no reason why the fact that
it has intrusted its performance to a private corporation should make
any difference. The only possible ground for holding that said sec
tion is in violation of the fifth amendment is that it has no real and
substantial relation to the free course of interstate commerce. I
believe that it has such relation thereto. A t the very least, I can not
say that it has not. I am constrained, therefore, to hold that said
section is not unconstitutional for this reason.
Still another reason urged in support of the position that said section
is unconstitutional is that it penalizes a common carrier engaged in
interstate commerce for discharging an employee because of ms mem
bership in a labor organization, or otherwise discriminating against
him on that ground, without reference to the fact whether he is engaged
in interstate commerce or solely in intrastate commerce. This court
takes judicial knowledge of the fact that the Louisville and Nashville
Railroad Company, a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce,
and whose master mechanic is charged with a violation of said section
in the indictment herein, operates trains over its railroad solely in Ken
tucky. It operates such trains between Louisville and Lexington,
and between Lexington and Maysville, and possibly elsewhere. It is
claimed that by said section it is made an offense for said company, or
any officer, agent, or employee thereof, to discharge or otherwise dis
criminate against an employee so engaged solely upon any of said
intrastate trains, because of such membership; that it is penalized by
the very same words that such discriminating action as to an employee
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
627
engaged in interstate commerce is penalized; that I have no power to
limit this broad language to employees not engaged on intrastate
trains; and that therefore the whole section must fall. The cases of
United States v. Steffens (The Trade-Mark cases), 100 U. S. 82; U. S.
v. Harris, 106 U. S. 629; and Baldwins. Franks, 120 U. S. 678, 7 Sup.
Ct. 656,763, are cited in support of the next to the last of these several
propositions. To the same effect are the following cases, to w it: Allen
v. Pullman Co., 191 U. S. 171, 24 Sup. Ct. 39; Illinois Central R . Co.
v. McKendree, 27 Sup. Ct. 153, 203 U. S. 514.
Of course the doctrine of those cases must be accepted as sound; but
they have no application here. It is not likely that the employees of
a railway common carrier engaged in interstate commerce, employed
solely upon intrastate trains, do not have anything to do in the course
of tneir employment with interstate commerce, l. e., that such em
ployees, though exclusively so engaged, are not in reality also adjuncts
o f interstate commerce. It is so unlikely that I would not be disposed
to overthrow the section in question, if such fact would render it uncon
stitutional, without further information that such was the case. Said
section was enacted in view of existing conditions, and its validity
would not be affected by an imaginary, as distinguished from a real,
state of things. Take, for instance, the intrastate trains of the Louis
ville and Nashville Railroad Company, operating between Louisville
and Lexington and between Lexington and Maysville. That company
operates no interstate trains over said portions of its railroad. In
consequence said intrastate trains do an interstate commerce business,
and, no doubt, a very large business of that character. Frequently,
if not always, the intrastate freight trains operated thereon have on
them interstate cars passing between points thereon and points on its
Memphis, Nashville, and K noxville branches to the south of Kentucky.
The same is true as to the intrastate passenger trains operated thereon.
Beyond question they do a large interstate passenger and express busi
ness between said points. Undoubtedly there is a breakage in the
passage at Louisville and Paris, but the passage is under one contract
and for continuous service. The employees on such trains, therefore,
though adjuncts of intrastate commerce, are at the very same time
adjuncts of interstate commerce. If, then, Congress, under its com
mercial power, has no right to penalize a common carrier of interstate
commerce for such discriminating action, save' only as to interstate
employees, the fact that said section applies to such employees who are
also intrastate employees can not invalidate it.
In the case of The Daniel Ball, 10 W all. 557, 19 L. Ed. 999, Mr.
Justice Field said:
“ The fact that several different and independent agencies are
employed in transporting the com m odity, some acting entirely in one
State and some acting through two or more States, does in no respect
affect the character of the transaction. To the extent in which
each agency acts, in that transportation, it is subject to the regulation
of Congress.”
The only likelihood of an intrastate train of an interstate carrier
not doing any interstate business under any circumstances would be
where such train was operated over that portion of the road over
which interstate trains ran also. But, again, if it be conceded that
there is such a thing in this country as employees of a common carrier
engaged in interstate commerce, who are adjuncts solely of intrastate
628
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
commerce, and that to invalidate an act of Congress penalizing such
discriminating action toward such employees would be unconstitu
tional, there is room to hold that the section in question admits of a
construction limiting its application to employees who are wholly, or
partially, adjuncts of interstate commerce, notwithstanding the
sweeping language in the first section, providing that “ the term
employees as used in this act, shall include all persons actually enaged in any capacity in train operation or train service of any
escription.” It is a cardinal rule of construction that where legisla
tion admits of two constructions, one of which would uphold and the
other invalidate it, the former will be adopted. Such a construction
m ay be justified by the evident intent of Congress to be drawn from
its title and all its provisions to keep within its commercial power.
There is nothing m any of said decisions relied on here against such
a position. I understand the indictment to charge that Coppage, the
employee, who it is alleged was discriminated against was an em
ployee engaged in interstate commerce. But it is not entirely clear
that an act of Congress, penalizing such action toward such employees,
would be unconstitutional. It would not be the action of a com m on
carrier engaged in intrastate commerce, that would be so penalized,
but the action of a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce,
who also did an intrastate business. Such action toward an em
ployee engaged in the intrastate department of its business would
be as likely to cause an interruption m or embarrassment of its inter
state department as like action toward an employee engaged in the
latter.
In the case of Gibbons v. Ogden, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall said:
“ The genius and character of the whole Government seems to be
that its action is to be applied to all the external concerns of the
nation, and to those internal concerns which affect the States gener
ally, but not to those which are com pliedly within a particular State,
which do not affect other States, and with which it is not necessary
to interfere for the purpose of execution, of some of the general powers
of the Government. The com pletely internal commerce of a State,
then, may be considered as reserved to the State itself.”
And, again:
“ It is obvious that the Government of the Union, in the exercise of
its express powers (that, for example, of regulating commerce with
foreign nations and among the States), may use means that m ay also
be employed b y a State, m the exercise of its acknowledged power
(that, for example, of regulating commerce within the State). If
Congress license vessels to sail from one port to another, in the same
State, the act is supposed to be necessarily incidental to the power
expressly granted to Congress, and imphes no claim of a direct
ower to regulate the purely internal commerce of a State, or to act
irectly on its system of police.”
It seems to me, therefore, that the section in question herein is not
unconstitutional for this reason: A final reason urged in support of
the contention that it is unconstitutional is that it is class legislation,
in that it confers privileges upon union labor that are not conferred
upon nonunion labor. In other words, the claim is that it denies to
nonunion labor the equal protection of the laws. But I find no pro
vision in the Federal Constitution prohibiting class legislation, i. e.,
prohibiting Congress from denying one the equal protection of the
f
S
629
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
laws. The provision in the fourteenth amendment applies only to
State action amounting to such denial.
I would not, however, commit myself to the proposition that Con
gress can deny one the equal protection of the laws. It is too serious
a matter to dispose of upon the very slight consideration which I have
given the matter. The necessities of this case do not require that I
should dispose of this question herein. The section in question does
not come within such a prohibition, even if there was one affecting
Congressional action. Such a prohibition would not prevent all dis
crimination, but only such as was arbitrary and not reasonable; that
is, not based on some reason of public policy. The discrimination
here, so far as it exists, is based on a reason of public policy. The
purpose of the legislation, as we have seen, was to prevent an inter
ruption of interstate commerce. The discriminating action on the
part of a common carrier engaged in interstate commerce toward an
employee prohibited by the section is liable to bring about such an
interruption. Like discriminating action toward an employee who
is not a member of a labor organization is not liable to produce any
such result. There is nobody to back him up in his complaints and
demands, or means by which he can bring about such interruption.
It will not do to overlook the fact that Congress in enacting the
legislation in question viewed it, not from the standpoint of the Tabor
organization, but from its own. That standpoint was the interest of
interstate commerce committed to its charge b y the Federal Constitu
tion. This reason, then, does not meet m y approval. I am con
strained to hold, therefore, that said section is constitutional. In
disposing of the question I have borne along with me two general
considerations: One is that I am not concerned with the policy of said
legislation— only with its constitutionality. The other is that I
have no right to hold an act of Congress unconstitutional, unless it is
clearly so. It seems to me that these two considerations, in connec
tion with those handled in detail, are sufficient to demand of me that
I uphold said law.
DECISIONS U N DER COMMON LAW .
I n j u n c t io n — B o y c o t t i n g — P i c k e t i n g — C o m p e t i t i o n
of
L a b o r — George
in
E m
Jonas Glass Company v. Glass Bottle
Blowers1 Association, Court o f Chancery o f New Jersey, 66 Atlantic
Reporter, page 958.— The glass company prayed for an injunction
against the association named and its officers, who were engaged in
an attempt to compel the com pany to unionize its plant. This effort
had been maintained for a number of years, and a boycott (which
had been declared unlawful by the court) had largely interfered with
the business of the company. A number of the employees joined
the union and went out on a strike in 1899. New workmen were
obtained, about 300 of whom were induced to go on strike in April,
1902, which strike has been maintained since that time under the
direction and management of some of the principal officers of the
association. A t the beginning of this strike a lot of land was leased
at Minotola, near the factory of the complaining company, on which
ploym ent
630
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
a tent was erected. This was afterwards replaced, at the expense
o f the association, by a substantial wooden structure, in which the
strikers congregated, as they had previously done in the tent. Other
facts appear in the opinion.
Vice-Chancellor Bergen, who delivered the opinion of the court,
allowed the injunction prayed for, on grounds which appear in the
portion of his remarks reproduced herewith. Having first stated
the facts set forth above, he said:
The present proceeding was instituted by the complainant to have
the defendants among whom are numerous of its former workmen,
enjoined from boycotting its business; inducing its employees by
threats, intimidation, force, violence, or the payment of money to
refuse to perform their duties or leave its service, or, b y like methods,
preventing those who desire to do so from entering its employment,
and also from using indecent and opprobrious epithets to its officers
and employees; from collecting singly or in com bination with others
with the intention of picketing the public highways leading to its
factory for the purpose of inducing laborers not to take employment
with it; from gathering at railroad stations at or near complainant’s
works, and inducing or attempting to induce persons arriving at such
stations seeking employment at complainant’s factory from so doing,
and generally from bribing or intimidating workmen to refrain from
entering complainant’s employment, or inducing those who are
employed to leave.
The principal officers of the defendant association have been called,
and they all deny that they instigated the strike; but such denials
have little weight when considered in connection with their previous
and subsequent conduct, for it is quite clear from the evidence that
months before the strike occurred they had been engaged in an effort
to bend complainant to the will of their asspciation, and employed
all the resources of a rich, powerful, and well-organized society to
deprive the complainant of a market for its goods, and to accom
plish the destruction of its business in default of its submission to
their will, when faffing in such efforts, this strike was declared a
strike which the officers of this association are immediately found to
be directing and controlling, and in furtherance of which the asso
ciation for a long period, if not to the present time, has paid the
wages not only of the men who left the ^factory, but of strangers
brought from other places to lead and direct the strikers. The first
demonstration after the strike was declared was a parade led b y the
defendant Doughty, the vice-president of the association, preceded
b y a band of music, and Mr. Hayes, the president of the association,
was so prom ptly on the ground that the suspicion is justified that
he had knowledge o f what was coming. The testim ony of the
witness Edward C. Rush shows that some time prior to this strike
meetings of the workmen were held at Vineland, which he attended,
and that the defendants Doughty and Launer, another officer of the
association, were present at different times and addressed the meet
ings, advising the men to organize and keep still about it, and that
“ they would take care of them and pay them good wages if they
went out.” #I am satisfied from the evidence that this strike was
promoted by the officers of this association in pursuance of their con
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
631
ceived scheme to compel the complainant to unionize its factory. I
believe that Mr. Hayes told the truth when he testified that he had
no interest in the workmen before the strike, because they had taken
the places of other strikers, and am satisfied that he used these men
as a means to accomplish his long-cherished purpose; that it was a
war of conquest, not for the relief of the downtrodden, as he now
seeks to convince us; and that the officers of this association are as
directly responsible for the acts of violence and unlawful conduct of
these men as if they had actually participated in each of them. I
give little credit to, and have no respect for, men who inaugurate a
movement which they know they can not control, and then seek to
excuse themselves because they have advised, as they say, a body o f
men, many of them ignorant Italians, against the doing of unlawful
acts, when common sense and ordinary experience teaches that a
body of idle workmen, called together at a common rendezvous, such
as this association provided, pay no attention to moral precepts com
municated for the purpose of being used as a defense when called
upon to respond for the acts o f a disorderly mob. If these men had
been advised to return to their homes and act as orderly law-abiding
citizens, sim ply exercising their fight to quit work, a different situa
tion would nave been presented, but, on the contrary, they were
gathered at a place provided by the officers of the defendant asso
ciation for no possible reason except to make a show of force, the
known effect or which would be to arouse the fears of others desiring
to remain at work, or to take the places of those who had left, and
whose continued employment would endanger. the success of the
result sought to be accomplished. The parties who start a confla
gration are; and should be, responsible for its consequences.
The testim ony in this case is too voluminous to permit of a par
ticular analysis. It is enough to say that I find that acts of violence
were com m itted; that terror reigned in this village for several days;
that peaceable citizens seeking to obtain work were met on the public
highways b y large bodies of these strikers and turned back; that
Eersons seeking to move into the town were stopped on the public
ighway, and only permitted to proceed through the interference of
a peace officer; that private dwellings were visited by bands of men
for the purpose of deterring persons desiring to continue work from
doing so ; that one of the employees who returned to work was assas
sinated, all attempts to discover the perpetrator being futile, because
of the conditions existing, and all o f this done, it is claimed, in the
interest of organized labor, a claim which, in m y judgment, no class
of men will be more swift to repudiate than the fair-minded mem
bers of the labor organizations o f the country.
A part of the argument submitted by counsel relates to the question
whether the laborers were justified in striking. W ith that question
I conceive the court has nothing to do. Men have a right to cease
work whenever they choose, with or without a reason. If they
violate a contract, the master has his legal remedy in damages; and
so long as workmen abandoning work disperse and behave as quiet
orderly citizens, they are only exercising their rights, but when b y
force, or intimidation they undertake to deter those who are willing
to work from so doing, they violate the law of the land. On the
argument counsel for the defendants admitted that violence, intimi
dation, and all unlawful interference with persons seeking em ploy
632
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
ment with the complainant was an illegal infringement of its property
rights, and rested their defense on this branch of the case upon a
denial that the conditions which I have found to exist did exist, and
I have no hesitation in declaring that such conduct should be
restrained.
There is still another branch of this case to be considered, and that
is the placing of men, two or three in number, on the highways leading
into Minotola, for the alleged purpose of peaceably persuading labor
ers from seeking employment with the complainant. After very
carefully considering this question, I am of opinion that the com
plainant is entitled to have the defendants restrained from establish
ing or continuing such picketing, for the only purpose to be served
is to intercept persons coming to seek employment with the com
plainant, and a court should judge of the right to maintain that sort
of surveillance over a complainant's business, according to its evident
intent and purpose. In its mildest form it is a nuisance, and to com
pel a manufacturer to have the natural flow of labor to his em ploy
ment sifted b y a self-constituted antagonistic committee whose very
resence upon the highway for such purpose is deterrent is just as
P
estructive of his property as is a boycott which prevents the sale of
his product. As was well said by Judge McPherson, speaking for
the United States circuit court: “ There is and can be no such thing
as peaceful picketing, any more than there can be chaste vulgarity,
or peaceful mobbing, or lawful lynching." (Atch., T. & S. F. R y. Go.
v. Gee (C. C.), 139 Fed. 582-584.) The single object sought to be
obtained by picketing is to prevent the complainant from continuing
its business by depriving it of one of its essential necessities, namely,
labor; for, if the picketing has not that object, the reason for main
taining pickets would not exist. That a person who has left his
em ployer may approach another and, if he is willing to listen, tell
him the truth regarding the conditions existing, does not meet the
question being considered, because in this case there is a well-defined
scheme in which a number of persons have joined to prevent the
complainant from carrying on his business, it is not a case where
the mdividual on his own behalf is taking his grievance to a willing
listener, but a combination of men, backed bv great wealth, conspiring
to deprive the complainant of the means or carrying on its business,
with the hope that it will ultim ately be compelled to yield and sur
render its property to the control of strangers, and any picketing
which deprives a citizen of his property rights, which it is manifest
the acts complained of in this case are intended to accomplish, is
subversive of all law and order, and, if permitted to continue, will in
the end destroy the prosperity and happiness of society. The
defendants frankly admit that the purpose of picketing is to induce
every person intending to seek employment with the complainant
to refrain from doing so, and attempt to justify it upon the ground
that they are com petitors of the complainant in the labor market,
and, being such, have the right to take from it all laborers that they
can persuade to leave it, or refrain from entering its employ. Honest
com petition of such character is what every business man must sub
mit to, but it must be com petition and not a malicious intention to
injure. Inducing the employees of a person to leave their em ploy
ment, or others not to accept his employment, for the purpose of
crippling his business, where the organization offering tne m duce
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
633
ment is not engaged in any business, com petitive or otherwise, and
which has no need of the labor, and no reason for interfering beyond
the avowed purpose of overthrowing the complainant, in the stand
which it has taken against the demand of the organization, that it
shall unionize its factory, is not the com petition which the law recog
nizes or upholds; for “ the result which they seek to obtain cannot
come directly from anything they do within the regular line of their
business as workers competing in the labor market. It can only
come from action outside of the province of workingmen, intended
directly to injure another.” (Berry v. Donavan, 188 Mass. 353,
74 N. E. 603, 5 L. R. A. (N. S.) 899, 108 Am. St. Rep. 499.)
It was urged on the argument that the proofs did not show that
every defendant was guilty of some act of violence. It, however,
appears that all of the defendants were a part of the combination to
compel the complainant to unionize its factory. They did not leave
their work and go to their homes, but congregated in large crowds, some
participating in one act of violence, some in another; and it is impos
sible, in any ordinary way, to positively identify each member making
up a mob of two or three hundred men. They were all at the head
quarters provided by the association for the strikers; were all paid
out of the funds of the association, and the strikers were under a
written contract with the complainant to serve for a definite period,
and all joined together in a body to disregard their written obliga
tions. These acts show that a conspiracy was entered into by all of
the defendants to compel the complainant to conduct its business
under rules and regulations to which it was unwilling to submit, and
the overt acts of some of the defendants in carrying out the object of
the combination, having caused irreparable injury to complainant's
property, all those who aided and abetted are equally responsible,
ana all should be enjoined, for the injunction can work no hardship,
as it affects no right of property, or restrains the doing of any lawful
act.
The complainant is entitled to an injunction against the defendant
association and its officers, particularly the defendants Hayes and
Agard, restraining it and them from persuading or inducing persons
or corporations not to deal with it because it employs nonunion work
men, or refuses to be unionized, and against all of the defendants
according to the prayer of the bill, except so much thereof as relates
to the paying of money to the employees of the complainant who have
left or may voluntarily leave its service.
L abor
O r g a n iz a t io n s — E n f o r c e m e n t
S t r i k e s — I n j u n c t io n — Jetton-Dekle
of
U
n io n
R ules—
Lumber Company v. Mather,
Supreme Court o f Florida, 43 Southern Reporter, page 590.— This case
was before the supreme court on an appeal from the circuit court of
Hillsboro County. The judge of the latter court had granted an
injunction against strikers, members of various labor organizations
affiliated as a “ Building trades council,” and on a hearing for a disso
lution had continued the injunction with a certain modification. In
its modified form the bill prohibited intimidation or coercion of any
634
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF'LABOR.
sort against persons accepting employment with the plaintiff company,
interference with the business of the company or with its employees,
and boycotts or attempts to boycott its business. The m odification
secured allowed the unions to enforce their rules providing for the
expulsion of such of their members as might incur the penalties pre
scribed for the violation of union rules, and it was on this point that
the company appealed.
The opinion of the supreme court was delivered by Judge Cockrell,
and sustained the views of the lower court, on grounds which appear
in the following quotation:
Unquestionably an individual can stop work at any time without
cause, being liable only for a breach of contract; and no element of
contract as between the complainant and these defendants is alleged.
Does the fact that more than one individual has quit work make a
difference, under the circumstances above stated? W e may assume
that it is not universally true that many may do what one may law
fully do, though this must be said with reservation, and that a “ con
spiracy” may cause a wrong which one man, acting by himself, could
not commit. But before the courts can punish or prevent a con
spiracy, either the act conspired or the manner of its doing must be
unlawful. Are not both alternatives absent in the case of a simple
strike? It is certainly lawful to attempt by negotiation, or other
peaceable, legitimate ways, to get higher pay for one’s labor, and, if the
demand is not met, to go elsewhere with one’s labor, or to sit idle, if
needs be, until satisfactory arrangements are made. Labor unions in
and of themselves can not be said to be unlawful, and yet one of the
prime objects of their existence is by combinations of the supply to
regulate the demand. Some of the cases, particularly the English
cases, stress the m otive underlying the strike, and apparently hold
that if the strike is to better the condition of the workman it is lawful,
but if it be to punish the employer it is unlawful. If this be the
correct delimitation, this case comes up to the rule. There is noth
ing personal to the complainant in the strike, but simply and entirely
an endeavor to obtain advantage for the defendants.
No mandatory injunction is asked, and nothing can possibly be
done as to those laborers who voluntarily left their work ana are
voluntarily remaining away; but, says the appellant, these various
labor unions, under the modification, can use moral suasion, moral
coercion, upon their respective members by fines and threats of expul
sion. This was a risk voluntarily assumed by the members entering
the unions, and if no longer willing to pay the price, if the advantages
derived are not equal to the burdens assumed, each member has a
fperfect right to withdraw from the union, to seek to get back his
ormer employment, and to be protected therein by the injunction
still in force.
It can hardly be questioned that the decided weight, if not the
universal rule, of the m odem American cases, sustains the action of
the circuit court in refusing to extend the effects of the injunction so
as to include the peaceable enforcement by labor unions of their
reasonable rules. [Cases cited.]
Is there any declared policy in this State to force us to put our
selves out of alignment with our sister States? Especially must this
DECISIONS OF COUETS AFFECTING LABOK.
635
be clear before we would interfere to lay the heavy hand of injunction
where the circuit judge, more familiar than ourselves with the con
ditions confronting the city of Tampa, has refused to do so.
In Chipley v. Atkinson, 23 Fla. 206, 1 South. 934, 11 Am. St.
Rep. 367, this court held that an action would he in behalf of a
discharged employee against one who maliciously procured his dis
charge, and stress is laid upon the evil intent witn which the act was
done. That case, so far as it is in point, would tend rather to sustain
the modification of the injunction before us. Not only was it there
held that the mere attempt to procure a discharge would not be
actionable, even though the attempt were accompanied with a mali
cious intent, but it was clearly intimated that, even as to the con
summated act, malice was essential to a cause of action; and, as we
have said above, a peaceful strike, accompanied by an enforcement
of the rules of a voluntary organization to the extent of expulsion
against those members who disobey the rules, does not necessarily
snow malice.
Chapter 4144, page 69, Laws of 1893, entitled “ An act to prohibit
wrongful combinations against workmen, and to punish the same,”
presents some difficulty. As this statute is probably unique, we
quote at length.
“ Section 1. If two or more persons shall agree, conspire, combine,
or confederate together for the purpose of preventing any person or
persons from procuring work in any firm or corporation, or to cause
the discharge of any person or persons frojn work in such firm or
corporation, or if any person or persons shall verbally or by a written
or printed communication, threaten any injury to the fife, property
or business of any person, for the purpose of procuring the discharge of
any workman in any firm or corporation, or to prevent any person
or "persons from procuring work in such firm or corporation, such
erson or persons so combining shall be deemed guilty of a misemeanor and upon conviction [thereof] shall be punished by a fine
not exceeding five hundred dollars each, or by imprisonment not
exceeding one year.”
Construing the act with reference to its restrictive title, it appears
that only wrongful combinations against workmen are denounced, and
that the combination must have for its main object or purpose the pre
venting of a certain person or persons from obtaining work, or causing
their discharge. An indictment based upon the act would have to
allege the combination to have been for the purpose of preventing
certain named persons from securing work with some firm or corpo
ration, or causing their discharge. (For some strange reason, if the
employer be an individual, not a firm or corporation, the statute
does not purport to denounce the wrongful combination.) This legis
lation, coming after the decision in Chipley v. Atkinson, supra, should
be read in the light of that decision; and, so read, it seems to us that
it does not come up to the facts before us. Upon the facts before the
circuit judge he might well have found that the purpose of the com
bination was not to prevent particular individuals obtaining work, but
the purpose was to secure the work for themselves. It is not the duty
of courts of equity to decide upon nice questions of criminal law, ana,
resolving them against the defendants, impose its injunction against
the commission of the acts out of which such nice questions arise.
If a combination of workmen for their own benefit operate an injury
S
636
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
to the property of others, and that combination is clearly against the
criminal laws of the State, a court of equity may intervene to protect
the property right, even though the criminal courts may also be
resortea to for enforcing the penalties imposed. Such seems to be
the current holding of the courts in this country. Yet, where there
is serious doubt as to the facts alleged constituting a crime, it would
seem best to leave the solution of the doubt to the forum appointed
by the constitution directly and specifically for the trial of criminal
causes.
W e regret that we are unable to throw light upon this much vexed
live question of the hour. Following the correct principle and the
weight of the m odem American cases, in so* far as we are able to
ascertain the principle and the weight, we find no error in the modi
fication of the injunction, and therefore it is affirmed.
L ia b il it y
of
E m ployer
for
A
cts
of
ct s
of
V io l e n c e
D u r in g
S t r i k e — Shay
E m p lo y e e s— T orts—
v. American Iron and
Steel Manufacturing Company, Supreme Court o f Pennsylvania, 67
Atlantic Reporter, page 54.— Sallie E.. Shay brought ah action in the
court of common pleas of Lebanon County to recover damages for
injuries inflicted b y employees of the company named during a strike.
On hearing the court discharged the defendant, entering a compulsory
nonsuit, which it refused to take off. An appeal was taken to the
supreme court to secure the removal of the nonsuit, but failed. The
supreme court adopted the opinion of the court below in full, which
presents the facts, and from which the following is quoted:
The plaintiff is the owner of a house and a lot of ground, situated
on Weidman street, in the city of Lebanon, and alleges that on Sep
tember 20, 1902, several bullets were fired into her dwelling house
by employees of the defendant company, damaging her house, and
by reason whereof she was frightened and shocked, thereby causing
her to be permanently injured.
From the testimony produced by the plaintiff it appears that at
the time of the alleged injury a large number of the employees of the
defendant company were on a stnke, and that on the afternoon of
September 20, 1902, a carload of colored men, who were engaged to
work for defendant, arrived at Lebanon, and were taken to its works
inside of the fence inclosing the said works. In taking said car with
said colored men from the station to the works, they were followed
by a crowd of men and boys, some of whom jumped on the platform
or the car, opened the door, and called them vile names, to which
no reply was made b y anyone inside of the car. When the colored
men left the car, at the works inside of the inclosure, the persons con
gregated on the outside commenced to throw stones and other
missiles into the inclosure. A number of shots were then fired from
the inside and also from the outside. During this time it is alleged,
and sworn to b y the plaintiff, that a bullet was fired through a secondstory window of her house at or near where she was standing, facing
the defendant’s works, and which was afterwards found embedded in
the wall of the house and which produced the said fright and shock.
A
DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
637
An attempt was also made by the plaintiff to prove that the men
brought there that day were armed by the defendant company or at
their direction, but failed. The evidence produced b y the plaintiff
shows that those of the men who had revolvers had them without the
knowledge of the defendant company, and did the shooting that was
done against the protest of the persons who had charge of them; that
the colored men were not hired to protect the works or the property
of the company, but to operate its works; and that the discnarge of
firearms was not in the course of their employment.
Assuming, for the purpose of this motion, that the bullets fired into
the plaintiffs house were fired by employees of the defendant company,
it does not follow that the defendant is liable in damages for injury
done to her dwelling or injury caused to her person by fright and
shock. The law is well settled that a master is only liable for injuries
resulting from the willful conduct of his servants if inflicted within
the scope of his authority or employment. (Railway Co. v. Donahue,
70 Pa. 119; Snodgrass v. Bradley, 2 Grant, Cas. 43; Pennsylvania Co.
v. Toom ey, 91 Pa. 256; Scanlon v. Suter, 158 Pa. 275, 27 Atl. 963;
Rudgeair v. Traction Co., 180 Pa. 333, 36 Atl. 859.)
It is contended by the plaintiff’s attorneys that the discharge of
the firearms, b y the defendant’s employees, was malicious and the
evidence produced by the plaintiff justifies the contention. Those
who discharged the firearms at the plaintiff’s house did so wantonly
and recklessly, and were guilty of a criminal offense; and unless it was
done within the scope of their employment or by the direction of the
employer, and there is no evidence that it was done within the scope
of their employment, or by the authority of the employer, the defend
ant can not be held liable in damages for injuries suffered by the
plaintiff.
LAWS OF VARIOUS STATES RELATING TO LABOR, ENACTED
SINCE JANUARY 1, 1904.
[The Tenth Special R ep ort o f this Bureau contains all laws o f the various States and Territories and
o f the U nited States relating t o labor, in force January 1, 1904. L ater enactm ents are reproduced in
successive issues o f the Bulletin, beginning w ith Bulletin N o. 57, the issue o f March, 1905. A cum ulative
index o f these later enactm ents is t o be found on page 655 et seq. o f this issue.]
ARIZONA.
ACTS OF 1907.
Ch a p t e r
13.— Em ploym ent o f women and m inors in saloons.
S e c t i o n 1. It shall be unlawful for the owner of any saloon w ithin the Territory
of Arizona to perm it any woman or m inor, either for hire or otherwise, to sing, to
recite, to dance, to play on any m usical instrument, to give any theatrical or other
exhibition, to drink, serve drinks or any other form of refreshm ent or viands, or to
solicit for the purchase of [or] sale thereof; to engage in, or to take part in, any game
of chance or amusement, or to loiter in any saloon or in any room or apartment, except
the lob b y of a legitim ate hotel, opening from or into any saloon w ithin the Territory
of Arizona.
S e c . 2. A n y person who shall violate any provision of this act shall be deem ed
gu ilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof, shall be punished b y a fine of
not less than fifty dollars, nor more than three hundred dollars, or b y im prisonment
in the county jail for not less than thirty days or more than one hundred and eighty
days, or b y both such fine and im prisonm ent in the discretion of the court.
A pproved March 5, 1907.
Ch a pte r
34.— Exem ption o f wages from garnishment.
S e c t i o n 1. Paragraph 388 of the R evised Statutes of Arizona, 1901, is hereby am ended
to read as follow s:
That one-half of the earnings for personal services rendered at any tim e w ithin
thirty days n ext preceding the service of the w rit shall not be subject to garnishment
when it shall be made to appear b y the affidavit of the debtor that such earnings are
necessary for the support of his fam ily, residing w ithin this Territory, and supported
w holly b y his labor.
A pproved March 14, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
67.— E m ploym ent o f children— School attendance.
S e c t i o n 2. Paragraph 2231, title 19, chapter 11, of the R evised Statutes, is hereby
am ended so as to read as follow s:
Paragraph 2231. No ch ild under the age of fourteen years shall be em ployed by
any person, persons, com pany or corporation during the school hours of any school
day of the school term of the pu blic school in the school district where such child
resides, unless such ch ild has been excused from attendance on instruction, as pro
vided in this section. E very such em ployer shall require proof that such ch ild has
been excused from such attendance, ana shall keep a record of such proof, w hich shall
be open to the inspection of any peace officer or school trustee of the district. A ny
em ployer em ploying any ch ild contrary to the provisions of this section shall be
deem ed gu ilty of a misdem eanor, and liable to a fine of not less than tw enty-five
($25.00) dollars, nor more than one hundred ($100.00) dollars, to be placed to the credit
of the school fund of the district. E very parent, guardian, or other person in the
Territory of Arizona, having control of any ch ild betw een the ages of eight and four
te e n years (or o f a n y c h ild o f th e age o f fo u rte e n an d u n d e r th e age o f s ix te e n , who is
638
LABOR LAWS---- ARIZONA---- A C TS OF 1907.
639
unable to read and write in the English language), shall be required to send such child
to a pu blic school or private school taught b y a com petent instructor for a period of
six schools [school] months of w hich tw enty school weeks shall be consecutive, in each
school year, said ch ild to begin attendance on school w ithin two weeks after the
opening of school for the admission of pupils: Provided , That such parent, guardian
or other person having control of such ch ild shall be excused from such du ty b y the
board of trustees of the district whenever it shall be shown to its satisfaction that one
of the follow ing reasons exist therefor:
1. That such ch ild is taught at hom e b y a com petent instructor in the branches
taught in the prim ary and grammar schools of the Territory.
2. That such ch ild has already com pleted the grammar school course prescribed
b y the Territorial board of education.
3. That such ch ild is in such physical or mental condition (as declared b y a com
petent physician, if required b y the board) to render such attendance inexpedient
or im practicable.
4. That circum stances rendering attendance im practicable or dangerous to health,
ow ing to unusual storm, or otner sufficient cauBe, shall work an exem ption from the
penalties of this act.
A pproved, March 21, 1907.
Ch apte r
72.— M in e regulations— Signals.
S e c t i o n 1. E very person, com pany, corporation or individual, operating any
m ine w ithin the Territory of Arizona, gold, silver, copper, lead, coal or any other
m etal or substance where it is necessary to use signals b y means of bell or otherwise,
for shafts, inclines, drifts, crosscuts, tunnels and underground workings, shall after
the passage of this b ill adopt, use and put in force the follow ing system or code of m ine
bell signals as follow s:
1. B ell to hoist.
1. B ell to stop.
2. Bells to low er.
2, slow. B ells to low er slow.
3. Bells to hoist slow, men on cage.
3, slow. B ells to hoist very slow.
2-1. B ells 1st station.
2-2. B ells 2nd station.
2-3. B ells 3rd station.
2 - 4. B ells 4th station.
3 - 1. B ells 5th station.
3-2. B ells 6th station.
3 - 3. B ells 7th station.
4— 1. B ells 8th station.
4— B ells 9th station.
2.
4— B ells 10th station.
3.
4 - 4. B ells 11th station.
5 - 1. Bells 12th station.
5-2. Bells 13th station.
5-3. B ells 14th station.
5-4. B ells 15th station.
5 - 5. B ells 16th station.
6 - 1. B ells 17th station.
6-2. B ells 18th station.
5. B ells for blasting.
6. B ells, turn on or off steam to. pum p.
7. B ells, accident in shaft; wait for orders.
8. B ells, turn on or off air.
Engineer’s signal that he is ready to hoist, is to raise the bucket or cage, two feet
and low er it again.
Sec . 2. For the purpose of enforcing and properly understanding the above code
of signals, the following rules are hereby established:
R ule 1. In giving signals, make strokes on bell at regular intervals. The bar (— )
must take the same tim e as for one (1) stroke of the bell, and no more.
R ule 2. No person must get off or on the bucket or cage w hile the same is in m otion.
W hen men are to be hoisted or lowered give signal for men. Men must then get on
the bucket or cage, then give the signal to hoist or low er. B ell cord must be in reach
of man on the bucket or cage at stations.
16251—08------ 16
640
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
R ule 3. A fter signal “ R eady to shoot in sh a ft/, engineer must give signal when he
is read [ready] to hoist. Miners must then give the signal* “ men to be h o iste d /’ and #
then “ spit fuse,” get into the bucket, and give signal to hoist.
R u le 4. A ll tim bers, tools, etc., “ longer than the depth of the bu ck et,” to be
hoisted or low ered, must be securely lashed at the upper end to the cable.
R ule 5. The foreman w ill see that one printed sheet of these signals and rules for
each level and one for the engine room are attached to a board not less than tw elve
(12) inches w ide b y thirty-six (36) inches long, and securely fasten board up where
signals can be easily read at the places above stated.
R ule 6. The above signals ana rules must be obeyed. A n y violation w ill be suffi
cient grounds for discharging the party or parties so doing. No person, com pany,
corporation, or individuals, operating any m ine w ithin the Territory of Arizona, shall
be responsible for accidents that m ay happen to m en disobeying tne above rules and
signals. Said notice and rules shall be signed b y the person or superintendent hav
ing charge of the m ine, who shall designate the name of the corporation or the owner
of the m ine.
S ec . 3. A n y person or company failing to carry out any of the provisions of this act
shall be responsible for all damages arising to or incurred b y any person working in
said mine during the time of such failure.
A pproved March 21, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
79.— Exem ption o f wages from execution.
S e c t i o n 20. One-half the earnings of the defendant for his personal services ren
dered at any tim e w ithin th irty days next preceding the le v y of the execution or
attachm ent shall be exem pt when it appears b y the affidavit of such defendant, or
otherwise, that such earnings are necessary for the use of his fam ily, residing in this
Territory, supported in w hole or in part b y his labor.
A pproved March 21, 1907.
CALIFORNIA.
ACTS OF 1907.
Ch a p t e r
51.— A ttorneys' fees in suits fo r wages.
S e c t i o n 1 . Section nine hundred and tw enty-four of the Code of C ivil Procedure is
hereby am ended so as to read as follow s:
924. The prevailing party in the justices’ courts is entitled to costs of the action,
and also of any proceedings taken b y him in aid of an execution, issued upon any
judgm ent recovered therein. In actions for the recovery of wages for labor perform ed,
the court shall add, as part of the costs in any judgm ent recovered b y the plain tiff,
an attorney’ [s] fee hot exceeding tw enty per cent of the am ount recovered.
A pproved February 28, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
97.— Liability o f em ployers fo r injuries to em ployees.
S e c t i o n 1. Section 1970 of the C ivil Code of the State of California is hereby
am ended so as to read as follow s:
1970. A n em ployer is not bound to indem nify his em ployee for losses suffered b y
the latter in consequence of the ordinary risks of the business in w hich he is em ployed,
nor in consequence of the negligence of another person em ployed b y the same em
ployer in the same general business, unless the negligence causing the injury was
com m itted in the perform ance of a du ty the em ployer owes b y law to the em ployee,
or unless the em ployer has neglected to use ordinary care in the selection of the cul
pable em ployee: Provided , nevertheless, That the em ployer shall be liable for such
injury when the same results from the wrongful act, neglect or default of any agent
or officer of such em ployer, superior to the em ployee injured, or of a person em ployed
b y such em ployer having the right to control or direct the services of such em ployee
injured, ana also when such injury results from the wrongful act, neglect or default
of a coem ployee engaged in another departm ent of labor from that of the em ployee
injured, or em ployed upon a m achine, railroad train, sw itch-signal point, locom otive
engine, or other appliance than that upon w hich the em ployee is injured is em ployed,
or who is charged w ith dispatching trains, or transm itting telegraphic or telephonic
orders upon any railroad, or in the operation of any m ine, factory, m achine shop, or
other industrial establishm ent.
LABOR LAWS---- CALIFORNIA---- ACTS OF 1907.
641
Knowledge by an employee injured of the defective or unsafe character or condition
of any machinery, ways, appliances or structures of such employer shall not be a bar
to recovery for any injury or death caused thereby, unless it shall also appear that
such employee fully understood, comprehended and appreciated the dangers inci
dent to the use of such defective machinery, ways, appliances or structures, and there
after consented to use the same, or continued in the use thereof.
When death, whether instantaneous or otherwise, results from an injury to an
employee received as aforesaid, the personal representative of such employee shall
have a right of action therefor against such employer, and may recover damages in
respect thereof, for and on behalf, and for the benefit of the widow, children, depend
ent parents, and dependent brothers and sisters, in order of precedence as herein
stated, but no more than one action shall be brought for such recovery.
Any contract or agreement, express or implied, made by any such employee to
waive the benefits oi this section, or any part thereof, shall be null and void, and
this section shall not be construed to deprive any such employee or his personal rep
resentative, of any right or remedy to which he is now entitled under the laws of this
State.
The rules and principles of law as to contributory negligence which apply to other
cases shall apply to cases arising under this section, except in so far as the same are
herein modified or changed.
Approved March 6, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
322.— E m p lo y m en t
o f ch ildren.
S e c t i o n 1. Section five of the “ Act regulating the employment and hours of labor
of children * * * ” [Chapter 18, Acts of 1905] is hereby amended to read as
follows:
Section 5. Nothing in this act shall be construed to prohibit the employment of
minors at agricultural, horticultural, viticulture!, or domestic labor, during the time
the public schools are not in session, or during other than school hours. For the pur
pose of this act, horticulture shall be understood to include the curing and drying, but
not the canning, of all varieties of fruit.
Approved March 19, 1907.
Ch a pte r
524.— E m p lo y m en t
o f ch ild ren .
S e c t i o n 1. Section 2 of an act entitled “ An act regulating the employment and
hours of labor of children * * * ” [Chapter 18, Acts of 1905], is hereby amended so
[asl to read as follows:
Section 2. No minor under the age of sixteen years shall be employed or permitted
to work in any mercantile institution, office, laundry, manufacturing establishment,
or workshop between the hours of ten o’clock in the evening and six o’clock in the
morning.
No child under fourteen years of age shall be employed in any mercantile institution,
office, laundry, manufacturing establishment, workshop, place of amusement, restau
rant, hotel, apartment house, or in the distribution or transmission of merchandise or
messages:
P rovid ed , That the judge of the juvenile court of the county, or city and county, or
in any county or city ana county in which there is no juvenile court, then any judge
of the superior court of the county or city and county in which such child resides, shall
have authority to issue a permit to work to any child over the age of twelve years, upon
a sworn statement being made to him by the parent of such child that such child is
past the age of twelve years, that the parents or parent of such child are incapacitated
for labor, through illness, and after investigation by a probation officer or truant officer
of the city, or city and county, in which such child resides, or in cities and counties
where there are no probation or truant officers, then by such other competent persons
as the judge may designate for this purpose. The permit so issued shall specify the
kind of labor and the time for which it is issued, and shall in no case be issued for a
longer period than shall seem necessary to the judge issuing such permit. Such per
mit shall be kept on file by the person, firm or corporation employing the child therein
designated during the term of said employment, and shall be given up to said child
upon his quitting such employment. Such certificate shall be always open to the
inspection of the truant and probation officers of the city and county, city or county,
in which the place of employment is situated or of the officers of the State bureau of
labor statistics:
A n d p rovid ed , That the attendance officer of any county, city and county, or school
district in which any place of employment, in this section named, is situated, shall
642
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
have the right and authority, at all times to enter into any such place of employment
for the purpose of investigating violations of the provisions of this act, or violations of
the provisions of an act entitled “ An act to enforce the educational rights of children
and providing penalties for violatons of the act,” approved March 24th, 1903, and
amended March 20th, 1905: P rovid ed , h ow ever , That if such attendance officer is
denied -entrance to such place of employment, any magistrate may, upon the filing of
an affidavit by such attendance officer setting forth the fact that he has good cause to
believe that the provisions of this act, or the act hereinbefore referred to, are being
violated in such place of employment, issue an order directing such attendance officer
to enter said place of employment for the purpose of making such investigations:
A n d p rovid ed , That any such child, over the age of twelve years, may be employed
at any of the occupations mentioned in this act during the regular vacation of the pub
lic schools of the city, county, or city and county in which the place of employment
is situated, upon the production of a permit signed by the principal of the school which
such child has attended during the term next preceding any such vacation. Such
permit shall contain the name and age of the child to whom it is issued, and the date
of the termination of the vacation for which it is issued, and shall be kept on file
by the employer during the period of employment, and at the termination of such
employment shall be returned to the child to whom it was issued.
No minor who is under sixteen years of age shall be employed or permitted to work
at any gainful occupation during the hours that the public schools of the city, town or
school district in which his place of employment is situated are in session, unless he
or she can read English at sight and can write legibly and correctly simple English
sentences, or unless he or she is a regular attendant for the then current term at a regu
larly conducted night school. A certificate of the principal of such school shall be held
to be sufficient evidence of such attendance.
Approved March 23,1907.
IDAHO.
ACTS OF 1907.
H ou rs o f labor o f em p loyees in m in es an d sm elters .
(P a ge 97.)
1. The period of employment of working men in all underground mines
or workings shall be eight (8) hours per day, except in cases of emergency where life
or property is in imminent danger.
S e c . 2 . The period of employment of workingmen in smelters, and in all other
institutions for the refining or reduction of ores or metals, shall be eight (8) hours per
day, except in cases of emergency where life or property is in imminent danger.
S e c t io n
Sec . 3. A n y person, bod y corporate, agent, manager or employer who shall violate
any of the provisions of sections 1 or 2 of this act shall be guilty of a misdemeanor
ana upon conviction thereof shall be punished b y a fine of not less than fifty dollars
($50.00) nor more than three hundred dollars ($300.00), or b y imprisonment in the
county jail for not more than six months, or b y both such fine and imprisonment.
Approved on the 26th day of February, 1907.
S u n d ay la b or .
(P a ge 223.)
S e c t i o n 1. The first day of the week,- commonly called Sunday, is hereby set apart
as a day of public rest.
S e c . 2. It shall be unlawful for any person or persons in this State to keep open on
Sunday for the purpose of any business, trade, or sale of goods, wares, or merchandise,
any shop, store, building, or place of business whatever: P rovid ed ,. That hotels and
restaurants may furnish lodging and meals, and, P rovid ed , That this section shall not
apply to livery stables, or to stores in so far as the sale of medicines or sick room supplies
are concerned, or to undertakers while providing for the dead, or to news stands
in so far as the quiet sale and delivery oi daily papers and magazines is concerned,
nor to sale of nonintoxicating refreshments, candies and cigars.
Any person or persons violating this section shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and
on conviction thereof said offender shall be fined m any sum not less than twentyfive dollars ($25.00) nor more than one hundred dollars ($100.00), or shall be impris
oned in the county jail not to exceed thirty days and upon a Sfecond conviction by
both such fine and imprisonment.
Approved March 12, 1907:
LABOR LAWS---- IDAHO— ACTS OF 1907.
643
E m p lo y m en t o f ch ildren .
(P a ge 248.)
Section 1. N o child under fourteen years of age shall be employed, permitted
or suffered to work in or in connection with any mine, factory, workshop, mercantile
establishment, store, telegraph or telephone office, laundry, restaurant, hotel, apart
ment house, or in the distribution or transmission of merchandise or messages. It
shall be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation to employ any child under four
teen years of age in any such business or service whatever during the hours in which
the public schools of the district in which the child resides are in session, or before the
hour of six o’clock in the morning, or after the hour of nine o’clock in the evening:
P rovid ed , That any such child, over the age of twelve years may be employed at any
of the occupations mentioned in this act during the regular vacations o f two weeks or
more of the public schools of the district in winch such child resides.
Sec . 2. No minor who is under sixteen years of age shall be employed or permitted
to work at any gainful occupation during the hours that the public schools of the
school district in which he resides are in session, unless he can read at sight and write
legibly simple sentences in the English language, and has received instruction in
spelling, English grammar, and geography and is familiar with the fundamental
operations of arithmetic up to and including fractions, or has similar attainments in
another language.
Sec . 3. Every person, firm, corporation, agent or officer of a firm or corporation
employing or permitting minors under sixteen years of age and over fourteen years
of age to work in any mine, factory, workshop, mercantile establishment, store, tele-,
graph or telephone office, laundry, restaurant, hotel, apartment house, or in the dis
tribution or transmission of merchandise or messages, shall keep a record of the names,
ages, and places of residence of such minors.
Sec . 4. N o person under the age of sixteen years shall be employed or suffered or
permitted to work at any gainful occupation more than fifty-four hours in any one
week, nor more than nine hours in any one day; nor before the hour of six o ’clock in
the morning nor after the hour of nine o ’clock in the evening.
Sec . 5. Whoever employs a child under sixteen years of age, and whoever, having
under his control a child under such age permits such child to be employed in vio
lation of sections 1 and 2 of this act shall, for such offense, be fined not more than
fifty dollars, and whoever continues to employ any child in violation of either of
said sections of this act after being notified b y a truant officer, probation officer or
school authority shall, for every day thereafter that such employment continues be
fined not less than five nor more than twenty dollars. A failure to produce to a
truant officer, policeman, probation officer or school authority, the age record required
b y this act shall be prima facie evidence of the illegal employment of any person
whose age record is not produced. A ny parent, guardian or custodian of a minor
under sixteen years of age who knowingly swears falsely as to the age of such child
for the purpose of obtaining an age record, is guilty of perjury.
Sec . 6. Any person, whether as parent, relative, guardian, employer or otherwise,
having the care, custody or control of any child under the age of sixteen years, who
exhibits, uses or employs in any manner or under any pretense, sells, apprentices,
gives away, lets out or disposes of such child to any person, under any name, title
or pretense, for or in any business, exhibition or vocation, injurious to the health or.
dangerous to the life or limb of such child, or in or for the vocation, occupation, ser
vice or purpose of singing, playing on musical instruments, rope or wire walking,
dancing, begging or peddling, or as a gymnast, acrobat, or contortionist, or rider,
or in any place whatsoever, or for any obscene, indecent or immoral purpose, exhibi
tion or practice whatsoever, or for or in any mendicant, or wandering business whatso
ever, or who causes, procures or encourages such child to engage therein, is guilty of
a misdemeanor, and punishable by a fine of not less than fifty nor more than two
hundred and fifty dollars, or by imprisonment in the county jail for a term not exceed
ing six months or by both such fine and imprisonment. Every person who takes,
receives, hires, employs, uses, exhibits or has m custody any child under the age and
for any of the purposes mentioned in this section, is guilty of a like offense and pun
ishable by like imprisonment. Nothing in this section contained applies to or effects
[affects] the employment or use of any such child as a singer or musician in any
church, school or academy, or the teaching or learning of the science or practice of
'music.
Sec . 7. Any person, whether as parent, guardian, employer or otherwise, and any
firm or corporation, who as employer or otherwise, shall send, direct, or cause to be
sent or directed, any minor, to any saloon, gambling house, house of prostitution or
other immoral place; or who shall employ any minor to serve intoxicating liquors to
644
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
customers, or who shall employ a minor in handling intoxicating liquor or packages con
taining such liquors in a brewery, bottling establishment or other place where such
liquors are prepared for sale or ottered for sale, shall, for each offense, be punished by
a fine of not less than fifty dollars or imprisonment for not less than two months or by
both such fine and imprisonment.
S e c . 8 The probation officer, or in counties where there is not [no] probation
officer, one or more of the school trustees, shall visit the various places of employment
mentioned in sections 1 and 7 of this act and ascertain whether any minors are
employed therein contrary to the provisions of this act, and they shall bring com
plaint for offenses under this act to the attention of the prosecuting attorney for
prosecution, but nothing herein shall be held to prohibit any reputable citizen from
bringing complaint for violations of this act. All offenses under this act shall be
prosecuted in the probate court.
Approved March 12, 1907.
.
R ailroad s— H eig h t o f w ires over tracks .
(P a ge 536.)
S e c t i o n 1. It shall hereafter be unlawful for any corporation or person to string
any wire, electric or other, over the tracks of any railroad company, except at such
places and in such manner as shall be authorized and approved by the board of
county commissioners of the county wherein such crossing with such wire is proposed,
and any corporation or person desiring to so string any wire shall give such railroad
‘ company notice in writing of the place and manner in which it desires to string the
same, and the place where, and the time when, it will apply to said board of county
commissioners for approval and authority as above required, which notice shall be
served at least ten days before the time of hearing of such application.
S e c . 2. The board of county commissioners of the several counties in the State of
Idaho shall, as soon as possible after the passage of this act, either by personal exami
nation or otherwise, obtain information as to all places where the tracks of railroad
are crossed by wires strung over said tracks, and whenever in its judgment such
wires should be raised to a greater height, or other thing done with reference thereto
to guard against accidents, shall order such change or changes to be made, and shall
apportion any expense incident thereto between the companies or persons affected,
as may be deemed just and reasonable: P rovid ed , That in no case shall the height or
any wire strung or to be strung across or over such or any railroad tracks be less than
twenty-five feet, excepting trolley wires, which shall not be less than twenty feet
from the top of the rail of said railroad tracks.
Sec . 3. It shall be the duty of every corporation and persons to whom an order
made b y the board of county commissioners of the respective counties in said State
under this act shall be directed, to com ply with such order in accordance with its
terms, and for any neglect to so com ply therewith any such corporation or person
shall be liable to a penalty of $100.00, and to a like penalty for every ten days during
w hich said neglect shall continue. A n y such penalty may be recovered b y an appro
priate action instituted b y the county where such violation or disobedience has been
committed, and said penalty shall be recovered b y said county, and it shall be the
duty of the prosecuting attorney of the district in which said county is located to
bring and prosecute any such action in the name of the county at the request of the
said board of county commissioners.
Approved March 15, 1907.
MAINE.
ACTS OF 1907.
Ch a p t e r
46.— E m p loym en t
o f ch ildren — A g e lim it.
S e c t i o n 1. Section fifty-two of chapter forty of the Revised Statutes is hereby
amended * * * so that said section as amended shall read:
Section 52. No child under fourteen years of age, shall be employed in any manu
facturing or mechanical establishment m the State. Whoever, eitner for himself, oras superintendent, overseer or agent of another, employs or has in his employment any
child in violation of the provisions of this section, shall be punished by a fine of not less
than twenty-five, nor more than fifty dollars for each offense.
Sec . 2. Sections fifty-three, fifty-four and fifty-five of said chapter forty are hereby
repealed.
LABOR LAWS---- MAINE---- ACTS OF 1907.
645
Sec . 3. Chapter forty of the Revised Statutes is hereby amended by inserting as
section fifty-three of said chapter the following:
Section 53. Any child over fourteen years of age, and under sixteen years of age,
applying for employment in any manufacturing or mechanical establishment in this
State, or any person applying in his behalf, shall produce and present to the owner,
superintendent or overseer of such establishment a certified copy of the town clerks
record of the birth of such child, or a certified copy of his baptismal record showing the
date of his birth, or his passport showing said date of birth, and without the production
and presentation of said town record, baptismal record or passport, such child shall not
receive the employment applied for. The employer shall retain such town record,
baptismal record or passport and shall issue to such child a certificate containing the
name of the child, the name of his parents, if living, or guardian, if any, with the resi
dence of said child, parent or guardian, and such other facts as may be required by the
inspector of factories, workshops, mines and quarries, which certificate shall be fur
nished in blank by said inspector and shall be approved as to form by the attorneygeneral. The employer shall furnish to said inspector a copy of each certificate thus
issued immediately alter the issuance of the original, which copy shall be retained by
the inspector upon a file prepared for that purpose. When such child leaves such
employment the employer shall return to such child the copy of town record, baptis
mal record, or passport furnished by him as aforesaid and shall immediately notify said
inspector that such child has left his employment, and the date of such leaving. The
inspector of factories, workshops, mines ana quarries, or either of his assistants, may
demand the names of the children under sixteen years of age employed in such estab
lishment, in the several cities and towns of the State, ana may require that the cer
tificates of age prescribed in this section, shall be produced for his inspection, and a
failure to produce the same, shall be prima facie evidence that the employment of such
child is illegal.
Sec . 4. Said chapter forty is further amended b y inserting as section fifty-four the
following:
Section 54. The penalties provided by section fifty-two of this chapter shall apply
to all provisions of section fifty-three. It shall be the duty of the inspector of factories,
workshops, mines and quarries, and of his assistants to investigate and prosecute all
violations of the provisions of the two preceding sections.
S ec . 5. Section fifty-six of said chapter forty is hereby amended b y renumbering
the same as section fifty-five and * * * [otherwise], so that said section as amended
shall read as follows:
Section 55, Nothing in the seven preceding sections shall apply to any manufactur
ing establishment or business, the materials and products of which are perishable and
require immediate labor thereon, to prevent decay thereof or damage thereto: P r o
vid ed , h ow ever , The employment of children therein shall be under the supervision of
said inspector who shall on complaint investigate the sanitary conditions, hours of labor,
and other conditions detrimental to children and if in his judgment he finds detri
mental conditions to exist, he may, in conjunction with the municipal officers of the
town or city of which the complaint is made, prohibit the employment of children
therein until such conditions are removed.
S ec . 6. This act shall take effect September first, nineteen hundred and seven.
Approved March 6, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
84.— E m p loym en t
agen cies.
S e c t i o n 1. No person shall open, keep or carry on any employment agency unless
he shall first procure from the municipal officers of the city or town where said agency
is to be located a license for the same, which license shall be issued by the municipal
officers upon the payment of twenty dollars for the use of said city or town. Such
license shall be signed by one or more of the municipal officers and shall be issued for
the term of one year from its date and shall apply only to the person to whom it is
issued.
Sec. 2. Every person applying for a license as provided in the preceding section
;
shall file with said municipal officers a bond in favor of the inhabitants of the city or
town wherein such application is made in the sum of five hundred dollars, with surety
approved by the municipal officers, conditioned that the obligor shall not violate any
of the provisions of this act. The municipal officers are hereby given authority, after
such notice and hearing as they may deem necessary, to revoke the license of any per
son, when, in their judgment, said licensedperson has violated any of the provisions of
this act. The decision of the municipal officers shall be final.
Sec. 3. Every licensed person shall give to each applicant for employment from
whom a fee or other valuable thing shall be received for procuring such employment,
646
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB.
which fee or other valuable thing shall in no case exceed the value of one dollar, said
fee being in full compensation for all services of said licensed person, a receipt in which
shall be stated the name of the applicant, the amount of the fee or other valuable thing,
the date, the name or nature of the employment or situation to be procured and a sepa
rate receipt in which shall be stated tne name and address of the person, firm or cor
poration, to whom the applicant is referred or sent for work or employment. If the
applicant does not obtain a situation or employment through the agency or such
licensed person, without fault on the part of said applicant, within six days after the
application as aforesaid, said employment agency shall return to such applicant on
demand the full amount of the fee or other valuable thing so paid and delivered by
said applicant to said licensed person. If a person procuring a position through the
agency, as aforesaid, is discharged from his employment within six days after entering
therein, without cause or if he shall leave said employment within six days without
fault on the part of the employer, the amount paid to said agency by either the em
ployer or the employee, shall be returned to the party paying the same, upon demand
made within ten days after said employee ceases to labor: P ro vid ed , The party claiming
said return shall be the one without fault.
Said employment agency shall exhibit in a public and conspicuous place in his place
or office the license which he has obtained from the municipal officers of the city or
town wherein said agency is established.
S ec . 4. The term “ person” in this act shall include persons, company, society,
association, firm or corporation, and the term “ employment agency” shall include the
business of keeping the intelligence office, employment bureaus or other agencies by
procuring work or employment for persons seeking employment, or for acting as agent
for procuring such work or employment where a fee or other valuable thing is exacted,
charged or received, or for procuring or assisting to procure employment, work or a
situation of any kind or for procuring or providing hereby for any person.
Sec . 5. This act shall not apply to the employment of seamen.
S ec . 7. W hoever violates any of the provisions of this act shall be fined not less than
ten or more than one hundred dollars to be recovered b y complaint or indictment for
the use of the State.
Approved March 20, 1907.
MONTANA.
ACTS OF 1907.
Ch a p t e r
5.— H ou rs
o f labor o f em p loyees o n ra ilroa d s .
S e c t i o n 1. On all lines of steam railroads or railways operated in whole or in part,
within this State the time of labor of locomotive engineers, locomotive firemen, con
ductors, trainmen, operators and agents acting as operators, employed in running or
operating the locomotive engines or trains on or over such railroads or railways in this
State shall not at any time exceed sixteen (16) consecutive hours or to be on duty for
more than sixteen (16) hours in the aggregate in any twenty-four (24) hour period.
At least eight (8) hours shall be allowed them off duty before said engineers, firemen,
conductors, trainmen, operators and agents acting as operators, are again ordered or
required to go on duty: P rovid ed , h ow ever , That nothing in this section shall be con
strued to allow any engineer, fireman, conductor or trainman to desert his locomotive
or train in case of accident, storms, wrecks, washouts, snow blockade or any unavoid
able delay arising from like causes, or to allow said engineer, fireman, conductor or
trainman to tie up any passenger or mail train between terminals.
S e c . 2. Any railroad company or superintendent, train dispatcher, trainmaster,
master mechanic or other railroad or railway official who shall order or require any
locomotive engineer, locomotive fireman, conductor, trainman, operator or agent
acting as operator, to labor contrary to the provisions of section one of this act shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine
of not less than one hundred ($100.00) dollars or more than five hundred ($500.00) dol
lars, or by imprisonment of not less than thirty days or more than sixty days in the
county jail; and all railroad or railway corporations operating lines of railroads or rail
ways in whole or in part in this State, shall be liable m damages for all injuries to any
person or persons resulting from violations of the provisions of section one of this act.
Sec . 3. The provisions of section 1 of this act snail not apply to relief or wreck trains.
Approved Feby. 5th, 1907.
LABOR LAWS---- MONTANA---- ACTS OF 1907.
Ch apte r
18.—L a b or
647
org a n iza tion s , etc .— U nauthorized u se o f badges.
S e c t i o n 1. Section 1192 of the Penal Code of the State of Montana is hereby
amended so as to read as follows:
Section 1192. Any person who willfully wears the badge of * * * labor organiza
tions, or any society, order or organization of ten years standing in the State of Mon
tana, or use the name to obtain aid or assistance within this State, or willfully uses the
name of such society, order or organization, the title of its officers, or its insignia,
rituals or ceremonies, unless entitled to use or wear the same under the constitution
and by-laws, rules and regulations of such order, or of such society, order or organiza
tion, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction, snail be punished by
imprisonment for a term not to exceed ninty [ninety] days in the county jail, or a
fine not to exceed two hundred and no-100- ($200.00) dollars, or by both such fine and
imprisonment: P rovid ed , This shall not apply to the wives, daughters, sisters or moth
ers of members of these orders who are in good standing.
Approved Feby. 19, 1907.
Ch a pte r
19.—E m p lo y m en t
o f children— E n forcem en t o f law s.
S e c t i o n IV. Section X of an act approved March 4, 1905, is hereby amended to
read as follows:
The secretary [of the bureau of child and animal protection] is hereby vested with
authority to make arrests of any person, or persons, violating any provisions of the
laws relating to wrongs to children and dumb animals, and is hereby further vested
with the authority to enter workshops, factories, stores, mines, mills and smelters, and
all other places where children may be employed, and do what may be necessary in
the way of investigation, or otherwise, to enforce the laws pertaining to minor children
and animals.
Approved Feby. 19, 1907.
C h a p t e r 3 7 . — A ccid en ts o n ra ilroa d s.
S e c t i o n 16A. The said board [of railroad commissioners] or some members thereof,
to be deputed by it, shall investigate and make inquiry into every accident occurring
in the operation of any railroad in this State, resulting in death or injury to any per
son, of such gravity as to require the attention of a physician or surgeon, or m the
destruction of property greater in value than two thousand dollars. The testimony
taken on any such hearing shall be transcribed and filed in the office of the board.
S e c . 17. ft is hereby made the duty of every railroad company operating any line
of railroad within this State, promptly upon the occurrence or in connection with the
operation of its line within the State, of any accident such as is mentioned in the next
preceding section, to report the same to the board of railroad commissioners, in which
report shall be stated the time and place of the accident, the names of the persons
killed or injured, and the value of any property destroyed.
S e c . 18. The said board in making any examination or investigation provided for
in this act, shall have the power to issue subpoenas for the attendance of witnesses,
by such rules as they may prescribe. Each witness shall receive the sum of three
dollars per day, together with the sum of five cents per mile traveled by the nearest
practicable route in going to and returning from the place of meeting of said commis
sion. And no witness furnished with free transportation shall receive mileage for the
distance he may have traveled on such free transportation. No person shall be ex
cused from attending or testifying, or producing any books, papers, documents, or any
thing or things, before any court or magistrate, or commissioner or board, upon any
investigation, proceeding or trial under the provisions of this act or for any violation
of any of them, upon the ground or for the reason that the testimony or evidence
documentary or otherwise required of him, may tend to convict him of a crime, or to
subject him to a penalty or forfeiture; but no person shall be prosecuted or subjected
to any penalty or forfeiture for or on account of any transaction, matter or thing con
cerning which he may so testify, or produce evidence; and no testimony or evidence
so given or produced shall be received against him upon any civil or.criminal pro
ceeding, action or investigation.
Became a law the 26th day of February, 1907.
648
BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB.
Ch apter
45.—In sp ectio n
o f steam b oilers.
S e c t i o n I. Section 552 of the Political Code is hereby amended so as to read as
follows:
Section 552. There shall be two assistant inspectors of boilers, each of whom shall
be called assistant inspector of boilers. Such assistant inspectors must be persons
who have had at least four years practical experience in the operation of steam engines
and boilers, and must be persons of temperate habits and good character and qualified
to perform the duties of their office. They shall be appointed by the governor, by
ana with the advice and consent of the senate, and be subject to removal at the will
of the governor. The salary of each assistant inspector shall be eighteen hundred
($1,800.00) dollars per year. Each assistant inspector must execute an official bond
in the sum of twenty-five hundred ($2,500.00) dollars.
There shall be a clerk to the State boiler inspector to be appointed by him, who
shall also when not engaged in duties as clerk of the State boiler inspector’s office,
perform such duties as clerk of the State quartz mine inspector and State coal mine
inspector’s office, as those offices may require. The salary of the clerk to the boiler
inspector shall be fifteen hundred ($1,500.00) dollars per year, and the clerk must exe
cute an official bond in the sum of two thousand ($2,000.00) dollars.
Approved Feby. 26, 1907.
Ch apter
52.— F orem en ,
e tc ., a ccep tin g fe e s f o r fu rn is h in g em p lo y m en t .
S e c t i o n 1 . A ny superintendent, foreman, assistant, boss, or any other person, or
persons, who shall receive, or solicit, or cause to be received or solicited, any sum of
m oney or other valuable consideration, from any person for or on account of the
employment, or the continuing of the employment of such person, or of anyone else,
or for, or on account of any promise, or agreement, to em ploy or to continue to employ,
any such person, or anyone else, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and upon convic
tion shall be subject to a fine of not more than one thousand (1,000) dollars, or undergo
an imprisonment in the county jail of not more than one (1) year, or both, at the dis
cretion of the court.
S ec . 2. N o person shall be excused from attending or testifying, or producing any
books, papers, documents, or any thing, or things before any court, or magistrate upon
any investigation, proceeding, or trial, for a violation of any of the provisions of this
act, upon the ground, or for the reason that the testimony, or evidence, documentary,
or otherwise required of him, may tend to convict him of a crime, or to subject him
to a penalty, or forfeiture; but no person shall be prosecuted or subjected to any pen
alty, or forfeiture for or on account of any transaction, matter or thing concerning
which he may so testify, or produce evidence of documentary, or otherwise; and no
testimony or evidence so given, or produced shall be received against him in any
civil or criminal proceeding, action or investigation.
Approved Feby. 28, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
54.—R ailroad s—
C on stru ction o f caboose cars .
S e c t i o n 1. It shall be unlawful for any person, corporation or company operating
any railroad or railway in this State to require or permit the use of any caboose cars,
unless said caboose cars shall be at least twenty-four feet in length, exclusive of plat
forms, and shall be provided with a door in each end thereof, and with suitable
water-closets, cupolas, platforms, guard rails, grab irons and steps for the safety of
persons in alighting or getting on said caboose cars, and said caboose cars shall be
equipped with at least two, four wheel trucks;
S ec . 2. Any person, corporation or company operating any railroad or railway in
this State, violating any of the provisions of section 1, of this act, shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be fined not less than five
hundred dollars ($500.00), nor more than one thousand dollars ($1,000.00), for each
offense.
S ec . 4. This act shall be in force and take effect from and after the first day of
November, 1907.
Approved Feby. 28, 1907.
.
Ch apter
78.—P r o tectio n
o f em p loyees o n street railroad s.
S e c t i o n 1 From and after the first day of December, A. D. 1908; it shall be unlawful
for any person, partnership or corporation owning or operating a street railway in this
State, or any officer or agent thereof, superintending, managing the said line of railway,
or of the cars thereof, operating electric, cable or other cars, propelled either by steam,
LABOR LAWS---- MONTANA---- ACTS OF 1907.
649
cable or electricity, which require the constant services, care, or attention of any
person or persons on any part of such car, to require or permit such services, attention
or care, of any of its employees, (or any other person or persons,) between the first day of
November and the first day of May of each year, unless such person or persons, partner
ship or corporation, its saia officers or superintendents and managing agents, have first
provided the said car or cars with a proper and sufficient inclosure, constructed of wood,
iron or glass, or similar suitable material sufficient to protect such employees from
exposure to the inclemencies of the weather: P rovid ed , That such inclosures shall be
so constructed as not to obscure the vision of the person operating the car: P rovid ed
fu rth er , That during a fog or fall of snow sufficient to obscure the view of motormen he
may be allowed to remove the glass in his immediate front so that same shall not
prevent the safe operation of the car.
Sec . 2. From and after said December first A. D. 1908, it shall be unlawful for
any person or persons, partnership or corporation so owning or operating street rail
ways using steam, electric or cable cars, or any superintending or managing officer
or agent thereof, to cause or to permit to be used upon such line of railway, between
the said November first, and May first, of each ana every year, any car or cars upon
which the services of any employee such as specified in section one of this act is
required, unless such car or cars shall be provided with the inclosure required by
said section one of this act, except tnat any street railway company may at all times
of the year run special cars not so protected, not more than four consecutive hours in
one day.
Sec . 3. Any person or persons, partnership or corporation owning, operating or
superintending or managing any suen line of street railway or managing or superin
tending officer or agent thereof, who shall be found guilty of the violation of the
provisions of section one or two of this act shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and
upon conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not less than fifty dollars or
more than one hundred dollars. Each and every day that any such person or persons
cause or permit any of thier [their] employees to operate such cars in violation of the
provisions of section one of this act, or cause such cars to be operated in violation of
section two of this act, shall be deemed a separate offense.
S ec . 4. It is hereby made the duty of the county attorney of any county in which
any street railway is situated and operated, upon information given to him by any
person that any person or persons, partnership or corporation has violated any of the
provisions of this act, to promptly prosecute such person or persons, partnership or
corporation for such violation.
Approved March 4, 1907.
Chapter 99.— E m p loym en t o f children— A g e lim it.
Section 1. Any person, company, firm, association, or corporation engaged in
business in this State, or any agent, officer, foreman or other employee having control
or management of employees, or having the power to hire or discharge employees, who
shall knowingly employ or permit to be employed any child under the age of sixteen
years, to render or perform any service or labor, whether under contract of employment
or otherwise, in, on, or about any mine, mill, smelter, workshop, factory, steam,
electric, hydraulic, or compressed air railroad, or passenger or freight elevator, or
where any machinery is operated, or for any telegraph, telephone or messenger com
pany, or in any occupation not herein enumerated which is known to be dangerous or
unhealthful, or which may be in any way detrimental to the morals of said child, shall
be guilty of a misdemeanor and punishable as hereinafter provided.
Sec . 2. A n y parent, guardian or other person having the care, custody or control
of any child under the age of sixteen years, who shall permit, suffer or allow any such
child to work or perform service for any person, company, firm, association or cor
poration doing business in this State, or who shall permit or allow any such child over
whom he has such care, custody or control, to retain such employment as is prohibited
in section one of this act, whether under contract of employment or not, shall be guilty
of a misdemeanor and punishable as hereinafter provided.
S ec . 3. The commissioner of the bureau of agriculture, labor and industry shall
compile and preserve in his office from reports made to him by the county superin
tendent of schools, as otherwise provided, a full and complete list of the name, age,
date of birth and sex of each child, and the names of the parents or guardians of each
child under the age of sixteen years who is now or may hereafter become a resident of
this State, and such list shall be the official record of the age of children in this State.
Sec . 4. Upon attaining the age of sixteen years any child may make application to
the commissioner of the bureau of agriculture, labor and industry for an age certificate,
w hich must be presented to any employer with whom such child may seek employ
650
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
ment. The employer, if such employment be given, must countersign the certificate,
and return the same to the commissioner of said bureau, who shall keep the same on
file in his office.
Any person^ firm, company, association or corporation who employs or permits to
be employed in any occupation prohibited in section one of this act, any child with
out such certificate showing the child to be at least sixteen years of age, shall be guilty
of a misdemeanor and punishable as hereinafter provided. Should such child prove
to be less than sixteen years of age.
Sec . 5. To enforce this act the commissioner of the bureau of agriculture, labor and
industry, the bureau of child and animal protection and all county attorneys shall,
each upon thier [their] own volition, or upon the sworn complaint of any reputable
citizen that this act is being violated, make prosecutions for such violations.
S ec . 6. Every person, firm, company, association or corporation who violates any
of the provisions of this act shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction
thereof shall be punished b y a fine of not less than twenty-five dollars nor more than
five hundred dollars, or b y imprisonment in the county jail for a period of not less
than thirty days nor more than six months, or b y both such fine and imprisonment.
Approved March 5,1907.
Chapter 108.—H o u rs o f labor o f em p loyees o n p u b lic w orks , an d in m in es , sm elters , etc .
Section 1. Chapter 50 of the Session Laws of the State of Montana for the year 1905
is hereby amended so as to read as follows:
Section 1. A period of eight (8) hours shall constitute a day’s work on all works or
undertakings carried on or aided by any municipal, county, or State government, and
on all contracts let by them, and m mills and smelters for the treatment of ores, and
in underground mines, and in the washing, reducing or treatment of coal.
Sec. 2. Every person, corporation, stock company or association of persons who
violate any of the provisions of section one (1) of this act shall be guilty of a misde
meanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not less than one
hundred (100) dollars nor more than five hundred ($500) dollars, or by imprisonment
in the county jail for not less than thirty days nor more than six months, or by both
such [fine] and imprisonment.
Approved March 6, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
133.— M in e
reg u la tion s —In sp ecto r .
Section 1. The governor, b y and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall
appoint one coal-mine inspector who shall hold office for a term of four years from the
date of his appointment, unless otherwise removed b y the governor.
Sec . 2. No person shall be eligible to the office of coal-mine inspector until he shall
have attained the age of thirty years, must be a citizen of the United States, a qualified
resident of the State of Montana and been actually employed at coal mining ten years
prior to his appointment and shall possess a competent knowledge of all the different
systems of coal mining and working and properly ventilating coal mines, and the
nature and constituent parts of noxious and explosive gases of coal mines, and of the
various ways of expelling the same from the said mines. Said inspector shall be a
graduate of some recognized school of mines.
S ec . 3. The salary of the State coal-mine inspector shall be twenty-five hundred
dollars per annum and all necessary and traveling expenses; the State coal-mine
inspector'shall file with the State treasurer a bond, approved by the governor of the
State, in the sum of five thousand dollars, for the faithful performance of his duties.
Sec . 4. The State coal mine inspector shall have the right and it is hereby made
his duty, to enter, inspect, and examine any coal mine in this State and the workings
and the machinery belonging thereto, at all reasonable times, either by day or night,
but not so as to impede or obstruct the workings of the mine. He shall also have the
right and it is his duty to make inquiry into the condition of such mine, workings,
machinery, scales, ventilation, drainage, method of lighting or using lights, and into
all methods and things connected with or relating to, as well as to make suggestions
providing for the health and safety of persons employed in or about the same, and
especially to make inquiry whether or not the provisions of the acts providing for the
regulation of coal mines, or other acts which may hereinafter be enacted governing
coal mines, have been complied with. The owner, operator or superintendent of
such mine is hereby required to furnish the means necessary for such entry, inspec
tion, examination, inquiry and exit. It shall also be the duty of the said coal mine
inspector to carefully examine all the coal mines in operation in this State at least
every three months and oftener if necessary; to see that every precaution is taken to
LABOB LAWS---- MONTANA---- ACTS OF 1907.
651
insure the safety of all workmen that may be engaged in said coal mine. The said
inspector shall make a record of the visit, noting the time and the material circum
stances of the inspection.
S ec . 5. The said coal mine inspector while in office shall not act as agent for any
corporation, superintendent or manager of any mines, and shall in no manner what
ever be under the employ of mining companies, and it shall be the duty of the said
coal mine inspector on or before the first day of January of every year, to make a report
to the governor of his proceedings as such coal mine inspector and the conditions of
each and every coal mine in the State, stating therein all accidents that have hap
pened in or about said mine or mines, and to set forth in said report all such suggestions
as he may deem important as to any further legislation on the subject of coal mining.
S ec . 6. For the more efficient discharge of the duties herein imposed upon him,
the said coal mine inspector shall be furnished at the expense of the State, with an
anemometer, a safety lamp and whatever other instruments or other appliances which
may be required in order to carry into effect the provisions of the acts regulating coal
mines.
S ec . 7. The State coal mine inspector shall post up in some conspicuous place at
the top of each mine visited and inspected by him, a plain statement of the conditions
of such mine, showing what in his judgment is necessary for the better protection of
the lives and health of persons employed in said mine; such statement shall give the
date of inspection and be signed by the said inspector. He shall also post a notice
at the landing used by the men stating what number of men may be permitted to
ride on the cage, car or cars at one time, and what rate of speed men may be hoisted
and lowered on the cage, car or cars. He must observe especially that the code of
signals provided in the act regulating coal mines, between the engineer and top men
and bottom men, is conspicuously posted for the information of all employees.
In case of the death, resignation or removal from office of the State coal mine in
spector before the expiration of the term of office, the governor shall appoint a duly
qualified person as provided in this act, to fill the vacancy for the unexpired term.
S ec . 8. In case the State coal mine inspector becomes incapacitated and can not
perform the duties of his office for a period longer than two weeks, it shall be the duty
of the governor to deputize some competent person having the qualifications provided
in this act, to fulfill the duties of the said inspector until the said inspector shall
return to the performance of his official duties; and the person deputized by the
governor shall be paid by the State out of any moneys in the general fund of the State
not otherwise appropriated, for the services rendered, at the same rate as received
by the State coal mine inspector.
S ec . 9. The State coal mine inspector is hereby made, equally with the county
clerk, ex officio sealer of weights and measures, in so far as the same relates to coal
mines and coal mining, and as such is empowered to test and compare all weights
and measures used in weighing and measuring coal at any coal mine, or used in meas
uring air passages or other openings in coal mines, with the standards of weights and
measures kept by the county clerk of any county. Upon the written request of any
coal mine owner or operator or ten coal miners employed at any one mine, it shall be
his duty to test and prove any scale or scales at such mine against which complaint is
directed, and if he shall find that they or any of them do not weigh correctly, he shall
call the attention of the mine owner or operator to the fact and direct that said scale
or scales be at once overhauled and readjusted so as to indicate only true and correct
weights, and he shall forbid the further operation of such scale until such scales are
adjusted. In the event that such tests shall conflict with any test made by any
county sealer of weights and measures, or under and by virtue of any municipal
ordinance or regulation, then the test by such mine inspector shall prevail.
Sec . 10. For the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this act the State coal
mine inspector shall be furnished by the State with a complete set of standard weights
suitable for testing the accuracy of track scales, and of all smaller scales at mines;
said test weights shall remain in the custody of the State coal mine inspector for use
at any point within the State, and for any amounts expended by him for the storage,
transportation or the handling of the same, he shall be fully reimbursed upon making
entry of the proper items in his expense voucher.
S ec . 11. If any operator shall refuse to permit such inspection or to furnish the
necessary facilities tor making such examination and inspection, the inspector shall
file his affidavit, setting forth his refusal, with the judge of the district court in said
county in which said mine is situated, either in term time or vacation, and obtain
an order on such owner, operator or agent so refusing as aforesaid, commanding him
to permit and furnish such necessary facilities for the inspection of such coal mine,
or to be adjudged to stand in contempt of court and punished accordingly.
Sec . 12. Whenever a petition signed by fifty or more reputable citizens, legal resi
dents of the State, verified by oath by two or more of the said petitioners, and accom
652
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
panied by a bond in the sum of five hundred dollars, running to the State, executed
bv two or more freeholders, approved and accepted by the clerk of the district court
oi the county or counties of their residence, conditioned for the payment of all costs
and expenses arising from the investigation of the charges, setting forth that the
inspector of mines neglects his duties or is incompetent, or is guilty of malfeasance in
office, it shall be the duty of the judge of the district court of the county, to issue a
citation in the name of the State to the said inspector, to appear at not less than five
days’ notice, on a day fixed, before said court, and the court shall then proceed to
inquire into and investigate the allegations of the petitioners; such action shall be
prosecuted by the county attorney.
Sec . 13. If the court finds that the said mine inspector is neglectful of his duties
or incompetent to perform the duties of his office, or that he is guilty of malfeasance
in office, the court shall certify the same to the governor, who shall declare the office
of said mine inspector vacant, and proceed in compliance with the provisions of this
act to supply the vacancy; and the costs of such investigation shall, if the charges
are sustained, be imposed upon the State coal mine inspector.
Approved March 7, 1907.
Chapter 134.— M in e reg u la tion s— W ash room s f o r m in ers.
Section 1. It shall be the duty of the owner, operator or superintendent of any
coal mine in the State of Montana, to provide a suitable building, not an engine or
boiler house, which shall not be over eight hundred feet from ana convenient to the
principal entrance of such mine, for the use of the persons employed therein for the
purpose of washing themselves and changing their clothes when entering the mine
and returning therefrom. The said building shall be maintained in good order, be
properly lighted and heated and supplied with pure cold and warm water, and be
provided with facilities for persons to wash, and a suitable locker for each person to
be used by him as a repository for his clothes. If any owner or operator of a coal mine
shall fail to construct and maintain a washhouse as herein provided, he shall be sub
ject to a fine of not less than twenty-five dollars per day for each day of such violation.
If any person shall maliciously injure or destroy, or cause to be injured or destroyed, the
said building or any part thereof, or any of the appliances or fittings used for supplying
light, heat or water therein, or doing any act tending to the injury or destruction
thereof, he shall be deemed guilty of an offense against this act, and shall be subject
to a fine of not less than five dollars nor more than one hundred dollars or imprison
ment of not less than five days nor more than sixty days, or both such fine and im
prisonment.
Sec . 2. This act shall take effect and be in full force from and after six calendar
months next following its passage and approval.
Approved March 7, 1907.
Chapter 144.—E x to r tio n — R efu sa l to p a y w ages due em p loyees .
Section 1. Chapter YI, of Title X III, of the Penal Code of the State of Montana,
relating to extortion, is hereby amended by adding thereto, a section to be designated
as section 924, and which is as follows:
Section 924. Every person, company or corporation indebted to another person
for labor, or any agent of any person, copartnership, or corporation so indebted, who
shall, with intent to secure from such other person a discount upon the payment of
such indebtedness, willfully refuse to pay the same, or falsely deny the same, or the
amount or validity thereof, or that the same is due, is guilty of a misdemeanor: Provided, how ever , Tliat nothing herein contained shall prohibit any employer from fixing
regular pay days for the payment of wages or salary earned m the calendar month
immediately preceding such pay days, except in cases where the employee is dis
charged.
Approved March 7, 1907.
LABOR LAWS— NEW MEXICO---- ACTS OF 1907.
653
NEW MEXICO.
ACTS OF 1907.
Ch apter
37.—E a rn in g s
o f m arried w om en.
Section 12. The earnings of the wife are not liable for the debts of the husband.
Approved March 18, 1907.
Ch apter
44.— P a ym en t o f w ages in scrip .
S ection 1. The provisions of section 2355 of the Compiled Laws of 1897 [prohibiting
mine operators ana merchants from paying wages in scrip] shall not apply in any
instance where the issuance of script [scrip], check, draft, or order, is upon the voluntary
request or at the instance of the party to whom issued, but only in cases where the
employer seeks to compel, coerce, or influence the employee against his will to accept
the same.
Approved March 18, 1907.
Ch a p t e r
96.—E m p lo y ers
to fu rn is h nam es o f taxable em p loyees.
Section 1. Any person, firm or corporation, having in his, theirs [their], or its, employ
any male person or persons required by law, to pay a poll tax, or to do public road work,
shall on demand of the clerk of the school board of any school district, wherein such
employees may reside and are required by law to pay a poll tax, furnish to him a list of
the names of all employees residing in such school district, liable by law to pay a poll
tax; and on the demand of the road overseer of any precinct, shall likewise furnish to
him a list of all employees residing in such precinct who are required by law to work on
the public roads therein; and if the clerk of any school district or road overseer, shall
find on such list so furnished to him as by this act provided, the name or names of any
person or persons who have not paid his poll tax or work on the public roaiis or paid a
road tax in lieu of such work as required by law, such clerk and road overseer respec
tively shall give to such employer the names of all employees found by him on the list
furnished as herein provided, together with the statement of the amount of poll tax or
road tax, as the case may be, each employee is due and owing and thereupon, every
such employer shall pay to such clerk or road overseer as the case may be, the amount
due and payable from each employee, taking from the officer collecting the said poll
• tax or road tax, a separate receipt for the tax of each employee so paid, which receipts
shall be and become a complete and counter claim ana set off to the amount of their
full face value in discharge of any obligation or any manner of indebtedness existing at
the time, or which may at any time thereafter exist and be owing to any such employee
by the employer paying the same.
Sec . 2. A n y employer who shall refuse to furnish the lists of employees or pay the
poll or road tax as provided in the preceding section shall be guilty of a misdemeanor
and on conviction thereof before any justice of the peace having jurisdiction shall be
unished
fine of not less than twenty-five dollars ($25.00)
more
one hunred dollars ($100.00), and the
the prosecution,
fines
collected shall
§ turnedbyinto the school fundcosts ofschool district thewhich ofnor when thanthe demand
be
of the
clerk which made
for the lists and payment of poll tax in poll tax cases, and into the road fund of the
er precinct where the demand for the lists and payment on road tax is made by the
overseer and refused by the defendant being prosecuted under the provision of
this act.
Approved March 21,1907.
a
CUMULATIVE INDEX OE LABOR LAWS AND DECISIONS RELATING
THERETO.
[This index includes all la bor laws enacted since January 1,1904, and published in successive issues of
the Bulletin, beginning w ith B ulletin N o. 57, the issue o f March, 1905. L aw s enacted previou sly appear
in the Tenth Special R ep ort of the Comm issioner o f L abor. The decisions indexed under the various
headings relate t o the laws on the same subjects w ithout regard t o their date o f enactm ent and are
indicated b y the letter “ D ” in parenthesis follow ing th e nam e o f th e State.]
B ulletin.
N o.
A ccident insurance. (See Insur
ance, accident.)
A ccidents in factories:
N ew Jersey....................................
N ew Y o r k " ....................................
P ennsylvania................................
A ccidents "in m ines:
O h io.................................................
A ccidents on railroads:
M assachusett s ..............................
M inn esota......................................
M on ta n a .........................................
O h io.................................................
South C arolina.............................
V e rm o n t.........................................
Advances m ade b y em ployers.
(See E m ployers' advances.)
Alien con tract la b or:
U nited S tates...............................
U nit sd States ( D ) ......................
A n titru st a c t : ' *
U nited States ( D ) .......................
A rb itra tion o f la bor disputes:
M arylan d.......................................
M assachusetts..............................
A ssignm ent o f claims t o avoid ex
em p tion laws. (See E xem ption
o f wages, assignm ents t o avoid.)
A ssignm ent o f wages:
C o n n ecticu t...................................
Illin ois............................................
I o w a . . . . .........................................
L ou isia n a .......................................
M arylan d.......................................
M assachusett s ..............................
.M innesota......................................
New Y o r k .....................................
* V e rm on t.........................................
W iscon sin ......................................
Bakeries, hours o f la b or o f em
ployees in. (See H ours o f laBakeries, inspection of. (See In
spection, etc.)
Barbers, exam ination, etc., of.
(See E xam in ation, etc.)
B lacklisting:
A rkansas........................................
C o lorad o.........................................
M innesota ( D ) ..............................
N eva d a ...........................................
B o y co ttin g :
C o lora d o.........................................
(See also Interference w ith
em ploym ent.)
B ribery, etc., o f em ployees:
C on n ecticu t...................................
M assachusetts..............................
M ichigan.........................................
New Y o r k ......................................
R hod e Isla n d ................................
South C arolina.............................
16251—08----- 17
58
69
65
1015
461
359
59
379
70
63
72
70
65
71
B ulletin.
Page.
771
581
647
779
360
397
71
68
397-399
183-185
70
710,711
57
57
707,708
708-710
62
61
68
70
70
/ 61
\70
63
57
71
67
331
1075
236
763
767,768
1087
769,770
584
712
396
915
65
62
70
63
351
330,331
709,710
588,589
62
330,331
62
57
62
64
64
65
332
710
581
905,906
908,909
360
Page.
N o.
B ribery, etc., of em ployees—Con.
V irginia..........................................
W ash in gton ..................................
W iscon sin......................................
B ribery o f representatives o f labor
organizations:
New Y o r k .....................................
Bureau of labor:
California.......................................
I o w a ................................................
New Jersey..............................
V irginia.....................................
U nited States..........................
Bureau of mines:
W est V irginia.........................
Cause of discharge.
(See Dis
charge, statem ent o f cause of.)
Child labor, national com m ittee
onnincorporation of:
.U nited S tates..............................
Children and wom en, em ploym ent
of, general provisions:
Louisian a.................................
Missouri ( D ) ............................
Children and wom en, em ploym ent
of, in barroom s:
A rizon a .....................................
New H am pshire.....................
V erm on t...................................
Children and wom en, em ploym ent
of, in mines:
Illin ois.......................................
Ind ia n a .....................................
M issouri....................................
New Y o r k ................................
Children and wom en, em ploym ent
of, investigation of:
U nited States..........................
Children and wom en, hours o f la
b or of:
Louisian a.................................
M assachusetts.........................
New. Y o r k ................................
Children, earnings of. (See Earn
ings of m inors.)
Children, em ploym ent of, age lim it
for:
California..........
California ( D ) .
Delaw are...........
G eorgia..............
Id a h o .................
Illinois ( D ) ___
I o w a ...................
K a n sa s..............
K en tu ck y .........
Louisiana..........
M aine.................
M aryland..........
M assachusetts.
70
67
67
781,782
912
914,915
57
718
62
J60
\68
58
70
57
328
712
235
1018,1019
781
719
67
912,913
71
399,400
70
68
764
186,187
72
63
60
638
589
715
61
63
61
69
1077
576
1093
468
71
397
70
57
69
764
711
469,470
J62
\72
68
62
68
72
59
68
62
70
70
72
70
J62
\70
200
641,642
199-202
207,208
234
643,644
335-337
235,236
217,218
760
764
644,645
765-767
226
772
655
656
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,
Cumulative index of labor laws and decisions—Continued.
Bulletin.
N o.
Children, em ploym ent of, age limit
for—Concluded.
M ichigan............... . ............ r____
Michigan ( D ) ..............................
M issouri........................................
M on tana.......................................
New Jersey..................................
N orth Carolina ( D ) ...................
O regon..........................................
231
881,882
607
237
649,650
243
863,864
373-376
258-260
r
263,
L 266-268
269-271
Pennsylvania..............................
R hode Isla n d ..............................
OftK
V e rm on t.......................................
W ashington ( I ) ) ........................
1054,1055
280
W est V irginia.............................
Children, em ploym ent of, general
p rovisions:
A rizo n a ..........................................' 72
638,639
200-202
C alifornia.......................................
641,642
206
C onnecticut.................................. ! 62
Delaware.
207,208
62
D istrict of Columbia.
230,231
G eorgia........................
234.235
643.644
I d a h o ............................
235.236
I o w a ..............................
760,761
K e n tu ck y ....................
644.645
M aine............................
765-767
M arylan d.....................
224-226
M assachusetts............
768,772,773
M issouri.......................
236.237
M on tana......................
647
New Jersey..................
243,244
245-218
New Y o r k ....................
250,251
255,
O hio.
257,258
O regon ............
258-260
P ennsylvania.
266-268
R hod e Island.
269-271
276,277
V e rm on t.........
395
W a s h in g to n .................................
279
W est V irginia..............................
280
W iscon sin......................................
284
Children, em ploym ent of, in bar
room s:
C onnecticut...................................
205
G eorgia..........................................
209
H awaii............................................
210
I d a h o ..............................................
643,644
M arylan d.......................................
223
N ew H am pshire..........................
241
South D a k o ta ..............................
274
V e rm on t........................................
276
Children, em ploym ent of, in cer
tain occupations, forbidden:
California.......................................
199,200
California ( D ) ...............................
202,203
Id a h o ..............................................
643,644
I o w a ................................................
235
M aine..............................................
222
Children, em ploym ent of, in m ines:
Illin ois............................................
2lf
Ind iana..........................................
216
M issouri.........................................
236
M on tana........................................
237-239
O regon ...........................................
258
Pennsylvania................................
263-266
Pennsylvania (D )........................
887-889
W est V irginia..............................
280
Children, em ploym ent of, in street
trades:
M assachusetts.............................. 70
768,771
New Y o r k ......................................
251
Bulletin.
Page.
N o .1 Page.
Children, hiring out, to su p p ort
parents in idleness:
G eorgia...........................................
Louisian a.......................................
M ississippi.....................................
N orth C arolina.............................
Children, hours o f la bor of:
C alifornia.......................................
D elaw are.........•
..............................
Id a h o ..............................................
In d ia n a ...........................................
I o w a ................................................
K en tu ck y .......................................
M assachusetts..............................
New H am pshire...........................
New Jersey....................................
O regon ............................................
Oregon ( D ) ....................................
Pennsylvania................................
Children, night w ork b y :
California.......................................
G eorgia...........................................
I d a h o ..............................................
I o w a ................................................
K en tu ck y .......................................
M assachusetts..............................
M ichigan.........................................
New Jersey....................................
N ew Y o r k ......................................
O regon............................................
Pennsylvania................................
R hode Isla n d ................................
V erm on t.........................................
Children. ’ (See also Children and
wom en.)
Chinese, exclusion, etc., o f:
U nited S tates................................ 57
Citizens preferred fo r em ploym ent
on public w ork s:
M assachusetts..............................
N ew M ex ico...................................
Civil service:
P ennsylvania*..............................
W iscon sin......................................
Coal, weighing.
(See W eighing
coal.)
C om binations t o fix w ages:
Louisian a....................................... 57
Com m issioner o f Labor. (See Bu
reau o f L a b o r.)
C om pany stores:
N ew Y o r k ......................................
Conspiracy, la bor agreem ents n o t :
California ( D ) ...............................
(See also Interference; Intim i
d ation.)
C ontract labor, alien. (S ee Alien
con tract la bor.)
C ontractors’ bonds. (See P rotec
tion o f wages.)
Contracts o f em ploym ent, regula
tion, etc., o f:
Louisiana ( D ) . ........................
C ontracts of em ploym ent w ith in
tent t o defraud:
South C arolina.............................
Death. (See Injuries causing.)
Discharge, statem ent o f cause o f:
M issouri........................................ .
Divorce, etc., statistics of, t o be
procu red:
C alifornia..................................... .
Earnings o f m arried w om en:
N ew M exico.................................
209
220
235
253
908
200
641.642
207
643
216
235
760
225,226
241
244
259
203,204
266,267
200
641.642
234
643
235
760
226
231
905
469
259
267
269
276,277
395
719,720
708
1094
*780
918
461,462
181-183
861
714
1092
328
653
657
CUMULATIVE INDEX OF LABOB LAWS,
Cumulative index o f labor laws and decisions—Continued.
Bulletin.
Bulletin.
No.
Earnings o f m inors:
W iscon sin....................................
E ight-hour d a y :
California.....................................
C olorad o.......................................
C olorado ( D ) ..............................
M assachusetts................... .........
M issouri........................................
M on ta n a .......................................
M ontana ( D ) ...............................
N eva d a .........................................
N evada ( B ) .................................
N ew Y o r k ....................................
N ew Y o r k ( B ) ............................
P o rto R ic o ...................................
W ashington ( D ) ........................
W yom in g ( B ) .............................
U nited S tates..............................
U nited States ( D ) .....................
E m igrant agents:
G eorgia......................................... .
H a w a ii.......................................... .
N orth Carolina ( D ) ............. »
E m ployees, b rib ery, etc., of. (See
B ribery, etc., o f em ployees.)
E m ployers’ advances, repaym ent
Louisiana ( B ) ..............................
N ew M ex ico................................. .
South C arolina........................... .
E m ployers’ liability. (See Liabil
ity, etc.)
E m ployers t o furnish names o f
em ployees t o officials:
N ew M exico..................................
W y om in g .......................................
E m ploym ent, forem en, etc., ac
cepting fees fo r furnishing:
M on tana........................................
E m ploym en t offices:
C alifornia.......................................
California ( B ) ..............................
C onnecticut...................................
D istrict o f Colum bia..................
M aine..............................................
M assachusetts..............................
M ichigan........................................
M innesota......................................
M issouri.........................................
281
8
861
1093,1094
714
1094
653
1094,1095
648
k
N ew Y o r k ......................................
N ew Y o r k ( B ) ............................
O h io...............................................
V irginia........................................
Virginia (D L ................................
(,See also,. E m igrant agents;
L od gin g houses, sailors’ .)
Engineers, exam ination, etc., of.
( See E xam ination, etc.)
E nticing employees:
A rkansas......................................
L ouisian a.....................................
W est Virginia ( D ) .....................
E xam ination, etc., o f barbers:
C onnecticut.................................
K a n sa s...........................................
M arylan d..................................... .
M aryland ( B ) ..............................
N ew Y o r k .................................... .
Oregon ( B ) ...................................
W ashington ( B ) ........................
E xam ination, etc., of horseshoers:
H aw aii............................................
W ashington ( B ) ........................ .
329,330
331
453-455
773
1092,1093
585,586
711-713
586
334,335
470
687,688
‘ 385
685-687
455-457
238
714-717
359-367
378
334
J68
64
59
60
70
N o.
Page.
329
693-696
333
231-234
394
645,646
771
577
584,585
1090
713-715
f
460,
\ 462-467
728,729
65
70
65
354
764,765
339-342
62
61
57
59
69
57
58
332,333
1080
705-707
338-340
461
696-698
992-994
62
58
334
994,995
E xam ination, etc., o f miners, m ine
forem en, etc.:
Illinois ( B ) ....................................
Pennsylvania ( B ) ........................
E xam in ation, etc., o f plumbers:
Illinois ( D ) ....................................
M aine.*...........................................
Minnesota ( B ) ..............................
Texas ( B ) ......................................
W ash in gton ..................................
W ashington ( B ) ..........................
E xam ination, etc., o f station ary
firemen:
M assachusetts..............................
E xam in ation, etc., o f steam engi
neers:
M assachu setts.............................
N evad a...........................................
N ew H am pshire...........................
N ew Jersey....................................
O h io................................................
Pennsylvania................................
U nited S tates...............................
E xem ption o f wages, assignm ents
t o avoid:
M arylan d .......................................
E x em p tion o f w ages from execu
tion , etc.:
A labam a ( B ) ................................
A rizon a ..........................................
I o w a ................................................
K ansas...........................................
Louisiana.......................................
P orto R ic o .....................................
Tennessee.......................................
Factories, etc., inspection of. (See
Inspection.)
Fees for furnishing em ploym ent,
(See E m ploym en t, foremen, etc.,
accepting fees fo r furnishing.)
Fellow -servants. (See L iability of
em ployers.)
Fire escapes on factories:
B is tn c t o f Colum bia...................
I o w a ................................................
New Jersey....................................
Pennsylvania................................
W est V irginia...............................
Firemen, stationary, exam ination,
etc., of. (See E xam ination, etc.,
of.)
F oundation fo r the P rom otion o f
Industrial Peace:
U nited States...............................
Free public em ploym ent offices.
(See E m ploym ent offices.)
Garnishm ent o f wages o f public
em ployees:
U ta h ................................................
Guards on thrashing machines,
etc.:
W iscon sin......................................
H orseshoers, exam ination, etc., of.
(See E xam ination, etc.)
H ours of la bor o f children and
wom en. (See Children, etc.)
H ours o f la b or o f drug clerks:
California.......................................
H ours o f la bor o f em ployees in
bakeries:
New Jersey...................................
N ew Y o r k (B ) ...........................
H ours of la bor o f employees in
general em ploym ents:
A rkansas.......................................
Page.
71
68
382-385
205,206
70
61
62
68
730-732
1085
322,323
204,205
907-909
875-877
\70
m
1087,1088
770
/61
\7C
63
63
70
59
65
71
1087,1088
770
587,588
590,591
776
378,379
356,357
397
70
767
63
72
60
61
57
59
65
552,553
638,640
712
1083
704
385
362
60
58
65
67
229,230
712,713
1016-1018
359
914
71
400,401
65
364
67
916,917
62
328
67
67
904,905
698-700
340-355
65
350
658
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Cumulative index o f labor laws and decisions—Continued.
Bulletin.
Bulletin.
N o.
H ours o f la bor of employees in
mines, smelters, etc.:
C o lo r a d o ...'..................................
I d a h o ..............................................
M issouri.........................................
M ontana.
N evada ( D ) ..................................
W yom in g ( D ) ..............................
H ours of la bor of employees on
railroads:
A rizon a ( D ) ..................................
Ind ia n a ..........................................
K a n sa s...........................................
M issouri.........................................
M on tana........................................
U nited States...............................
H ours o f la bor o f employees on
street railways:
M assachusetts............................. 70
H ours o f la bor o f women. (See
W om en, etc.)
H ours of la bor on public roads:
Ind ia n a ..........................................
Philippine Isla n d s......................
H ours o f la b or on public works:
California......................................
Colorado ( D ) ................................
M assachusetts.............................
M ontana.
N e v a d a ..
New Y o r k .
P o rto R ic o ..................................
U nited States ( D ) .....................
Im m igration, regulation, etc., of:
U nited States.............................
Inclosed platform s. (See Protec
tion of employees on street rail
w ays.)
Industrial Peace, Foundation for
the P rom otion of:
U nited States...............................
Injured employees, public:
Philippine Island s......................
Injuries causing death, right of
action for:
A labam a ( D ) ................................
M issouri.........................................
N evad a...........................................
South Carolina ( D ) ....................
Virginia ( D ) .................................
W isconsin ( D ) ............................. 64
Injuries, personal, right of action
fo r:
N eva d a ......................................... .
South Carolina...........................
Inspection o f bakeries:
N ew Jersey..................................
New Y o r k ....................................
Pennsylvania..............................
Tennessee.....................................
Inspection o f factories:
C onnecticut.................................
Indiana ( D ) .................................
K en tu ck y.....................................
L ouisian a.....................................
M aryland ( D ) .............................
M assachusetts............................
New Jersey.
New Y o r k .
P ennsylvania.
R hode Isla n d .
W a s h in g ton ..
K o.
Page.
Page.
(58
462
(71
67
990-992
321,322
381,382
915,917
Inspection of factories—Conc’d.
331
•642
1092,1093
585,586
650
334,335
455-457
694,695
577
1082,1083
1089
646
401,402
772
577
395
329,330
453-455
773
585,586
650
586
905
470
385
714-717
720
397-399
400,401
394
1090,1091
588
450,451
442-444
891
588
360
904,905
468,469
358,359
332
342-344
760,761
764
999-1002
711
768
1013-1019
f 712,713,
l 715-718
I 453-461,
L 467-469
357-360
713,714
909-911
W ashington ( D ) ......................
W iscon sin ...................................
Inspection of steam boilers:
M assachusetts...........................
1089
f 769,773,
\
774
72
648
64
907
J61
170
M on tana.....................................
N ew Y o r k ...................................
Inspection of steam vessels:
N ew H am pshire.......................
N ew Jersey................................
U nited States............................
Inspectors, fa cto ry :
I o w a ............................................
L ouisian a...................................
New Jersey................................
O h io.............................................
R hode Isla n d ............................
Inspectors, m ine:
A rkansas....................................
Illin ois.........................................
Ind iana.......................................
K en tu ck y...................................
M ichigan.....................................
M innesota..................................
M on tana.....................................
W est V irgin ia ...........................
Inspectors, railroad:
Illin ois.........................................
Insurance, accident:
Illin ois.........................................
Insurance, cooperative:
M aryland ( D ) ...........................
Intem perate em ployees o n public
carriers:
V erm on t...................................
Intem perate em ployees. (See also
Intoxica tion .)
Interference w ith em p loym en t:
Connecticut ( D ) .....................
Illinois ( D ) ...............................
Louisian a..................................
W isconsin ( D ) ........................
Intim idation :
Connecticut (D .).....................
U ta h ...........................................
In toxica tin g liqu or. (See L iquor.)
In toxica tion o f employees:
V erm on t...................................
W y o m in g ..................................
Labeling good s unlawfully m anu
factured:
N ew Y o r k .................................
L a b or agents. (See E m ploym ent
offices.)
L abor, bureau of. (See B ureau of
labor.)
L a b or D ay:
M ississippi................................ .
L a b or organizations, bribery o f
representatives of:
New Y o r k ..................................... .
L a b or organizations, incorpora
tion , regulation, etc., of:
M assachusetts...............................
M on tana........................................ .
N ew H am pshire.......................... .
Pennsylvania ( D ) ....................... .
L iability of em ployers fo r injuries
' t o em ployees:
Arizona ( D ) ............................. .
.
California.................................
C olorado ( D ) ........................... .
63
70
J60
\68
590,591
774-776
718-720
237
60
70
58
59
64
712
763,764
1018,1019
383,384
908
65
61
63
70
63
63
72
67
352,353
1076
574r-576
761-763
578
582-584
650-652
912,913
61
1078
61
1075,1076
57
689,690
71
396
70
63
70
l 57
\70
732-734
553-558
765
678-680
734-743
(57
467
1,70
65
681-684
884-886
732-734
364
71
61
396
1095
69
461
57
712
57
718
57
72
63
61
710
647
589
1064,1065
60
72
68
694,695
640,641
187,188
659
CUMULATIVE IN DEX OF LABOR LAWS,
Cumulative index of labor laws and decisions—Continued.
Bulletin.
Bulletin.
N o.
L ia bility o f em ployers fo r injuries
t o em ployees—Concluded.
61
Illin ois..........................................
J69
Illinois ( D ) ................................... \71
(58
Indiana ( D ) ................ " ............. . 171
J61
Iow a ( D ) ....................................... \63
K a n sa s........................................... 61
69
Kansas ( D ) .................................
K entucky ( D ) .............................. 64
M assachusetts............................ . 70
M innesota ( D ) ............................. 64
Mississippi ( D ) ............................ 69
61
M issouri.......................................
M on tana....................................... 63
69
N^w Y o r k ....................................
New Y o r k ( D ) .............................
I6
1
171
J63
N orth Carolina ( D ) .................... \70
O h io. . . ' . ........................................ 59
56
57
Ohio (D )
65
67
71
Philippine Islands.
South Carolina (D )
69
65
Tennessee ( D ) .........
65
T e x a s............... : ___
f60
61
63
Texas (D )
65
71
f58
Virginia ( D ) ..........
169
(58
W ashington ( D ) ..
171
72
W est Virginia (D )
W isconsin ( D ) ___
58
United States........
64
L ia bility o f railroad com panies to
w orkm en n o t employees:
Pennsylvania ( D ) .......................
License ta x , exem ption o f mechan
ics, etc., from :
L ouisian a..................................... .
L iquor, sale of, to employees:
H a w a ii...........................................
N ew H am pshire..........................
Verm ont ......................................
L oco m o tiv e boilers, inspection of:
N ew Y o r k ......................................
L od gin g houses, sailors':
U nited States...............................
M anufactured articles, m arking:
C alifornia.......................................
Marriage, etc., statistics of, t o be
procu red:
C alifornia.......................................
Married wom en, earnings of:
N ew M exico..................................
Mechanics, exem ption of, from
m anufacturers' taxes:
Philippine Island s.......................
Mine regulations:
A rizon a ..........................................
A rkansas.......................................
Illin ois............................................
Illinois (D )
1075,1076
444-446
382-385
988,989
377-380
1061-1064
547-549
1082
452,453
883-887
446-449
1090,1091
585
471
/1055,1056,
11059-1061
371-373
549,550
717
384
297-299
70
71
72
337
868-875
394
450,451
334-337
363
692-694
1056-1058
551
338,339
367-371
985,986
442-444
990-992
381,382
608-610
986-988
909
188-197
717-728
385-389
610,611
70
743-746
'68
United States ( D ) ......................
N o.
Page.
57
703
62
334,335
589,590
715
64
907
57
719
330
62
328
72
653
72
65
61
f67
639,640
352-354
1076-1078
68
214-216
444-446
382-385
8 66-868
Mine regulations—Concluded.
Indiana.................................
Indiana ( D ) .........................
K ansas..................................
K en tu ck y........................V..
K en tu cky ( D ) .....................
M ichigan...............................
M issouri................................
M on tana............... ................
N evad a..................................
New Y o r k .............................
Ohio.
Ohio ( D ) ........................................
Pennsylvania ( D ) .......................
Tennessee ( D ) ..............................
U ta h ...............................................
W est V irginia............................. .
W est Virginia ( D ) ......................
W y o m in g ..................................... .
W yom in g ( D ) ..............................
(See also A ccidents in mines;
Inspectors, mine.)
Mines, etc., hours o f la bor o f em
ployees in. (See H ours o f labor.)
ifmes, etc., intoxication in or
a bou t:
W y om in g ..................................... .
N ew sboy law. (See Children, em
ploym ent of, in street trades.)
Paym ent of wages due discharged
em ployees:
Arkansas ( D ) ...............................
Paym ent o f wages in scrip:
A rkansas.......................................
Indiana..........................................
Missouri ( D ) .................................
N eva d a .........................................
N ew M exico.................................
New Y o r k ....................................
South Carolina...........................
T exa s..............................................
W ashington..................................
Paym ent o f wages, m odes and
tim es of:
Indiana ( D ) . . .
M aryland..........
M assachusetts.
Page.
569-577
864-866
1080-1082
761-763
883-887
578-580
1093
650-652
587
468,470
379
779
337
318,319
334-337
364
912,913
608-610
1095
389-391
61
New Jersey.........................
V erm on t..............................
Peonage:
U nited States ( D ) ............
Picketing:
C olorad o..............................
Plum bers, exam ination, etc. of.
(See E xam ination, etc.)
Preference o f wages. (See W ages
as preferred claim s.)
Printing, public.
(See Public
printing.)
P rotection o f em ployees as m em
bers o f la bor organizations:
Kansas ( D ) .................................
New Y o r k (D ) — ......................
U nited States ( D ) .....................
P rotection o f em ployees as voters:
N ew Jersey...................................
P rotection o f em ployees on build
ings:
K ansas........................................... 61
N ew Y o r k ( D ) ............................. 62
W iscon sin ...................................... 67
P rotection o f em ployees on street
railw ays:
D istrict o f C olum bia..................
L ouisian a.......................................
M aine..............................................
M assachusetts................... T........
1095
699,700
350,351
576
309-311
587
653
461,462
714,715
363
911,912
704,705
1086,1087
770
1019
396
330
311
888,889
216-221
613-629
776,777
1083,1084
319,320
915,916
718
703,704
1084,1085
772
660
BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
Cumulative index o f labor laws and decisions—Continued.
Bulletin.
No
P ro te ction of em ployees on street
railways—Concluded.
M on ta n a ........................................
N ew Y o r k ......................................
O h io....................... 1.......................
South C arolina.............................
P rotection o f wages:
M assachusetts..............................
U nited S tates...............................
Public p rinting office, em ployees in:
K a n sa s...........................................
P ublic p rinting t o be done within
the State:
A rkansas........................................
Public w orks, injuries of em ploy
ees on:
Philippine Isla n d s.......................
Public works, la bor on:
N ew Y o r k .
P ublic works, preference o f domes
tic m aterials for:
M issouri ( D ) ............................... .
N ew M exico................................. .
P ublic w orks, preference o f resi
dent laborers on:
M assachusetts............................ .
N ew M exico...................................
P ublic w orks, retention o f wages
o f em ployees on:
California - .....................................
Public w orks, vaccination o f em
ployees on:
V irginia..........................................
R ailroad bridges, etc.:
V e rm on t.........................................
R ailroad com panies, liability of,
fo r injuries to em ployees. (See
L ia bility o f em ployers.)
R ailroads, accidents on. (See A c
cidents.)
R ailroads, con struction o f caboose
cars on:
M on tana........................................
R ailroads, height o f bridges, wires,
etc., over:
A rkansas........................................
Id a h o ..............................................
K ansas............................................
V e rm on t.........................................
W y o m in g .......................................
R ailroads, hours o f la bor o f em
ployees on. (See H ours o f laR ailroads, illiterate em ployees on :
O h io......................................
R ailroads, intem perate em ployees
on. (See Intem perate em ployees
on public carriers.)
R ailroads, safety appliances on:
Illin ois............................................
O h io............
T e x a s..........
V e r m o n t ...
W iscon sin.
Page.
72
64
70
60
648,649
906,907
777
714
57
60
711
717,718
61
1083
65
354
71
394
f64
(69
905
470
60
61
697-699
1094
57
61
708
1094
62
330
60
717
60
715
72
648
65
72
61
60
61
351
644
1083
715
1095
59
379
61
f59
\70
65
60
67
156
1078-1080
384
777-779
363
715
917,918
299-309
359-361
385-389
U nited States ( D ) .......................
In
R ailroads, shelters fo r workm en
on :
65
A.rkEiiS8is
R ailroads, structures near tracks
of:
O h io................................................ 59
R ates of wages o f em ployees o f
public printing office:
Kansas............................................ 61
354
380,381
1083
Bulletin.
No.
Page.
R ates of wages o f em ployees on
public w orks:
New Y o r k ................ ..................... 64
905
R ig h t o f a ction fo r injuries. (See
Injuries.)
Safety appliances. (See Fire es
capes on factories; Guards on
thrashing m achines, .etc.; In
spection o f factories; R ailroads,
safety appliances on.)
Saloons, em ploym ent o f children
and w om en in. (See Children
and wom en, etc.)
Scrip. (See Paym ent o f wages.)
Seamen:
Philippine Isla n d s....................... 71
394,395
[57
719
U nited S tates................................ 468
237,238
400
171
Seats fo r female em ployees:
K en tu ck y....................................... 70
761
Louisiana....................................... 70
764
M aryland....................................... 57
707
P en n sylva n ia............................... 65
357
Tennessee....................................... 65
362
Statistics, collection o f:
H a w a ii............................................ 57
703
Steam boilers, inspection of. (See
Inspection.)
Steam engineers, exam ination,
etc., of. (See E xam ination, etc.)
Stone w orked w ithin State, use of,
on public w orks. (See Public
works, preference o f dom estic
m aterials for.)
Street railways, hours o f la bor o f
em ployees on. (See H ours o f
labor, etc.)
Street railways, p rotection o f em
ployees on. (See P rotection o f
em ployees.)
Suits fo r wages:
California....................................... 72
640
235
G eorgia........................................... 68
New Y o r k ...................................... 64
906
Sunday labor:
457
Georgia ( D ) ................................... 69
333,334
H a w a ii........................................... 62
642
I d a h o .......................... ; .................. 72
221
Maine ( D ) ...................................... 68
M assachusetts.............................. 57
711
R hode Island ( D ) ........................ 67
861,862
716,717
V irginia.......................................... 60
Sweating system :
999-1002
M aryland ( D ) ............................... 58
M assachusetts.............................. 61
1086
N ew Jersey.................................... 58 1015,1016
f57 ' 715-718
N ew Y o r k ...................................... \69
458-461
358
Pennsylvania................................ 65
Telegraph operators, etc., railroad,
hours of la bor of:
401,402
U nited S tates................................ 71
Telegraph poles, size, height, etc.,
of:
1095
W y o m in g ....................................... 61
Tenant factories
(See Inspection
o f factories.)
Tim e for m eals t o b e allow ed em
ployees:
704
Louisian a....................................... 57
357
Pennsylvania................................ 65
Tim e t o v o te t o be allowed em
ployees:
710
M assachusetts.............................. 57
380
O h io................................................. 59
661
CUMULATIVE INDEX OE LABOR LAWS,
Cumulative index o f labor laws and decisions—Concluded.
Bulletin.
N o. !
Trade-m arks o f trade unions:
A rkansas........................................
C alifornia.......................................
Connecticut ( D ) ...........................
N ebraska.......................................
N ew J ersey....................................
N ew Jersey ( D ) ............................
N ew Y o r k ......................................
Tennessee.......................................
V accination o f em ployees on public
w orks:
V irgin ia ..........................................
W ages as preferred claim s:
I o w a ................................................
N ew M ex ico...................................
U nited S tates...............................
W ages, assignm ent of. (See As
signm ent.)
W ages, com binations t o fix:
L ou isia n a .......................................
W ages, exem ption of. ( See E x
em ption, etc.)
W ages o f em ployees on public
w orks, retention of:
C alifornia.......................................
65
62
67
63
70
61
57
65
354,355
330
889-891
586
774
1066,1067
715
361,362
60
717
68
61
68
236
1094
237
Bulletin.
Page.
57
62
704
330
N o.
W ages, paym ent of. (See P ay
m ent, etc.)
W ages, rates of. (S ee R ates o f
wages.)
W ages, refusing t o p a y :
M on ta n a .........................................
W ages, suits for. (S ee Suits for
wages.)
W eighing coal a t m ines:
A rkansas........................................
W om an and child labor, investiga
tion of:
U nited S tates...............................
W om en and children. (See Chil
dren and w om en.)
W om en, em ploym ent o f:
M ichigan.........................................
W om en, hours o f la bor o f:
Oregon ( D ) ....................................
W om en, night w ork b y :
N ew Y o r k ......................................
N ew Y o r k ( D ) ..............................
Page.
72
652
65
351
71
397
63
581
67
877-879
69
72
469
611-613
LEADING ARTICLES IN PAST NUMBERS OF THE BULLETIN.
No.
1. Private and public debt in the United States, b y George K. Holmes.
Employer and employee under the common law, b y V. H. Olmsted and S. D.
Fessenden.
No. 2. The poor colonies of Holland, by J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.
The industrial revolution in Japan, b y William Eleroy Curtis.
Notes concerning the money of the U. S. and other countries, b y W. C. Hunt.
The wealth and receipts and expenses of the U. S., b y W. M. Steuart.
No. 3. Industrial communities: Coal Mining Co. of Anzin, b y W. F. Willoughby.
No. 4. Industrial communities: Coal Mining Co. of Blanzy, b y W. F. W illoughby .(a)
The sweating system, b y Henry White, (o)
No. 5. Convict labor.
Industrial communities: Krupp Iron and Steel Works, b y W. F. Willoughby.
No, 6. Industrial communities: Familist&re Society of Guise, b y W. F. Willoughby.
Cooperative distribution, b y Edward W. Bemis, Ph. D.
No. 7. Industrial communities: Various communities, b y W. F. Willoughby.
Rates of wages paid under public and private contract, b y Ethelbert Stewart.
No. 8. Conciliation ana arbitration in the boot and shoe industry, b y T. A. Carroll.(°)
Railway relief departments, b y Emory R. Johnson, Ph. D.(®)
No. 9. The padrone system and padrone bants, b y John Koren.(«)
The Dutch Society for General Welfare, b y J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.(o)
No. 10. Condition of the Negro in various cities, (o)
Building and loan associations. («)
No. 11. Workers at gainful occupations at censuses of 1870, 1880, and 1890, b y W. C.
Hunt.
Public baths in Europe, b y Edward Mussey Hartwell, Ph. D ., M. D.
No. 12. The inspection of factories and workshops in the U. S., b y W. F. Willoughby. (°)
Mutual rights and duties of parents and children, guardianship, etc., under
the law, b y F. J. Stimson.(«)
The municipal or cooperative restaurant of Grenoble, France, b y C. O. Ward.(a)
No. 13. The anthracite mine laborers, b y G. O. Virtue, Ph. D.(o)
No. 14. The Negroes of Farmville, Va.: Asocial study, b y W. E .B . Du Bois, Ph. D.(o)
Incomes, wages, and rents in Montreal, b y Herbert Brown Ames, B. A.(«)
No. 15. Boarding homes and clubs for working women, b y Mary S. Fergusson.(o)
The trade union label, b y John Graham Brooks. («)
No. 16. Alaskan gold fields and opportunities for capital and labor, b y S. C. Dunham.
No. 17. Brotherhood relief and insurance of railway employees, b y E. R. Johnson,
Ph. D.
The nations of Antwerp, b y J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.
No. 18. Wages in the United States and Europe, 1870 to 1898.(a)
No. 19. Alaskan gold fields and opportunities for capital and labor, b y S. C. Dun
ham .^)
Mutual relief and benefit associations in the printing trade, b y W. S. Waudby.(°)
No. 20. Condition of railway labor in Europe, b y Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
No. 21. Pawnbroking in Europe and the United States, b y W. R. Patterson, Ph. D.
No. 22. Benefit features of American trade unions, b y Edward W. Bemis, Ph. D.(®)
The Negro in the black belt: Some social sketches, b y W. E. B. Du Bois,
Ph. D.(«)
Wages in Lyon, France, 1870 to 1896.(o)
No. 23. Attitude of women’s clubs, etc., toward social economics, b y Ellen M. Henrotin.(«)
The production of paper and pulp in the U. S. from January 1 to June 30,
1898.(a)
No. 24. Statistics of cities, (o)
No. 25. Foreign labor laws: Great Britain and France, b y W. F. Willoughby.(®)
No. 26. Protection of workmen in their employment, b y Stephen D. Fessenden.
Foreign labor laws: Belgium and Switzerland, b y W. F. Willoughby.
a Bulletin out of print.
No. 27. Wholesale prices: 1890 to 1899, b y Roland P. Falkner, Ph. D.
Foreign labor laws: Germany, b y W. F. Willoughby.
-No. 28. Voluntary conciliation and arbitration in Great Britain,by J. B. McPherson.(®)
System of adjusting wages, etc., in certain rolling mills, b y J. H. Nutt.(«)
Foreign labor laws: Austria, by W. F. Willoughby. (a)
No. 29. Trusts and industrial combinations, b y J. W. Jenks, Ph. D.
The Yukon and*Nome gold regions, b y S. C. Dunham.
Labor Day, b y Miss M. C. de Graffenried.
No. 30. Trend of wages from 1891 to 1900.
Statistics of cities.
Foreign labor laws: Various European countries, b y W. F. Willoughby.
No. 31. Betterment of industrial conditions, b y V. H. Olmsted.
Present status of employers’ liability in the U. S., b y S. D. Fessenden.
Condition of railway labor in Italy, b y Dr. Luigi Einaudi.
No. 32. Accidents to labor as regulated by law in the U. S., b y W. F. Willoughby.
Prices of commodities and rates of wages in Manila.
The Negroes of Sandy Spring, M d.: A social study, b y W . T. Thom, Ph. D.
T
The British workmen’s compensation act and its operation, by A. M. Low.
No. 33. Foreign labor laws: Australasia and Canada, b y W. F. Willoughby.
The British conspiracy and protection of property act and its operation, b y
A. M. Low.
No. 34. Labor conditions in Porto Rico, b y Azel Ames, M. D.
Social economics at the Paris Exposition, by Prof. N. P. Gilman. •
The workmen’s compensation act of Holland.
No. 35. Cooperative communities in the United States, b y Rev. Alexander Kent.
The Negro landholder of Georgia, b y W. E. B. Du Bois, Ph. D.
No. 36. Statistics of cities.
Statistics of Honolulu, H. I.
No. 37. Railway employees in the United States, b y Samuel McCune Lindsay, Ph. D.
The Negroes oi Litwalton, Va.: A social study of the “ Oyster Negro,” b y
William Taylor Thom, Ph. D.
No. 38. Labor conditions in Mexico, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
The Negroes of Cinclare Central Factory and Calumet Plantation, La., by
J. Bradford Laws.
No. 39. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1901.
No. 40. Present condition of the hand-working and domestic industries of Germany,
b y Henry J. Harris, Ph. D.
Workmen’s compensation acts of foreign countries, b y Adna F. Weber.
No. 41. Labor conditions in Cuba, b y Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
Beef prices, b y Fred C. Croxton.
No. 42. Statistics of cities. (<
*)
Labor conditions of Cuba.(a)
No. 43. Report to the President on anthracite coal strike, b y Carroll D. Wright, (a)
No. 44. Factory sanitation and labor protection, b y C. F. W. Doehring, Ph. D.
No. 45. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1902.
No. 46. Report of Anthracite Coal Strike Commission.
No. 47. Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii.
No. 48. Farm colonies of the Salvation Army, b y Commander Booth Tucker.
The Negroes of Xenia, Ohio, b y Richard R . Wright, jr., B. D.
No. 49. Cost of living.
Labor conditions in New Zealand, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
No. 50. Labor unions and British industry, b y A. Maurice Low. (a)
Land values and ownership in Philadelphia, b y A. F. Davies.(«)
No. 51. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1903.
The union movement among coal-mine workers, b y Frank J. Warne, Ph. D.
No. 52. Child labor in the LTnited States, b y Hannah R. Sewall, Ph. D.
No. 53. Wages and cost of living.
No. 54. The working of the United States Bureau of Labor, b y Carroll D. Wright.
Bureaus of statistics of labor in the United States, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
Bureaus of statistics of labor in foreign countries, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
’The value and influence of labor statistics, b y Carroll D. Wright.
Strikes and lockouts in the United States, 1881 to 1900, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
Wages in the United States and Europe, 1890 to 1903, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
Cost of living and retail prices in the U. S., 1890 to 1903, oy G. W. W. Hanger.
Wholesale prices in the United States, 1890 to 1903, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
Housing of the working people in the U. S. b y employers, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
a Bulletin out of print.
No. 54. Public baths in the United States, b y G. W. W. Hanger.
Trade and technical education in the United States.
Hand and machine labor in the United States.
Labor legislation in the United States, b y G. A. Weber.
Labor conditions in Hawaii.
No. 55. Building and loan associations in the U. S., b y G. W. W. Hanger. («)
Revival of handicrafts in America, b y Max West, Ph. D .(°)
No. 56. Influence of trade unions on immigrants, b y Carroll D. Wright.
Labor conditions in Australia, b y Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
No. 57. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1904.
Street railway employment in the United States, b y Walter E. W eyl, Ph. D.
No. 58. Labor conditions in the Philippines, b y Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
Labor conditions in Java, b y Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
The new Russian workingmen’s compensation act, b y I. M. Rubinow.
No. 59. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1904.
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1904.
Laws relating to child labor in European countries.
No. 60._ Government industrial arbitration, b y Leonard W. Hatch, A. M.
No. 61. Labor conditions in Porto Rico, b y Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D .(«)
Early organizations of printers, b y Ethelbert Stewart, (a)
No. 62. Municipal ownership in Great Britain, b y Frederic C. Howe, Ph. D .(«)
Conciliation in the stove industry, b y John P. Frey and John R. Commons, (a)
Laws relating to the employment of children in the United States. («)
No. 63. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1905.
No. 64. Conditions of living among the poor, b y S. E. Forman.
Benefit features of British trade unions, b y Walter E. W eyl, Ph. D.
No. 65. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1905.(a)
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1905. (a)
No. 66. Third report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii.
No. 67. Conditions of entrance to the principal trades, b y Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.,
and A. M. Sakolski, Ph. D.
Cost of industrial insurance in the District of Columbia, b y S. E. Forman.
No. 68. Free public employment offices in the United States, b y J. E. Conner, Ph. D.
Laws of foreign countries relating to employees on railroads, b y Lindley D.
Clark, A. M., LL. M.
No. 69. Wholesale prices, 1890 to 1906.
No. 70. The Italian on the land: A study in immigration, b y Em ily Fogg Meade.(<
*)
A short history of labor legislation in Great Britain, b y A. Maurice L ow . (a)
The British workmen’s compensation acts, b y Launcelot Packer, B. L. («)
No. 71. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1906.
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1906.
a B ulletin ou t of p rint.
@FedFRASER