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DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR

BULLETIN
OF THE

BUREAU OF LABOR

No. 8 2 -M A Y , 1909
ISSUED EVERY OTHER MONTH

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

1909

CONTENTS.
Page.

Mortality from consumption in occupations exposing to municipal and general
organic dust, by Frederick L. Hoffman:
Introduction........................................................................................................ 471-475
Occupations with exposure to municipal d u s t............................................. 475-497
Street cleaning and refuse disposal.......................................................... 475-481
Drivers and team sters............................................................................... 481-487
Coachmen, cabmen, and men employed in omnibus service............ 488-490
Subway em ployees..................................................................................... 490-495
Summary of conclusions regarding occupations with exposure to
municipal dust......................................................................................... 495-497
Occupations with exposure to general organic dust..................................... 498-627
Grain handling and storage...................................................................... 498-503
Flour m illin g............................................................................................... 503-518
Bakers and confectioners..........................................................................518-537
Starch manufacture.......... ....................................................................... 537-541
The tobacco industry................................................................................. 541-545
The manufacture of cigars and cigarettes............................................... 545-571
The manufacture of snuff.......................................................................... 571-574
Leather workers........................................................................................... 574-580
Tanners, curriers, and beamers................................................................ 580-584
Saddle and harness makers........................................................................ 584-587
Glove making............................................................................................... 588-592
Boot and shoe m akers............................................................................... 592-603
Cork cutting and grinding........................................................................ 603-606
Manufacture of pearl and bone button s................................................ 606-615
Comb manufacture..................................................................................... 615-623
Summary of conclusions regarding occupations with exposure to or
ganic dust ................................................................................................. 623-627
Appendix (23 tables)......................................................................................... 628-638
Digest of recent reports of state bureaus of labor statistics:
Maine—Twenty-second Annual Report, 1908: Factories, mills, and shops
built—Child labor........................................................................................... 639,640
Maryland—Seventeenth Annual Report, 1908: Child labor—Free employ
ment agency—Cost of living—Strikes and lockouts—In labor circles—
Unemployment—Immigration.................................................................... 640-642
Michigan—Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1909: Paper manufacture—Free
employment bureaus—Beet sugar manufacture—The coal industry . . 642,643
New Jersey—Thirty-first Annual Report, 1908: Statistics of manufactures—
Industrial depression—Steam railroads—Cost of living—Fruit and vege
table canning—Industrial chronology........................................................ 643-646
North Dakota—Tenth Biennial Report, 1908: Farm labor—Coal mines. 646,647
Oregon—Third Biennial Report, 1907-8: Labor organizations—Strikes
and lockouts—Industries—A ccidents............................................................
647
Rhode Island—Twenty-first Annual Report, 1908: Strikes and lockouts—
Manufactures.................................................................................................. 647,648

CONTENTS.

Digest of recent foreign statistical publications:
Page*
Canada: Wage-earners, by occupations.......................................................... 649-651
Italy:
Report of the Bureau of Labor on night work in bakeries................ 651-656
Supplementary report of the Bureau of Labor on abolition of night
work in bakeries..................................................................................... 656,657
New South Wales: First Annual Report of the Director of Labor, 1906. 657-659
Roumania: Economic progress of the Kingdom during the reign of
Charles I, 1866 to 1906 ................................................................................... 659-661
Decisions of courts affecting labor:
Decisions under statute la w ........ ........................................................... ......... 662-671
Employers’ liability—employment of children—violation of statute—
contributory negligence—course of employment (Smith9s Admin
istrator v. National Coal and Iron C o.)................................................. 662-664
Employers’ liability—“ railroad hazards” —construction of statutes
(American Car and Foundry Co. v. Inzer)........................................... 664,665
Examination and licensing of barbers—constitutionality of statute—
delegation of powers—equal protection of laws (State v. Armeno). 665-668
Examination and licensing of barbers—constitutionality' of statute—
mechanical pursuits (Jackson v. State)................................................. 668-670
Railroads—safety-appliance acts—sufficient compliance—violations
( United States v. Boston and Maine R. B. Co.)................................... 670,671
Decisions under common la w .......................................................................... 671-684
Employers’ liability—dangerous instrumentalities—degree of care—
extraordinary occurrences—“ act of God” —negligence—presump
tions as to contributory negligence—assumption of risk (Brown v.
West Riverside Coal Co.)......................................................................... 671-675
Employers’ liability—injuries caused by third persons—liability
between themselves of joint wrongdoers—release by parents for
injuries to minor ( Galveston, Harrisburg, and San Antonio By. Co.
v. Pigott).................................................................................................... 675-679
Interference with employment—trade competition—unjustifiable
acts—motive (Tuttle v. B uck)................................................................ 679-682
Labor organizations—suspension of members—interference with em
ployment—conspiracy—damages (Campbell etal. v. Johnson)........ 682-684
Laws of various States relating to labor, enacted since January 1,1908................
685
Cumulative index of labor laws and decisions relating thereto......................... 687,688
Index to volume 18 ..................................................................................................... 689-695

B U L L E T IN
OF THE

BUREAU
No. 82.

LABOR.

WASHINGTON.

May , 1909.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN OCCUPATIONS EXPOSING
TO MUNICIPAL AND GENERAL ORGANIC DUST.
BY FREDERICK L. H O FFM A N .

INTRODUCTION.
The mortality from consumption is known to be very much greater
among persons employed in the so-called dusty trades than among
those who work in the open air, or under otherwise more sanitary
and favorable conditions affecting health and life. To clearly empha
size this important fact, of vital interest to millions of wage-earners
employed in more or less dusty trades, it is only necessary to call
attention to the material difference in the consumption death rate of
certain well-defined employments, where there can be no reasonable
doubt that the conclusions are not invalidated by possible serious
statistical errors. Thus, for illustration, one of the most dust-ex
posing occupations is that of the marble and stone cutter, and in this
employment, according to the Twelfth Census, the death rate from
consumption was 5.41 per 1,000; while, in contrast, among farmers,
planters, and farm laborers the death rate from this disease was only
1.12 per 1,000, and among lumbermen and raftsmen, only 1.07 per
1,000. So marked a difference as this must have an essential cause,
far more profound than mere differences in social or economic condi
tions, and foremost of the causes responsible for the excessive mor
tality from consumption is the more or less considerable inhalation
of dust produced during necessary mechanical and industrial proc
esses. Such dust, by its mechanical properties, causes specific injury
to the lungs and the delicate membranes of the air passages, where, by
its pathogenic properties, direct disease infection is introduced into
the human system, often with disastrous consequences to health and
life. Naturally the destructive effects of dust must vary according
to its quality and mechanical properties, and so much so is this the
case that metallic dust is unquestionably the most injurious, while
organic dust of animal origin is probably the least harmful. In

471

472

BULLETIN OP TH E BUREAU OP LABOR.

an article in Bulletin No. 79 the writer quite fully discussed the
general problem of dust pathology and symptomatology, prelimi
nary to a discussion in detail of the degree of consumption frequency
in some 42 specific trades and occupations with exposure to metallic,
mineral, vegetable fiber, and animal and mixed fiber dust. The pres
ent discussion includes 4 additional occupations with exposure to
municipal or street dust and 15 with exposure to general organic dust.
The effects of dust on human beings depend, first, upon the amount
of dust; second, the kind of dust; third, the constancy of its pres
ence; fourth, the susceptibility of the individual; and, fifth, the
method employed to protect the individual against the entrance of
dust into the human organism. By rational methods of factory
hygiene, chiefly .effective in dust removal at the point of origin, the
dust nuisance in industrial establishments can be materially reduced,
with most beneficial consequences to the health of the persons em
ployed. While much progress has been made in factory sanitation,
the evidence is entirely conclusive that present conditions affecting
health and life in industry are still very far from what they should be.
The evidence regarding the excessive mortality from consumption
in certain dusty trades is so overwhelmingly conclusive that there
can be little doubt that the degree of consumption frequency in in
dustry is in almost exact proportion to the amount of dust inhalation,
with due regard, of course, to the varieties of dust, which vary accord
ing to mechanical, pathogenic, and other properties. While the fore
going conclusion has been an accepted theory of preventive medicine
for many years, it is only within comparatively recent times that it
has been recognized as a governing principle in the rational* adminis
tration of sanitary and factory laws. Much importance is conceded
to the disposal of industrial and domestic dust as a branch of sanitary
work. According to one writer dust may be a threefold factor in
pulmonary tuberculosis, because, “ First, it may act as a predisposing
cause, as a direct physical irritant to the respiratory passages, thus
inflaming the mucous membranes and weakening their resistance to
bacillary invasion; second, it may carry infection directly by means
of dried, fresh tubercular sputum that some ignorant or careless con
sumptive has recently expectorated; third, it may aggravate tuber
culosis by converting an incipient and curable case into one of rapid
and virulent destruction of lung tissue because of the addition of
pus-producing germs.” (a)
Concerning the effects of dust on the human organism, another
writer has observed that—
Statistical data showed definitely that patients the subjects of
pneumoconiosis were especially prone to attacks of acute bronchitis,
a “ The prevention of tuberculosis,” by Dr. H. S. Anders, Pennsylvania Medical
Journal, January, 1906, Vol. IX, No. 4, p. 247.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

473

to pneumonia, and all other forms of pulmonary infection, and espe
cially to pulmonary tuberculosis, as stated by many observers, notable
among them was Merkel. Added to these changes in the lung tissue,
which have at the same time decreased its functionable possibilities
and lowered its resistance against secondary processes, there were
great deposits of dust in the lymph nodes. They found these nodes
increased in size and black with the dust contained therein. When
one considered the important role which these glands played in the
protection of the body from pathogenic organism which entered
through the respiratory tract, one could well appreciate the reason
why in these cases lymphoid tuberculosis was the rule. He had found
tuberculous lesions almost universally present when pneumoconiosis
had brought about this condition in the lymph nodes, and in New
York City they might be looked upon as constantly associated
lesions. (a)
The term pneumoconiosis, as here used, is the general name for
lung affections resulting from deposits of dust in the lungs and
air passages. The term is modified according to the various kinds
of dust, and where the deposit in the lungs is coal dust the patho
logical lesions are called anthracosis; where the deposits are of
metallic dust, siderosis; where the deposit is of stone dust, chalicosis.
or silicosis; and where the deposit is of fine cotton particles, or
vegetable fiber dust, the term byssinosis is used.
Since modern medical research has made it apparent that patho
genic micro-organisms or specific bacilli of infectious diseases are
not, as a rule, to any considerable extent conveyed by industrial
dust, it is evident that the observed injurious consequences of dust
inhalation are largely because of the mechanical properties of the
dust itself and the injury it does to the lungs. It is because of
this fact that the lung diseases of workmen exposed to industrial
dust are specifically defined as pneumoconiosis, or, according to Oliver,
industrial lung disease, which in its symptoms and course differs
from ordinary tuberculosis, being generally more specifically defined
by writers on the diseases of occupation as fibroid phthisis.
In regard to this aspect of the industrial dust problem, it was
stated in the address above referred to that—
It seemed that the dangerous quality of inhaled dust lay chiefly in
two characteristics, one on the physical character of dust, the other
on its organic nature. With very finely comminuted and light dust
the resultant lesions of the lungs were much more innocent and sec
ondary pulmonary diseases were much less frequent as a result. On
the contrary, [with] dust which contained sharp pointed and jagged
particles, inflammatory and irritative changes were much more con
stant and diffuse and secondary infections, as with tuberculosis, were
much more frequent. Dust which was chiefly injurious on account of
its organic character was such as contained organisms or organic maaAddress of Dr. Harlow Brooks, The Medical Record, November 23, 1907,
p. 878.

474

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

terial which were prone to excite disease in the body, as the dried
sputa of tuberculous subjects. Other infections so transmitted were
those of anthrax, glanders, diphtheria, actinomycosis, and bubonic
plague. Obviously the dust which was most detrimental of all to
the human body was one which combined the characteristics of both
classes. (a)
In summarizing his conclusions the writer just quoted held—first,
that dust in itself was productive of serious disease conditions, par
ticularly of the respiratory and digestive tracts; second, that these
primary conditions predispose to secondary lesions, particularly to
pulmonary and lymphatic tuberculosis; third, that many contagious
and infectious diseases were transmitted through the agency of dust;
fourth, that in a city the size of New York, or in large cities generally,
the production of large quantities of dust, often of a highly dangerous
character, could not be prevented ; but, fifth, that such dust could in
most instances be relatively and economically collected and disposed
of, and the production of unnecessary dust could be and should be
prevented by properly framed and enforced regulations.
The foregoing observations in large part refer to the problem of
municipal or street dust, which primarily affects men engaged in
street cleaning and refuse collection, drivers and teamsters, hackmen and cabmen, street railway employees, letter carriers, etc. In all
of these occupations the health-injurious consequences of municipal
dust are materially minimized by outdoor life, fresh air, and sun
light, the last named being the most effective agency in the de
struction of the pathogenic qualities of municipal dust. The investi
gations of C. J. Lewis, however, seem to prove that under given con
ditions of meteorology the number of pathogenic bacteria in munici
pal dust may be very high, while under opposite conditions the pro
portion may be very low. Densely populated districts, refuse heaps,
and polluted soils, according to this authority, have a marked influ
ence upon the number and character of the pathogenic bacteria in
the atmosphere.
The problem of dust prevention on streets and highways, especially
since the introduction of the automobile, has attracted wide attention,
and, among other results, led to the publication of a circular on
experiments with dust preventives by the United States Department
of Agriculture in 1908. (h) The experiments reported upon seem to
confirm the belief that it is entirely practicable to materially reduce
the dust nuisance on public highways, and to fully confirm the exa Address of Dr. Harlow Brooks, The Medical Record, November 23, 1907,
p. 878.
6 See Progress Reports of Experim ents w ith D ust Preventives, C ircular No.
89, Office of Public Roads, U nited S tates D epartm ent of A griculture, April 20,
1908.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

475

periments of Guglielminetti, who, at the Congress of Climatotherapy
and Urban Hygiene, held in Nice, France, in 1907, presented evidence
to prove that the application of crude oil to roadbeds was not only
comparatively inexpensive, but that it rendered the roads more re
sistant and diminished cost of repairs, with practically an entire sup
pression of dust. Upon the same subject Dr. P. Boobbyer, of Notting
ham, in an address before the Royal Sanitary Institute Congress, in
1906, made a strong argument in favor of street pavements of smooth
material and more effective regulations governing the disposition of
refuse and the sweeping of house dust into the streets. Effective
sanitary regulations governing street-cleaning methods and refuse
disposal must necessarily exert a decided beneficial influence upon the
health of the large body of men who, in the pursuit of their respective
callings, spend most of their lives on the public streets and highways,
while at the same time they must also prove of vast benefit to the pub
lic at large.
Of equal importance in this connection brief mention may be made
of the sanitary dangers of the vast quantities of dust produced in
the demolition of buildings, often old and insanitary premises,
through which dust and disease germs inimical to health are dis
seminated, primarily to the injury of the workmen employed in
house-wrecking undertakings. Mention may also be made of the regu
lations of the London County Council, which decrees that the time for
such work in London shall be restricted to between the hours of 6
o’clock in the evening and 10 o’clock in the morning, and it is made
incumbent on those responsible for the work of demolition to order
that the walls be thoroughly watered during the process. Since most
of the labor employed in the demolition of buildings is usually of a
casual nature, the health-injurious effects are not, of course, as seri
ous as they would be if the occupation were carried on continuously.
OCCUPATIONS W ITH EXPOSURE TO MUNICIPAL DUST.
STREET CLEANING A ND REFUSE DISPOSAL.

The number of persons employed in the United States in street
cleaning and refuse disposal is unknown, but it may be approximately
estimated for the large cities on the basis of the known number of
persons employed in the city of New York. A return has been pub
lished for Greater New York for the year 1904, according to which
the number of persons employed in the street-cleaning department
was 4,625, of which 2,686 were sweepers, 1,262 were drivers, and the
remainder supervising officials and general laborers. (a) I f the ratio
« Circular issued by the New York Department of Street Cleaning, May 13,
1904.

476

BULLETIN OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR.

of persons employed for street-cleaning purposes to the estimated
population of Greater New York holds good for the estimated aggre
gate population of large American cities, or such as in 1900 had
25,000 inhabitants and over, the approximate number employed in
1909 is 30,000. Of this large number of most useful and, in fact,
indispensable workers about 58.1 per cent are sweepers, whose em
ployment predisposes particularly and continuously to the inhalation
of more or less injurious dust, largely inorganic, but partly organic,
and which, because of its peculiar and characteristic composition,
has been defined as municipal dust. In the nature of the employ
ment the exposure must vary in exact proportion as methods for
previous street watering are in use, but in most cities at the present
time such precautions are generally neglected.
Street sweepers often include a very considerable proportion of
old men who have become incapacitated for other forms of labor,
but the tendency in our large cities at least is to eliminate this ele
ment as not adapted to the requirements of economical municipal
administration, and an increasing proportion of men are employed
at an age period of much greater susceptibility to disease infection
than in the case of the old, who, in a measure, represent the survival
of a type more or less immune. In an address on the insanitary
condition of London streets, it was stated with reference to this
aspect of the problem that—
While in the main streets, where work goes on while the traffic is
running, it is necessary to have men with all their faculties and full
physical power to do the work, at the same time that they are keep
ing watch against the dangers in which they work; yet in the quiet
streets of little traffic it is a class of labor upon which aged and less
capable men can very well be employed, and are better so employed
even at a lower wage than turned adrift to become chargeable to the
poor rate.(a)
The evils incident to crude methods of street cleaning and refuse
disposal were early recognized by Ramazzini, who, in 1670, held
that men employed on the roads were subject to disorders of the
digestive organs and generally suffered greatly from epidemics.
This early view of an extremely careful observer of actual condi
tions and their consequences is curiously enough confirmed by the
opinion of to-day as expressed by Professor Sedgwick, that atmos
pheric dust must be included in the causes responsible for the spread
of typhoid fever. (*6)
Halfort, a German authority, writing in 1845, held that street
cleaners suffered as the result of inhaling street dust and in conse
quence of exposure to more or less dangerous emanations. Hirt, in
°Address of W. N. Blair, Transactions of the Sanitary Institute, 1900, p. 292.
6 Report of Pittsburg Filtration Commission, January, 1899, p. 12.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

477

his treatise on The Diseases of Workmen, with special reference to
dusty trades, sustains this view and refers to the earlier observations
of Sonnenkalb and Chrastina, who had reported upon the healthinjurious consequences of the street dust of Leipzig and Vienna.
H irt calls attention to the wide degree of divergence in the character
of municipal dust in different localities materially influenced, of
course, by the materials used in road construction. These early
writers gave more attention to the inorganic dust particles than to
the organic elements, and writing as they did before the discovery of
the bacilli of tuberculosis the seriously infectious character of street
dust under certain favorable conditions escaped their attention.
More recently—
some very suggestive facts have been published regarding the preva
lence of tuberculosis among street cleaners of Greater New Yorii. It
was ascertained, according to published reports, that about one-third
of the 5,000 street cleaners were infected with tuberculosis. This
startling discovery was emphasized by the statement that every em
ployee had, previous to his employment, been examined by civil
service physicians and pronounced free from organic disease. It was
also disclosed by the investigation that on the west side, where the
streets were wider and better kept, the force was less liable to illness
than on the east side, where the streets were more dirty and where
diseases of the nose, throat, and lungs were more common. Con
trasts were drawn between the conditions in Berlin and Greater New
York, and it was held that in the former city the street-cleaning force
was quite healthy and free from tubercular diseases, the street clean
ing force in Greater New York was particularly liable to this dis
ease, chiefly on account of the fact that the dust was collected, in
many cases, without the street having been previously sprinkled.
The introduction of the modern system of street-cleaning machines,
removing the dust under cover, and performing at the same time
sprinkling, cleaning, and dumping processes, is a much-to-be-desired
improvement, which is certain to have a beneficial effect upon the
health of the street-cleaning force. (a)
The mortality from tuberculosis among street cleaners of New York
City has also been discussed in an extended article in the New York
Medical Journal for 1904, from which the following extracts are
made as perhaps the most authoritative expression of medical opinion
regarding the health-injurious aspects of this employment available
at the present time:
I t has been stated that five years’ work as a street cleaner of New
York makes the average individual a consumptive. When we con
sider that every employee in the street-cleaning department must be
carefully examined and found to be in perfect health before being
admitted into the service; when we further consider that street clean
ing is an outdoor occupation, and, lastly, that in European cities, as,
for example, in Berlin, the street sweepers show the smallest mora The Medical Examiner and General Practitioner, December, 1907, pp. 361,362.

478

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.

bidity and mortality from tuberculosis and other diseases among that
city’s laboring population, the medical profession may well ask itself
why conditions are so different in New York.
To the close observer it is not difficult to find an explanation. In
well regulated European cities the streets are frequently sprinkled
before they are swept; here the sweeping is almost invariably done
dry. Now, it is not the tubercle bacillus alone which renders our
street cleaners consumptive, but it is the constant inhalation of all
kinds of dust and the consequent irritation of the pulmonary surfaces,
which make the invasion of the germ of tuberculosis more easy. The
sweeping of streets in the dry state should be considered as a crime
against our fellow-men. It is not the air, but the dust in the air,
which renders New York such a dangerous place, particularly in
summer, to people predisposed to pulmonary troubles. While, as a
natural consequence of being in closer proximity to the dust, the street
cleaners are the first to suffer, the citizens at large who are obliged to
remain in New York during the summer months suffer also to a con
siderable degree.
* * * No street should be swept without being previously
sprinkled, and the gutters in the streets should be flushed daily, except
in freezing weather. To forbid people to spit altogether when out
doors is unreasonable and any sum law would not be carried out, but
a law could be enforced which made spitting in the gutter permissible,
but expectorating on the sidewalk and in the middle ox the street
punishable by a severe fine. Besides all these precautions, street
cleaners could be provided with respiratory masks as an additional
protection, particularly in very dusty localities. (a)
The same subject has been considered from a different point of view
in an address on street dust and public health, delivered before the
New York Academy of Medicine, April 4, 1907, in which attention
was called to the fact that even where the immediate infection by the
bacillus tuberculosis might not lead to the disease the inhalation of
street dust might easily develop a catarrh which would make a pre
viously existing tuberculosis fatal. In reference to the health-injuri
ous character of street dust it was stated that—
When thus atomized and inhaled it acts injuriously upon all the
sensitive mucous membranes of the respiratory passages, partly
through mechanical irritation and trauma and partly by conveying
to them and imbedding in their folds a great variety of germs.
These germs are not necessarily those of specific diseases such as the
pneumococcus or bacillus tuberculosis, for such germs are known to
be killed by conditions of prolonged exposure to dryness and sun
light, whereas moisture proves favorable to their longevity. But
sufficient nonspecific germs are conveyed by street dust to excite
catarrhal or purulent inflammations, and by thus fostering a chron
ically diseased or irritated condition of the respiratory passages, the
latter are rendered liable to more serious infections. Herein lies the
chief menace to health from street dirt. The danger is complicated
•N ew York Medical Journal, May 14, 1904, pp. 937, 938.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

479

by the fact that the sputum of patients having chronic tuberculosis,
bronchitis, or nasopharyngeal catarrh, expectorated when they are
at large in the streets, is swept from the sidewalks and added to the
general street dirt.(a)
The foregoing conclusions apply with particular force to street
cleaners, who are continuously exposed to the risk of dust inhalation,
and most so, of course, where previous street sprinkling is not prac
ticed.^) In consequence of such exposure there is a decided increase
in the liability to tuberculosis and other respiratory diseases, chiefly
pneumonia, which modern medical research has clearly proven to be
an infectious disease. Other factors, no doubt, complicate the prob
lem, and among these mention may be made of the liability to over
strain on the part of refuse collectors or ashmen, who often suffer
from injuries received from lifting heavy barrels, so much so that
any given street-cleaning force has continuously a number of men
laid off or on half pay on this account. Diminished disease resistance
under conditions like the foregoing necessarily increases the liability
to tubercular or other infection.
Street cleaning and the disposal of city refuse require, in other
words, to be considered as an extremely important and highly com
plex proposition, demanding the highest administrative skill for its
practical solution. Street sweeping by machines is gradually replac
ing sweeping by hand—that is, in most of the principal thoroughfares
of our large cities; but progress in even this direction is much slower
than the needs of the situation demand. (c)
The health-injurious consequences of street dust have been summed
up in a discussion of the address of Dr. W. G. Thompson, previously
referred to, in which it was stated that “ to sweep a street when it was
dry was a crime against one’s fellow-men. It was a mistaken idea to
think that dust which did not contain pathogenic, i. e., specific diseaseproducing, micro-organisms was harmless. It was, on the contrary,
most harmful, because of its irritating influence on the mucous mem
branes of the respiratory organs.” The speaker referred to the rela
tive increase in tuberculosis among the street sweepers of the city of
a “ Street dirt and public health,” by W. Gilman Thompson, M. D., New York
Medical Journal, April 20, 1907, p. 725.
6 For a discussion of. the problem of municipal dust, a treatise on Dust and
Its Dangers, by T. M. Prudden, M. D., New York, 1907, chapter 9, may be con
sulted.
c The problem of city refuse and its disposal as a metropolitan problem has
been discussed by Mr. H. D. Parsons in the Scientific American Supplement of
July 4, 1908, while a new system of street cleaning and a sanitary street cleaner
is described in the Scientific American for May 10, 1902. An earlier descriptive
account of machines for sprinkling and sweeping streets appeared in the Scien
tific American Supplement of March 24, 1888.

480

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

New York, which had first been noticed a few years ago, and which, in
his opinion, “was not solely due to the inhalation of tuberculous sputum
which might have been expectorated in the streets by consumptives,
and which had most likely been rendered innocuous by sunlight and
air,” but the increase “ was due to the irritating influence of dry dust,
raised by the street sweepers themselves,” because the streets were not
sprinkled previously to the sweeping process. He concluded his
remarks with the statement that—
The pulmonary tissue thus irritated invited an invasion of the
bacilli to which the street cleaner, in his unsanitary tenements and
other unhygienic environments, was as much exposed as anybody
else. When the streets were sprinkled before they were swept there
would be less tuberculosis among the street cleaners. As proof of all
this he cited the well-known fact that the street cleaners of Berlin
were the healthiest body of men of all the city’s employees and vir
tually free from tuberculosis. (a)
There are no American official vital statistics of persons employed
in street cleaning and refuse disposal, nor have the statistics of the
large street-cleaning departments of the principal cities been made
public otherwise than in the report in 1904 by J. M. Woodbury, as
street-cleaning commissioner of the city of New York. The industrial
insurance mortality statistics for men in this group of employments
for the period 1897 to 1906 include 180 recorded deaths, of which
83, or 18.3 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of
street cleaners from respiratory diseases other than consumption, 23
were from pneumonia, 8 from asthma and bronchitis, and 2 from
other diseases in this group, a total of 33, or 18.3 per cent. I f the
deaths from consumption and from other respiratory diseases are
combined, 36.7 per cent of the mortality of street cleaners was from
diseases of the lungs and air passages. It is evident from the fore
going statistics that the recorded mortality from consumption among
men in this employment is not decidedly excessive, but it must be
clearly kept in mind that there is probably no occupation more sub
ject to changes and from which the physically impaired are ulore
rigidly excluded by occupation selection than in the street-cleaning
and refuse-disposal service of large cities. The table which follows
states in detail the consumption mortality of street cleaners by divis
ional periods of life, with the comparative proportionate mortality
of the general population in the United States registration area dur
ing the period 1900 to 1906:
a Discussion by Dr. S. A. Knopf, Medical Record, April 27, 1907, pp. 705, 706.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

481

PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG S T R E E T C L E A N
E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN THE REGISTRA
TION AREA OF THE UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for street cleaners from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures
for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United States
census. ]
Deaths of street clean Per cent of deaths due
ers, 1897 to 1906,
to consumption
among—
due to—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Street
cleaners.

Males in
registration
area, 1900
to 1906.

15 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years.....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over..............................................................

is
37
47
45
33

8
13
7
3
2

44.4
35.1
14.9
6.7
6.1

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

180

18.3

14.8

While the preceding statistical data are not entirely conclusive, they
would seem to confirm the conclusion, when taken in connection with
the foregoing observations, based on a careful consideration of all
the available facts and conditions, that street cleaners as a class are
subject to health-injurious circumstances connected with their employ
ment, and that the exposure to dust inhalation results in a com
paratively high degree of consumption frequency at ages 25 to 44,
inclusive.
DRIVERS A N D TEAMSTERS.

Drivers and teamsters, perhaps more than any other class of out
door workmen, are exposed to the risk of considerable and continuous
inhalation of municipal dust. By reason of the usual position of the
driver’s seat, perhaps 8 feet or more above the ground, the degree of
direct exposure is, however, much less than in the case of street sweep
ers and refuse collectors. The wages of drivers and teamsters are, as a
rule, rather low, and the hours of labor are often both long and
uncertain. Drivers and teamsters are under the further disadvan
tage of having to sit in a fixed position for many hours at a time,
and in addition night work may be named as probably one of the
factors detrimental to the health of men employed in this occu
pation. While a large portion of the working time of drivers and
teamsters, cabmen and coachmen, etc., is spent out of doors, a not
inconsiderable length of time is spent in stables, the air of which is
usually more or less foul and polluted. A fair proportion of cabmen
and teamsters work at night, and their working hours are irregular,
with a constant temptation to dissipation. Finally, it is to be con
sidered that the occupation of cabman or teamster does not require

482

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

a long apprenticeship or any special skill, and that the occupation
often is recruited from many of the failures in other employments.
Thackrah (1832) refers to cart drivers as those exposed to atmos
pheric vicissitudes, but as being “ healthy in proportion to their
temperance and the nourishment they take.” He remarks that “ their
wages, however, are low; they are often indifferently fed; and many,
particularly among the coal leaders, congregate and spend at the
alehouse that money which would be better employed in buying solid
food.” («)
The mortality in this group of employments is briefly discussed
by Dr. Jacques Bertillon, from whose address on the “ Morbidity and
mortality according to occupation,” as translated for the Journal of
the Boyal Statistical Society, the following is quoted:
Coachmen, wagoners, draymen are subject to a very high mortality
to which it may be well to devote a little attention. In England
coachmen, cabmen (not domestics) are distinguished from carmen,
carriers, carters, draymen. In both the death rate is so high, that
the occupation may be considered one of the most unhealthy in the
country. Of the two that of the coachmen is the worst (the domestic
coachman is excluded, for he enjoys very good health), probably be
cause he is obliged to remain on his seat in all weathers and seasons,
while the wagoner can walk by his horses and thus keep himself
warm. At Paris, similar results are found. Either occupation has
a great mortality, but the cabmen are worse off than the carmen and
draymen, whose rate even becomes normal after 50. The English
statistics teach us the causes of death among this class. Their diges
tive organs are in good condition, but all the other, organs are con
stantly attacked. As might be expected, the respiratory organs are
most often diseased. Phthisis is very common; alcoholism is enor
mously developed, and in its train follow diseases of the liver, urinary
organs, nervous and circulatory systems. Gout is very frequent, ana
deaths from accidents exceed the average. In Switzerland “ carting
and driving” give rise to a mortality almost double the average.
Phthisis is not the principal factor, for up to 30 years of age it is
unusual rather than otherwise among the Swiss coachmen and
wagoners; above this age it is over the average, but without reaching
anything like the high level we found among stone masons, lock
smiths, and watchmakers, for example. Although the occupation of
coachmen is evidently unhealthy (and it should be noted that a man
must be strong and muscular to harness and groom horses, and that
selection would tend to diminish the mortality peculiar to this pro
fession), the Italian sickness tables assign to them but few days of
illness while they are young. I t is only after 45 that their morbidity
is above the average" to any great extent. The English consider
“ horsekeepers, grooms, jockeys” separately; their death rate is
identically the same as that of the coachmen, i. e., is very high.(6)
a The Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by
C. Turner Thackrah, 1832, pp. 13, 14.
1 Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 1892, p. 581.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

.483

Arlidge, in his treatise on the diseases of occupations, considers the
entire group of drivers and teamsters, including drivers of public
vehicles—cab, omnibus, and tram-car men, carriers and carters—at
some length, holding that they form a class of occupied people having
as a common character the carriage of persons and goods with more
or less exposure to weather. But “ the differences in health conditions
outnumber the points of similarity; for the former are almost as
many as are the individuals occupied in the business.” He continues:
In great cities like London, the drivers of omnibuses and cabs form
a large fraternity, subjected to special police regulations, held to
gether by the bonds of a common employment, and by voluntary asso
ciations. They suffer from long and often late hours, from exposure
to the inclemencies of weather, and to many hardships and annoy
ances. They are recruited from the list of private coachmen and
grooms, and to no small extent from the prodigals and the good-fornothing born to superior positions. Among them, as a body, intem
perance prevails widely, along with its frequent accompaniment, dis
solute living. Their abodes are frequently unhealthy, not uncom
monly situated in confined and ill-ventilated yards, and placed above
the stables. In short, they are surrounded by a host of insanitary
conditions, and, as a result, suffer the consequences of such; further
more, they have more than their share of accidents. (a)
After stating that the comparative mortality figure of this group
of employments is surpassed by only five other occupations in Eng
lish experience, Arlidge states that the mortality from consumption
was as 359 among drivers and teamsters to 220 in other occupations;
the mortality from nervous diseases was as 134 to 119; the mortality
from diseases of circulation was as 160 to 120; the mortality from
respiratory maladies as 341 to 182; from urinary diseases as 65 to 41;
hepatic diseases as 54 to 39; alcoholism as 33 to 10; gout as 11 to 3;
and accidents as 84 to 67.
Thomas Oliver, in his discussion of the mortality of drivers of pub
lic vehicles, observes that men in this group of employments “ suffer
and become prematurely old in consequence of their exposure to in
clement weather, late hours, and irregularity in getting their meals.
Alcoholism and exposure to cold are responsible for their tendency
to develop gout and rheumatism, and through these disorders to sec
ondary affections of the kidneys, heart, and respiratory organs. They
die at the rate of 1,482 to 1,000 of the male population generally.” (*6)
The foregoing observations are confirmed by the United States
census of 1890, according to which the mortality of draymen, hacka Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p. 127.
6 Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, p. 798.
2313—No. 82—09-----2

484

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

men, teamsters, drivers, etc., in the registration States was materially
in excess of the corresponding mortality of occupied males generally.
Comparing the mortality of this group, however, with the mortality
of men employed in agriculture, transportation, and other outdoor
occupations, it appears that while the average mortality rate of this
class at ages 15 to 24 was 4.13 per 1,000, the death rate for draymen,
hackmen, etc., was 6.47; at ages 25 to 44 the respective death rates
were 5.88 and 11.07; at ages 45 to 64 the rates were 11.54 and 19.30,
respectively; and at ages 65 and over the rates were 59.31 and 63.23.
As observed in the census report, the death rates of draymen, hackmen, teamsters, etc., were higher in each age group than the average
rate for occupations of this class, and an analysis of the causes of
death proves that the most prominent among this class were con
sumption and respiratory diseases. The mortality from consumption
of draymen, hackmen, etc., was 304 per 100,000, against 162 for
persons employed in agriculture, transportation, and other outdoor
occupations. The corresponding death rates for respiratory diseases
were 237 and 192, respectively.^)
The mortality from consumption among draymen, hackmen, etc.,
was highest in the cities, or 363 per 100,000 living, while in the rural
districts it was only 105 per 100,000. There was the same marked
difference in the mortality from respiratory diseases, which was
281 per 100,000 in the cities and only 89 in the rural districts. (a)
The foregoing facts are in entire conformity to English experi
ence and would seem to warrant the conclusion that the exposure to
municipal dust on the part of drivers and teamsters in cities is at
least one of the predisposing causes of their high mortality from
consumption and respiratory diseases.
The number of drivers and teamsters in the United States, according to the census report on occupations for 1900, was 532,637, and
of this number 10,777, or 2.0 per cent, were 65 years of age and over,
which compares with 4.7 per cent for the entire male population of
the continental United States. At ages 55 to 64 the proportion was
5.7 per cent, and at ages 45 to 54, 12.8 per cent, leaving 79.5 per cent
at ages 15 to 44, inclusive. The occupation was briefly considered
in the vital statistics of the census of 1900, but it is evident that
the returns are not entirely trustworthy, in any event not for ages
45 and over. At ages 15 to 24 the mortality from all causes in the
registration States in 1900 was 4.7 per 1,000, which compares with
4.4 for the manufacturing and mechanical class, and 2.6 for the mer
cantile and trading class. A t ages 25 to 44 the death rate of draymen,
®Report on Vital and Social Statistics, Part I, Eleventh Census of the United
States, 1890, pp. 159 and 163.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

485

hackmen, and teamsters was 9.9 per 1,000 in 1900, which compares
with 8.4 for the manufacturing and mechanical class and 6.7 for the
mercantile and trading class. The mortality from consumption is
not returned by divisional periods of life, but is given in the aggregate
for all ages as 2.6 per 1,000 in 1900, which compares with 2.6 per 1,000
for the manufacturing and mechanical class, and 1.7 per 1,000 for the
mercantile and trading class. The mortality from other respiratory
diseases was 1.7 per 1,000 in 1900, which is also rather high, especially
so in view of the fact that the proportion of draymen, hackmen, and
teamsters at advanced ages was comparatively small.
The vital statistics of this group of occupations, according to the
census of 1900, are inconclusive, as were those of 1890, and the death
rate from all causes is somewhat lower at all ages except 65 and over.
The mortality from consumption at ages 15 and over for drivers,
hackmen, and teamsters was ascertained to be 2.6 per 1,000 in 1900,
against 3.0 per 1,000 for the census year 1890, while the mortality
from respiratory diseases other than consumption was ascertained to
be 1.7 per 1,000 in 1900, against 2.4 for the census year 1890.
The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of drivers
and teamsters include 3,850 deaths, of which 999, or 25.9 per cent,
were from consumption. Of the mortality of drivers and teamsters
from respiratory diseases other than consumption 483, or 12.5 per
cent, were from pneumonia; 27, or 0.7 per cent, from asthma; 56, or
1.5 per cent, from bronchitis; and 66, or 1.7 per cent, from less fre
quent respiratory diseases. I f the deaths from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases are combined, it is found that 42.4 per
cent of the mortality of drivers and teamsters was from diseases of the
lungs and air passages. The excess in the consumption mortality of
drivers and teamsters is still more clearly brought out in the tabular
presentation of the proportionate mortality from this disease by divi
sional periods of life. While the consumption mortality was exces
sive at all the specified age periods except 55 to 64, the excess was
most pronounced at ages 35 to 44, when out of every 100 deaths from
all causes 32.1 were from consumption, against a normal expected
proportion of 23.6. The analysis of the consumption mortality of
drivers and teamsters in detail is set forth in the table following.

486

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG D R IV E R S AND
T E A M S T E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN TH E
REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for drivers and team sters from experience of an in dustrial insurance com pany;
figures for males in registration area computed from m o rtality sta tistics of the United
States census.]
Deaths of drivers and Per cent of deaths due to
teamsters, 1897 to consumption among—
1906, due to—
Age at death.

Males in
Drivers
All causes. Consump
and team registration
tion.
area, 1900
sters.
to 1906.

15 to 24 years.................................................. ..................
25 to 34 years.....................................................................
35 to 44 years.....................................................................
45 to 54 years.....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over..............................................................

386
1,024
974
660
468
338

126
400
313
113
35
12

32.6
39.1
32.1
17.1
7.5
3.6

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

3,850

999

25.9

14.8

In Rhode Island out of 531 deaths reported during the ten-year
period ending with 1906, 131, or 24.7 per cent, were from consump
tion. Of the mortality from other respiratory diseases there were 63
deaths from pneumonia, or 11.9 per cent, and 14 deaths from asthma,
bronchitis, and other respiratory diseases, or 2.7 per cent of the mor
tality from all causes. Combining the mortality from consumption
and from other respiratory diseases gives 39.3 per cent as the mortality
of drivers and teamsters in Rhode Island from diseases of the lungs
and air passages.
The English occupation mortality statistics for drivers and team
sters are found in part under the titles carmen and carriers, and
during the three-year period 1900-1902 included 9,505 deaths from all
causes. Of this number of deaths 1,446, or 15.2 per cent, were from
consumption; and 1,973, or 20.8 per cent, from respiratory diseases
other than consumption. Of the deaths from all causes 3,419, or 36.0
per cent were, therefore, from diseases of the lungs and air passages.
In the following table a comparison is made of the mortality from all
causes among men employed as carmen and carriers with that of
occupied males generally, and the result indicates an excessive mor
tality at all ages except 20 to 24, when the mortality was slightly
below the normal expected rate for all occupied males:

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

487

MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG CARM EN AND C A R R IE R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902,
BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II. Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for carmen and carriers.
Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 24 years....................................................................
25 to 34 years....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over.............................................................

Rate per
1,000.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

Greater (+ ) Ratio to
or less (—) rate for
than rate
all
for all occu occupied
pied males.
males.

2.80
4.29
6.71
13.09
20.42
36.46
107.84

+ 0.36
- .12
+ .70
+ 2.87
+ 2.69
+ 5.45
+19.45

115
97
111
128
115
118
122

In the table which follows the mortality from consumption and
from respiratory diseases other than consumption among men em
ployed as carmen and carriers is compared with the normal mortality
for all occupied males from these diseases by divisional periods of
life. The comparison shows that the mortality from consumption
was slightly below the normal expected at all ages except 35 to 44
and 65 and over. The difference from the normal expected, however,
wras comparatively small at all ages. The mortality from other
respiratory diseases, however, was somewhat excessive at all ages,
but the excess was most pronounced at ages 35 and over. The tabular
analysis which follows is self-explanatory and requires no further
comment:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF TH E R E SPIR
ATORY SYSTEM AMONG CA RM EN AND C A R R IE R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT
OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General n f
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the respir
atory system.

Mortality from consumption.
Death rate for carmen and car
riers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years.......
20 to 24 years.......
25 to 34 years.......
35 to 44 years.......
45 to 54 years.......
55 to 64 years.......
65 years and over.

Death rate for carmen and car
riers.

Death
Death
rate per
rate per
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
Greater (+ ) Ratio to 1,000 for
1,000 for
or less (—) rate for ail occu
or less (—) rate for
all occu
Rate
per
Rate per than rate all
pied
than rate
pied
occu males.
occu
1,000.
for all oc allpied
males.
for all oc
1,000.
pied
cupied
cupied
males.
males.
males.
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.49
1.05
1.79
2.91
2.97
1.94
1.47

-0.05
- .50
- .24
+ .17
- .07
- .22
+ .36

91
68
88
106
98
90
132

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.26
.57
1.15
2.69
4.44
9.44
25.54

+0.02
+ .09
+ .38
+1.03
+1.12
+2.90
+7.77

108
119
149
162
134
144
144

488

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

COACHMEH, CABMEN, A N D M EN EMPLOYED IN OMNIBUS SERVICE.

Coachmen, cabmen, and men employed in omnibus service may
properly be separately considered in the group of persons exposed to
municipal dust. In the census statistics of the United States these
employees are apparently included under the heading of “ Drivers,
teamsters, and hackmen; ” in the English statistics and in the indus
trial insurance mortality statistics coachmen and cabmen are sepa
rately tabulated. The English occupation mortality statistics for men
employed as coachmen, cabmen, and in omnibus service are quite con
clusive of the injurious effects of these occupations on health, par
ticularly at ages over 25. In the table which follows a comparison is
made of the mortality from all causes among men in this group of
occupations with occupied males generally, and at ages 25 and over it
is shown that the general mortality of this class exceeds the general
average by from 0.36 to 7.71 per 1,000:
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES OF COACHMEN, CABM EN, AND M EN IN OMNI
BUS S E R V IC E , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENG
LAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for coachmen, cabmen,
and men in omnibus service.
Age at death.

Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

Greater (+ )
or less (—) Ratio to
Rate per than rate rate for all
for all
occupied
1,C00.
occupied
males.
males.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

1.89
3.51
6.37
12.51
20.76
34.84
96.10

-0.55
- .90
+ .36
+2.29
+3.03
+3.83
+7.71

77
80
106
122
117
112
109

A more extended comparison is made in the next table, in which
the mortality of coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service employees
from consumption and from other respiratory diseases is compared
with the normal mortality of occupied males from these diseases, by
divisional periods of life. The comparison shows that at ages 25 and
over the mortality from consumption is excessive except at ages 65
and over. The excess is highest at ages 35 to 64. The table further
shows that the mortality from other respiratory diseases is excessive
among men in this class at ages 25 and over, the excess ranging from 6
per cent to 24 per cent, or from 0.05 to 4.20 per 1,000. The two
tables derived from English experience indicate quite clearly an

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

489

excess mortality among men employed as coachmen, cabmen, and in
omnibus service from consumption and other respiratory diseases.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF THE R E SPIR
ATORY SYSTEM AMONG COACHM EN , CA B M E N , A N D M EN IN OMNIBUS
S E R V IC E , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND
AND WALES, 1000 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the respir
atory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years.......
20 to 24 years......
25 to 34 years......
35 to 44 years.......
45 to 54 years.......
55 to 64 years......
65 years and over.

Death rate for coachmen, cab
men, and men in omnibus
service.

Death
Death
rate per
rate per
1,000
1,000
Greater (+ ) Ratio
for all
for all
or less (—) to rate occupied Rate per
occupied
for all
males.
males. Rate per than rate
1,000.
1,000. for all occu occupied
pied males. males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.47
1.22
2.22
3.58
3.95
2.75
.98

-0.07
- .33
4- .19
4- .84
+ .91
4- .59
- .13

87
79
109
131
130
127
88

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.17
.37
.82
1.97
3.74
7.57
21.97

Greater (4-) Ratio
or less (—) to rate
for all
than rate
for all occu occupied
pied males. males.
-0.07
- .11
+ .05
+ .31
4- .42
4-1.03
4-4.20

71
77
106
119
113
116
124

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of coachmen,
cabmen, and hackmen include 651 deaths from all causes, of which
163, or 25 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of this
class from other respiratory diseases, 94 were from pneumonia, 6
from asthma, 10 from bronchitis, and 12 from less frequent respira
tory diseases. When the deaths from consumption and from other
respiratory diseases are combined, it is found that 43.8 per cent of
the mortality of coachmen, cabmen, and hackmen was from diseases
of the lungs and air passages. The excess in the consumption mor
tality of this class is still more clearly brought out in the tabular
presentation of the proportionate mortality from this disease by
divisional periods of life. While the consumption mortality was
excessive at all ages, the excess was most pronounced at ages 15 to 24,
when out of every 100 deaths from all causes, 48.7 were from con
sumption, against a normal expected proportion of 27.8. The analy
sis of the consumption mortality of coachmen, cabmen, and hackmen
is set forth in detail in the table following.

490

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG CA B M E N , COACH
M EN , A N D H A C K M E N , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES
IN TH E REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for cabmen, coachmen, and hackmen from experience of an industrial insurance
com pany; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the
United States census.]
Deaths of cabm en,
coachm en, and
hackmen, 1897 to
1906, due to—

Per cent of d e a th s
due to consumption
among—

Age at death.
Cabmen,
coachmen,
All causes. Consump
tion.
hackmen.

Males in
registra
tion area,
1900 to
1906.

15 to 24 years.....................................................................
25 to 34 years.....................................................................
35 to 44 years.....................................................................
45 to 54 years.....................................................................
55 to 64 years.....................................................................
65 years and over..............................................................

39
136
154
149
105
68

19
58
52
22
11
1

48.7
42.6
33.8
14.8
10.5
1.5

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total........................................................................

651

163

25.0

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data fully support the
conclusion that men employed as drivers and teamsters, coachmen,
cabmen, hackmen, etc., represent emplgyments subject to decidedly
health-injurious conditions, which are responsible more or less for the
comparatively high degree of consumption frequency in the occupa
tions considered.
SUBW AY EMPLOYEES.

Subways for transportation purposes have been so recently brought
into use in the United States that no extensive statistical data are
as yet available regarding the health of men employed in the opera
tion of underground railways. The construction of tunnels and sub
ways involves many dangers to health and life, which, however, do
not come within the scope of this discussion, which is limited to men
employed chiefly in connection with subway transportation. Under
ground railways differ considerably in construction, and as distinct
types mention may be made of the relatively short subway in Boston,
the long but fairly spacious subway in New York, and the tubelike
freight subway in Chicago. Conditions, no doubt, are at their best
where there are large openings connecting the subway with the sur
face, and at their worst where considerable depth precludes natural
ventilation. The complaint is general that the air in subways is
polluted and more or less injurious to health and life. Investiga
tions by Dr. C. F. Chandler, tending to prove that the amount of
oxygen is sufficient, do not warrant the opinion that there are not
other health-injurious conditions present which make subway travel
and employment a menace to health and life. The investigations of

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

491

Doctor Sutherland, in connection with the operation of the Central
London Kailway, have shown that while the outside air contained
on an average 2.8 parts of carbon dioxide per 10,000 volumes, the
interior air of the stations and cars within the tube showed that on
the station platforms the proportions varied from 4.2 to 7.4 parts
during the hours of moderate travel, and during the business hours
the proportion rose from 11.0 to 20.5 parts. Such a proportion of
carbon dioxide is held to be in a high degree unhealthy to a strong
person, while a much lower proportion can not but be injurious to
a person of weakly constitution.^)
The most thorough investigation into the sanitary aspects of sub
way employment has been made by Dr. G. A. Soper, consulting sani
tary engineer to the New York City Board of Rapid Transit Com
missioners. In an address before the New York Academy of Medicine
on March 15, 1906, Doctor Soper considered in detail the whole sub
ject of the condition of the air of the New York subway, observing,
with particular reference to the dust problem, that—
The dust of the subway was made the subject of special study from
chemical, physical, and biological standpoints. Chemical analyses
of the dust showed that it contained 61.30 per cent of iron, nearly all
of which was in the metallic state. There were also 21.94 per cent of
organic matter, consisting of particles of animal and vegetable origin,
15.58 per cent of silica and other matters insoluble in acid, and 1.18
per cent of oil. The average of a considerable number of determina
tions of the weight of dust suspended in the air was 61.6 milligrams
per thousand cubic feet of air. The maximum* weight was 204 milli
grams. Twenty-three comparative tests were made to determine,
with particular care, the weight of dust in the air of the subway and
in that of the streets at the same time, and as near the same places as
possible. These showed an excess in the subway over the outside air
averaging 47 per cent. In eighteen cases, the weight of dust in the
subway air over that in the air of the streets ranged from 11 to 800
per cent.(*6)
Doctor Soper explained that the origin of a large part of the sub
way dust was readily traceable to the air currents from the streets
and to the movement of passengers. Some of the dust, he held, was
produced in the subway by the gradual wear and tear of wood and
cement and other materials of construction, but a considerable amount
of the dust was pulverized metal, ground up by the operation of the
trains. In conclusion he said:
I t has been demonstrated that the metal in the air is chiefly cast
iron derived from the grinding of the powerful brakes of the cars.
I t is a matter of official information that the loss in weight of the
brake shoes, which are the principal wearing surfaces, has amounted
a See New York Medical Record, February 14, 1903, p. 259.
6 New York Medical Record, April 21, 1906, p. 614.

492

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

to one ton per mile per month. In addition, the wheels themselves
and the tracks are being constantly ground up, especially at the curves.
I t must not be supposed that the great aggregate weight of metal
which these figures indicate is wholly converted into dust and mingled
with the subway air which is breathed by the average traveler. Many
of the iron particles are too large and too heavy to be carried far, even
by the strongest draughts of the moving trains. Many bits of smaller
size, after being whirled about for a brief period, settle upon the oily
tracks or fall into the voids in the broken stone ballast and are so
retained. Only a portion of the finer particles find their way into
the general atmosphere of the subway and are kept afloat by draughts.
At the same time, it is needless to point out to a body of physicians
the significance which attaches to the presence of a large amount of
finely divided metallic iron in the air. All text-books of hygiene, of
pathology, and of medicine describe them under the terms of siderosis, pneumoconiosis, fibroid phthisis, and grinders5rot.(a)
The foregoing observations of a thoroughly qualified expert in mat
ters of sanitary engineering, with special reference to questions and
problems of public health, including industrial hygiene, clearly em
phasize the sanitary dangers of subway employment. In fact, Doctor
Soper stated in his address that he had advised the rapid transit
board to this effect, pointing out that the metal particles in the air
of the subway might produce injurious effects upon the health of the
employees, and that this entire subject should be thoroughly investi
gated.^)
The investigations of Doctor Soper in behalf of the New York
rapid transit commission were continued, and the following is from
a brief printed summary of the results, bearing, in part, upon the
health-injurious consequences of subway employment:
The investigation conducted for the New York rapid transit com
mission by Doctor Soper, to determine the sanitary conditions, par
ticularly as regards the effect of the air upon the health of employees,
has materialized in two reports, in the first of which the author
states that although the subway air is disagreeable, it is not harmful
except for the presence of iron dust. In the second of the two re
ports, dealing with the effect of iron dust upon the employees, it is
stated that a sufficient number of persons were subjected to physical
examination to determine the condition of the average employee. A
careful search was made for evidences of diseases of the lungs, such
as are common among people engaged in occupations where dust is
present. An examination of the air showed the presence of a large
amount of iron dust, and of various kinds of fragments due to the
wear and tear of the subway and the abrasion of the clothing of the
passengers. From the samples taken it was estimated that in every
month 25 tons of iron and steel are ground off the rails, brake shoes,
and wheels, on the 21 miles of the subway. Much of this material is
in such large pieces that it falls immediately to the track, and ad
heres to the surface of the ballast or ties.
0 New York Medical Record, April 21, 1906, p. 614.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

493

Among the conclusions reached by Doctor Soper are the following:
The air of the subway as determined by analysis and careful studies
of the health of the men is not injurious, the most objectionable fea
ture being the dust, made up chiefly of angular particles of iron.
The odor and heat of the subway, although they are disagreeable, are
not actually injurious to health, the most objectionable atmospheric
conditions, as far as health is concerned, being the strong drafts and
changes of temperature which occur at the stations.
Careful physical examination showed that an excessive amount of
dry pleurisy without pain or other physical discomfort existed among
the men, the proportion being 53 per cent among the employees, as
compared with 14| per cent among persons not engaged in subway
work. Congestion and inflammation of the upper air passages were
prevalent. (a)
Doctor Soper presents his final conclusions on the air of the
New York subway in the Technology Quarterly for March, 1907,
including a qualified technical analysis of the problems of tempera
ture and humidity, the chemical and bacteriological condition of the
air, the unpleasant odors more or less prevalent at all times and in all
j)laces in the subway, and finally, with reference to dust, the con
clusions are summed up, as follows:
The dust was examined microscopically, chemically, and bacteriologically, by a special method which was devised for determining the
gross weight of dust in a measured volume of the air, and by an
instrument for estimating the total number of floating particles
present.
It was possible, by means of a common horseshoe magnet held
beneath a piece of paper sprinkled with the dust, and slowly moved
from side to side, to distinguish particles of iron and steel. These
metal particles could be made to rise on edge and reverse their position
by changing the pole of the magnet presented to them.
In appearance the dust was always black and very finely powdered.
It was easily distinguishable by the eye from dusts collected in the
streets, and in theaters, churches, office buildings, and mercantile and
manufacturing establishments.
The subway dust had a peculiarly adhesive character, which caused
it to attach itself securely to all surfaces, even when these were
vertically placed and glazed. All parts of the subway which had not
been recently cleaned and painted, or were not of a dark color, were
sprinkled with this black dust when the investigation began.
When examined microscopically, the dust was found to be com
posed of particles of many substances, conspicuous among which were
fine, flat plates of iron. In fact, these iron particles could often be
seen with the naked eye, glistening upon the hats and garments of
persons who had been riding in the subway.
Particles 2 millimeters [0.08 inch] long were, on one occasion, taken
from a magnet which had been carried in the hand on a ride of
twenty minutes in the cars. By comparison, it was found that mag
nets hung up in the subwray collected more particles of iron than
a Scientific American, August 31, 1907, p. 146.

494

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

magnets of the same size and strength hung up in an iron foundry
or a dry grinding and polishing establishment.
Particles of subway dust, not iron, comprised bits of silica, cement,
stone, fibers of wood, wool and cotton, molds, and indistinguishable
fragments of refuse of many kinds.
The separate chemical analyses of eleven samples of accumulated
dust from the subway showed the following average percentage com
position : Total iron, 61.30, including 59.89 metallic iron; silica, etc.,
15.58; oil, 1.18; organic matter, 21.94.
A large part of the metallic iron came from the wear of the brake
shoes upon the steel rims of the wheels of the cars. The wear upon
the brake shoes was very severe. By weighing them when they were
new and after they were worn out, and' determining the number used,
it was calculated by the operating company that one ton of brake
shoes was ground up every month for each mile of subway.
There was also some loss to the rails and rims of the wheels and to
the contact shoes which ran upon the third rail. Probably 25 tons
per month would be a low estimate of the weight of iron and steel
ground up in the whole subway every month.
The average weight of dust found in the subway * * * was
61.6 milligrams per thousand cubic feet of air, or 2.25 milligrams per
cubic meter ; in the streets, 52.1 milligrams per thousand cubic feet,
or 1.83 milligrams per cubic meter; difference, 9.5 milligrams. The
maximum * * * was 204 milligrams.
The weight of dust which the average passenger inhaled in onehalf hour in the subway was very slight. Assuming that 360 cubic
centimeters, or 22 cubic inches, of air were taken in at each breath,
and that the passenger breathed 18 times per minute, the total quan
tity of air which passed into the lungs in half an hour was about 6.88
cubic feet, or 0.19 cubic meter. Using the average of all results, or
61.6 milligrams per 1,000 cubic feet, as the weight of dust suspended
in the atmosphere, it appears that the average passenger took into his
nose or mouth 0.42 milligram of dust in a ride of half an hour.
The stations where the greatest weights of dust were found were
express stations; there the amount of metallic dust formed by the
braking of the trains was much greater than at the local stations and
the travel from the streets greatest. (a)
Quotations have been made at length from the investigations of
Doctor Soper, because they constitute the only qualified inquiry which
has been made into the subject. Subways are being constructed in
several cities, and the number of persons employed in subway trans
portation is constantly increasing. The employment, however, is too
new to afford an opportunity for a statistical analysis of the mortality
.which has occurred, but the preceding general considerations bring
out clearly and forcibly the danger of subway dust and its relation to
the occurrence of pulmonary consumption as well as to the occurrence
of diseases of the lungs and air passages generally. The occupation
° Technology Quarterly, March, 1907, pp. 108-116. Reprinted in annual report
of the Smithsonian Institution for 1907, and as a separate publication, No. 1852,
Washington, D. C., 1908.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

495

demands rigid supervision by the sanitary authorities on the one hand,
and by the transportation companies on the other. I t would be ad
visable to have the men examined periodically by medical men, and
nothing which sanitary science can suggest should be left undone to
reduce the dust danger to a minimum. While statistical data are not
available at this time, the conditions inimical to life and health in
connection with subway employment may be considered as already
established, and although the dust in subways is injurious to the
health chiefly of employees continuously at work therein, it also has
its serious significance to the millions of passengers compelled to
make use of the subways for transportation purposes.
SUM MARY OF CONCLUSIONS REGARDING OCCUPATIONS W ITH
EXPOSURE TO M UNICIPAL DUST.

Four occupations exposing to municipal dust have been consid
ered in detail. While the data for the different occupations consid
ered are not always identical, the statistics available indicate with
approximate accuracy the health-injurious effect of the employments.
Only one group of such occupations—draymen, hackmen, and team
sters—is included in the vital statistics of the United States census
of 1900. The total number of males in that group 15 years of age
and over in the last census year was 532,637. Of this number only
10,777, or 2 per cent, had attained to age 65 and over, against a normal
expected proportion of 4.7 per cent. The details of the age distribu
tion are given in the following table by divisional periods of life,
together with the corresponding percentage distribution of all occu
pied males:
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF MALES IN EACH AGE GROUP IN OCCUPATIONS
W I T H E X P O S U R E TO M UNICIPAL D U ST, COMPARED W ITH NUMBER AND
PER CENT IN ALL OCCUPATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1900.
[From report on Occupations, T w elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Males in occupations ex
posed to municipal dust.

All occupied males.

Age.
Number.

Per cent.

Number.

Per cent.

15 to 24 years..............................................................
25 to 34 years..............................................................
35 to 44 years..............................................................
45 to 54 years..............................................................
55 to 64 years..............................................................
65 years and over.......................................................

141,671
164,052
117,865
67,923
30,349
10,777

26.6
30.8
22.1
12.8
5.7
2.0

5,933,720
5,993,847
4,704,682
3,250,259
1,856,181
1,063,856

26.0
26.3
20.6
14.3
8.1
4.7

Total.................................................. .............

532,637

100.0

22,802,545

100.0

According to this analysis the proportion of males 15 to 44 years
was rather large in the group of occupations exposed to municipal
dust, or 79.5 per cent, against a normal expected percentage of only
72.9. At ages 45 to 54 the proportion was 12.8 per cent, against an
expected percentage of 14.3 for occupied males generally, while at

496

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR*

ages 55 and over the per cent of draymen, hackmen, and teamsters
was only 7.7, against an expected percentage of 12.8.
It is unfortunately not possible to present a combined summary of
the census vital statistics of males employed in all of the occupations
included in this group of employments exposing to municipal dust,
since it is only for draymen, teamsters, and hackmen that the census
data have been made public. In the registration area of the United
States the census death rate from consumption for draymen, team
sters, and hackmen was 2.6 per 1,000, against 2.4 for all occupations,
and the death rate from other respiratory diseases was below the
average of 1.7, against 2.0 expected.
The occupation mortality statistics of Rhode Island are available
only for drivers and teamsters in the group of employments exposing
to municipal dust. The Rhode Island returns are for 531 deaths from
all causes, of which 131 were from consumption and 77 from other
respiratory diseases. The corresponding percentages were 24.7 per
cent of deaths from consumption for persons employed as drivers and
teamsters, against 17.8 per cent for occupied males generally in the
State of Rhode Island. The percentage of deaths from other respira
tory diseases was 14.6, as compared with 12.5 for all occupied males
in Rhode Island.
The English vital statistics for this group of occupations are avail
able for carmen and carriers, and for cabmen, coachmen, and men
employed in omnibus service. When the returns for these occupa
tions are combined, they show an excessive mortality at ages 25 and
over from all causes, and at ages 35 and over from consumption. The
death rates from other respiratory diseases are excessive at all ages
20 and over. The statistics in detail, by divisional periods of life,
are set forth in tabular form as follows:
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES, FROM CONSUMPTION, AND FROM OTHER RE
SPIRATORY DISEASES IN OCCUPATIONS E X P O S E D TO M UNICIPAL D U ST,
COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES,
1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate per 1,000 due to
all causes among—
Age at death.

15 to 19 years........
20 to 24 years........
25 to 34 years........
35 to 44 years........
45 to 54 years........
55 to 64 years........
65 years and over..

Death rate per 1,000 due to
consumption among—

Death rate per 1,000 due to
other respiratory dis
eases among—

Occupations
Occupations
Occupations
All occupied with expo All occupied with expo All occupied with expo
males.
sure to mu
males.
sure to mu
males.
sure to mu
nicipal dust.
nicipal dust.
nicipal dust.
2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.44
3.98
6.56
12.81
20.58
35.65
101.76

0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.48
1.12
1.97
3.23
3.45
2.35
1.22

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.22
.49
1.01
2.35
4.10
8.50
23.69

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

497

The industrial insurance mortality statistics are available for
street cleaners, drivers, and teamsters, and for cabmen, coachmen,
and hackmen. These occupations returned in the aggregate 4,681
deaths from all causes, and of this number 1,195, or 25.5 per cent,
were from consumption. The deaths from other respiratory dis
eases numbered 787, or 16.8 per cent. The expected percentage by
the standard adopted for the registration area of the United States
was 14.8 per cent for consumption and 11.7 per cent for other respira
tory diseases. When the mortality from consumption, and respira
tory diseases other than consumption, are combined, the proportionate
number of deaths among men in occupations with exposure to muni
cipal dust is found to be 42.3 per cent in this group of causes, against
26.5 per cent expected.
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN OCCUPATIONS E X P O S E D
TO M UNICIPAL DU ST, 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES
IN TH E REGISTRATON AREA OF THE UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for occupations exposed to municipal dust from experience of an industrial insur
ance com pany; figures for males in the registration area computed from m ortality sta
tistics of the United States census.]
Deaths in occupations Per cent of deaths due
with exposure to
to c o n s u m p t i o n
municipal dust, 1897
among—
to 1906, due to—
Age at death.

Occupa
Males in
tions with registration
All causes. Consump
exposure
to area, 1900
tion.
municipal
to 1906.
dust.

15 to 24 years....................................................................
25 to 34 years....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 yearn....................................................................
65 years and over.............................................................

425
1,178
1,165
856
618
439

145
466
378
142
49
15

34.1
39.6
32.4
16.6
7.9
3.4

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.....................................................................

4,681

ol,195

o25.5

&14.8

a There were also 787 deaths from other diseases of the respiratory system, or 16.8 per
cent of the deaths from all causes.
b The per cent of deaths from other diseases of the respiratory system in the registration
area was 11.7.

I t is evident from the foregoing observations and statistical data
relating to a number of representative employments with exposure to
municipal dust that the health-injurious effects of such exposure are
reflected in the comparatively small proportion of persons of ad
vanced years, the comparatively high general death rate, and the
comparatively high specific death rates from consumption and from
other respiratory diseases.

498

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

OCCUPATIONS W ITH EXPOSURE TO GENERAL
ORGANIC DUST.
GRAIN H A N D LIN G A N D STORAGE.

Modern processes in handling and storing grain eliminate to a
considerable extent the necessity for human labor, and the tendency
is toward the further introduction of automatic appliances, chiefly
for the purpose of mixing and conveyance. Modern grain elevators
are enormous structures, in some cases with a capacity of more than
a million bushels, but the actual number of laborers employed in them
is comparatively small. The processes are simple, and are briefly
described as follows:
The grain is dropped from the car into a pocket under the floor; in
this pocket, or boot, is the lower end of the line of belts armed with
steel buckets that scoop up the grain and carry it to the top story,
emptying it there into receiving bins one hundred and fifty feet above
the car. From these receiving and separating bins, or hoppers, it
passes down to a series of hoppers on the floor below by simple gravi
tation. In these hoppers it is weighed, and passes down, by an in
genious revolving device, into whichever of the huge storage bins it
is directed to. From these, when needed, it is simply spouted into
boats or cars for shipment. (a)
A modern grain elevator is, as a rule, built circular in shape, of
hollow terra-cotta tile, the interior being practically inaccessible for
general purposes. No labor attendance is required except, perhaps,
for occasional inspection purposes. On account of the fire hazard
and the liability to dust explosion, the earlier type of wooden struc
ture is gradually passing away. Four types of modern elevators are
recognized: (1) Those having rectangular bins built of steel plates;
(2) those having cylindrical bins built of steel plates; (3) those hav
ing cylindrical bins of tiles strengthened with steel bands; and (4)
those having cylindrical bins built of concrete. These are elevators
for storage purposes, and there is really no necessity for anyone to
enter the bins, which are in most cases practically inaccessible. When
the grain is transferred in bulk from terminal elevators to barges or
steamers a considerable quantity of dust is apt to be generated ex
cept where the process is substantially an automatic one. A large
number of grain shovelers, however, are employed, especially in the
cities on the Great Lakes, and that the condition of this class of labor
is not a satisfactory one was brought out in the grain shovelers’ strike
at Buffalo a few years ago.
The liability to dust inhalation affects nearly every employment
necessary in connection with grain handling or storage, and the em
a Cosmopolitan Magazine, March, 1899, p. 495.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

499

ployment has, from the earliest times, attracted the attention of
authorities on occupation diseases. Bamazzini, writing in 1670, held
th a t:
All grain, and especially wheat, wdiether kept in pits under ground,,
as in Tuscany, or in barns, as in the countries upon the Po, have
always a very small powder mixed with them; I mean not only that
which they gather upon the barn floor in threshing, but another worse
sort of dust, that grain is apt to throw from itself upon long keeping.
For the seeds of corn being replenished with a volatile salt, insomuch
that if they are not well dried in the sun before they are laid up, they
heat mightily, and turn presently to a powder; it can not be but that
some thin particles must fly off from the husk that surrounds themy
over and above the powder and rotten dust proceeding from the
consumption made by moths, worms, mites, etc., and their excrements.
Now there being a necessity of sifting and meting corn and other
grain, the men employed in that service are so plagued with this
powder or dust, that when the work is done they curse their trade
with a thousand imprecations. The throat, the lungs, and the eyes
sustain no small damage by it, for it stuffs and dries up the throat;
it lines the pulmonary vessels with a dusty matter that causes a dry
and obstinate cough; and it makes the eyes red and watery. Hence
it is that almost all who live by that trade, are short breathed, and
cachetic, and seldom live to be old ; nay they are very apt to be seized
with an orthopncea, and at last with a dropsy. Besides, this powder
has such a sharpness in it, that it causes a violent itching, all over the
body.(a)
This opinion of a careful and scientific observer of actual condi
tions has been confirmed by subsequent inquiries, but there has been
so decided a change in the methods of grain handling in large quanti
ties that the dust nuisance has been materially reduced. Another
factor favorably affecting the health conditions in this employment
is that the habits of the men have undergone a material improvement
for the better, and as brought out in the grain shovelers’ strike at
Buffalo, previously referred to, one of the main contentions on the
part of the men was that they should not be paid by the inspectors:
at places selected by them near to saloons.
Halfort, a German authority on trade diseases, writing in 1845y
observed that grain measurers and dusters were exposed to an ex
tremely irritating dust injurious to the lungs, while the bent position
on the part of the workmen during the sifting process was unques
tionably a predisposing cause of lung diseases.
H irt studied exposure to grain dust at considerable length, includ
ing threshing and other agricultural employments. He called atten
tion to observed differences in the effects of different kinds of grain,.
0 Treatise of the Diseases of Tradesmen, Ramazzini, English edition of 1705r
pp. 170, 171.
2313—No. 82—09-----3

§00

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

but his conclusions were not final. His analysis of grain dust proved
the presence of considerable quantities of mineral matter, chiefly silica
or common earth, while the organic particles were minute portions of
the grain proper and other vegetable matter. In his opinion the effect
of the dust was extremely irritating, especially to those not accus
tomed to it, causing much cough and acute bronchial catarrh. While
he considered rye and wheat dust most injurious, because of the pecul
iar microscopical structure of the grain particles, he refers to the much
larger relative quantity of dust generated in the handling of oats,
but apparently the observations were not conclusive. Of course, in
the case of agricultural laborers the actual exposure is comparatively
short and in this respect less serious than in the case of men em
ployed in the handling and storage of grain at terminal elevators.
Even in the case of these men, however, there is the advantage of
seasonal employment, and since practically no skill is required, many
of the men employed are only casual laborers. This accounts, in part,
for the fact that the consequences of dust exposure, which would
otherwise probably be serious, have not been observed to be such in
actual practice.
An extended account of the atmosphere in granaries is included in
the Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops
of Great Britain for 1904. While this report describes conditions
typical of English ports, the descriptive account is equally applicable
to present-day conditions in this country:
The cargoes of grain arrive at irregular and uncertain periods,
and it is only when they are being discharged that the whole of the
machinery is at work, and an opportunity of complete inspection is
afforded. I found that the grain after being elevated from the ship’s
hold falls down through a chute into the basement. In the course
of its descent much of the dust gets separated from the grain, and
there are two openings near the bottom of the chute through which
the dust is drawn by an exhaust fan into a settling chamber. A
second elevator takes the grain from the basement to the top floor,
where it is carried by conveyer bands to the bins. No automatic
weighers are used. A considerable amount of dust is said to be given
off as the grain falls into the bins. Only three or four men including
the foreman are usually employed, and the number on no occasion
is said to exceed six. The foreman stated that he had been engaged
in this work for 13 years and had never felt any ill effects from the
dust. Two other men informed me they had been employed here
for three and six years respectively, and that during this time their
health had been very good. Only about one hour’s trimming at a
time is necessary for each bin, and the men are frequently not em
ployed in this work for days together. Russian oats, it is said, give
off the greatest amount of dust.(")
®Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the
Year 1904, p. 13.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

501

A similar inquiry was made into the health of persons employed
at other grain elevators, and although some of the work people had
been at work there for many years, they made no serious complaint
of having suffered as the result of exposure to grain dust. The
report includes a descriptive account of a grain elevator at Leeds by
the local inspector of the department, who remarks that—
The most perfectly equipped place I have seen is in Leeds, in a
warehouse or grain-cleaning factory, belonging to, but not connected
with, a large flour mill. I t is situated on the side of the river and
the grain is conveyed direct from the boats into the factory by means
of an elevator. The grain is carried by the elevator to the weighing
machine, then it passes through a cleaning machine, where the dust
and all dirt, soil, bits of stick or hemp, etc., are extracted, the dust
being drawn by fans into one receptacle and the other rubbish into
another. I t afterwards passes up to the silos in wooden pipes.
Everything is covered in, so that from the time grain enters the
mouth of the elevator to the time it reaches the silo it is never ex
posed. The only dust that escapes is just round the weighing and
cleaning machines, as some of these joints and connections can not
be perfectly dust tight, but as the processes are automatic it is not
necessary for any man to be constantly present to attend to the work.
From the silos, which are completely covered in, the grain runs
down into sacks at the bottom, when required to be taken to the mill.
Satisfactory as this may be inside, there are those men in the boats,
engaged in shoveling the grain towards the mouth of the elevator,
who are in the midst of clouds of dust all the time.(a)
Here, again, the general conclusions were to the effect that the
employment had not been observed to be decidedly injurious to
health, and these conclusions were confirmed by the local inspector
for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, who, after stating that most of the work
at granaries was of an intermittent character, so that the men were
only for brief periods exposed to the dust, further stated that he
had not observed any evidence of injury to health, but ascertained
that the opinion of the men was to the effect that the dust from
American grain was considered more objectionable than that from
Hungarian and Egyptian grains, the American grain being said to
contain sharp particles of husk which, it was alleged, had a very
irritating effect on the respiratory passages.
The subject is further considered in the Annual Report of the
Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the year 1906, who,
referring to a special report by one of the local inspectors for East
London, states that it has been found that an ordinary handkerchief
tied over the nostrils and mouth is a much better protection than
respirators, for the latter become speedily choked with dust and
a Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the
Year 1904, p. 111.

502

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

breathing becomes most difficult. This inspector stated further
that—
At two large dockside granaries bucket elevators were chiefly used
at one and band conveyors at the other, the dust generated being
worse in the latter case, escaping chiefly where the corn leaves the
shoots and falls on to the band. In both these cases respirators
were provided for the men, who absolutely refused to use them. In
the process of turning over the corn to prevent heating, and shovel
ling it into the shoots from the sides of the bins, the men work in a
cloud of dust. I f the bins were made funnel-shaped this latter
process might in many cases be dispensed with, but more space would
be required. The composition and amount of dust in corn of course
varies considerably; some appears to be all husks and some all dried
mud. I saw the dust collected from an average quality of foreign
barley that had been screened with a machine fitted with a fan flued
to a dust chamber. This measured one sack of dust per hundred
sacks of corn, and in addition to this there was the dust that escaped
and other heavy foreign matter sieved from the corn.(a)
While the evidence as to the quantity of dust generated in con
nection with the various processes was entirely conclusive, it was,
to the contrary, inconclusive as to the health-injurious effects upon
the men employed. No doubt the deliberate policy on the part of
the local factory inspectors to reduce the dust nuisance in English
granaries to a minimum has been decidedly beneficial, and conditions
in that respect are not only much better now than they were in former
years, but they are also possibly better and more satisfactory than in
the large terminal elevators and cargo-loading plants in the United
States.
The only available vital statistics of grain handlers and grain
elevator employees in the United States are the recorded industrial
mortality data, including, however, only 24 deaths from all causes,
of which 5, or 20.8 per cent, were from consumption. I f the deaths
from consumption and from other respiratory diseases are combined,
25 per cent of the mortality of grain handlers and grain elevator men
was from diseases of the lungs and air passages. The number of
deaths of men in this occupation included in this analysis is not suffi
cient for a final conclusion, but it is suggestive of health-injurious
circumstances destructive to life and health. The facts in detail are
brought out in a tabular presentation of the proportionate mortality
from this disease by divisional periods of life.
^Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the
year 1906, p. 16.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

503

PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG G R A IN H A N D L E R S
A N D E L E V A T O R M E N , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES
IN T H E REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for grain handlers and elevator men from experience of an industrial insur
ance com pany; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality statistics
of the United States census.]
Deaths of grain handlers Per cent of deaths due
and elevator men, 1897
to consumption
among—
to 1906, due to—
Age at death.

Grain han Males in
dlers and registration
All causes. Consump
tion.
elevator area, 1900
men.
to 1906.

15 to 24 years............................................... ....................
25 to 34 years....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over.............................................................

1
7
5
7
2
2

1
2
1
1

50.0

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

20.8

14.8

14.3
40.0
14.3

For the time being the conclusions regarding the health-injurious
effects of exposure to grain dust rest almost entirely upon recorded,
and fairly competent medical observations. These observations are,
in part, confirmed by the available recorded industrial mortality
experience. I t is much to be desired, however, that the matter should
be made the subject of a thorough and qualified scientific inquiry in
the Lake and Atlantic ports, where the largest number of grain ele
vator men and grain handlers are employed,
FLOUR MILLING.

The flour-milling industry in the United States, including grist
mill products, employed in 1905 nearly 40,000 wage-earners, of whom
450 were women. Since the manufacturing census is limited to estab
lishments of a certain size and excludes custom gristmills, the
product of which is consumed in the immediate vicinity, and which
is, therefore, considered a neighborhood industry, the actual number
of wage-earners employed in connection with flour and grist mills is
probably not far from 50,000. The census of occupations, 1900,
enumerated 40,576 millers, of whom 34,567 were native born and
6,009 were foreign born. Although the number of mills throughout
the country is very large, a comparatively small number of mills
grind a comparatively large percentage of the wheat ground in the
United States. While wheat flour is the chief product, considerable
quantities of rye, buckwheat, barley, corn, and other grains are made
into flour; this, however, proportionately is insignificant, compared
with the enormous extent of wheat-flour milling in the United States,
The distinction between custom mills and merchant mills is a very

504

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

important one, since the exposure to flour dust is much greater in the
former establishments than in the latter, chiefly operating by the
patent-roller process. Out of 25,258 flour mills enumerated by the
census of manufactures of 1900, 2,620 were merchant mills, 14,905
were custom or exchange mills, and 7,733 combined both methods.
The essential differences in methods of flour milling are briefly de
scribed in the census of manufactures, 1900, from which the follow
ing is quoted:
There are three distinct types of grinding machines used for reduc
ing cereal grains to a powder. First, the mortar-and-pestle type, in
which grinding and rubbing are the chief forces of impact employed.
Second, some form of machine presenting two roughened surfaces,
one or both of which may be in motion (usually only one), between
which the grain is crushed or cut. These roughened surfaces may be
either of stone or hardened steel. Third, the roller system of milling,
illustrating the mashing process, in which the grains are disinte
grated and reduced to successive stages of subdivision by passing
through rolls, smooth or corrugated, in which, from one series to
another, there is an increasing approximation of the surfaces.
These represent ascending types in the art of milling. The first
represents the primitive and original method of disintegrating the
grains; the second the intermediate step, which persisted until within
perhaps a quarter of a century; and the third and last and final step
in the evolution of the art.^ The third method is now almost univer
sally employed, especially in mills of any magnitude. (a)
Of these methods the last named has become the most important,
although a large number of custom flour and grist mills continue to
operate. These, as a rule, run only for a portion of the year and
employment therein is more or less intermittent, and often the duties
are performed in connection with farm labor or similar work. The
patent-roller process has eliminated to a large extent the dust nuisance
common in the old-style flour mill, and while the process is rather
involved and difficult of exact description, the following observations
from an extended account of the industry will prove useful for the
purpose of emphasizing the degree of dust exposure in the different
employments:
The roller mill consists of a frame carrying two pairs of steel rolls,
one roll of each pair being revolved in a direction opposite to the
other. The rolls run at different speeds by means of differential
belts. The prepared grain is fed between the rolls, striking the slow
rolls first, and is then cut by the fast roll, so as to shell out the con
tents. The broken kernel is then elevated to a sieve machine called a
“ scalper,” which consists of a flatwise sieve, which allows the granu
lar material, which is called “ middlings,” to pass through the
meshes, while the coarser part of the kernel passes over the sieve to
° Report on Manufactures, Fart III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, p. 370.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

505

the second set of rolls. This process is repeated five times (the grind
ing and sifting operations).
The next process is the dividing of the middlings into various
grades according to the size of the granules. The middlings from
these five siftings are delivered to a grader, which may be either a
reel or a sifter machine. These grading reels are covered with silk
bolting cloth of various degrees of fineness, the finest section being
near the head of the reel, and graduated toward the tail of the reel.
I t is a mistake to suppose that these grades differ in value; they re
late entirely to size. Each grade of middlings is now put through a
machine termed a middlings purifier. The introduction of this ma
chine has revolutionized the practice of milling. The stock is fed in
at one end of the sieve, and is advanced by the end motion of the
sieve, which is covered with silk bolting cloth. A current of air is
drawn up through the sieve by a fan located in the upper part of the
machine; this carries off any fine dust into the dust collector, where it
settles. The dust collector consists of some form of cloth tubes. The
air forces the dust to the walls of the tubes and passes through the
mesh, leaving the dust on the inside.
The particles of bran that are with the middlings whose specific
gravity is less than the interior of the kernel are kept from going
through the meshes by the upward current. The bran is held in sus
pension until the end of the sieve is reached, when the air current is
cut off,* allowing it to fall into a separate conveyor. The purified
stock which passed through the sieve is delivered by means of con
veyors to a second purifier, whose action is the same; brushes moving
at right angles to the motion of the sieve serve to keep the meshes of
the cloth open. Each grade of middlings goes through the same
process of purification. After the middlings are thoroughly purified,
they go to the smooth rolls, where they are partially crushed, but not
powdered. The life of the flour is killed if it is pulverized. From
there it goes to the bolter, which is made in many forms, but for
purposes of illustration we will consider a round reel or “ flour
dresser,” as it is called. The reel is covered with fine silk bolting
cloth, which may cost as much as $4 a yard. What flour is fine
enough to go through the meshes of this reel is sent to the flour bins,
and is ready for packing. What is too coarse to go through goes
to the rolls and is recrushed and rebolted, and this process is repeated
Until all the middlings are crushed fine enough to go through the
meshes of the cloth. The bolting cloth is kept free from clogging
by a revolving brush, and the stock is thrown against the inner side
ox the cloth by beaters revolving around a horizontal shaft.
The flour is now ready for packing in barrels of 196 pounds and
bags which range from 3 to 280 pounds. The barrels are placed on
a machine located beneath the bin, and adapted to supply a large
volume of flour, which will approximately fill the barrel; the supply
is automatically cut off when the proper weight is reached. (a)
The foregoing processes require the employment of a widely di
versified group of wage-earners, classified by the bureau of labor sta
tistics of Minnesota into head millers, second millers, grinders, bolters,
stone dressers, flour packers, bran packers, nailers, flour counters,
° Scientific American, February 27, 1904, p. 177.

506

BULLETIN OF THE BUKEAU OF LABOR.

oilers, sweepers, dust-house cleaners, elevator foremen, millwrights,
machinists, engineers, electricians, storehouse men, warehousemen, and
common laborers. The degree of dust exposure differs naturally and
considerably with the various employments, being at its worst in the
case of flour packers, bran packers, nailers, flour counters, sweepers,
dust-house cleaners, warehousemen, and storehouse men. Grinders
and bolters, on account of the fact that most of the modern machinery
is completely inclosed, are only slightly exposed to flour dust, but the
employment most injurious to health is that of the buhrstone dressers,
who are exposed not only to the inhalation of flour dust—since the
stones are dressed in the mill—but also to a considerable and contin
uous inhalation of mineral and metallic dust.
In most of the modern mills the dust house has been eliminated and
an automatic dust collector is used instead, the dust from each machine
being gathered in a pipe and carried to some one of these collectors,
whence it is automatically conveyed to a central collector, from which
it is blown into a tube and forced out of the mill into the river. This
has made the employment of dust-house cleaner almost obsolete.
The earliest recorded observations regarding the health of flour
millers are by Ramazzini, who, writing in 1670, held th a t:
In the first place those who bolt the flour and cleanse it from the
bran, and are always shaking and turning the sacks and bags, can
not possibly so cover their face as to avoid the inspiration of the
flying particles of the meal, together with the air; and these being
fermented with the salivary juice, stuff up not only the throat, but
the stomach and the lungs with a tough paste; by which means they
become liable to coughs, shortness of breath, hoarseness, and at last
to asthmas; the wind pipe and the passages in the lungs being lined
with a crust that interrupts the intercourse of the air.(«)
Ramazzini also considered the most effectual means of preserving
the health of flour millers, chiefly, of course, with reference to pro
tection against the inhalation of flour dust, and he gives his indorse
ment to the custom of tying a linen cloth over part of the face, which
then prevailed, but even this, he held, was not entirely sufficient to
prevent the inhalation of flour dust.
Thackrah, writing in 1832, took an equally serious view of the
employment, as one more or less detrimental to health and life, point
ing out in his treatise on the effects of trades and professions on
health and longevity that—
Corn millers, breathing an atmosphere loaded with the particles
of flour, suffer considerably. The mills, indeed, are necessarily ex
posed to the air,—the number of men is comparatively small, and
the labor is good. Yet millers are generally pale and sickly; most
a Treatise of the Diseases of Tradesmen, Ramazzini, English edition of 1705,
p. 143.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

507

have the appetite defective, or labor under indigestion; many are
annoyed with morning cough and expectoration; and some are asth
matic at an early age. The average circumference of the chest in
fen men, whom we measured, was 36 and 2-5ths inches; and the quan
tity of air thrown out by a full expiration was somewhat less than
202 cubic inches. Though we found several who had borne the em
ploy from boyhood to the age of 50 or 60, the individuals were by no
means robust; and we could not find an instance of an aged and
healthy miller. The preceding statements do not apply to the men
who drive the corn and flour carts, nor to the porters who unload the
grain. These persons are little exposed to dust, labor chiefly in the
open air, and are generally selected for their muscular power. They
are, however, like other men who carry great weights, subject to
hernia. («)
Thackrah concludes his remarks with some additional observations
as to the habits of the workmen and the surrounding circumstances
of their employment, and, after observing that night work did not
seem to affect sensibly the health of the workmen, remarked that—
The evils of the employ might be much reduced by the men’s tak
ing exercise in the open air. I t is apparent that those who work from
12 to 12 have time to enjoy a pure atmosphere for several hours a
day. In this, as well as other employments, we remark with regret
the men’s inattention to health, their indifference to the prevention
of disease. They think nothing of injurious agents till their health
is destroyed, and the time for prevention is passed. The dust might,
I conceive, be removed, or greatly diminished, by a current of air
under the floor. The ill effects on hearing, of this and other noisy
occupations, might be lessened or prevented by putting cotton in the
ear passages. (a)
The observations of Ramazzini and Thackrah were confirmed by
the more scientific investigations of H irt, who quoted statistical
data to the effect that out of 100 cases of sickness among flour millers
there were about 42 due to acute or chronic respiratory diseases, and
of these phthisis caused 10.9 per cent, and emphysema 1.5 per cent,
bronchial catarrh 9.3 per cent, and pneumonia 20.3 per cent. He
attributes the very considerable proportion of sickness from pneu
monia to the exposure of flour millers to changes of temperature,
cold drafts, etc., in conjunction, of course, with exposure to flour
dust. While the number of cases of sickness from respiratory diseases
was relatively high among flour millers, the actual mortality, as ob
served by H irt, was not materially in excess.
In a lecture before the Society of Arts, in 1876, it was observed,
with regard to the health-injurious circumstances of flour milling,
that—
Flour dust is another of the obstructive as well as irritative dusts,
and men who work in flour mills afford, I think, the most striking
a Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by C.
Turner Thackrah, 1832, pp. 63, 64.

508

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

illustrations of obstruction of breathing from the inhalation of
minute particles of solid matter. The particles of flour produce
comparatively but little irritation, but they are carried readily into the
bronchial tracts through the minute ramifications of the bronchial
surface, and render the breathing irregular through parts of the
lung. Thus an irregular pressure of the inspired air is brought
about, an undue pressure is exercised upon some portion of the lung
structure, there is rupture or break of the minute vesicular structure,
and therewith the development of that disease of the lung which is
technically called emphysema. The symptoms attendant on this con
dition are those of suffocative breathing and spasmodic cough. They
constitute the disease commonly called 66miller’s asthma.” (a)
The material changes in methods of manufacture make some of
the earlier observations by writers on occupation diseases inapplica
ble to the occupation at the present time. Arlidge, writing with
special reference to employment in modern flour mills, makes the
statement that—
Flour mills have had a bad reputation so far as the health of mil
lers is concerned; and the most dismal accounts of their attendant
evils are to be read in old and in foreign writers on industrial diseases.
I t would serve no useful purpose to repeat those accounts, especially
as our endeavor is primarily to represent the present hygiene of
trades in our land, and as the milling business has, within compara
tively few years, been transformed by the introduction of steel rollers
in the place of the old millstones, and of marvelously contrived auto
matic machines, scarcely requiring the interposition of human hands
from the beginning to the termination of the whole process of making
flour. By these machines the separation of the bran, the “ germs,”
and the semolina is effected, and necessary siftings are carried on in
inclosed box-like constructions, whereby the escape of dust into the
surrounding air is obviated. Nevertheless, as the miller requires
from time to time to withdraw samples for testing, and to remove
special products, one section or other has to be opened, with the emis
sion of a slight quantity of the pulverized corn. Hence, although a
modern corn mill contrasts strongly with one of olden time, it does
not entirely cease to be a dust producer, and the flour makes itself
visible on the clothes of the millers, as well as on surrounding objects.
After the lapse of years it also produces shortness of breath, with
cough and expectoration. Happily the grains of flour are readily
miscible with fluid, and therefore are, to a very great extent, arrested
in their passage into the lungs themselves by the fluids of the mouth
and nasal openings with which they get mixed, in the form of semi
fluid pasty matter, and thereupon excite efforts, and usually success
ful ones, to remove them. In the same manner, should they reach the
bronchial tubes, their miscibility writh the secretions prepares the way
for their expectoration.
However, we can well understand that exposure to flour dust for
lengthened periods will end in some accumulations in the form of
tenacious plugs, provocative of severe paroxysmal efforts to dislodge
° Lecture on “ Unhealthy trades,” by Dr. B. W. Richardson, Scientific Ameri
can Supplement, March 4, 1876, p. 155.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

509

them by coughing; and, such efforts failing, remain to block tubes,
with the result of causing, on the one hand, collapse of a small area
or atalectasis; and, on the other, of emphysematous dilatation of an
adjoining area, by reason of increased work and pressure upon its air
cells.
There is undoubtedly but very slight irritation induced by grains
of flour; nevertheless these can not fail, as foreign material, to exercise
some excitation, sufficient, possibly, to set up after a while subinflammatory action. In old mills the men had to contend not only w ith .
grains of flour but also with the far more irritating particles of bran
and of hair or bristles attaching to the corn, thrown off in the sifting
operations; and by the action of which the lung parenchyma and air
tubes were more seriously affected. Necessarily the proportion of
these hard epidermic particles differed according as oats, barley, rye,
or wheat was ground. It would appear that the worst asthmatic
attacks are due to the dust of oats. Where men have been exposed to
the inhalation of the coarser fragments derived from the epidermic
appendages of corn the sputum has borne witness to their presence. («)]
With reference to men employed in buhrstone cutting, Arlidge was
of the opinion that—
The siliceous dust from the wear of the millstones was another in
jurious element that formerly intermingled with the flour, but has
ceased to exist by reason of the adoption of steel rollers for grinding
corn, and it seems unlikely that it could ever be one of importance. (®)j
Arlidge also quotes from the factory inspector’s report for 1881
evidence to the effect that “ it is .quite exceptional to see a person who
has worked any time in a flour mill who is not more or less affected
as to the respiratory organs; and, contrary to the rule in most trades,
the majority readily admit and deplore the fact.” Arlidge, however,
believed that this statement, in the light of his own investigations, in
cluding the personal inspection of mills erected and fitted under the
most approved modern system, did not apply at the present time, in
view of the great improvements made in all the details of the
occupation.
The general conclusions of Arlidge are finally summed up, as fol
lows:
Remembering that a modern mill is always four or five stories high,
and each floor well-nigh filled with machinery, it is evidently a place
of danger, and too frequently of accidents in connection with the
shafts, belting, and wheels, though to a less extent than formerly.
Moreover, flour mills are hazardous owing to their liability to fire
and explosions; originating in the extremely fine dust diffused
through the atmosphere, which, if accumulated above a certain meas
ure, explodes on contact with flame; just as happens with fine coal
dust in mines. Many explosions have occurred in this country/
wrecking the mills and destroying life. To obviate this disaster, care
is usually taken to inclose the flames of gaslights as far as practicable;
whilst in other establishments electricity is introduced as the illumia Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, 1892, pp. 383, 384.

510

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

Bating agent. But here, as happens with so many evils, prevention
by thorough ventilation is the best cure.(°)

Flour milling was briefly considered by Dr. Jacques Bertillon in
his address on “ Morbidity and mortality,” including references to
the observed mortality rate in various European countries, in part as
follows:
Millers in England have a rather low mortality up to the age of 45
years, and a rather high one afterwards; the same occurs in Switzer
land, the increase there taking place about 40. Phthisis is rare
among them, as amongst other country folk, up to 30, average from
30 to 40, then fairly frequent. The Italian tables attribute to the
millers, etc., a low morbidity up to 45, and a high one from 45 to
50. (*&)
As evidence of a further improvement in the conditions affecting
the health of men employed in modern flour mills, reference may be
made to the Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Work
shops of Great Britain for 1900, in which the district inspector for
the northwestern division states:
At eleven [flour mills] visited, four of which are very large mills,
the general conditions were excellent, having regard to the nature of
the processes and the number of hands (very few) engaged therein;
and taking the larger works as representative of the various processes
of milling flour, it was noted that there was practically no dust in
those departments where it is most likely to abound, viz., in the pre
paring and cleaning of corn, previous to its grinding. This is di
rectly attributable to the conditions under which the process is car
ried on. A strong blast of air is drawn by centrifugal fans into
either a “ cleaner,” a “ separator,” or a “ brusher,” or similar ma
chine (English and American made), and there meets with and
cleanses the grain from foreign matter and dust, and carries these
with it along a suitable duct to a collector. Thus the one agent not
only separates the dust, but, by its mode of application, also carries
away the dust it creates and prevents it being given off into the
wTorks. This is a type on which I venture to think dust preventing
systems can well be modeled with certainty of successful result. In
such a system the fan power required is considerable; with the flour
miller it is a necessary item. In other dusty processes it may unfor
tunately be an addition to working expenses without a corresponding
monetary return .(c)
The foregoing observations and conclusions were fully confirmed
by the inquiries made by the departmental committee appointed to
inquire into and report on certain miscellaneous dangerous trades,
which considered flour milling at considerable length. I t pointed
out that the occupation in former years had been so injurious that
0 Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, 1892, p. 386.
6 Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 1892, p. 579.
c Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the
year 1900, p. 302.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

511

even twenty years previous friendly societies would not accept op
erative millers as members, but that no objection to such member
ship was now heard of. The suggestions made by the committee as
to further improvements were chiefly with regard to the wheat-clean
ing department, and the committee included a recommendation that
a fan should be attached to all grinding machinery, whether stones
or rollers, and that the exhaust from all friction machines should
be into the open air. I t was further recommended that all dust
should be blown into sacks instead of dust chambers, required to be
cleaned out periodically, and that the cleaning out of these cham
bers when in use should be done only when the machinery was
brought to a standstill. Among the observations of the committee
the following is of particular interest, and is quoted in fu ll:
In modern mills, the wheat cleaning machinery and the rollers
where the milling is performed are both covered over, and the former
machinery is almost universally provided with fans and dust cham
bers. I t is important that the pipes connected with the fan should
be cleaned out periodically. Where there is no fan or where that
which has been provided is not in proper working order there is great
danger to the workers in the wheat-cleaning department. It has been
represented to the committee that the dust is very heavy and gritty,
and that men do not last long who have to work in it.
Of other dusty processes the most important is sack cleaning; here
beating in some form is required, and dust is necessarily produced.
The methods adopted for removing the dust vary very much accord
ing to local conditions; access to the open air is not always possible,
nor is a fan in all instances capable of satisfactory application.
For sack filling, another operation where there is a liability to
injury from dust, the committee have seen a useful mechanical con
trivance called a sack jumper. The mouth of the sack is closely
bound round the bottom of the feeder or hopper, and by means of a
lever at some distance the sack can be jumped lip and down, thus
causing the flour to fill the bag in a compressed instead of in a loose
form. The workman is enabled by this means to stand at a distance
from the hopper where the filling takes place, and consequently to
escape much of the dust which otherwise he would risk inhaling. (a)
To the foregoing is added, in conclusion, the remarks of Dr.
Thomas Oliver, published in his treatise on Dangerous Trades in
1902:
Flour milling as conducted in this country a few decades ago was,
despite the fact that most of the mills were situated in the country,
an unhealthy industry. Flour millers died from pulmonary con
sumption and chest diseases in a larger proportion than men engaged
in other trades in the same district. The average life of a miller
was said to be forty-three years. H irt compiled tables of the com
parative* sickness ox millers and bakers, and he showed that while
a Final Report of the Departmental Committee on Dangerous Trades, 1899,
p. 22.

512

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR*

of one hundred bakers seven died from pulmonary phthisis, out of
the same number of millers the deaths were ten. Bakers and millers
seemed to him to be about equally predisposed to emphysema of the
lungs, but as regards pneumonia the mortality figure for bakers was
8.4 per cent as against 42 per cent for millers. These statistics are
taken from a German source, and it is difficult to explain the very
heavy mortality rate from pneumonia in millers compared with that
of bakers.
Until within thirty years ago all the wheat and oats in this coun
try were ground between revolving stones. During the grinding
a considerable amount of fine dust was given off, the continual
inhalation of which was held responsible for much of the ill-health
of the operatives. So unhealthy was the occupation of milling
believed to be twenty years ago, that friendly societies would not
accept operative millers as members. Today no objection is raised.
In addition to injury to health from breathing the dust-laden atmos
phere, there was a risk from fire owing to the highly explosive char
acter of the dust. While danger to life from explosions in flour mills
still to some extent prevails, both it and the risk to health from
inhalation of the dust have materially diminished. There is the
widest divergence possible between the old and the new methods of
milling. The introduction of the steam roller system of milling
from Buda-Pesth, and the fact that nearly all the various processes
are carried on inside closed machinery, have cleared the atmosphere
of modern flour mills and converted what was admittedly a danger
ous trade into one that compares very favorably with most occupa
tions. Wherever the old method of milling is still carried on the
atmosphere is found laden with a very fine dust, mostly flour. This
with each inspiration is drawn into the bronchial tubes of the miller,
and forms plugs with the mucus secreted by these passages. The
plugs, owing to their tenacity, are dislodged with difficulty. It is
not contended that the flour itself reaches the lungs; probably the
whole, or at any rate the most of it, becomes entangled in the mucus
of the smallest bronchial tubes, but in the dust there are other things
than flour present, e. g., portions of the husks of harder grain than
wheat, portions of hairs of oats, bristles of rye, and particles of min
eral from the grinding stones, so that through one thing and another,
and in consequence of the repeated bronchial irritation and the
cough caused by respiring the dust-laden air, a strain is imposed upon
the lungs that leads to overdistention of the air cells, or what is
known as pulmonary emphysema. That portions of bristles, etc.,
are capable of being inhaled into the deeper recesses of the respira
tory passages is shown by the presence of these bristles on microscop
ical examination of the expectoration that has been discharged after
hard coughing.
In modern flour mills the dangers that operatives are exposed to
are: (1) Those incidental to the machinery; (2) fire and explosions;
and (8) inhalation of dust. I t is with the latter that we are here
most concerned. The cleaning of wheat is a dusty process, but it is
usually carried on within inclosed machinery, and so long as this and
all the covered-in spaces are provided with fans that are kept in good
order, and the pipes leading away from these to the dust chambers
are kept patent, the workmen do not seem to incur any great risk

MORTALITY PROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

513

to health. Attention, however, must be given to keeping the suction
pipes clean and the fans in good order, otherwise, as cleaning is a
very dirty process, the men would assuredly suffer in their chest.
Once the wheat has been cleaned and brushed or washed, it is put
through the rollers and is milled into flour. This consists of not one
but many processes, all of which are conducted in inclosed chambers,
the product at each particular stage being lifted and carried onward
by self-regulating machinery and elevators from one part of the mill
to another. Where the fittings of the machinery are good, no dust
practically escapes. Hence it is that flour milling has ceased to be
the harmful industry it formerly was. In filling the sacks with
flour, and in cleaning returned sacks, there is often a considerable
amount of dust given off, but mechanical contrivances are now in
operation that greatly minimize the amount of dust, so that this par
ticular operation too has become less dangerous than it once was.(°)
The number of male flour millers 15 years of age and over in the
United States, according to the census report on occupations, 1900,
was 40,182, and of this number 3,050, or T.6 per cent, were 65 years
and over, which compares with 4.7 per cent for the entire occupied
male population of the continental United States. At ages 55 to 64
the proportion was 12.1 per cent, at 45 to 54 it was 19.1 per cent,
leaving 61.2 per cent at ages 15 to 44, inclusive. The higher propor
tion of millers at advanced ages would indicate that, on the whole,
the conditions favorable to life and health in this occupation, as it
is now carried on in the United States, are probably satisfactory. It
must be kept in mind, of course, that these numbers apply to millers
as a class, and do not distinguish between the two important divi
sions; that is, those employed at custom flour and grist mills, and
those employed at the patent-roller process. I t is also not quite clear
from the census statistics whether the occupation classification w&s
strictly limited to millers, as such, or whether it was not made to
include a number of connected employments, but with a much less
degree of exposure to flour dust than in the case of millers, properly
to be classified as such. With increasing complexity in industrial
activity, an exact occupation classification becomes more difficult.
The occupation was briefly considered in the vital statistics of the
census of 1900. The number of millers reported in the registration
States was 6,044, among whom there occurred 161 deaths, or at the
rate of 26.6 per 1,000. By specified periods of life, the death rate
at ages 15 to 24 was 5.8, at ages 25 to 44 it was 10.5, at ages 45 to 64
it was 15.6, and at ages 65 and over, 164.9. The mortality from all
causes was higher among millers at all ages than among manufac
turing and mechanical employments generally, but the mortality
from consumption was below the average, or 1.99 per 1,000, compared
with 2.6 for the manufacturing and mechanical industry class. The
a Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, 1902, pp. 505-507.

514

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

mortality from pneumonia was 2.98 per 1,000, or very materially in
excess of the general average of 1.4 per 1,000 for the manufacturing
and mechanical industry class. Unfortunately, the census returns
do not give the causes of death by divisional periods of life, and it
is, therefore, impossible to state how far the excess in the mortality
from pneumonia may possibly have been the result of an age dis
tribution favorable to a high general death rate from this particular
disease.
The Rhode Island vital statistics of millers for the period of 1852 to
1906 include 54 deaths from all causes, of which 10, or 18.5 per cent,
were from consumption. During the ten-year period ending with
1906 there occurred 14 deaths of millers, and of this number only 2
deaths, or 14.3 per cent, were from consumption, while 2 other
deaths were from bronchitis, a total of 28.6 per cent of the mortality
having been from diseases of the lungs and air passages.
The most recent English vital statistics of millers are for the three
years ending with 1902, referred to in the Supplement to the Sixtyfifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General, in part as follows:
At ages 15 to 20 years millers experienced a mortality which is less
than half that of occupied and retired males; with advancing years,
however, this advantage gradually disappears, until after age
35 the rates differ little from the standard. In the main working
time of life the comparative mortality figure is 890, or 11 per cent
below the average. Millers suffer a slight excess of mortality from
cancer as well as from respiratory diseases, from Bright’s disease and
from suicide; but under every other heading, except gout, their mor
tality is less than the standard, the difference being especially marked
under the headings alcoholism and liver disease, phthisis, and diseases
of the nervous system. (a)
The foregoing observations in a measure confirm the correspond
ing American vital statistics, except as to the comparatively low de
gree of consumption frequency and the higher mortality from respir
atory diseases. It is to be kept in mind, of course, in all inquiries
of this kind that the medical classification of deaths is far from per
fect, and there is no doubt that deaths are frequently recorded as hav
ing been due to respiratory diseases which were, in fact, the result of
tubercular lesions, or at least were seriously complicated by such
lesions. A comparatively high mortality from respiratory diseases
among men employed continuously in a dust-laden atmosphere may,
therefore, be considered as of equal significance as a high mortality
from tubercular diseases. In the table which follows a comparison
is made of the English mortality of millers from all causes with that
of occupied males generally:
a Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-Gen
eral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, p. lxi.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

51&

MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG M IL L E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF
ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for millers.
Death rate
perl,000for
all occu
per
pied males. Rate
1,000.

Age at death.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

15 to 19 years.....................................................................
20 to 24 years.....................................................................
25 to 34 years....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over..............................................................

Greater
(+ ) or less Ratio to
(—) than rate for alL
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.

1.13
2.94
3.61
9.05
17.25
32.23
98.23

-1.31
-1.47
-2.40
—1.22
- .48
+1.22
+9.84

46
67
60
88
97
104
111

The mortality of English millers up to and including 54 years of
age is shown by the preceding table to have been below the average
for all occupied males during the period under consideration. When,
however, the comparison is limited to the mortality from consumption
and from other respiratory diseases, it is brought out that there is.
an excess in the mortality from the former disease at ages 65 and
over, and an excess in the mortality from the latter at ages 35 and
over. The facts, as far ais they are obtainable from the published
reports, are set forth in tabular form below, which shows the mortal
ity by divisional periods of life from consumption and from respira
tory diseases other than consumption among millers and among occu
pied males generally, first, from consumption, and second, from other
respiratory diseases:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF THE
RESPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG M IL L E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL
OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years.......
20 to 24 years.......
25 to 34 years.......
35 to 44 years.......
45 to 54 years.......
55 to 64 years.......
65 years and over.

Death rate for millers.
Death rate for millers.
Death
Death
rate per
per
Greater (+ ) Ratio to rate
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
1,000
1,000
less (—)
less (—)
for all Rate per or
rate
for all Rate per or
rate
than
rate
than rate
occupied 1,000.
for all occupied 1,000.
for all
for
all
for
all
males.
males.
occupied
occupied occupied
occupied
males.
males.
males.
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

.014
.82
.86
2.41
2.16
2.05
2.18

2313—No. 82—09----- 1

-0.40
- .73
-1.17
- .33
- .88
- .11
+1.07

26
53
42
88
71
95
196

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.14
.47
.73
2.06
4.13
8.64
29.66

- 0.10

- .or

- .04
+ .40
+ .81
* + 2.10
+11.89

58’
98
95
124
124
132
167

516

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The foregoing comparison shows that the mortality from con
sumption was excessive by 96 per cent at ages 65 and over, and that
the mortality from respiratory diseases was excessive by 24 per cent
at ages 35 to 54, by 32 per cent at ages 55 to 64, and by 67 per cent
at ages 65 and over. The excess in the mortality at these ages from
respiratory diseases is decidedly significant. This excess is con
firmed by the corresponding statistics of Scotland, which also exhibit
a high death rate from all causes at ages 45 and over and a consider
able excess in the proportion of deaths from respiratory diseases at
all ages. Out of 102 deaths of millers at ages 25 to 64 the propor
tion of deaths from consumption was 10.8 per cent, from bronchitis
12.7 per cent, from pneumonia 8.8 per cent, and from other respira
tory diseases 2.0 per cent, a total of 34.3 per cent of deaths from dis
eases of the lungs and air passages.
Some very interesting vital statistics of millers have been made
public for Switzerland for the period 1879 to 1890. Since in that
country the patent-roller process has not made the progress which it
has in England and in the United States, the exposure of the opera
tives is much greater to the inhalation of fine flour dust. The sta
tistics of Switzerland are set forth in tabular form, as follows, ex
hibiting the mortality of millers from consumption:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG M IL L E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF
ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital S tatistics of Sw itzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for millers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years.....................................................................
20 to 29 years.....................................................................
30 to 39 years.....................................................................
40 to 49 years.....................................................................
50 to 59 years.....................................................................
60 to 69 years.....................................................................
70 years and over..............................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

Rate per
1,000.

1.23
1.42
3.02
5.18
6.49
5.47
7.11

Greater
(+ ) or less Ratio to
(—) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.
-0.07
-1.62
-0.64
+1.53
+2.97
+2.22
+5.27

95
47
82
142
184
168
386

According to this table, the mortality of millers from consumption
was below the average at ages under 40, but materially above the
average at all ages 40 and over, the excess having been 42 per cent at
ages 40 to 49, 84 per cent at ages 50 to 59, 68 per cent at ages 60 to 69,
and 286 per cent at ages 70 and over. In a comparison of this kind,
the material differences in the social and economic conditions of labor
must, of course, be taken into account, and the vast differences in the
mortality resulting from the important factors of race, nationality,
climate, etc., but when these factors are allowed for, and with a due

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

517

regard for what is generally known of the mortality of Switzerland,
the excess in the death rate from consumption among flour millers
is very significant, and, in all probability, the direct result of the
occupation.
The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of millers
include 256 deaths from all causes, of which 40, or 15.6 per cent, were
from consumption. Of the mortality of millers from respiratory
diseases other than consumption, 29 deaths were from pneumonia, 7
from asthma, 4 from bronchitis, and 1 from other respiratory dis
eases. I f the deaths from consumption and from other respiratory
diseases are combined, 31.6 per cent of the mortality of millers was
from diseases of the lungs and air passages. The number of deaths
of millers under consideration is sufficiently large and fully repre
sentative of this occupation in the United States. The excess in the
consumption death rate of millers is more clearly brought out in the
tabular presentation of the proportionate mortality from this disease
by divisional periods of life. While the consumption mortality was
excessive at all ages under 65, the excess was most pronounced at ages
25 to 34, when out of every 100 deaths of millers from all causes 87.5
were from consumption, against a normal expected proportion of 31.3.
Unfortunately, at this period of life the actual number of deaths
under consideration is too small for a safe conclusion. The analysis
of the consumption mortality of millers in detail is set forth in
the table below:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG M IL L E R S , 1897
TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN TH E REGISTRATION
AREA OF T H E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for m illers from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures for
males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United States
census. ]
cent of deaths due
Deaths of millers, 1897 Per
to c o n s u m p t i o n
to 1906, due to—
among—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Millers.

Males in
registration
area, 1900
to 1906.

7
8
27
39
64
111

2
7
8
11
9
3

28.6
87.5
29.6
28.2
14.1
2.7

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total........................................................................

256

15.6

14.8

The preceding observations and vital statistics of millers are not
entirely conclusive, but the evidence is sufficiently convincing to war
rant the conclusion that the inhalation of flour dust is injurious to

518

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

health and that in proportion as the degree of dust inhalation is
diminished the health and mortality of the operatives will improve.
Perhaps the most conclusive statistics are the recorded industrial
insurance*experience data, which exhibit a decidedly high propor
tionate mortality from consumption at the earlier ages. The entire
subject requires to be more thoroughly investigated, especially in the
cities of the Northwest, where the flour-milling industry is of large
proportions; but the introduction of the modern patent-roller process
has largely eliminated the most health-injurious factors inherent in
the work of the miller of an earlier date.
BAKERS A N D CONFECTIONERS.

The census report on occupations for 1900 returned the number of
bakers in the United States as 79,407, and the number of confection
ers as 31,242, a total of 110,649, including among bakers 4,346 women
and among confectioners 9,219. According to the census statistics
of manufactures for 1900, the manufacture of bread and other
bakery products was carried on in 14,917 establishments, employing
60,271 wage-earners. The rapid progress in the industry is indicated
by the fact that the number of wage-earners in bakeries considered
as manufacturing establishments increased from 22,488 in 1880 to
38,841 in 1890 and to 60,271 in 1900. Corresponding progress has
been made in the manufacture of confectionery. In 1900 there were
4,297 manufacturing establishments, employing 33,583 wage-earners.
The average number of employees was 21,274 in 1890 and 9,801 in
1880.
Employment in bakery and confectionery manufacture involves
comparatively few objectionable factors, but both the labor and
health conditions are, as a rule, unsatisfactory unless subject to rigid
factory inspection and sanitary control. The process itself requires
no extended explanation to emphasize the conditions more or less
injurious to health. The work is chiefly divided into bread or pastry
making proper and the subsequent process of baking, and while in
the former there is considerable and continuous exposure to dust, in
the latter there is exposure to both dust and extremes of temperature.
Modern processes of bread making by machinery, and in particular
the manufacture of confectionery and crackers, have eliminated to
a considerable extent the risk of dust inhalation, since most of the
operations are automatic and the hand does not touch the finished
product at any stage of the manufacturing process. These improve
ments, however, do not affect a very large proportion of the men
employed in bakeries and in the manufacture of confectionery on a
small scale throughout the numerous small towns and villages of
the country. The sanitary condition of bake shops has attracted the

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

519

attention of health authorities for many years, and in many respects
there has been a decided improvement as the result of effective pro
visions of the sanitary codes of large cities. Underground bake
houses have been prohibited and in others sanitary improvements
have been introduced, which, combined with rational labor legisla
tion, have materially improved the health conditions under which
the work of the baker and the confectioner is carried on at the present
time.
The health of bakers within recent years has attracted special
attention on account of the enactment in 1897 by the State of New
York of a law limiting the hours of work in bakeries to 60 a week,
or to not more than 10 in any one day, on the ground that excessive
hours of labor in this particular employment were decidedly injurious
to health. Chief Judge Parker, in giving the opinion of the court
in the case of People v. Lochner, quoted from the well-known case
of People v. Havnor (149 N. Y., 195), involving the constitutionality
of the Sunday barber law, and accepted the view expressed by Judge
Yann in that case that—
According to the common judgment of civilized men, public econ
omy requires, for sanitary reasons, a day of general rest from labor,
and the day naturally selected is that regarded as sacred by the
greatest number of the citizens, as this causes the least inconvenience
through interference with business. I t is to the interest of the State
to have strong, robust, healthy citizens, capable of self-support, of
bearing arms, and of adding to the resources of the country. Laws
to effect this purpose, by protecting the citizen from overwork and
requiring a general day of rest to restore his strength and preserve
his health, have an obvious connection with the public welfare. (°)
Considered from this point of view it was largely a question of evi
dence tending to prove the conditions of labor and life in bakeries
sufficiently injurious to health to warrant the drastic extension of
the police powers of the State to this particular employment. That
the facts bearing upon the health of the employment had been care
fully considered by Chief Judge Parker is made evident by his con
cluding remarks that—
Again many medical authorities classify workers in bakers’ or con
fectioners’ establishments with potters, stonecutters, file grinders, and
other workers whose occupation necessitates the inhalation of dust
particles, and hence predisposes its members to consumption. The
published medical opinions and vital statistics bearing upon that sub
ject standing alone fully justify the section under review as one to
protect the health of the employees in such establishments, and it is
the duty of this court to assume that the section was framed not only
in the light of, but also with full appreciation of the force of the
a Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor of New York for the
twelve months ended September 30, 1904, p. 118.

520

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

medical authority bearing upon the subject—authority which reason
ably challenges the attention and stimulates the helpfulness of the
philanthropist. (a)
In the opinion rendered by Judge Vann, one of the associate
judges of the court of appeals, who concurred in the opinion reached
by the chief judge, even more extended consideration is given to the
medical aspects of the case and extended quotations are made from
the writings of standard authorities on the diseases of occupations.
The evidence quoted by Judge Vann fully confirms the view that
working in a bakery or candy factory is an unhealthful employment
when conducted in disregard of sanitary requirements. Judge Vann
laid down an important principle in rendering his opinion, hold
ing that “ necessarily in considering the subject we may resort to
such sources of information as were open to the legislature; ” and, he
continues, “ vital statistics show that those vocations which require
persons to remain for long periods of time in a confined and heated
atmosphere filled with some foreign substance, which is inhaled into
the lungs, are injurious to health and tend to shorten life.” Among
these employments he included “ bakers and confectioners, who dur
ing working hours constantly breathe air filled with the finest dust
from flour and sugar,” and who, as such, have a tendency to con
sumption. After quoting from standard authorities, to which sub
sequent reference will be made, Judge Vann concluded his opinion
with the statement that—
While the mortality among those who breathe air filled with
minute particles of flour is less than among those who work in stone,
inetal or clay, still it seems to be demonstrated that it is greater than
in avocations generally. The dust-laden air in a baker’s or confec
tioner’s establishment is more benign and less liable to irritate than
particles of stone or metal, hence, while bakers are classed with pot
ters, stone masons, file grinders, etc., still they are regarded as less
liable to pulmonary disease than other members of the class. The
evidence while not uniform leads to the conclusion that the occupa
tion of a baker or confectioner is unhealthy and tends to result in
diseases of the respiratory organs. (&)
The earliest writer on the diseases of bakers was Eamazzini, who,
in 1670, observed that “ in sifting the flour, in kneading it into dough,
and in baking that in the oven, they are in all these steps exposed
to infinite fatigue and toil, and so brought under the lash of various
diseases.” (c) He called attention to the evils of night work, which is
practically inseparable from the industry, and which in itself con0 Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor of New York for the
twelve months ended September 30, 1904, p. 124.
h Idem, p. 129.
c Treatise of the Diseases of Tradesmen, Ramazzini, English edition of 1705,
p. 143.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

521

stitutes a menace to health and in all probability a predisposing factor
to consumption.
Attention was also called by him to a fact which has been brought
out by practically every subsequent investigation, that bakers in
large cities are not so healthy and long lived as are those in the
small towns or in the country. “ I have observed,” he wrote, “ that
the bakers of large, populous cities, the inhabitants of which choose
rather to buy than to make their own bread, are oftener sick than
those of small towns and villages, where almost everyone bakes for
themselves.” (a)
Thackrah, in his treatise on diseases of occupation, printed in
1832, confirms the observations of Ramazzini, stating that—
Bakers are generally pale and unhealthy. The temperature in
which they are placed is seldom below 80° and often as high as 100°.
The heat of the oven is rarely lower than 180°. Bakers are subject
to disorders of the stomach, to cough and rheumatism. The two
former of these affections arise, I conceive, from the dust which is
largely inhaled. (**6)
In conclusion Thackrah comments upon the evil consequences of
night work, in his opinion as injurious to health as the exposure to
dust.
In 1855 an important report on The Laws and Ordonnances in
Force in France for the Regulation of Noxious Trades and Occupa
tions, by Dr. Waller Lewis, was published by the British Govern
ment, in which the health-injurious consequences of work in bakeries
are considered at considerable length. The necessity for sanitary
regulation is emphasized, it being pointed out that at that time, gen
erally speaking, bread was made in cellars—narrow, badly ventilated,
and impossible to be kept clean; and upon these grounds, it is argued,
“ it would be very desirable that the influence of authority should
hasten to propagate improvements already accomplished in this art.”
With regard to the health of bakers, it is observed by Doctor Lewis
that—
The profession of baker, known generally as a very unhealthy one,
is, however, less so than it has been said to be. The bakers’ assistants,
divided into “ brigadier ” who shapes and places in the furnace, into
“ geindre ” who kneads, and into “ aide ” or assistant, who heats the
ovens and helps the principal workmen, are exposed, some to the
excessive heat of the furnace, others to the very severe labor of work"* ' 41 1 1 ’ en off from the flour. The operaAnd without taking into consid________ ^ ____
0 life may exert on the physical and
a Treatise of tlie Diseases of Tradesmen, Ramazzini, English edition of
1705, p. 156.
6 Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by
C. Turner Thackrah, 1832, p. 133.

522

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

moral constitution of man, an influence reduced to its just propor
tions by Mr. Turner Thackrah, we can not but acknowledge that there
are objections to the great changes of temperature, which must be
felt after his work at the oven, or after kneading, by the workman
who exposes himself to the morning’s cold. Rheumatic affections,
and acute inflammations of the chest, are in fact, as Ramazzini had
already pointed out, those which most frequently attack bakers. In
a report of the Institute of Hamburgh, quoted by Thackrah, it is
stated that acute rheumatism attacks one-sixth of the bakers, while
it only shows itself in one-fifteenth of the tailors. Everyone also
has remarked the pallor so strongly characteristic of bakers’ jour
neymen. I t must be attributed particularly to that anaemic condi
tion peculiar to all artisans who live in a very hot atmosphere. This
.influence, in conjunction with the smell given off by heated paste,
doubtless contributes to predispose bakers to dyspepsia, which fre
quently, also, the habits of drunkenness and disorder, well known to
be common to them, determine. (a)
The report cites various authorities more or less conflicting as to
the effect of the employment on health. According to one statement,
out of 2,800 bakers deceased in ten years only 57 had died of tubercu
lous affections. While in one cholera epidemic a large number of
bakers had died, in another epidemic bakers figured only in a propor
tion very inferior to that of a number of other professions understood
to be much more salubrious than that of baking. Of course, at this
early period the statistical evidence was neither trustworthy nor ex
tensive.
There is a discussion of this employment in an article on the
“ Mortality in trades and professions,” published in 1860 in one of
the periodicals of the day, from which the following is quoted:
The baker is subjected to a still greater number of debilitating in
fluences as regards his health than the tailor. In all cases his place
of work is in a confined basement, where the oven and the gas con
trive to keep the temperature at a tropical point. . . . The air,
already foul enough, has yet to be contaminated with the floating
flour dust so irritating to the fine air passages of the lungs. In an
atmosphere thus deliberately poisoned with the elements of sickness,
the journeyman baker is confined ordinarily from 7 o’clock at night
until 4 the following morning, and towards the end of the week he
is engaged nearly two entire days in succession. Is it surprising that
their rate of sickness is dreadful—greater than even that of the
tailors? Doctor Guy tells us that no less than thirty-one in the hun
dred spit blood, and that every other journeyman of the low-priced
bakers, who work under still worse conditions, is subjected to this
most dangerous disease. We feel convinced that the public can not
be aware that they eat their daily bread at the expense of the life
blood of the producers. Parliament has refused to interfere in their
behalf, but Lord Shaftesbury has taken up their cause, and we be
a Report on the Laws and Ordonnances in Force in France for the Regulation
of Noxious Trades and Occupations, London, 1855, p. 65.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

523

lieve that ere long the force of public opinion will lead to the aboli
tion of the nightwork, which is at the bottom of the evil. A t all
events, those who wish to assist in the emancipation of these slaves
of civilization will see with pleasure the introduction of the aerated
bread, which by the aid of machinery manufactures the loaf in a
much more cleanly method than by hand labor, and performs the
whole process in less than an hour. The introduction of machinery
into this trade will at once cure the evils complained of, which result
in the majority of cases from the confined establishments and insuffi
cient means of the master bakers. (a)
The conditions affecting the health and life of men in this employ
ment must necessarily vary with different countries and localities,
according to the state of sanitary and labor legislation. If
there is, therefore, conflict of opinion between continental, English,
and American authorities, the foregoing fact has to be kept in mind
in giving due weight to the relative importance of the authorities
cited. H irt, who probably more than any other writer on the dis
eases of occupation ascertained for himself the actual conditions of
labor and life, was inclined to take a more favorable view of the
baker’s employment than of that of the miller, although the general
mortality and disease frequency among the former was greater than
among the latter. This difference, however, was chiefly accounted
for by the higher degree of frequency in the occurrence of pneu
monia among millers, for when phthisis, asthma, and bronchitis are
combined the difference in the degree of frequency of these diseases
was comparatively slight. Of 100 cases of sickness among bakers,
phthisis caused 7 per cent, against 10.9 per cent among millers; asthma
caused 1.9 per cent, against 1.5 per cent for millers; bronchitis caused
10.9 per cent, against 9.3 per cent among millers, while pneumonia
among bakers caused 8.4 per cent, against 20.3 per cent among mill
ers. H irt concluded that because of the fact that bakers were more
exclusively exposed to flour dust in a very fine form, as contrasted
with the more general exposure of millers to grain dust, the liability
to phthisis was less, with a corresponding lower mortality from this
disease. He was further of the opinion that confectioners were more
liable to consumption, the proportions being 11.6 per cent for con
sumption and 3.3 per cent for asthma, both relatively higher than in
the case of bakers. There, however, was a somewhat less liability to
bronchitis, or 8.4 per cent, against 10.9 per cent for bakers and 9.3
per cent for millers.
The observations of H irt were made, of course, at a time when
conditions in the industry were very different from what they are at
the present day.
a “ Mortality in trades and professions,” by Andrew Wynter, M. D., published
in Curiosities of Civilization, p. 524.

524

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

B. W. Richardson took a more serious view of the health-injurious
effects of flour dust, using the term “ miller’s asthma ” to emphasize
the peculiar effects of flour dust as a predisposing cause of a special
form of respiratory afflictions.
In further illustration of the differences in local conditions which
require to be taken into account when utilizing the available infor
mation regarding the health of persons employed in bakeries and
in the making of confectionery, the following remarks are quoted
from a course of lectures on public health before the Royal Dublin
Society, published in 1874:
The baker suffers from the entrance of dust into his lungs, but
more from the circumstances just named. In Dublin in 1859 his
work hours averaged seventeen, beginning on Sunday afternoon about
4 o’clock, and he slept usually on the empty sacks, or in a bedroom
over the bakehouse, where the carbonic acid of the air was excessive.
For a wonder, Ireland was for once before England in sanitary leg
islation, as regards the baker, the 1 and 2 Victoria, chapter 28, pro
hibiting any baking process on Sunday, except the setting of Mon
day’s sponge. Doctor Guy, of King’s .College, London, described
Several of the bakehouses in the metropolis as underground, without
daylight, pervaded by sulphurous and worse smells, often flooded,
and overrun with rats. One was not high enough for a man 5 feet
9 inches to stand erect in. I t was no wonder that one-third of the
London bakers habitually spat blood. Good example in Scotch
towns, and in Belfast, and dignified agitation, procured the Bake
house Act, 1863, which provides for the frequent cleaning of the
premises, a wholesome sleeping room, and the exclusion from work,
between 9 p. m. and 5 a. m., of all lads under eighteen. Unfortu
nately the carrying but of the act is not left to the Factory inspectors,
and I fear it is much neglected in some towns. The evils of the
night work are still deplorable, and if the men took nights alternately
in setting the sponge, the other journeymen surely could be spared
between the afternoon and four the next morning. Some years ago
I found hours in flour mills even more exacting, the dust more hurt
ful, and there was Sunday labor in those worked by water. Last
week one of our newspapers had a letter, signed “A White Slave,”
which complained that in small confectionery shops the female bak
ers had to work over thirteen hours daily, and in dark cellars most
usually. (a)
Doctor Guy’s observations are of particular interest because few
English authorities examined into the facts of artisans’ diseases
during the earlier period with more care and deliberation. He was
strongly in favor of substituting machinery for hand work, holding
that a kneading machine, even of the rudest construction, not only
would produce better bread but would prove of incalculable value in
safeguarding the health of the employees. After pointing out the
extremely insanitary condition of London bake shops, Doctor Guy
0 “ Prevention of artisans’ diseases,” by E. D. Mapother, M. D., Lectures on
Public Health, Royal Dublin Society, 1874, p. 142.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

525

observed that “ certainly here is a case in which Parliament might
depart from established rules and interfere with the course of private
business in order to prevent the wholesale sacrifice of human life.”
In the Insurance Times for September, 1877 (p. 586), there ap
peared a translation of an article on “ Life insurance for bakers,” with
special reference to German conditions, in which it is stated that—
There are various circumstances which render a baker’s business,
as it is carried on at the present day in a large part of Germany,
unwholesome and destructive; the mere introduction of machinery
would not entirely remove the difficulty. Kneading machines have
long been in use in all the larger bakeries, and the unwholesome
character of baker’s work has not been altered. Flour dust, carrying
heavy bags, often weighing more than 200 pounds, the heat of the
rooms, and above all the fierce glow from the oven, taken together,
are enough to ruin the strongest lungs, sooner or later. Want of
sleep is what does bakers as much harm as anything; in many parts
of Germany no iourneyman is ever able to get, on the average, more
than four hours’ sleep.
Arlidge, in 1892, considered the employment of bakers and confec
tioners at considerable length, chiefly, of course, with reference to
English conditions, which in the intervening period of time have
been improved materially as the result of effective sanitary and fac
tory legislation. Arlidge sums up his conclusions in the following
statement, which includes a few references to the statistical researches,
of Doctor Ogle and others concerning the mortality in these occiu
pations:
Bakers, confectioners, and pastry cooks represent a body of trades
men exhibiting hygienic conditions of a common character, the prin
cipal of which are: Exposure to heat from the ovens, dust, steam,
variations of temperature, in too many instances unhealthy bake
houses, fatiguing movements necessitated where kneading is done by
hand, disagreeable emanations from materials used, prolonged hours
of work, more or less night work and loss of rest. To these evils of
their trade the working bakers often add intemperance and irregular
living. My own senses also make me conscious of a disagreeable
sickly smell, much like that of heated bones, superadded to the steam
and other fumes. There are, in brief, many incidents in the occupa
tion of baking, which reduce vital energy, predispose to lung affec
tions, and shorten life. But we ought to distinguish between master
and journeyman bakers. The former are mostly fat and flourishing,
whilst the latter are anaemic and sallow, in general appearance worm
out, and in mental features dissatisfied and despondent. (a)
With reference to the mortality of bakers as compared with that
of men employed in other industries, and the particular liability to
special diseases resulting from the trade, Arlidge wrote as follows:
The death rate of bakers, pastry cooks and confectioners, although
still ruling high, has fallen of late years in a slight degree * * *.
o Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, pp. 144, 145.

526

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

That of millers is almost exactly the same. The returns of the causes
of mortality point to the abuse of alcoholic drinks by bakers. Deaths
by suicide are in a very high ratio, but as regards phthisis and re
spiratory diseases, these tradesmen do not surpass the average for all
males. Doctor Ogle adds: “ Judging from the death rates of millers
and bakers, the inhalation of flour dust would seem to be innocuous;
probably little, if any, of the dust inhaled reaches the lungs.” We
feel obliged to differ from the learned writer on this point, there
being ample evidence of flour entering the pulmonary tissue and set
ting up chest affections. In the vastly improved construction of
flour mills, and by the introduction of automatic machines for grind
ing corn and separating it from its comparatively waste products, the
evils of the miller’s trade have been most materially reduced, yet
withal not exterminated.
Those who have read the reports on the hygienic state of bake
houses, and the circumstances of labor in them, will not be surprised
that the mortality of bakers ranges high. As to the exposure of
bakers to flour dust, it is neither considerable in extent nor long in
duration. Layet calls attention to the powerful and repeated move
ments imposed upon the men in kneading bread upon the old system;
the forcible bending of the trunk forward, the pressure against the
stomach, and the strength of arm called for. These actions, he
asserts, cause heart disease and emphysema. Doctor Ogle’s table par
tially bears out this conclusion. Thus, of 629 deaths, cardiac lesions
were the cause in 86, or 13.6 per cent, certainly a somewhat high ratio;
nevertheless little in excess of that occurring with shoemakers, with
whom it equaled 12.4 per cent, although in the case of the latter
there is an absence of very strong movements of the arms and trunk,
other than those required in the act of stitching. Malgaigne assigned
to bakers a high ratio of hernia, and others again speak of a remark
able susceptibility to fevers and epidemics, and to gastro-intestinal
disorders. The last-named amount, according to Layet, to 20 per
cent of the internal maladies they suffer; whilst in H irt’s experience
of 100 cases of sickness among them, 28.2 per cent belonged to the
respiratory apparatus. Lastly, Thackrah, really upon the authority
of older writers, represents bakers as unusually subjects of rheuma
tism, an opinion we can not substantiate. Though some, chiefly
among master bakers, get fat, the majority of these tradesmen are
th in ; and it is another prevailing phenomenon among them that they
are anaemic. Layet quotes Mayer’s statistics of the dimensions and
weight of bakers drawn in the conscription in Bavaria, from which
it appears that they were nearly at the bottom of the list among
workmen taken from active occupations. (a)
In 1892 the New Jersey bureau of labor reported the results of an
inquiry into the trade life of bakers, including observations upon
933 bakers, 27.5 per cent of whom had entered the trade at an age
below 16 years. Of the total number considered 73.3 per cent were
foreign born, which is an important fact always to be kept in mind
in considering trade mortality statistics. The effect of race and
nativity is often of sufficient importance to invalidate conclusions
a Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, pp. 146, 147.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

527

based upon occupation mortality statistics alone. Of the 933 bakers,
only 12, or 1.3 per cent, had attained to an age above 60 years, while
only 48, or 5.1 per cent, attained to an age of from 51 to 60 years.
The average number of years at work was 16.9, and of the total
number under consideration 6.1 per cent were beginning to decline
in health. Of those who were reported as declining in health, the
number of which was 57, nearly one-half, or 47.4 per cent, gave the
cause of decline as general debility, 22.8 per cent as rheumatism,
15.8 per cent as diseases of the throat and lungs (including catarrh),
and in only one case was the cause of decline attributed to heat, and
in one other case to overstrain. Out of the total number reported
upon 74, or 7.9 per cent, had been from 30 to 39 years at work; 20,
or 2.1 per cent, 40 to 49 years at work; and only 8, or 0.9 per cent, over
50 years at work. The foregoing statistical data would appear to
confirm the general conclusions of medical authorities, but being
limited to a single State, and to a comparatively small number of
persons employed, the conclusions may not be entirely applicable to
the United States as a whole.
W ith characteristic German thoroughness the entire subject was
investigated and reported upon by Doctor Zadek, of Berlin, in 1896,
who contributed a monograph on the hygiene of millers, bakers, and
confectioners to the volume on occupation diseases of Weyl’s Hand
book of Hygiene, published in 1897. This monograph, with numer
ous illustrations, emphasizes the health-injurious circumstances of
the employment, with special reference to labor conditions, including
long hours and night work. The article mentions an elaborate in
quiry by the German imperial department of labor statistics, which
affords a clear insight into practically every phase of the employ
ment considered as an industrial problem. A wealth of statistical
data derived from various sources is considered in the discussion, all
of which may be summed up in the statement that the evidence is
entirely conclusive that the occupation of baker, unless subject
to strict sanitary supervision, is decidedly prejudicial to health.
Doctor Zadek refers to the interesting investigations by Fox into the
mortality and diseases of the bakers’ trade unions of London, includ
ing 4,400 members. Out of every 100 deaths from all causes among
bakers, 24.4 per cent were from consumption and 36.6 per cent addi
tional were from other diseases of the lungs and from bronchitis.
These statistics apparently contradict those of Doctor Ogle, which
gave a combined percentage of only 41.5, but it is explained that the
records of trades unions are more trustworthy than information de
rived from general sources, including all employments classified as
bakers from owners and masters to apprentices. The investigation by
Fox indicates the necessity of extreme caution in accepting general
statistics of occupation mortality, which in all probability, and almost

528

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

invariably, understate the actual facts of industrial diseases and in
dustrial accidents.
Doctor Zadek also confirms the very early observations by Ramazrini that the mortality of bakers was higher in the cities than in the
towns and villages. He mentions further that a rule is being enforced
in the guilds to accept as apprentices only healthy young men, who
first have to undergo a medical examination to determine whether they
are adapted to the physical requirements, and if not so adapted they
are declined. Doctor Zadek also includes statistical data for the sick
ness insurance associations of Berlin, proving that among bakers
there was relatively much more sickness than among confectioners,
there having been among the former 36.5 cases of sickness per 100
members, against 21.2 among the latter. The duration of sickness
was 9.1 days for bakers against 4.6 days for confectioners. The
statistical evidence, however, is somewhat conflicting and must be
used with extreme caution. Early English statistics quoted by Doctor
Zadek, in confirming other investigations, seem to prove that while
the mortality of bakers below 40 years of age is normal, and perhaps
somewhat below the average, the death rate is decidedly higher at
ages over 50. This is confirmed by the investigations of Doctor Bertillon for the population of Paris during the period 1885 to 1889.
Finally, Doctor Zadek observes that the evidence tending to prove
health-injurious results of the employment is directly traceable to
the excessive hours of labor, and particularly so in the case of bakers
in large cities such as Paris, London, and Vienna. He anticipates
satisfactory results from the progress of the industry within recent
years, and the tendency toward the substitution of machinery for
hand labor, but in particular from a maximum working day, pro
hibition of night labor, legal requirements of air, light, cleansing,
and ventilation, and, finally, rigid factory inspection to conform the
sanitary conditions of bakeries to those of modern sanitary require
ments in general.
Another German authority on the hygiene of the bakery industry,
Dr. C. Moeller, published a small treatise on the subject in 1898, in
cluding a careful consideration of all the important points considered
at greater length by Doctor Zadek. According to the data pre
sented by this writer of bakers dying between 45 and 65 years of
age, 25 per cent died from chronic bronchitis or other respiratory
diseases. He calls attention to the persistency of the flour dust and
starchy particles in the bronchial tubes and even in the lungs, by
quoting a medical authority to the effect that even two and a half
weeks after leaving the employment starchy particles and other evi
dence of flour dust had been found in the expectoration of bakers
examined. According to this same authority 47 per cent of the Ger
man bakers at that time worked over 12 hours a day and 16 per

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

529

cent worked over 14 hours a day. Of the total number of bakers
employed, 36 commenced their work between the hours of 12 and
2 a. m., while 25 per cent commenced work between 10 and 12 p. m.
In other words, at that time most of the work was night work, with
its resulting injurious consequences, including irregularity of life
and exposure to other unfavorable conditions. (a)
In the United States the employment has not attracted the same
amount of attention as in Europe, but the sanitary legislation
governing the conduct of bake shops is evidence that the hygienic
conditions have been far from satisfactory. I t is quite probable
that the conditions are somewhat better in this country than abroad,
largely on account of the greater degree of concentration in the
industry and the fact that a larger proportion of bread, crackers,
pastry, etc., constitutes a factory product in this country than abroad.
The general conclusions of foreign authorities are, however, strictly
applicable to American conditions, and they may be summarized in
the statement that the continuous and considerable inhalation of
flour dust is injurious to health and a predisposing factor in the
mortality from consumption and from respiratory diseases generally.
The number of male bakers 15 years of age and over in the United
States, according to the report of the census on occupations for 1900,
was 74,263, and of this number 1,813, or 2.4 per cent, were 65. years
of age and over, which compares with 4.7 per cent for the entire
male population of the continental United States. A t ages 55 to 64
the proportion was 5.6 per cent, at ages 45 to 54 it was 11.3 per cent,
leaving 80.7 per cent at ages 15 to 44, inclusive. The occupation is
first referred to in the vital statistics of the census of 1890, when the
number of bakers and confectioners in the registration area was 54,569,
among whom there occurred 639 deaths from all causes, or 11.7 per
1.000. The death rate by divisional periods of life was comparatively
high at all ages over 25, or, in detail, at ages 25 to 45 the rate was
11.19 for bakers, against 9.18 for males in manufacturing and
mechanical industries; at ages 45 to 65 the rates were 28.45 and 20.13,
respectively; and at ages 65 and over, 87.19 for bakers and confec
tioners and 77.67 for males in manufacturing and mechanical indus
tries. In the registration area the mortality from consumption among
bakers and confectioners during the census year 1890 was 2.91 per
1.000, and for diseases of the respiratory system, 2.0 per 1,000. But
the rates were much higher in the cities where the mortality from con
sumption among bakers and confectioners was 3.89 per 1,000, while the
mortality from diseases of the respiratory system was 2.80perl,000. In
commenting upon the mortality, it is stated in the census report that—It will be seen from this table that the highest death rate [per
100,000] of bakers and confectioners in the registration States oca Gesundheitsbuch fur das Backergewerbe, by Dr. Carl Moeller, Berlin, 1898.

530

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

curred from consumption (309.37), the rate from this cause being
higher than the average rate among males in occupations in this
class. The death rate from Bright’s disease (92.34) was excessively
high, being nearly twice the average rate among males in this class
(49.06), and the rate from other diseases of the urinary system
(60.38) was considerably higher than the average rate of males in
this class from these diseases (45.21). The death rate from suicide
(21.31) was higher than the average rate from this cause among
males in this class, and the death rate from other accidents and in
juries (39.07) was much less than the corresponding rate in this
class (77.49). The death rate of bakers and confectioners from
suicide in the registration cities in the nonregistration States (30.29)
was higher than the rate from this cause in the cities in the regis
tration States (20.28). (a)
In 1900 the number of bakers and confectioners reported in the
registration States was 39,181, among whom there occurred 483 deaths
from all causes, or 12.3 per 1,000. The death rates by divisional
periods of life were slightly higher for bakers at all ages except 25
to 34. The differences were not very marked, or, to be specific, at
ages 25 to 44 the rates were 7.9 for bakers, against 8.4 for males in the
manufacturing and mechanical industries. At ages 45 to 64 the rates
were 23.4 and 20.2, respectively, and at ages 65 and over 105.8 for
bakers and confectioners and 105.4 for males in the manufacturing
and "mechanical industries. The mortality from consumption among
bakers was 2.5 per 1,000, from pneumonia 1.2, and from other diseases
of the respiratory system 0.4. In commenting upon the mortality, it
is stated in the census report that—
The highest death rates [per 100,000] of bakers and confectioners
were due to consumption (250.1), diseases of the urinary organs
(145.5), diseases of the nervous system (160.8), and pneumonia
(117.4), but the rates due to all of these diseases except diseases of the
urinary organs were lower than the average rates in this class. The
rates from diseases of the liver (45.9) and other diseases of the diges
tive system (58.7) were much higher than the average rates from
these diseases in this class. (6)
The Rhode Island vital statistics for bakers for the period 1852 to
1906 include 221 deaths from all causes, and of this number 44, or
19.9 per cent, were from consumption. During the decade ending
with 1906 there occurred 86 deaths of bakers from all causes, of which
15, or 17.4 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality from
other respiratory diseases 2.3 per cent were deaths from asthma and
9.3 per cent deaths from pneumonia, a total of 29 per cent of deaths
from diseases of the lungs and air passages.
a Report on Vital and Social Statistics, Part I, Eleventh Census of the United
States, 1890, p. 119.
1 Report on Vital Statistics, Part I, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900,
p. cclxxviii.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

531

The most recent English mortality statistics of bakers are for the
three years ending with 1902, referred to in the Supplement to the Six
ty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General, in part, as follows r
At the earlier and later ages the mortality of bakers differs little
from that of occupied and retired males, but that at other ages the
death rates fall considerably below the average. In the main work
ing period of life the comparative mortality figure was 922, or S
per cent below the standard; the defect being mainly due to phthisis*
to diseases of the circulatory and respiratory systems, and to accident,
the mortality from the last-mentioned cause being less than half the
average. Bakers experienced, however, a slightly higher mortality
than the average from cancer. (a)
In the table which follows, a comparison is made of the mortality
from all causes among English bakers and confectioners with occu
pied males generally and the comparison shows that the mortality
from all causes was below the average at every divisional period of;
life, except 55 to 64. English statistics in this respect, therefore, do
not entirely confirm the corresponding statistics of the United States
census.
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG B A K E R S A N D C O N F E C T IO N E R S , COM
PARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES,.
1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General o f
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for bakers and confec
tioners.
Age at death.

Death rate
per 1,000
for all oc
cupied
males.

Rate per
1,000.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.26
3.80
5.28
8.69
16.11
31.04
75.64

Greater (+ )
or less (—) Ratio to
than rate rate for all
for all oc occupied
cupied
males.
males.
- 0.18
- .61
- .73
- 1.53
- 1.62
+ .03
-12.75

93
8688
85
91
10085

The preceding table is self-explanatory and requires no further
comment. A more extended comparison, however, is made in the
next table, in which the mortality of bakers and confectioners from
consumption and from other respiratory diseases during 1890 to 1892
is compared with the normal mortality of occupied males from these
diseases by divisional periods of life. The comparison shows that the
mortality of bakers and confectioners from consumption was excessive
in only three age groups, 25 to 34, 45 to 54, and 65 and over, and was
a Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the RegistrarGeneral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages, p. lxii.
2313—No. 82—09----- 5

532

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

considerably lower than the average in the other groups. The table
further shows that the mortality from other respiratory diseases was
excessive in only two groups, 15 to 19 and 55 to 64. The mortality
was considerably below the average at ages 20 to 44.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF THE RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG B A K E R S AND C O N FE C T IO N E R S, COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1890 TO 1892,
BY AGE GROUPS.
[From Supplement to the Fifty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of B irths,
Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years.......
20 to 24 years.......
25 to 34 years.......
35 to 44 years.......
45 to 54 years.......
55 to 64 years.......
65 years and over.

Death rate for bakers and con
Death rate for bakers and con
fectioners.
fectioners.
Death
Death
rate per
rate per
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
1,000 for
1,000 for
to all
or less (—) Ratio
occu
or less (—) rate for
all occu
rate
for
pied
Rate per than rate all
Rate per than rate all occu
pied
occu
for all
males.
for all
1,000.
1,000.
males.
pied
pied
occupied
occupied
males.
males.
males.
males.
0.70
1.95
2.63
3.43
3.38
2.65
1.50

0.63
1.60
2.83
3.02
3.71
2.44
1.86

-0.07
- .35
+ .20
- .41
+ .33
- .21
+ .36

90
82
108
88
110
92
124

0.26
.61
1.13
2.50
5.15
10.32
25.91

0.28
.49
.94
2.12
5.05
10.49
25.85

+0.02
- .12
- .19
- .38
- .10
+ .17
- .06

115
80
83
85
98
102
100

In the table which follows the mortality from consumption and
from respiratory diseases other than consumption among bakers and
confectioners for the years 1900 to 1902 is compared with the normal
mortality of occupied males from these diseases by divisional periods
of life:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF THE RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG B A K E R S AND C O N F E C T IO N E R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO
1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years.......
20 to 24 years.......
25 to 34 years.......
35 to 44 years.......
45 to 54 years.......
55 to 64 years.......
65 years and over.

Death rate for bakers and
confectioners.
Death
rate per
1,000 for
Greater (+ )
all occu
or less (—) Ratio to
Rate per than rate rate for all
pied
1,000.
for all
males.
occupied
males
occupied
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.35
1.48
1.83
2.41
2.76
1.88
1.02

-0.19
- .07
- .20
- .33
- .28
- .28
- .09

65
95
90
88
91
87
92

Death rate for bakers and
confectioners.
Death
rate per
1,000 for
all occu
pied
males.

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

Greater
(+)orless
Rate per (—) than
1,000.
rate for all
occupied
males.
0.29
.37
.56
1.51
2.97
6.41
15.60

+0.05
- .11
- .21
- .15
- .35
- .13
-2.17

Ratio to
rate for all
occupied
males.

121
77
73
91
89
98
88

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IX CERTAIX OCCUPATIOXS.

533

The comparison shows that the mortality from consumption was
below* the average at all ages and, with one unimportant exception,
the mortality from other respiratory diseases among bakers and con
fectioners wras lower than among occupied males generally. The table
is self-explanatory and requires no extended analysis.
The corresponding statistics for Scotland exhibit a slightly different
result. Limiting the comparison to ages 25 to 64, the general death
rate of bakers and confectioners was in excess of the mortality of
occupied males generally. The death rate among the former was
32.12 per 1,000, and among the latter 26.82. At ages 25 to 44 the
mortality, however, was below the average, or only 7.99 for bakers
and confectioners, against 9.32 for occupied males generally. The
number of deaths from all causes among bakers and confectioners at
ages 15 to 64 was 564, and of this number 104, or 18.4 per cent, were
deaths from, consumption. Of the mortality from other causes, 45
were deaths from bronchitis, 62 were deaths from pneumonia, and
8 were deaths from other respiratory diseases. Combining the mor
tality from consumption and other diseases of the respiratory organs,
the proportionate mortality was 38.8 per cent.
In marked contrast to the generally favorable statistics of bakers
and confectioners in England and Scotland are the returns for
Switzerland for the period 1879 to 1890. The following table ex
hibits the mortality from consumption by divisional periods of life:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG B A K E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF
ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital S tatistics of Switzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for bakers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years...................................................................
20 to 29 years.....................................................................
30 to 39 years....................................................................
40 to 49 years....................................................................
50 to 59 years....................................................................
60 to 69 years........ 1..........................................................
70 years and over..............................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for all occu Rate per
pied males.
1,000.

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

1.30
2.75
4.72
3.96
4.75
5.92
7.61

Greater
(+ ) or less Ratio to
(—) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.

-0.29
+1.06
+0.31
+1.23
+2.67
+5.77

90
129
108
135
182
414

According to this table, the mortality from consumption was ex
cessive among bakers at all ages above 29 by from 8 per cent to 314
per cent. The most marked excess occurs at ages 70 and over, when,
however, the small numbers partly invalidate the conclusions. The
table, however, is suggestive as indicating possibly decided differ
ences in the social condition of labor in England and in Switzerland.

534

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The Swiss data are quite trustworthy, but their significance is, of
course, practically limited to Switzerland.
The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of bakers
include 1,357 deaths from all causes, of which 277, or 20.4 per cent,
were from consumption. Of the mortality of bakers from respira
tory diseases other than consumption, 124 were from pneumonia, 23
from bronchitis, 17 from asthma, and 21 from less frequent respiratory
diseases. I f the deaths from consumption and from other respiratory
diseases are combined, it is found that 34 per cent of the mortality
of bakers was from diseases of the lungs and air passages. The
number of deaths of bakers under consideration is exceptionally large
and strictly representative of this important occupation. The excess
in the consumption mortality of bakers is clearly brought out in the
tabular presentation of the proportionate mortality from this disease
by divisional periods of life, it being excessive at all ages below 65,
but most so at ages 25 to 34, when out of every 100 deaths from all
causes, 42.8 were from consumption, against a normal expected pro
portion of 31.3.
An analysis of the consumption mortality of bakers in detail is
set forth in the table below:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG B A K E R S , 1897 TO
1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN T H E REGISTRATION AREA OF
T H E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for bakers from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures for males
in registration area computed from m ortality statistics of the United States census.]
Deaths of bakers, 1897 Per cent of deaths due
to c o n s u m p t i o n
to 1906, due to—
among—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Bakers.

Males in
registration
area, 1900
to 1906.

15 to 24 years....................................................................
25 to 34 years.....................................................................
35 to 44 years.....................................................................
45 to 54 years.....................................................................
55 to 64 years.....................................................................
65 years and over..............................................................

112
201
259
248
250
287

43
86
75
43
23
7

38.4
42.8
29.0
17.3
9.2
2.4

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total........................................................................

1,357

277

20.4

14.8

The preceding observations and mortality statistics, including the
insurance experience, are much at variance with each other, and they
do not entirely warrant definite conclusions. I t is somewhat open
to question how far the general official statistics are impaired in
value by the inclusion of confectioners, who are probably less ex
posed to flour and other organic dust than bakers. The most con
vincing statistics are those for Switzerland and the industrial insur
ance experience data, both of which indicate an excess in the degree

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

535

of consumption frequency, although not at identical periods of life.
Taking all the facts, however, into careful consideration, they would
seem to warrant the conclusion that consumption is of more frequent
occurrence among bakers than among occupied males generally, and
that the degree of excess in consumption frequency is partly the re
sult of continuous and considerable inhalation of flour dust. The
mortality rate is also affected by the general conditions under which
the work of a baker is carried on, including excessive hours, unsan
itary conditions of bake shops, night work, etc. The occupation is
exceedingly important, both as regards the baker himself and the
public at large, and a further and more thorough investigation into
the mortality of this occupation would be a most valuable contribu
tion to industrial hygiene.
The mortality of confectioners is not separately returned in the
official vital statistics, except for the State of Rhode Island. During
the period 1852 to 1906 there occurred 62 deaths, and of this number
15, or 24.2 per cent, were from consumption. During the ten-year
period ending with 1906 there occurred 24 deaths of confectioners,
and of this number 4, or 16.7 per cent, were from consumption. In
addition there were 6 deaths from other respiratory diseases, or a
total of 41.7 per cent of the mortality was from diseases of the lungs
and air passages.
The only other available official vital statistics of confectioners,
separately returned as such, are for Switzerland for the period 1879
to 1890. The statistics are set forth in tabular form, as follows:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG C O N FE C T IO N E R S, COMPARED W ITH
THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital Statistics of Switzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for confectioners.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 29 years....................................................................
30 to 39 years....................................................................
40 to 49 years....................................................................
50 to 59 years.....................................................................
60 to 69 years....................................................................
70 years and over..............................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for aH
occupied
males.

Rate per
1,000.

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

2.34
6.19
6.36
3.58
6.00
9.38
13.51

According to this table, the mortality
higher at nearly every period of life than
tality of occupied males generally and the
of bakers. How far the occupation is the

Greater (+ )
or less (—) Ratio to
than rate rate for aU
for all
occupied
occupied
males.
males.
+ 1.04
+ 3.15
+ 2.70
- .07
+ 2.48
+ 6.13
+11.67

180
204
174
98
170
289
734

from consumption was
the corresponding mor
corresponding mortality
exact equivalent of the

536

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.

English and American term confectioner, it is not possible to state.
It is significant, however, to note the high death rates from consump
tion at every period of life, which only at ages 40 to 49 corresponds
practically to the normal for occupied males generally.
The industrial insurance mortality statistics of this occupation
include 306 deaths from all causes, of which 68, or 22.2 per cent,
were from consumption. Of the mortality of confectioners from
respiratory diseases other than consumption, 40 were from pneu
monia, 7 from asthma and bronchitis, and 7 from other respiratory dis
eases. When the deaths from consumption and from other respiratory
diseases are combined, it is found that 39.9 per cent of the mortality
of confectioners was from diseases of the lungs and air passages.
The corresponding proportion for bakers, previously referred to,
was 34 per cent. This difference in favor of bakers is confirmed by
the corresponding statistics for Switzerland, but when comparison
is made of the differences by divisional periods of life it is apparent
that the data are not sufficiently large for an entirely safe conclu
sion, to the effect that the degree of consumption frequency among
confectioners is really higher than the corresponding degree of con
sumption mortality among bakers.
The detailed analysis of the industrial insurance mortality sta
tistics of confectioners, by divisional periods of life, is set forth in
tabular form as follows:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG C O N FE C T IO N E R S,
1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN TH E REGISTRATION
AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for confectioners from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures
for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistic s of the United States
census.]
cent of deaths due
Deaths of confectioners, Per
to c o n s u m p t i o n
1897 to 19C6, due to—
among—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Confec
tioners.

Males in
registration
area, 1900
to 1906.

51
52
62
39
56
46

13
22
19
5
6
3

25.5
42.3
30.6
12.8
10.7
6.5

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total........................................................................

306

22.2

14.8

It is to be kept in mind, in considering this occupation, that the
amount of physical labor required is much less and that, therefore,
a less robust type is represented by confectioners than by bakers.
Probably few other occupations emphasize so clearly the inherent
difficulty of drawing really valid conclusions from occupation vital

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

537

statistics of the comparative data of bakers and confectioners, repre
senting otherwise quite similar employments. What is true of
bakers is true of confectioners, that the hygienic conditions of this
employment require to be made the subject of a qualified inquiry
and that the available vital statistics should be brought together to
establish clearly and precisely the degree of consumption frequency
in this particular occupation by divisional periods of life.
STARCH MANUFACTURE.

The manufacture of starch, according to the census of 1900, gave
employment to 2,655 wage-earners in 124 establishments, but it is
quite probable that the actual number of persons employed in the
manufacture of starch is larger, and perhaps much larger, when
persons employed in the manufacture of starch in glucose factories
are included. The commercial importance of this industry is con
siderable, but apparently there has been a material decline in both
the amount and the value of the product during recent years.
According to the census of manufactures, in 1905 the amount of
starch made was 196,074,530 pounds, against 297,803,139 pounds in
1900. Of the total product 76.8 per cent was made from corn, 14.1
per cent from potatoes, and the remainder from other materials.
The time of employment in cornstarch factories is generally through
out the year, while in the manufacture of starch from potatoes the
period of employment is about three months only. There are a
few wheat starch factories, which, however, probably employ less
than a hundred persons. Most of the cornstarch factories are com
bined in the National Starch Manufacturing Company, with 22
plants, and its principal factory at Oswego, N. Y.
The process of starch manufacture varies, and is rather difficult
of brief description. In the manufacture of cornstarch the corn
is run through a fanning mill to blow away the dust, husks, etc.,
and is then steeped in water at from 70° to 140° F. from three to
ten days, when the softened grains are crushed between rolls. This
process, according to Thorp, is known as the “ alkaline process.” In
the so-called “ Burgen system ” a continuous stream of water at
130° to 140° F. flows slowly through the steeping tanks, and after
the corn has been thoroughly softened and a large quantity of
extracted matter has been washed away, the corn is ground in buhrstone and roller mills, through which water flows continuously.
Subsequent to this the starchy matter goes to a revolving sieve of
brass wire for the coarsest straining and then to cylindrical wheels
covered with bolting cloth. The subsequent process is described as
follows:
The starch collected in the several tanks is washed with water and
sometimes again siphoned, and is then run through bolting cloth to
the settling tanks, where it deposits in a dense compact layer from

538

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

which the water can be drawn off very completely. The wet starch
is then shoveled into frames lined with cloth and having perforated
bottoms, through which the water drains. The cake of damp starch
is cut into smaller blocks and placed on porous floors of plaster of
Paris or brick, which absorb the adhering water. The starch is
removed to the dry room and kept at a temperature of 125° F. for
several days. While it is drying, the impurities still remaining in
it find their way to the surface, where they form a yellowish deposit
which is cut away when the starch is nearly dry. The block is then
wrapped in paper and further dried at 150° to 170° F. for several
days. During this time the mass contracts and cracks into a num
ber of irregularly shaped prismatic rods, called “ crystals,” though
they are not true crystals. The entire drying process requires several
weeks, and the product as sent to market contains about 10 to 12
per cent of water. (a)
I t is in the handling of the corn itself and in the final manipula
tion of the dry starch that there is considerable exposure to dust, the
character of which quite closely resembles ordinary flour dust, and
which, broadly speaking, makes the health-injurious circumstances
of this employment conform to those of flour millers and bakers.
While the conditions differ somewhat, according to the material
from which the starch is made, whether corn, potatoes, wheat, rice,
etc., the exposure to starch dust is practically the same. The employ
ment has never attracted much attention as a health-injurious in
dustry, and general vital statistics of the occupation, even if avail
able, would be of ^small determining value, since it is practically
among only the persons employed at the drying kiln and in the
handling of the finished product, either by transporting it from the
kiln to the packing room or in the final process of packing the starch
into barrels and boxes, that there is any actual exposure to the inhala
tion of any quantities of starch dust. The various processes of starch
manufacture have been briefly described in a bulletin of the Twelfth
Census by Dr. H. W. Wiley, and by the same authority in Bulletin
No. 58 of the Division of Chemistry of the United States Department
of Agriculture, but the descriptive accounts do not throw much
light upon the possible health-injurious circumstances of the indus
try in its various branches.
The occupation is very briefly described by Ramazzini, who states
that u those who are employed about the making of starch are like
wise liable to uncommon disorders.” Of course in Ramazzini’s time
the manufacture of starch was entirely a domestic industry, with
conditions totally different from those prevailing at the present time.
He observes, however, that those who are compelled to handle starch
in considerable quantities complain much about headache, of a diffi
culty of breathing, and of a cough “ that’s so troublesome as to force
’em to intermit for fear of choaking.”
a Outlines of Industrial Chemistry, by F. H. Thorp, Ph. D., pp. 355, 356.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

539

Thackrah considered the employment at greater length, observing
that—
Starch makers inhale a fetid acetous vapor, which rises from the
fermenting wheat, or rather from the water in which the wheat has
been steeped. They are occasionally exposed, also, to great heat, the
thermometer rising from 110 to 150, or sometimes even to 200 degrees.
In that degree of heat, however, the men do not remain more than a
few minutes at once; but they often work the whole day in a temper
ature above 100 degrees. More frequently, however, they are em
ployed in rooms, wet, and open to currents of cold air. The manu
facture is carried on by night, as well as day; but the men do not gen
erally work more than twelve hours in the twenty-four. The muscu
lar labor is varied and good.(a)
With special reference to the liability of starch makers to pul
monary and respiratory diseases, Thackrah remarks:
Starch makers are subject to catarrh, pulmonic inflammation, and
rheumatism. In the neighborhood of London they are pale and ema
ciated, complain of great debility, and are often affected with pains
in the head and chest; but in the country these effects are by no means
prominent. (**6)
In Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, according to the same writer, the
longevity of starch makers was apparently normal and men were met
with who had attained to the age of 60 and upward. But in London
and its neighborhood the health of starch makers was apparently de
cidedly unfavorable and the duration of life “ remarkably abbre
viated.’^ 6)
In fact he was able to find few persons employed in this industry
#who had attained to an age over 40, and from such inquiries as he
had made very few indeed, “ after leaving the employment about
that age, survived more than two or three years.” Thackrah was
unable to account for the difference in the health of starch makers in
London compared with those in country towns, for the conditions of
labor and exposure to dust, etc., were assumed to be practically the
same.
Halfort, in his treatise on the diseases of artisans, published in
1845, referred briefly to the employment, and while he mentions that
the pulverizing processes gave rise to a considerable quantity of dust
he does not connect the same with any health-injurious consequences
to the employees. Halfort considered the occupation chiefly with
reference to the manufacture of wheat starch, and the only injurious
factors, in his opinion, were vaporous exhalations, giving rise to dis
eases of the respiratory organs, but he points out that even at that
a Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by O.
Turner Thackrah, 1832, pp. 52, 53.
&Idem, p. 53.

540

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

time improvements were being introduced in the methods of manu
facture, eliminating formerly objectionable conditions.
Equally brief is the consideration of this employment by Hirt.
He mentions the objectionable features of gases and vapors evolved
in the preliminary processes of starch manufacture; but, apparently,
no health-injurious consequences 'were traceable to such exposure.
Hirt, who personally inquired into the subject, did not confirm the
earlier conclusions of Halfort. The drying of the starch, in which
there is practically the only serious possibility of dust exposure, was
not considered detrimental to health by H irt; but, apparently, he
did not thoroughly inquire into this particular branch of the industry.
The most recent writer on the hygiene of starch making is Arlidge,
who made inquiry at the principal starch works of England; but the
information received was all of a negative character. In the opinion
of the manufacturers, based partly upon the observations of medical
officers attached to the works, there were no injurious results from
any branch of the occupation. In fact, the conclusions were to the
effect that “ the starch makers are, it appears, even more healthy
than the workers in other departments of the factory, judging from
the fact that the claims of those workmen upon the 4sick fund ’ are
proportionately smaller than those of others.” Arlidge, however,
suggests that it is to be borne in mind that exposure to dampness is
a conspicuous incident and a possible cause of illness, more serious
than exposure to flour dust in the business of starch making, for, he
remarks, “ Vast quantities of water are necessitated, with unavoidable
exposure to wetting of clothes and feet; and, as a necessary accom
paniment, a more or less humid state of the air.” No evidence, how
ever, was obtainable to prove that starch workers were more liable
than others to rheumatic affections. Unfortunately, the final sug
gestion of Doctor Arlidge, that a more thorough inquiry be made to
determine the possible health-injurious effects of the inhalation of
flour dust and the general consequences of starch making on health,
confirmed by precise and statistical investigations, was, apparently,
not carried into effect.
The starch industry is one of the numerous illustrations of neglect
on the part of those who have made inquiry into the diseases of occu
pation to ascertain the conditions of health in employments numer
ically unimportant. From such information, however, as is avail
able at the present time it is safe to assume that the employment is
not free from more or less health-injurious circumstances, which
require sanitary supervision and the installation of effective ventilat
ing devices at places where dust is generated in considerable quanti
ties. That the quantity of dust may assume considerable propor
tions is made evident by the occurrence of disastrous dust explosions,
and reference may be made to such an explosion at the dry starch

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

541

plant of the Warner Sugar Refining Company, at Waukegan, 111.,
which destroyed the plant and caused the loss of four lives. This
explosion w^as caused by the ignition of the fine dust, or powder, aris
ing during the grinding of the starch, and while the case may be an
isolated occurrence, it is nevertheless a significant illustration of the
fact that starch manufacture requires to be included in the classifica
tion of dusty trades.
THE TOBACCO INDUSTRY.

The tobacco industry divides itself into the handling of the raw
product preliminary to the subsequent processes of manufacture and
into the making of cigars, cigarettes, snuff, etc., as the finished prod
uct. The former is more properly, perhaps, a branch of agriculture,
but in any extended consideration of the hygiene of the tobacco in
dustry it seems best to include the processes of curing, sorting, and
packing previous to the shipment of the raw product to the fac
tory.^) The number of persons employed in the preliminary proc
esses can not be stated, but the large majority are at work for only
a portion of the year (being mostly farmers and laborers), in very
much the same manner as is the case in cotton ginning and during the
threshing season in the wheat industry. After the tobacco has been
cut it is first required to undergo a process known as curing. At this
stage of the process there is no considerable exposure on the part of
the workmen to any conditions particularly injurious to health. The
curing is done in so-called tobacco barns, (*6) which are fairly tight,
but are well provided with ventilators to furnish ventilation until
the tobacco is thoroughly cured. Artificial heat may or may not be
used in this process, which rarely extends over more than two months
in the year. When the tobacco is thoroughly cured and the stems are
a It is stated in the special report of the census office on manufactures for
1905 (Vol. I) that “ Establishments engaged exclusively in the assorting, stem
ming, and rehandling of tobacco were omitted from the factory census of 1905,
although included in prior censuses. Wrhen the assorting and stemming was
done in connection with the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, or of chewing
and smoking tobacco, the data for these processes were included.” This ex
plains why the returns for 1905 are not strictly comparable with those for 1900
and previous censuses.
6 For an extended account of the widely varying methods of curing tobacco
and a descriptive and illustrated account of the different types of tobacco barns,
reference may be had to the special report of the Tenth Census on Culture and
Curing of Tobacco in the United States. This report states that tobacco barns
in North Carolina, for illustration, were built of logs, small and tight, of a usual
size of 16 to 22 feet square (p. 116); while in Tennessee the usual size was from
20 to 24 feet square (p. 181) ; in contrast to these dimensions are the dimen
sions of the tobacco houses in Lancaster County, Pa., of from 20 feet square as
a minimum to 40 feet wide and 150 feet long as a maximum, but a barn 36 feet
wide by 72 or 80 feet long is considered to be the best proportioned (p. 156).

542

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

dried out it is again allowed to become slightly moist by absorbing
moisture from the air and is taken down and placed in heaps, with
sacks or cloths spread over them, to keep the tobacco in a moist con
dition; and to continue this condition sprinkling with water is
occasionally necessary. There is, therefore, no dust generated at this
stage of the process. The leaves are subsequently stripped from the
stalks and are put by handfuls into boxes, and in this condition a
considerable proportion of the tobacco is sold to dealers. In remov
ing the stalk and center stem of each leaf, and while the leaves are
sorted in a drying house, there is no doubt more or less exposure to
dust and the pungent odors of the tobacco. When packed into hogs
heads, as is always the case for export, there is further exposure,
chiefly to the pungent odor of the tobacco, but apparently without
serious consequence to health. (a)
Within recent years tobacco-drying machines, so called; have been
introduced extensively, and as a result the preliminary methods of
manufacture have undergone material modification. (&) These socalled “ tobacco dryers ” are of much the same nature as lumber dry
kilns. The temperature of tobacco dryers is stated to be from 180°
to 240°, and sometimes very much higher, while in lumber kilns the
temperature rarely exceeds 180°. The heat is forced into the dryers
by a blower system, often so constructed as to result in dust accu
mulation, with a consequent risk of dust explosion because of the
not inconsiderable quantities of “ greasy inflammable dust of tobacco,”
according to investigations made by fire insurance companies. It has
been suggested that the machine used for blowing purposes should
have the fan in its journal surrounded by wire gauze of fine mesh
so as to intercept the very fine dust, which by inference warrants
the conclusion that such dust is present in sufficient quantities to
prove a menace to the health of the workmen occasionally employed
in drying houses of this construction.
The conditions of labor, as well as the methods of handling the
tobacco at this stage, vary widely in the different tobacco districts of
the country, and so much so that a descriptive account of the methods
in vogue in one section would not be applicable to those in vogue in
another section. The manufacturing processes have undergone mate
rial changes during the intervening years since the report of the
Tenth Census on the tobacco industry was published, but that report
still constitutes the most valuable source of information regarding
the methods and conditions incidental to the handling of the tobacco
a For recent accounts of methods of curing tobacco see Farmers’ Bulletin No.
60 (1902) and Bureau of Plant Industry Bulletin No. 143 (1909), published by
the United States Department of Agriculture.
®The descriptive account of tobacco dryers is from a report by Mr. Holmes
Cummins, special agent of the Firemen’s Fund, of Richmond, Va.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

543

preliminary to the manufacturing processes proper. Mention is made
in this report, for illustration, of the making of strips in the Evans
ville and other tobacco districts of Indiana, in which children from
9 to 12 years of age were largely employed, making from 50 to 100
pounds per day, while full-grown experts could make from 150 to
200 pounds. In Virginia, according to the report referred to, the
making of strips was a large industry at Lynchburg, the process
being described as follows:
Loose tobacco is taken to the factory and placed upon the floor of
a room adjoining that in which the work of stemming is done, each
lot or pile being kept separate as purchased, or, if want of space
makes it necessary, several lots of the same grade, style, and quality
are bulked together. The number of pounds of leaf needed to make
a hogshead or a tierce of strips of a given grade is carried from
the storage-room into the stemming apartment, sprinkled with water
to soften, and heated in a steam-box, a few basketfuls at a time.
The bundles are then ready for the stemmers, the leaves being sup
ple, pliant, and in such condition that the stems may be quickly
removed without tearing the strips. (°)
I t is stated further that stemming at that time was mostly done
by negro women, who were very dexterous at the work, and that they
were assisted by children, who untied the bundles and placed them
ready for the stemmer and straightened and tied up the stems.
Children were also employed in putting the bundles of strips upon
sticks and in carrying the same to the drying room. The final proc
ess of handling the tobacco at this stage of the industry is described
as follows:
When the tobacco is thoroughly dry, the windows of the drying
room are opened to let it cool off—usually all night. They are then
closed again, and soft steam is turned into the room through per
forated pipes, so managed as to render the tobacco fit for handling.
I t is then carefully laid upon the floor in “ coops ”—one stick with
tobacco overlapping another—and built up straight to a height of
5 feet or more, each coop containing one tierce, or two to make one
hogshead. Here it remains two days, to cool off and toughen, when
it is ready for packing. In the work of packing steam is again used
to soften the tobacco, six or eight -sticks of bundles at a time being
carefully placed within the steam box, the door of which is slightly
closed, and soft steam being turned on for one or two minutes. The
sticks are then carried to the packing table, opened, the bundles
shaken out and straightened, and neatly packed with the least pos
sible delay. (a)
While during the intervening years there have been some changes,
the earlier descriptive account applies with a fair degree of accuracy
to the processes of stripping and stemming at the present time. No
writer on occupation diseases has given extended consideration to
° Special report of the Tenth Census on Tobacco Production in the United
States, p. 211.

544

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

the hygienic aspects of employment in these preliminary operations^
although Arlidge observes that the dust generated during the pre
liminary processes of sorting the leaves is of “ no important physio
logical energy.” Nor does he comment unfavorably upon the subse
quent processes of stripping the leaves of the midribs, which is
usually the work of women and girls. (a)
In the unpacking of the tobacco from the hogsheads or casks the
leaves require to be shaken to remove the sand, dust, and other mi
nute particles adhering to them. The quantity of dust generated in
this process differs very materially according to the grade of tobacco
handled and its condition at the time of unpacking, but no accurate
observations have been made a matter of record as to the actual
amount of dust produced and the possible relation of such dust to
the health of the workers.
The general hygiene of workers in tobacco has been considered at
some length by Dr. Ludwig Jankau, who brings together the results
of several investigations made by various governments into the
social conditions of persons employed in the manufacture of tobacco,
amplified by quotations from medical authorities, which, however,
are more or less conflicting. It is made clear that the social condition
of labor has an important bearing upon the health of the employees,
which may or may not have been exaggerated by the continuous and
considerable exposure to tobacco dust, odors, etc. The author quotes
the conclusion of Rochs that by proper ventilation of the workroom
the employment in tobacco factories is not subject to health-injurious
results. (6) This conclusion is accepted by Jankau, who observes that *
* The conditions affecting health in the process of stripping are discussed by
Dr. Roger S. Tracy, in his special report on the tobacco industry, published in
the Third Annual Report of the Board of Health of the City of New York, 1873,
p. 310; from this report is quoted the follow ing:
Strippers sit upon wooden benches, in a constrained position, all day long.
They are not as healthy in appearance as the men, most of them having pallid,
flabby countenances, and visiting the dispensaries often to be treated for loss of
appetite, chronic bronchitis, and palpitation of the heart. It must be remem
bered, however, that they have smaller wages than the operatives of the first
class, and presumably live much more poorly, besides drinking large quantities
of tea, all of which elements in the problem must be fairly considered, before a
safe conclusion can be reached regarding them.
Tracy also refers to persons employed in tobacco packing, stating that—
Operatives occupied in packing are generally pretty healthy. They are, how
ever, very subject to nasal catarrh, and catarrh of the larger bronchial tubes,
both of which affections are very persistent unless the occupation of the patient
is changed. On a seaboard, where catarrh is an almost universal complaint,
it would perhaps be unfair to attribute the catarrh of tobacco workers entirely
to their occupation.
&Monograph on Tobacco and Its Effects upon the Human Organism, with
Special Reference to its Chemical, Physiological, Pathological, and Therapeutical
Aspects, by Dr. Ludwig Jankau, published in the German language, Munich,
1894, p. 16.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

545

if the government regulations as to ventilation are properly complied
with the health-injurious results are reduced to a minimum. Since
the investigations of Jankau were chiefly for the purpose of determin
ing the possible health-injurious effects of the use of tobacco on the
human organism, his limited consideration of the hygiene of the in
dustry itself did not warrant final conclusions. Thus far no qualified
inquiry has been made to determine with accuracy how far the pre
liminary processes in tobacco manufacture are injurious to the health
of the workmen employed, but in view of the fact that the period of
employment is, as a rule, only for a portion of the year, the healthinjurious effects in any event are probably very slight except, per
haps, in the case of children and persons of frail physique, already
perhaps, predisposed to diseases of the lungs.
THE MANUFACTURE OF CIGARS A N D CIGARETTES.

The tobacco industry in 1905, according to the census of manufac
tures, gave employment to 159,408 wage-earners, of whom 180,949
were employed in the manufacture of cigars, 4,469 in the manufac
ture of cigarettes, 23,044 in the manufacture of chewing and smok
ing tobacco, and 946 in the manufacture of snuff. Of the total num
ber employed, 85.0 per cent were, therefore, engaged in the manufac
ture of cigars and cigarettes. The distribution of labor according
to age and sex varied considerably in the different branches. In the
manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, out of a total of 135,418 wageearners, 57,174, or 42.2 per cent, were women, and 5,274, or 3.9 per
cent, were children under 16 years of age. The returns of the census
report on occupations for 1900 include all persons of ages 10 years and
over employed in the manufacture of tobacco, reported as 131,464,
of whom 87,966 were males and 43,498 were females. In consider
ing the health and mortality of tobacco workers it is necessary to
keep in mind that an exceptionally large proportion of the workers
in this industry are foreign bom or of foreign parentage, including
a considerable number of Bohemians and Cubans, both nativities be
ing subject to a higher death rate from consumption than the popula
tion of native parentage. Of the 131,464 persons employed in the
tobacco industry, 40,974, or 31.2 per cent, were native whites of
native parents; 34,655, or 26.4 per cent, were native whites of foreign
parents; 39,581, or 30.1 per cent, were foreign born; and 16,254, or
12.4 per cent, were colored. In more detail, the numbers employed
in the tobacco and cigar industry of foreign parentage were as fol
lows: The number of German parentage was 30,860; of Bohemian
parentage, 6,053; of Russian parentage, 6,105; and of Irish parentage,
7,631. The census returns do not state the number of Cubans em-

546

BULLETIN OF THE BUKEAU OF LABOR.

ployed in the industry, but in cities like Key West and Tampa the
large majority of persons employed are of Cuban birth or parentage.
The importance of nativity as a factor in occupation mortality sta
tistics will be better understood when it is stated that, according to the
vital statistics of the Twelfth Census, the death rates in the registration
area at ages 25 to 34, at which period the mortality from consumption
is proportionately of most importance, were 6.4 per 1,000 for persons
having native-born mothers, 7.4 per 1,000 for persons having German
mothers, 8.1 per 1,000 for persons having Bohemian mothers, and 12.2
per 1,000 for persons having Irish mothers. No official death rates,
by divisional periods of life, for the Cuban element of the population
have been published. Since the manufacture of cigars in certain
cities is very largely carried on by Bohemians, the comparative death
rates for selected periods of life are included for the purpose of con
venient reference. At ages 15 to 24 the death rate for those having
native-born mothers was 5.0 per 1,000 and for those of Bohemian
mothers 4.7; at ages 25 to 34 the rates were 6.4 per 1,000 for those of
native-born mothers against 8.1 for those of Bohemian mothers; at
ages 35 to 44 the respective rates were 7.5 per 1,000 against 10.5; at
ages 45 to 64 they were 14.6 against 18.8; and finally, at ages 65 and
over the rates were 65.9 per 1,000 for persons having native mothers
against 72.7 for those having Bohemian mothers. (a)
It is evident that important differences like these require to be
taken into account, but it has not been clearly established whether
the Bohemians, as such, are subject to a higher death rate, or whether
the excess in the Bohemian mortality in the United States is the result
of an unfavorable environment and employment in health-injurious
occupations.
In the manufacture of cigars, according to the factory census of
1905,130,949 wage-earners were employed, and of this number 54,426,
or 41.6 per cent, were women. In the manufacture of cigarettes 4,469
wage-earners were employed, and of this number 2,748, or 61.5 per
cent, were women.
From a descriptive account of the tobacco industry as carried on
at the present time, included in the census of 1900, is quoted the
following:
Within the last few years both the cigar and the cigarette manu
facture have been revolutionized by machinery. As cigar making is
widely diffused in the form of numerous small establishments in
which the work is done by hand, the utilization of modern machinery
in the manufacture of cigars is not as general as in that of cigarettes,
which is concentrated in large factories. Four cities, namely, New
York, N. Y .; Richmond, Va.; Durham, N. C.; and Rochester, N. Y.,
a R eport on Y ital Statistics, P a r t I, Tw elfth Census of the U nited States,
1900, p. lxxxiv.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

547

produce about 94 per cent of all the cigarettes manufactured in the
United States, and practically all are machine made. Considering
the large number of very small cigar factories in the United States,
comparatively few establishments of this class are sufficiently large
to make a complete equipment of modern machinery a paying invest
ment. Taking the largest factories, however, as representative of the
application of modern machinery to the industry, it is a fact that both
cigar and cigarette manufacturers are utilizing some of the greatest
contributions of genius to the lessening of the world’s work. Every
thing, from the stemming of the leaf to the payment of wages to the
employees of the factory, is done by machinery. In a modern ciga
rette factory the prepared tobacco and the sheets of paper used for
wrappings are fed to machines which cut the paper into proper size
for the wrapper, gum its edge, measure the exact quantity of tobacco
needed for each cigarette, wrap it, make the edges of the wrapper
adhere, cut the ends, and pack the cigarettes in boxes. In the manu
facture of cigars, the prepared filler is placed in the hopper of a
machine which apportions the quantity necessary for each cigar, places
it in the binder spread to receive it by the operator of the machine,
and rolls it. The wrapper is subsequently added by hand or by
machinery.
The crude hand manufacture of chewing and smoking tobacco and
snuff from the natural and unflavored leaf has grown to the modem
manufacture of a multitude of forms, which are the products of
elaborate systems of selections, blending, fermentation, flavoring, and
saucing, designed to satisfy the tastes of the various classes of con
sumers. As to form, there are two general classes of smoking tobacco
put upon the market, namely, the granulated or flake, and the cut or
shredded forms. The former is produced by granulating machines
of different styles and varying capacity, in which the breaking and
sifting principles predominate. The latter class is produced by feed
ing the prepared tobacco, flavored and gummed, into machines which
first compress it and, in turn, feed it to rotating or vertically recipro
cating knives, which shred it to any desired fineness; it is then dried
and “ bulked,” after which it is packed in paper, foil, cloth, tin, or
glass packages in a multitude of sizes and styles. (a)
It is evident from the foregoing descriptive account that the proc
esses of manufacture involve more or less the production of consid
erable quantities of tobacco dust. In the making of fine-cut chewing
tobacco practically the same machinery is employed as in the manufac
ture of smoking tobacco,but the leaf is cut into much finer shreds, which
in all probability is the cause of a larger amount of dust production.
The division of labor in cigar making is briefly described in a spe
cial report of the Commissioner of Labor, on the restriction of out
put, with special reference to the tobacco industry, in part as follows:
In cigar-making establishments where there is a division of labor,
the employees are usually divided into the following classes: Casers,
a Report on Manufactures, Part III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, pp. 671, 672.
2313—No. 82—09----- 6

548

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

who dampen the tobacco; strippers, who remove the large midrib of
each leaf (removing all the rib from Sumatra wrappers and from
seed, that is, domestic tobacco, and two-thirds of the rib from
Habana tobacco); bookers, who straighten out the leaves, making
them up in pads for bunches and* wrappers; bunch makers (also
called filler breakers), who shape the filler tobacco, covering it with
a portion of a leaf large enough to make a binder, which holds it in
shape; rollers, who cut the wrappers and roll them around the
bunches, and cut off the tuck or open ends, completing the cigars;
packers, who assort the cigars according to color, pack them in
boxes, and paste the internal-revenue stamp thereon. (a)
In the same report it is stated that in a large factory having a
total of 1,639 employees the number employed in the different occu
pations were classified approximately as follows: “ Casers, 40; strip
pers, 160; bookers, 60; cigar makers, who do both bunch making and
rolling by hand, 360; bunch makers, 290 (55 making bunches by
hand, 235 by machines); rollers (by machine), 465; packers, 110;
foremen, 16; floor boys and miscellaneous help, 138.” (a)
Among other factors which require to be taken into account is
that cigars made in open or nonunion shops are usually made with
machinery, while those made in union shops are almost invariably
made by hand. The hours of labor vary, averaging not quite 53 in
nonunion factories to a trifle over 45 hours a week in union factories.
In making cigars entirely by hand the tools employed are a table, a
knife for cutting wrappers to shape, and a cutter which clips off the
tuck ends of the cigars. The last-named instrument is of considerable
hygienic importance in that it does away with the insanitary habit of
biting off the ends, which are often swallowed by the operatives, with
unmistakable injurious consequences to health. Machines are used to
an increasing extent, and particularly so in the manufacture of ciga
rettes, in which they almost entirely do away with the necessity for
hand labor. In factories where machinery is most used, “ there are
machines for stripping and booking the tobacco, machines for chop
ping up tobacco for short-filler bunches, machines for making shortfiller bunches, machines for making long-filler bunches, and machines
for rolling cigars.” (6)
From the same report is quoted the following descriptive account
of other important machinery used in the manufacture of cigars at
the present time:
The cigar-rolling machine, or suction table as it is called, is also
a hand machine, except that power is needed to operate the exhaust
fan which supplies necessary suction. On this table the operator,*1
a Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor, Regulation and
Restriction of Output, p. 559.
1 Idem, p. 572.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

549

by means of a die, cuts out the wrappers and then rolls them around
the bunches, while the leaf is held down flat by suction.
Another machine is called the dieless suction table, the perfora
tions for suction being in a flat plate instead of in a die. One
advantage of the suction table, from the manufacturer’s standpoint,
is that it aids in stretching the wrappers more than can be done by
the fingers alone, hence an additional wrapper can frequently be
obtained from the leaf.
The long-filler bunching machine and the suction table are in use
in large factories throughout the United States and Europe. (a)
How far the use of machinery bears upon the question of health
has not been determined, but it is safe to assume from such accounts
as have been published that the conditions affecting health have
been somewdiat improved. The use of machinery in cigar making
is on the increase, and it is estimated in the report previously re
ferred to that 85 per cent or more of the cigars manufactured in
the United States are retailed at 5 cents or less, and that within the
next ten or fifteen years all £>f this class of cigars will be made by
machinery. I t is pointed out in the same report (p. 575) that “ the
use of machinery tends toward an increase in the size of the estab
lishment, and it is significant that in each of the three cities [investi
gated] the open and nonunion factories using machinery are very
much larger than the union factories.” The principal objection of
labor unions against the use of machinery is stated to arise from the
fact that a much cheaper grade of labor may be employed, and that
while formerly only men were engaged in cigar making, since the
introduction of machinery the proportion of female employees has
become very large; in fact, it is stated that in many factories only
women and girls are employed on the bunch-making machines and
suction tables, and that the number of females is as high as 80 per
cent of the total number of employees, including the miscellaneous
help. In the 7 open and 2 nonunion factories investigated, with a
total of 4,169 employees, the number of females was 3,049, or 73.1
per cent, against 36.1 per cent of females employed in 8 union
factories. While apparently these considerations have not a direct
relation to the hygiene of the industry they are nevertheless im
portant and more or less determining factors which require to be
taken into account. (**6)
The hygienic aspects of the tobacco industry, chiefly with reference
to the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, have been considered by
practically all the authorities on the diseases of trades, beginning with
Eamazzini in 1670. Even at that early date the use of tobacco had
0 Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor, Regulation and
Restriction of Output, pp. 572, 573.
6 For a descriptive account of cigar making by machinery, with many illus
trations, see the Scientific American for July 7, 1906.

550

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

become quite general and the health-injurious effects in individual
cases of excess in the use of tobacco had become apparent. At that
time the use of snuff was much more common, however, than the use
of tobacco in the form of cigars and for smoking and chewing pur
poses, and Eamazzini observes that the use of snuff had in his time
become so common in Italy that men, women, and children made use
of it, and that it was included in the daily provisions of a family.
He remarks that “ the tobacconists themselves who prepare it are
sufficient evidence of its unjuriousness to the head and stomach,” and
that the workmen employed in its manufacture suffered from head
ache, megrims, and other afflictions, until inured to the employment
by continuous exposure. (a) The observations of Eamazzini are, how
ever, chiefly with reference to the health-injurious consequences of
excess in the use of tobacco, and not so much with the health of the
workmen employed in its manufacture. Among other remarks by
Eamazzini which may be included here, is a reference to the use of
chewing tobacco, regarding which he remarks that “ I have known a
great many brought to consumption by chewing tobacco who flattered
themselves that their health was preserved by the continuous flux
that issued from their mouth and could hardly be persuaded that
they did themselves an injury in thus robbing the saliva glands, etc.,
indeed, the whole body, of their nutritious juice.” (**6) More scientific
investigations of recent timos fully sustain the early opinion that
there is quite probably a very intimate relation between the use, and
certainly the excessive use, of tobacco and disturbances of and inter
ference with the nutritive functions.
After Eamazzini the subject was considered by Thackrah, who
remarks that—
Tobacco manufacturers are exposed to a strong narcotic odor, and
in the stoving department to an increase of temperature. Yet the
men appear healthy. Here, as well as in several other employments,
we admire the agency of that conservative principle, to which I
lately referred. Men breathe an atmosphere strongly impregnated
with a poisonous substance, yet become insensible to its influence.
The only ill effect we can find is from the heat of the stoving de
partment, which all men can not bear.(c)
Also, Thackrah quotes from the Lancet an interesting account of
the observations by M. Pointe, of Lyon, France, relative to tobacco
manufacture in that city, in part as follows:
The number of workmen who were the subject of M. Pointe’s
observations amounted to 500; they were employed at one manufac
a Treatise of the Diseases of Tradesmen, Ramazzini, English edition of 1705,
p. 90.
6 Idem, p. 93.
c Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by
C. Turner Thackrah, 1832, p. 56.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

551

tory, and, although occupied in different ways, were all of them in
continual contact with tobacco. The affections to which they seemed
subject were principally pulmonary consumption, inflammation of
the eyes, anthrax and furuncles, the two latter of which generally
appeared on the trunk, were extremely tedious, and unless the occu
pation of the patient was changed, hardly ever admitted of permanent
cure; but the affection which seemed to prevail most was purpura
hsemorrhagica, and a disposition to scurvy. On the other hand, it
is worthy of remark that tobacco manufactories, in some degree,
appear to be exempt from certain affections, viz, intermittents and
scrofula, which are very common among the inhabitants of Lyon,
the latter being remarkably prevalent in other manufactories, espe
cially those or silk. Itch, against which tobacco has often been
asserted to possess prophylactic powers, was very frequent; but
trembling and nervous affections, to which persons who are much
in contact with narcotics are said to be very liable, was in no instance
observed as the effect of continued employment in the manufactory
in question. (a)
Halfort, in 1845, refers to the investigations by Simeon, pertaining
chiefly to the French snuff factories and including about 5,000 work
men, confirming the favorable conclusions of Thackrah, that the
dust produced in tobacco manufacture did not, apparently, have
a decidedly injurious effect upon health. H alfort adds the state
ment that it has been observed that tobacco workers were less liable
to infectious diseases than workmen in general, but he did not sup
port his conclusions, nor those of earlier writers, by conclusive statis
tical data of sickness and mortality.
More scientific and conclusive are the observations of Dr. Waller
Lewis in 1855 on “ The diseases of workmen employed in the manu
facture of tobacco.” After stating that there were then ten large
government factories for the manufacture of tobacco in all its
branches, and after pointing out that the health conditions would
necessarily vary in the different establishments, Lewis remarks:
Medical men are attached to these factories; their institution goes
back to the earliest times of the monopoly, that is to say, 1811. For
a long time their duties consisted merely in visiting the workmen,
either at their entrance into the works, in order to certify as to their
health, and to put aside those in ill health and those laboring under
contagious diseases, or during their sojourn in the factories, to give
them advice and attention. At the present time the mission of
these physicians is more extended. The administration has in
creased it by requiring them to transmit, in detailed reports, annually,
the remarks which they may have made upon the health of the work
men, upon the maladies observed in the manufactories, and on the
peculiarities which these maladies may have presented; a most excel
lent measure, which bears witness to the zeal of the administration for
®Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by
C. Turner Thackrah, 1832, p. 56.

552

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

the interests confided to it, and which should be adopted in all estab
lishments which occupy a number of workmen. (a)
The consensus of medical opinion at that time is summed up in the
statement by Lewis, that “ tobacco appears but rarely to produce
sensible effects on the workmen, even at the commencement of their
work.” In the manufacture of snuff, however, more injurious effects
had been observed, and in some cases permanent injury had been pro
duced in the case of persons of a very nervous temperament. Some
of the medical attendants assert that the manufacture of tobacco is
not only not injurious to the men, but that it even prevented phthisis
and other diseases of the chest. Lewis quotes a Doctor Melier, who
had lately investigated the subject, to the effect that new workmen
liad always some difficulty in accustoming themselves to the atmos
phere of the workshop, “ charged as it is with particles of the
tobacco.” After, however, the first difficulties are surmounted, the
workmen become habituated to the work and indifferent to their sur
roundings. In conclusion, however, Lewis makes the significant ad
mission that—
Certain workmen, however, experience a considerable change, which
deserves attentive study. I t consists in a particular alteration of the
complexion. It is not a simple discoloration, an ordinary paleness,
it is a gray aspect, with a wan dull appearance, a mixed shade be
tween chlorosis and certain cachetic diseases. The physiognomy re
ceives from it a peculiar character, which an eye accustomed to see
these cases can recognize immediately as occurring only to tobacco
workmen. This facies is only observed among those that have been
long at work at tobacco. Doctor Hurteaux states that it requires at
least two years to acquire this countenance. (&)
In suggesting remedies to overcome the injurious effects likely to
result in the different branches of tobacco manufacture, Lewis sug
gests a mode of fabrication u which causes the least disengagement
of dust,” which in itself is a candid admission of a considerable
quantity of dust produced, in any event, in the manufacture of snuff.
He further suggests improved methods of ventilation, and finally,
that individuals of weak or nervous constitution should not be em
ployed in tobacco factories. The reduction of dust, in his opinion,
would be secured by handling tobacco in a moist state, for it had been
observed that the health of the workmen was much more affected
when the tobacco was handled in a dry state.
While the observations by Lewis and others of that period are
favorable to the industry, they are not conclusive, in the absence of
the necessary comparative statistical data, exhibiting precisely the
a R eport on th e Law s and Ordonnances in Force in F rance for th e Regulation
of Noxious T rades and Occupations, London, 1855, pp. 67, 68.
6 Idem, p. 69.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

553

incidence of diseases more or less resulting from continuous exposure
to the emanations or odors of tobacco on the one hand, and of con
siderable quantities of dust on the other. The favorable conclusions
of Lewis are partly contradicted by his own suggestion for improved
methods of ventilation and dust removal, for, if he had not thought
the dust injurious or detrimental to healthy it would certainly not
have attracted his attention.
H irt, in 1871, contributed the first extended consideration to the
subject of tobacco workers and their diseases, preceding his remarks
by a bibliography, limited entirely to French and German sources.
He observes at the outset that probably no other question has aroused
more controversy in the discussion of occupation diseases than the
effects of tobacco, and in particular tobacco dust, upon human health.
Regardless of the many investigations which had been made up to
that time, H irt observed that no definite conclusions had been reached.
He called attention to the remarkable contrast in the conclusions
arrived at by different authorities, some declaring that the industry
was free from objectionable features, others maintaining, on the
contrary, that the employment was decidedly injurious to health.
H irt calls attention to the paucity of statistical data regarding the
health of persons employed in the tobacco industry, and not even the
government tobacco factory of Paris, with more than 5,000 employees,
was in a position to furnish a statistical statement of the health and
mortality of the employees. In considering the various branches of
the industry, H irt described in some detail the preliminary processes,
chiefly in connection with the manufacture of smoking tobacco, but
he, apparently, considered these branches free from conditions inju
rious to health. He remarks that tobacco dust is produced in the
sorting and cutting of tobacco, in the manufacture of cigars, but
only in very considerable quantities in the manufacture of snuff.
But, apparently, much more important as a factor detrimental to
health, is the odor of the tobacco itself, or the evaporations, on
account of the presence of perceptible proportions of nicotine. In
the opinion of H irt, it can not be questioned that these effects are
equally, if not more, serious in their consequences than exposure to
tobacco dust, for he points out that the consequences of exposure to
tobacco odors are disturbances of the nervous system and the serious
impairment of the digestive functions, including effects on the metab
olism generally, made evident in alterations of the red corpuscles of
the blood. These effects, of course, do not require extended consid
eration in a discussion on the effects of dust on the health of workmen
and the relation of such dust to the degree of consumption frequency,
but they require to be considered as contributory causes, tending ma
terially to increase the liability to tubercular diseases. Among these

554

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

contributory causes H irt mentions also the comparatively high de
gree of temperature, tending to increase the health-injurious effects
of nicotine in the atmosphere, the importance of which perhaps is
made more clear when it is stated that in American leaf tobaccos
which have been analyzed the proportion of nicotine varies, accord
ing to Dr. Gideon E. Moore, of New York, from 0.63 per cent to 5.60
per cent.
While H irt concedes the dusty nature of the employment, he leaves
the question open as to whether the effects of such dust are really
injurious to the workmen. His own conclusions are rather favora
ble, but they are not fully sustained by the necessary statistical evi
dence. He concedes that there is a division of medical opinion and
that many physicians who have practised for years among the em
ployees of tobacco factories consider the dust as decidedly injurious
and dangerous to health. H irt himself emphasizes the great impor
tance of adequate ventilation to reduce the dust nuisance to a mini
mum, while at the same time he calls attention to the importance of
regular habits of life and sobriety as the best safeguard against ill
health and premature mortality. He remarks that at that time at
least, referring to conditions in Germany, the social condition of labor
among tobacco workers was of a decidedly low order, which in itself
would account for a considerable proportion of the mortality from
phthisis without necessarily any reference to the exposure to tobacco
dust. As to the occurrence of tabacosis pulmonum, H irt is of the
opinion that a distinct occupation disease resulting from the inhala
tion of tobacco dust has not been clearly established, and that before
a conclusive opinion could be rendered upon this subject much more
satisfactory pathological evidence would be required.
That the liability of tobacco workers to the inhalation of healthinjurious dust is not exaggerated even by H irt is made evident by a
brief reference to the subject in Doctor Mapother’s lectures on arti
sans5 diseases before the Royal Dublin Society in 1874, where the
opinion is expressed that—
As regards the tobacco trade, cleanliness, ventilation, and the use
of a respirator, would greatly lessen the weakness, functional heart
diseases, and extraordinary complexions, which greatly trouble the
workers. Their time of work should be short, with frequent inter
missions. Rolland’s torrefier is used in France, to the great advan
tage of the work people.
Dr. B. W. Richardson, in 1876, considered the health-injurious
effects of tobacco dust, observing that—
The dusts arising from tobacco-leaf during the process of making
cigars is most injurious. While the leaf is being rolled up, unless
the ventilation of the room is exceedingly perfect, the dust from
broken leaves and siftings is inhaled, and proves most irritating. In

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

555

the course of drying, the dust and vapor from the drying room act
in combination, and lead not only to oppression of breathing, but to
dryness of the throat, and, in the young, to giddiness and nausea.
One workman told me that he never got over the bronchial irritation
produced by this dust until he left his work at night; then the effect
subsided. (a)
W riting with special reference to American conditions, Tracy, in
a discussion of the diseases of occupation, states that—
Persons who are engaged in the manufacture of tobacco inhale dust
which contains nicotine and some ammonia. I t is not necessary
here to describe the various processes of curing, sorting, stripping,
cutting, and drying the leaf, or to go into the particulars of the manu
facture of cigars and snuff. There is in all the rooms of a tobacco fac
tory a strong odor of tobacco, caused chiefly by dust, and in the rooms
where snuff is packed the atmosphere is fairly thick with it. The
workmen are, therefore, all subjected in different degrees to the action
of the tobacco dust as an external irritant, and also to the absorption
of nicotine by the system. (6)
Referring to the conflict of opinion among authorities on diseases
of occupation regarding the more or less health-injurious conse
quences on persons employed in the manufacture of tobacco, Tracy
remarks that—
While Ramazzini, in accordance with his usual pessimistic tenden
cies, declares that all the workmen are in general thin, pallid, yellow,,
and asthmatic, and suffer violent pains in the head, vertigo, nausea,
and continual sneezing, and Heurtaux, Kostial, and others have
agreed with him more or less, Parent-Duchatelet, d’Arcet, Ygonin,
Berutti, and Chevallier claim that workmen in tobacco factories are as
healthy and long-lived as any other artisans, or even more so. The
truth, as is apt to be the case in disputed questions, probably lies
between these two extremes. (&)
Tracy also considered at some length the effects of work in tobacco
factories on the health of young women, sustaining by statistical data
of the average fecundity among women cigar makers and among the
general population his conclusions adverse to the employment of
females in such establishments. Curiously enough, Tracy concludes
that no special preventive measures are necessary in tobacco factories,
except to forbid the employment of children under puberty, and
possibly all females, disregarding entirely the abundant evidence of
dust-generating processes more or less injurious to health. (c)
a Lecture on “ Unhealthy trades,” by Dr. B. W. Richardson, Scientific Ameri
can Supplement, March 4, 1876, p. 154.
®Hygiene and Public Health, edited by A. H. Buck, M. D., Yol. II, 1879, p. 41.
c The conclusions of Tracy were based upon special investigations made as
assistant health inspector to the city sanitary inspector of the health department
of the city of New York, published in the form of an appendix to the Third
Annual Report, 1873, pp. 308 et seq.

556

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The New Jersey bureau of labor statistics, in 1892, made an investi
gation into the trade life of cigar makers, including 1,061 persons, of
whom 33.2 per cent had entered the trade life at ages under 16 years.
By ages attained, 3.4 per cent were between 51 and 60 years, and
only 1.1 per cent were 61 years of age and over. According to the
country of birth, 34.2 per cent were foreign born. Of the total num
ber under observation, 9.8 per cent were beginning to decline, the
proportions varying, of course, with increasing age, ranging from 1
per cent at ages under 26 to 21.2 per cent at ages 41 to 50, and 58.3
per cent at ages 61 and over. The average number of years at work
was returned as 14.4, varying also, of course, with increasing age, or
from 5.2 years at age 21 to 20.1 years at ages 36 to 40, and 48.3 years
at ages 61 and over. Arranged according to the number of years at
work, 10.3 per cent had been employed under 5 years, 25.6 per cent
from 5 to 9 years, 23.2 per cent from 10 to 14 years, 16.7 per cent
from 15 to 19 years, 15.8 per cent from 20 to 29 years, 6.3 per cent
from 30 to 39 years, and 2.1 per cent had been at work for 40 years
and over. Of the number returning their health as in a period of
decline, 35.6 per cent gave the cause as diseases of the throat and
lungs, 33.6 per cent as general debility, 8.6 per cent as failing eye
sight, 5.8 per cent as rheumatism, 5.8 per cent as catarrh, and 4.8
per cent as nervousness. While the results of the. investigation do
not warrant final conclusions as to the relation of the industry to
health, the data are sufficiently convincing to prove that the normal
duration of trade life is curtailed in the case of cigar makers as the
result of the employment.
Arlidge, in his account of the hygiene of tobacco manufacture,
first calls attention to the conflicting opinions respecting the health
phenomena attending the occupation, observing, however, that those
attributing to it serious results were chiefly found in the older writers,
though some more recent ones had given them their sanction* He
remarks that—
The processes of tobacco making are not numerous nor compli
cated, but they vary according to the particular product required,
whether cigars, smoking tobacco, or snuff* The first business is to
sort the leaves, and is attended by the emanation of dust of no im
portant physiological energy. The next is to soften them by damp
ing with water; and when this—a harmless proceeding—is effected,
the leaves pass into the hands of women and girls, who strip away
the midribs. They are then ready for making into cigars by simple
handiwork. But if tobacco for smoking be wanted, the leaves are
cut up by machines, and afterwards subjected to a high temperature
in shallow-heated pans, whereby the fumes of the plant are largely
driven off; and, unless ventilation be very efficient, they will exert
more or less pernicious influence upon the men engaged in the opera

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

557

tion. The only remaining stage is the cooling of the tobacco by
spreading it out in trays disposed on frames in the cooling-room. (a)
Arlidge refers to the article on the hygiene of tobacco manufacture
contributed to the New York Medical Journal by Dr. E. T. Ely, in
1880, who speaks of the production of cough, pharyngeal catarrh,
dyspepsia, and nervousness as incidental results of the employment.
In the opinion of Arlidge, however, it must be taken into account
that of the 102 tobacco workers examined by Ely, all were incessantly
smoking, and carried on their labor in close, insanitary rooms, work
ing long hours, and on the principle of piecework. Doctor Ely’s
conclusion was to the effect that, unless there existed a peculiar sus
ceptibility, employment in tobacco making was as healthy as other
occupations of a like sedentary character. In considering, however,
the effects of the industry it is necessary to take into account the
different occupations followed, and, in the opinion of Arlidge, the
most prejudicial operations are those of drying the tobacco, of clear
ing the fermenting chambers, and of unloading the cases of snuff
after its second fermentation. I t is evident that Arlidge did not per
sonally inquire to any very considerable extent into the different
branches of the industry, but that his conclusions apply to the em
ployment as a whole. He remarks that it is very difficult to reconcile
the conflicting views respecting the maladies of workers in tobacco,
and his own limited personal knowldege of the industry, in his own
words, did not enable him to substantiate the serious conclusions of
some of the writers on the subject. Arlidge did not sustain his
observations or conclusions by statistical data, but it is evident that
he agreed with those who were inclined to consider the industry as
comparatively free from conditions and circumstances injurious to
the health of the employees.
In 1895 a contributor to the Twentieth Century Practice of Medi
cine (Yol. I l l ) , in a monograph on the diseases of occupations, called
attention to the wide difference of opinion on the subject of the evil
effects of the manufacture of tobacco. This writer emphasized the
importance of a proper consideration of the conditions under which
the work is carried on and the wide difference in mortality resulting
from variations in races, countries, and, above all, in hygienic and
trade conditions. He further emphasized the fact that tobacco
workers the world over do not live and work under identical condi
tions, and that into the question of their health and the influence of
their occupation enter also considerations of personal and social
hygiene. Occupation, in brief, is only one factor, and often only a
a Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p. 390.

558

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

minor one as the causation of disease in artisans. He stated further
that—
The manner of absorption of the tobacco poison in the manufacture
may be, presumably, by inhalation of dust and vapor, and by direct
contact and absorption through the skin. The dust and vapor of the
workshops are charged with the peculiar odor. Absorption by the
skin is certainly possible. The physiological effects of tobacco can
readily be obtained by the application of tobacco juice or of a strong
decoction of the weed to the skin. I have seen a small dog made very
ill by a tobacco-wash, used for killing fleas. It seems that workmen
and workwomen, however, come in contact with tobacco only with
the skin of the fingers and hands, and the absorbing power of the skin
in these places is slight. There is no satisfactory evidence that work
people suffer in this way. Moreover, many of the work people use to
bacco to excess, especially in the form of chewing or snuff, and the
amount that they might absorb must be vastly in excess of what they
could take in either by inhalation of vapors and dust or by contact
with the hands. (a)
After summing up the widely conflicting views of the authorities
on the subject, Doctor Lloyd himself did not arrive at more definite
conclusions.
A more qualified and scientific inquiry into the subject was pub
lished in 1897, in Weyl’s Handbook of Hygiene, in the form of a
monograph on the hygienic conditions of the tobacco industry, by
E. Schellenberg, grand ducal factory inspector for Baden. Schellenberg at the outset of his discussion calls attention to the higher
degree of consumption frequency among tobacco workers in Baden
compared with the general population. He refers to a statistical in
vestigation made in two factory-inspection districts, based upon the
observed excess in the mortality from consumption among cigar
workers in particular localities. Whether the excess in the mortality
from consumption was the result of the industry itself, or because
of the fact that the industry attracted the weak and otherwise pre
disposed to consumption, was not clearly brought out by the official
investigation. Schellenberg, however, states that from a social and
economic point of view tobacco workers were at a decided disadvan
tage, and that their poverty and long hours of labor were more prob
ably the causes responsible for the excess in the mortality from con
sumption than the conditions in the industry itself. He, however,
concedes that tobacco dust is, in itself, a factor seriously detrimental
to health; at the same time relatively large quantities of nicotine enter
the system both through the dust and the insanitary habit of swallowing
small particles of tobacco, which, being done persistently, amounts to
a considerable quantity, with more or less serious results. Schellena Monograph by Dr. Jam es H endrie Lloyd, T w entieth Century Practice of
Medicine, Vol. H I, pp. 431, 432.

MORTALITY PROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

559

berg finally contrasts the sanitary condition of large and modern
factories with the more primitive and crude structures and conditions,
warranting the conclusion that as a result of sanitary improvement
a very material change for the better is possible in the conditions
affecting the health and life of persons employed in the industry. As
a most important sanitary improvement, he suggests effective methods
of tobacco dust removal and adequate provision for light, air, and
sanitary facilities.
While the foregoing observations refer to the German cigar indus
try, they are equally applicable to American conditions. Of special
importance in this connection are the official regulations governing
the installation and operation of tobacco factories, which went into
force for the German Empire under date of July 8, 1898, and which
are printed in full in the treatise on industrial diseases by Sommerfield.(a)
The most recent authority on the diseases of persons employed in
tobacco and cigar manufacture is Dr. Thomas Oliver, who, in his
treatise on Dangerous Trades, published in 1902, remarks that—
In the manufacture of tobacco for smoking it is generally conceded
that during the chopping up of the leaves and their subsequent ex
posure to a high temperature in shallow vessels certain fumes are
given off that are obnoxious to the workmen engaged in this opera
tion, also that during the grinding of snuff irritating gases and dust
are evolved. Apart from these, however, the industry is on the whole
a healthy one. Some people have an idiosyncracy which causes them
to be easily affected by tobacco. New hands on entering a tobacco
factory for the first time often experience a good deal of nausea,
headache, and giddiness, and they sometimes too have a sense of faint
ness, but by degrees they become accustomed to the odors. At the
Newcastle Dispensary I am occasionally consulted by female tobaccospinners on account of persistent headache, nausea, dislike to food,
anaemia, and muscular feebleness. I have never observed the tran
sient loss of sight nor the pharyngeal catarrh alluded to by some
writers. Melier held the opinion that working in tobacco arrested
tuberculous disease, but this is simply an opinion, and is uncorrobo
rated by the experience of others. Poisson and Eulenburg take the
opposite view, and maintain that tuberculosis is a very frequent dis
ease indeed in tobacco workers, especially in females. In the lungs
of tobacco-workers, both at home and abroad, there have been found
pigmentation and patches of brown induration. Similar lesions have
been observed in the lungs of animals experimentally exposed to
tobacco dust; but at best these changes in the human subject must be
regarded as of extremely rare occurrence, and are more than likely
due to the inhalation of vegetable and mineral dusts which dry to
bacco often contains. Given a healthy man or woman, and a wellventilated factory provided with the proper means for removing dust
a Handbuch der Gewerbekrankheiten, by Dr. Th. Sommerfeld, Yol. I, Berlin,
1898, p. 129.

560

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

and foul air, there is nothing in the manufacture of tobacco or in the
making of cigars to cause the occupation to be regarded as one very
prejudxcal to health. (a)
Oliver extended his studies to continental tobacco factories, in
cluding some of those in Spain, but his conclusions regarding the
comparatively harmless character of tobacco dust remained un
changed. Oliver did not include in his consideration an extended
analysis of the statistical data of the employment, which data, as
will presently be seen, show a high mortality rate from consumption
among workers in tobacco. From Ramazzini to Oliver the number
of those who have written upon tobacco in its relation to health is
very large, but the opinions vary so widely that while many of
those who have written on the subject have made contributions of
interest and value from a medical point of view, it is still an open
question whether the employment as such really is or is not injurious
to health, with special reference to conditions predisposing to a high
mortality from tuberculosis.
A lady factory inspector, in the Annual Report of the Chief In
spector of Factories and Workshops for 1904, calls attention to the
conclusions of Doctor Oliver, restated in the sentence that, “ Given a
healthy man or woman and a well-ventilated factory provided with
the proper means for removing dust and foul air, there is nothing in
the manufacture of tobacco or in the making of cigars to cause the
occupation to be regarded as one very prejudicial to health.” She
observes further that—
This is a guarded statement to which I think all would assent,
but the chief requirement, Ma well-ventilated factory provided with
the proper means of removing dust and foul air,” is seldom, in my
experience, found in cigar factories. Directly the cold weather
commences the windows are all closed, and if they do not fit tightly
the cracks and crevices are stopped up with paper and rags, as
cigar making being a preeminently sedentary occupation (with less
movement or change of posture than in perhaps any other) the
workers are very sensitive to draft. The plan of many of the rooms,
open staircases leading into them from rooms below, or partiwalls having been removed and the whole floor thrown into one,
makes them particularly difficult to ventilate by ordinary methods.
I should suggest a fan as being the best means of ventilation for
cigar-making rooms were it not that in most of these factories a fan
would cause intolerable drafts unless some considerable structural
alterations were carried out to protect the workers. Without the
intelligent cooperation of the employers it would be impossible to
ventilate these rooms and not at the same time cause discomfort and
even injury to the workers. (&)*
a Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, 1902, pp. 793, 794.
* Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for 1904, p. 264.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS;

561

While the foregoing account may state conditions somewhat dis
similar to those existing generally in the United States, it is safe to
assume that in exceptional cases at least the sanitary conditions of
small cigar factories in this country are not better than the corre
sponding conditions observed and reported upon abroad.
In recognition, however, of the unsatisfactory conditions reported
upon from time to time by inspectors of the factory-inspection serv
ice, a special inquiry was made by two lady inspectors in 1906, which
included a careful consideration of every branch of the industry
and which is of particular interest in that it includes observations
upon the hygiene of preliminary processes and the relation of the
same to the health of persons employed therein. From this report
are made the following brief extracts. The suggestions for practical
remedial measures are more or less applicable to the solution of
similar problems of tobacco-factory hygiene in the United States:
Steaming processes are undoubtedly the roughest, the most disa
greeable work, and the most likely to affect the health of the workers.
The actual opening and stripping are generally speaking done in
good rooms, and there is nothing objectionable in this work for
women. I t is in the steaming, and more especially where stripping
is done in conjunction with steaming (the leaf being stripped while
the steam is actually rising from it), that the most objectionable fea
tures are found. There are several different methods of steaming;
the old-fashioned method is to lay the leaf on a trough (into which
steam is turned) placed under a hood with a shaft for steam to
escape, or preferably a fan. Another method is to feed the leaf into
a huge revolving cylinder, through which the steam is poured, and
the steaming leaf drops out a t the other end. In one case we found
that the steam which rises in great volume at the exit was success
fully carried off by means of a specially constructed shaft and fan, in
accordance with the suggestion of H. M. inspector, Miss Paterson.
Another method, probably the most modern, is to feed onto a travel
ing sheet which passes through an inclosed steam chamber; where an
exhaust fan is connected with this, and the machine is well made and
carefully arranged, the result is good.
After"the tobacco has been cut or shredded, some of it is stoved, and
so far as we know no women are employed on this process. The
tobacco is laid on heated trays to reduce the amount of moisture;
men are continually bending over these trays to toss and shake the
tobacco about, and although a good deal of steam rises, we have
found special means (other than roof ventilation) adopted for col
lecting and carrying off. The difficulty appears to be that the men
must have ready access to the whole tray to constantly move about the
tobacco, and for this purpose they are placed out in the middle of the
room.
This is invariably done by men, and is a very dusty process. A
great deal of it seems to us unnecessary, as except where ground for
commercial snuff, it is only ground for offal. In some cases we found
special means of exhaust ventilation, in others no attempt was made
to reduce the dust, which was in one case emptied on the floor after

562

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

being ground and shoveled with spades into sacks, causing clouds of
irritating dust to rise. The men in this room did not look healthy. (®)
In connection with cigar making, it is stated that—
Small pieces of leaf drop to the floors, which are frequently swept
during the day by little girls employed solely for this purpose and to
wait on the cigar makers. A fine brown dust arises and settles on
walls, lamps, and tables. The class of women employed in cigar
making is superior to those engaged in stripping and opening. (®)
With reference to ventilation, the report states that—
By far the worst ventilated rooms we have found have been those
in which cigar making is carried on; they are frequently very high,
and when filled to the full extent permissible, the floor space is much
overcrowded. Ventilation is by means of windows only—generally
found closed. The work is very sedentary, and the draft from an
open window falling on the workers is often intolerable. A great
deal of gas is burned for lighting purposes, and a heavy atmosphere
hangs over the heads of the workers, and is specially bad in the
afternoons. In many of these cigar factories there is no power with
which to drive a ventilation fan, although we think that the time has
come when a small motor or gas engine for this purpose should be
required. We found that the ventilation was also unsatisfactory
wherever factories or workrooms were built on the gallery system, a
method of architecture singularly undesirable for factories. The
whole question of ventilation seems to have received less attention
than might have been expected; the workers have in this respect been
left much to their own devices, with the result that little use is made
of the means provided, and all fresh air is carefully excluded.^)
With a due regard to the conditions affecting health as ascertained
by careful inquiry through trained inspectors, the final conclusion is
a remarkable one, it being stated that 66it is impossible to consider
the industry an unhealthy one,” and, further, that—
W ith the exception of one or two processes, there has been little
or no evidence to prove that the manufacture of tobacco is in itself
injurious to health. We inquired carefully from doctors, managers,
foremen, and the workers themselves, and we have only heard of 2
cases of nicotine poisoning, 2 cases of amblyopia, 1 case of smoker’s
heart, and 1 case of gastralgia, in the whole course of our inquiry,
and some of these cases occurred two or three years ago. On the
other hand there is distinct evidence of a considerable amount of
discomfort and nausea when workers are first exposed to the fumes;
in most cases this quickly passes without any permanent ill effect,
but in some instances where there is a special idiosyncrasy, the worker
is obliged to seek other work.(**6)
The foregoing statement is the result of personal observation and
inquiry, rather than of statistical data of health and mortality. The
fact may possibly have been overlooked that a considerable proportion
a Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for 1906, pp.
250, 251.
6 Idem, pp. 252, 253.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

563

of men and women may be only temporarily, or for a short period of
years, employed in one branch or another of the industry, and that
removals from one locality to another may also interfere with in
quiries made for the purpose of ascertaining the true and ultimate
effect of the employment on health. The only particular occupation
which it is admitted may be unhealthful is the steaming process, in
which it is suggested that young women and girls should not be
employed.
In the final summary of the conclusions arrived at as the result of
the inquiry, and after first pointing out that in some of the largest
factories visited a very complete system of preliminary examination
was in vogue whereby the physically unfit were eliminated, while in
other factories where such a system was not in vogue the class of labor
was decidedly inferior, it is stated that—
Our attention was drawn to a very interesting and important
point by two of the doctors; their experience (which in one case had
been tabulated) had led them to form the opinion that overtime has
a very marked bearing on the normal health of the workers. They
had noted an increase during and just after periods of overtime work
of from one-third to one-half in the number of workers coming to
them for treatment; the matters complained of were not anything
special, but simply an increase in the usual form of ailment, such
as indigestion, anaemia, heavy colds (in winter), gastric disorders
in summer. When one considers that overtime here means simply
employment up to the normal legal period, that is ten or ten and onehalf hours a day, and does not mean overtime as permitted in a large
number of industries (in the case of women over 18), and which ex
tends to twelve hours’ work in the day, the result is all the more strik
ing, and one feels that a similar record in one of the industries in
which overtime is allowed would produce more noticeable statistics
of the results of overfatigue. The conclusion seems to us clear that
eight and one-half to nine hours’ work a day can not be exceeded by
women and girls without overstrain and fatigue resulting in a lower
standard of health. (a)
In 1905 a report was published by the Massachusetts state board of
health of an investigation of the sanitary conditions of factories,
workshops, and other places of employment, which included a brief
consideration of the tobacco industry. Four factories were inspected,
employing from 75 to 900 men and women, and the conditions ob
served were reported upon, in part, as follows:
In the operation of making cigars a great deal of dust arises, and in
the three largest establishments visited the atmosphere was exeeeda Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for 1906, p. 254.
In this connection reference may be made to the Wisconsin law governing
the construction, condition, and operations of cigar factories, reprinted in the
Twenty-second Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor, Labor Laws of the
United States, p. 1424.
2313—No. 82—09---- 7

564

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

ingly bad from this cause and from overcrowding. In all three the
sanitary arrangements were in most unsatisfactory condition. The
habit of indiscriminate spitting was general, and it was noticed that
many of the cigar makers completed each cigar with the aid of saliva.
The possibility of disseminating loathsome diseases through this
practice needs no extended discussion. Perhaps it would be fair to
say that it is uncertain how long the germs of certain diseases which
might appear to be transmissible in this manner may retain their vi
tality in contact with moist tobacco, but the idea is sufficiently revolt
ing on aesthetic grounds alone. An objectionable practice, which
obtains very generally and which should be the subject of some regu
lation, is the sale of sweepings. In the operation of making cigars
considerable tobacco in larger or smaller pieces falls to the floor. At
intervals these are swept up, sifted, and sold as fillings for cheaper
cigars. Where the habit of promiscuous spitting prevails, the tobacco
thus recovered is likely to be contaminated to some extent with dis
ease organisms which may exist in the secretions of the mouth. (a)
The report concludes with the statement that in one small fac
tory in the western part of the State the atmosphere in the workroom
was kept pure by means of mechanical ventilating appliances. In
this factory no spitting was permitted, and the ends of the cigars were
finished with the aid of gum tragacanth rather than with the work
men’s saliva.
That the degree of consumption frequency among workers in to
bacco is excessive, at least in American experience, is made evident by
statistical data derived from the experience of the Cigar Makers’
International Union, quoted in some detail in an editorial by the
president of that organization in the Cigar Makers’ Official Journal
of September 15, 1906. After the statement that, according to the
United States census of 1900, cigar makers ranked next to stonecutters
in the relative mortality from consumption, it was observed that in
1890, 49 per cent of the deaths in the Cigar Makers’ Union were from
consumption. Five years later—that is, in 1895—only 35 per cent
were from this cause, and in 1900 the percentage was only 33, which
by 1905 had been further reduced to 24 per cent.
The opinion was expressed in the editorial that “the direct cause
for this great disparity is almost wholly due to low wages, long hours
and insanitary shop and home conditions, caused by inability to pro
cure proper food, clothing, and home conditions. (h)
This opinion is in accord with the views of many foreign author
ities who have considered the sanitary conditions of employment in
cigar factories and who attribute the relatively high death rate more
to the conditions of work, neglect of sanitary precautions, long
a Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts,
p. xxvi.
6 E ditorial by G. W. Perkins, Cigar M akers’ Official Journal, September 15,
1906, pp. 8 and 9.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IK CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

565

hours of labor, low wages, and employment of women and children,
than to the tobacco dust itself or to the presence of nicotine in the
atmosphere.
Aside, however, from an improvement in the economic condition of
union workmen, the writer above quoted readily concedes the necessity
of sanitary regulation, concluding his remarks as follows:
In addition to the many excellent suggestions set forth, as a means
of prevention, we suggest that all factories should be put in proper
sanitary condition and properly ventilated. All operatives should be
arranged so that they all face in one direction; in many factories the
benches or tables are so arranged that the operatives face each other
and those suffering from tuberculosis, when sneezing or coughing, or
even talking and breathing, do so directly in the face of those sitting
opposite. An ordinance should be passed in every municipality and
State providing that the operatives should all face in one direction.
This is an important remedy and can be executed without any addi
tional cost to the manufacturers and employers. Those who will not
adopt this plan should be forced to do so. As long as we have unsani
tary shop conditions and illy paid operatives and poorly ventilated
tenement house districts, tuberculosis and other wasting diseases will
exist. (a)
In 1907 the Massachusetts state board of health made a further
report on the sanitary conditions of factories, etc., and in regard to
cigar and cigarette making the conclusions were summarized as
follows:
In the manufacture of cigarettes the baled tobacco leaves are first
separated from one another, and the different kinds are then mixed
on the floor in a long, low pile, and swept together with a broom.
[From time to time, as more tobacco is added, the pile is sprayed with
water. After standing several hours to “ blend ” the material is
taken to the cutting machine. After being cut, it is shaken up on a
broad bench to make it “ stringy.” In this process more or less
tobacco dust is caused to fly about. The tobacco is then conveyed to
the making room in zinc-lined boxes. Here it is rolled up in a bit of
parchment paper, which, with its contents, is slipped into a paper
tube, and then the parchment is withdrawn. The loose ends are then
trimmed and the cigarette is ready for the drying room, where it is
kept several days, in order to be brought to the required degree of
dryness (or moisture). The paper tubes are stuck together with
starch paste, to which a little wheaten flour is added. (**6)
The foregoing observations are based upon the inspection of 134
cigar factories and 11 cigarette factories, including establishments
of all sizes, from those employing fewer than five persons to those em
ploying many hundred. As regards light, ventilation, and general
sanitation, it was found that 127 establishments were reported as be° Editorial by G. W. Perkins, Cigar Makers’ Official Journal, September 15,
1906, p. 9.
6 Report of the Massachusetts State Board of Health upon the Sanitary Con
dition of Factories, Workshops, etc., 1907, pp. 49, 50.

566

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

ing in from fair to good sanitary condition, while in 18 the general
conditions observed were moderately or distinctly bad, but in the
industry as a whole certain highly objectionable practices were found
to prevail extensively, it being stated that—
The spitting habit, for example, is especially common; and, apart
from the danger to which the health of the employees is thereby ex
posed, is particularly to be deprecated, in view of the fact that in the
processes of manufacture considerable tobacco falls to the floor, and
these fragments, if not gathered up and used on the premises, are
very commonly swept up with all the dirt, dried sputum, and other
matter, and sold as filling for cheap cigars. (a)
The report very properly calls attention to the risk of disseminating
loathsome diseases through the practice of finishing cigars with the
aid of saliva, and it is stated further that in 18 factories the practice
of biting off the end of the filler and inner wrapper with the teeth
was also observed. In a number of factories there was much over
crowding, some were very dusty, some very dirty in every part, and
some extremely hot and foul smelling. A fairly large proportion of
the employees were found to look pale and sickly, and in some of the
larger factories this proportion was noted as about one-tenth.
The Massachusetts investigation proves conclusively the necessity
of thorough and qualified inquiry into the actual facts, rather than
reliance upon broad generalization, more or less inapplicable to the
industry in all its parts.
In the occupation mortality statistics of the Twelfth Census it is
shown that of the 478 deaths of male cigar makers of known ages
reported in the registration States, 122, or 25.5 per cent, were from
consumption, and 80, or 16.7 per cent, were from other respiratory
diseases. The census comparative death rates from all causes were as
follows:
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG C IG A R M A K E R S AND TOBACCO
W O R K E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF T H E MANUFACTURING AND ME
CHANICAL CLASS AND TH E MERCANTILE AND TRADING CLASS IN T H E
REGISTRATION STATES, 1900, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From report on V ital Statistics, Tw elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Death rate per 1,000 among—
Age at death.

15 to 24 years..............................................................................
25 to 44 years..............................................................................
45 to 64 v ears.............................................................................
65 yearsand oyer......................................................... ............

The m anu The mercan
Cigar makers facturing
and tile and
and tobacco mechanical
trading class.
workers.
class.
6.85
14.59
30.97
120.61

4.43
8.35
20.16
105.43

2.60
6.72
19.91
93.79

a R eport of the M assachusetts S tate Board of H ealth upon th e S anitary Con
dition of Factories, W orkshops, etc., 1907, pp. 49, 50.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

567

According to this table, the death rate of cigar makers and tobacco
workers at ages 15 to 24 was 5.85 per 1,000, compared with 4.43 for
men in the mechanical and manufacturing class and 2.60 for the mer
cantile and trading class. At the other specified ages the mortality
from all causes among tobacco workers was considerably in excess of
that in the other two selected groups of occupations.
In Rhode Island, out of 115 deaths of cigar makers recorded during
the period 1852 to 1906, 46, or 40 per cent, were from consumption,
and 10, or 8.7 per cent, from other respiratory diseases.
Regarding tobacconists, which term includes all persons employed
in tobacco manufacture, the report of the registrar-general on the
occupation mortality of England and Wales for 1900 to 1902 contains
the following:
There were enumerated at the last census 17,607 males above the
age of 15 years, of whom 17,192 were occupied; the latter being an
increase of 37 per cent on the number enumerated at the previous
census. At all age groups up to 35 years the mortality of tobacco
nists exceeds that of occupied and retired males generally,, and at ages
45 to 55 the rates are about equal. At the higher ages the death rates
of tobacconists are below the standard. Their comparative mortality
figure is 962, or 4 per cent below the average for occupied and retired
males. The mortality of tobacconists from cancer, circulatory dis
eases, and suicide is considerably below the standard, and they are
remarkably free from fatal accidents. From alcoholism and liver
disease, from nervous diseases, from phthisis, and from Bright’s
disease, however, they suffer excessive mortality. (a)
The most recent English mortality statistics for male tobacco
workers include 646 deaths from all causes occurring during the
three-year period ending with 1902. Of this number of deaths, 145,
or 22.4 per cent, were from consumption and 125, or 19.3 per cent,
were from other respiratory diseases, which combined give 41.7
per cent of the total mortality from diseases of the lungs and air
passages. In the table which follows a comparison is made of the
mortality from all causes among men in this group with that of
occupied males generally, and the result is suggestive of conditions
in these trades unfavorable to health and life at ages under 35.
°P a rt II. Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the RegistrarGeneral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, p. liii. Lon
don, 1908.

568

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG TOBACCO W O R K E R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO
1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for tobacco workers.

Age at death.

Death rate
per 1,000
for all oc
cupied
males.

Rate per
1,000.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.76
5.88
6.76
9.28
17.21
28.89
67.83

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and o v er...........................................................

Greater
(+ )orless Ratio to
(—) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.
+ 0.32
+ 1.47
+ 0.75
- .94
- .52
- 2.12
-20.56

113
133
112
91
97
93
77

The death rates of men employed in tobacco manufacture are be
low the general average at ages over 35, but the difference is small
except at ages 65 and over when the number of persons employed is
too small to make the death rates trustworthy.
In the table which follows the mortality from consumption and
from respiratory diseases other than consumption among male tobacco
workers is compared with the normal mortality of occupied males
from these diseases by divisional periods of life. The comparison
shows that the mortality from consumption was above the average
at ages 20 to 54. The mortality from other respiratory diseases was
excessive at ages 15 to 24 and at ages 35 to 54.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF T H E RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG TOBACCO W O R K E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT
OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.
Death rate for tobacco
workers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years__
20 to 24 years__
25 to 34 years__
35 to 44 years....
45 to 54 years__
55 to 64 years—
65 years and over

Death
rate per
1,000 for
Greater (+ )
or less (—)
all
occupied Rate per than rate
males.
for all
1,000.
occupied
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.44
3.09
3.54
3.43
3.68
2.03
.48

-0.10
+1.54
+1.51
+ .69
+ .64
- .13
- .63

Death rate for tobacco
workers.
Death
rate per
for
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
Ratio to 1,000
all
or less ( —) rate for
rate for occupied
Rate
oer
than rate
all
all
1,000.
for all
occupied males.
occupied occupied
males.
males.
males.
81
199
174
125
121
94
43

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.29
.59
.69
2.23
3.55
5.19
17.44

+0.05
+ .11
- .08
+ .57
+ .23
-1.35
- .33

121
123
90
134
107
79
98

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION' IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

569

The following statistics from the occupational mortality returns
of Switzerland indicate that tobacco workers in that country expe
rience an excessive mortality from consumption at ages 40 and over,
but at the younger ages the mortality from that cause is considerably
less than that of all occupied males:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG TOBACCO W O R K E R S AND C IG A R
M A K E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZER
LAND, 187& TO 1890, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital S tatistics of Sw itzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for tobacco workers
and cigar makers.
Age at death.

Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

15 to 19 years....................... ...........................................
20 to 29 years...................................................................
30 to 39 years...................................................................
40 to 49 years............................................................ .
50 to 59 years..................................................................
60 to 69 years................................................................... ;
70 years and over.................................. ..........................

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

Rate per
1,000.

0.83
2.00
3.35
4.22
4.01
3.55

Greater (+ )
or less(—) Ratio to
than rate rate for all
for all
occupied
occupied
males.
males.
-0.47
-1.04
- .31
+ .57
+ .49
+ .30

. 64
66
92
116
114
109

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of tobacco
workers include three groups of employees: Tobacco workers not
otherwise specified, tobacco and cigar dealers, and cigar and cigarette
makers and packers. The industrial insurance mortality statistics
of tobacco workers not otherwise specified, include 141 deaths from
all causes, of which 49, or 34.8 per cent, were from consumption. Of
the mortality of this group from other respiratory diseases 7 were
from pneumonia, 3 were from asthma, 3 from bronchitis, and 1 from
another respiratory disease. I f the deaths from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases are combined, it is found that 44.7
per cent of the mortality was from diseases of the lungs and air
passages. The mortality from consumption was excessive at all ages,
as is set forth in detail in the following tabular analysis:

570

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG TOBACCO W O R K
E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN T H E REGISTRA
TION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for tobacco workers from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures
for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United States
census.]
Deaths of to b a c c o Per cent of deaths
workers, 1897 to 1906,
due to consumption
dhe to—
among—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Males in
Tobacco registration
workers. area, 1900
to 1906.

15 to 24 years....................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
65 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over.............................................................

28
31
26
21
21
14

10
15
11
8
4
1

35.7
48.4
42.3
38.1
19.0
7.1

27.8
81.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

141

34.8

14.8

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of tobacco
and cigar dealers include 196 deaths from all causes, of which 43, or
21.9 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of this group
from other respiratory diseases 23 were from pneumonia, 7 from bron
chitis, 6 from asthma, and 1 from another respiratory disease. I f the
deaths from consumption and from other respiratory diseases are
combined, it is found that 40.8 per cent was from diseases of the lungs
and air passages.
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG TOBACCO AND
C IG A R D E A L E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN
TH E REGISTRATION AREA OF T H E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for tobacco and cigar dealers from experience of an industrial insurance com
pany ; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the
United States census.]
Deaths of tobacco and Per cent of deaths due
cigar dealers, 1897 to
to c o n s u m p t i o n
1906, due to—
among—
Age at death.

Males in
Tobacco
All causes. Consump
and cigar registration
tion.
area, 1900
dealers.
to 1906.

15 to 24 years....................................................................
25 to 34 y e ars..................................................................
35 to 44 y e ars..................................................................
45 to 54 y e ars..................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over............................................................

14
34
35
29
40
44

5
15
12
4
4
3

35.7
44.1
34.3
13.8
10.0
6.8

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total......................................................................

196

21.9

14.8

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of cigar and
cigarette makers and packers include 1,530 male deaths from all
causes, of which 442, or 28.9 per cent, were from consumption. Of the

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

571

mortality of this group from other respiratory diseases, 118 were from
pneumonia, 22 from bronchitis, 16 from asthma, and 24 from less
frequent respiratory diseases. I f the deaths from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases are combined, it is found that 40.7 per
cent of the mortality of cigar and cigarette makers and packers was
from diseases of the lungs and air passages. The consumption mor
tality of this group of male workers was excessive at all ages, as is
set forth in detail in the following table:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG C IG A R M A K E R S
AN D P A C K E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN THE
REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for cigar makers and packers from experience of an in dustrial insurance com
pany ; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality statistics of the
United States census.]
Deaths of cigar makers Per cent of deaths
and packers, 1897 to
due to consumption
1906, due to—
among—
Age at death.

Males in
Cigar mak registration
All causes. Consump
ers and area, 1900
tion.
packers.
to 1906.

15 to 24 years..................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
65 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over...........................................................

131
267
281
325
284
242

57
147
119
67
36
16

43.5
55.1
42.3
20.6
12.7
6.6

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

1,530

442

28.9

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data, derived from both
American and foreign sources, clearly indicate that tobacco workers
are subject to an excessive mortality from consumption and from
other respiratory diseases.
THE MANUFACTURE OF SNUFF.

The manufacture of snuff in the United States was carried on in 41
establishments, employing 946 wage-earners in 1905, according to the
returns of the factory census for that year.
In an earlier special report on the industry, made as part of the
census of 1900, the process of snuff manufacture is described in part
as follows:
The making of snuff is the most complicated of all the processes
of tobacco manufacture. This article, as found on the market, may
be roughly divided into two classes, namely, dry and moist, each of
which varies greatly in quality. Snuff is sometimes manufactured
in connection with cigars and chewing tobacco, as it affords an oppor
tunity to utilize the parts of the leaf not consumed in those products.
The material for dry snuffs is first dampened and put through cut
ting machines, which chop it finely. I t is then subjected to a high
temperature and rendered perfectly dry, when it is ready for grind

572

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

ing. The grinding machines preserve much of the principle govern
ing the first manufacture of snuff, which was reduced to a rough
powder by pounding or grating. The commonest form of grinding
machine consists of a receptacle shaped like the frustum of a cone
inverted. A set of rollers of corresponding inclination revolve close
to the inner surface, grinding the tobacco between to a fine powder.
The finished article is packed by machine packers into bladders, tin
cans, earthenware jars, glass tumblers, etc. Scotch, Irish, and Welsh
snuffs are the commonest forms of the dry class.
Moist snuffs are of infinite variety. The material used in their
manufacture is moist when ground, and is not reduced to a fine pow
der like the dry snuffs. A fter grinding, the “ flour” is subjected
to as many different processes and manipulations as there are manu
facturers. Many of these involve frequent handling and bulking
to control the different stages of sweating or fermentation which
gives character to the finished article, darkening it and developing
its peculiar flavor. In addition to saucing, fermentation, and manip
ulation, ingredients are added to flavor and perfume. (a)
The foregoing descriptive account emphasizes the more important
factors detrimental to health, chiefly, of course, the production of
considerable quantities of very fine tobacco dust, practically unavoid
able under the conditions under which the industry is carried on at
the present time. Of all the products of tobacco snuff requires the
most complicated processes of manufacture, which vary only accord
ing as the article produced comes under the head of dry or moist, but
because of the fact that it is possible to utilize much waste material
in producing snuff it is frequently made in connection with cigars and
-chewing tobacco. In brief, the health-injurious circumstances inci
dental to the manufacture of tobacco are emphasized in the manu
facture of snuff, and most of the authorities on occupation diseases
lay much stress upon this fact, which was early recognized by Ramazzini, when, however, this branch of the industry was the most im
portant instead of being of very limited extent, as it is at the present
time.
Thackrah refers to the occupation in a brief statement, holding
that snuff making is more pernicious than tobacco manufacture in
general, and that the fine dust, combined with muriate of ammonia
and other substances, produces disorders of the head, the air tubes,
and the stomach..
In another descriptive account of the industry as carried on in
New York, the assistant inspector of the board of health, reported, in
1872, that—
In one of the largest manufactories in the city (Lorillard’s ), the
atmosphere of the room in which the snuff is packed in bags is so
full of flying particles as almost to be opaque, and I could not remain
inside, even a few seconds, without experiencing the most violent
a Report on Manufactures, Part III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, p. 672.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

573

irritation of the whole respiratory mucous membrane; and yet, in
this atmosphere, inhaling with every breath thousands of particles
of a most irritating powder, works a man, who has been employed in
the same way, day after day, for twenty years, and he assured me
that he had not had a day of sickness, and that he was, in every way,
in perfect health. His face was so smeared with yellow snuff that l
could not discern if his complexion were natural or n o t; but he told
me his appetite was excellent, and all his bodily functions were
carried on with perfect regularity. (a)
Dr. B. W. Richardson, in his lectures on “ Unhealthy trades,” be
fore the Society of Arts, in 1872, referred to the manufacture of snuff
as a health-injurious occupation, at considerable length, his remarks
in full being as follows:
The dust produced in the various processes of snuff making is still
more injurious [than that in cigar making]. The tobacco leaf,
finely cut up, is mixed with lime-water, salt, sometimes even floor-dust
sweepings, and, in yellow snuff, with red lead. These ingredients
placed in a bin and heated two or three times to give sharpness to the
snuff, are frequently turned over, in order to facilitate the process of
drying. While this turning is in progress, there arises a dust with a
smoke, which affects the younger workmen, so that they become faint
and vomit, until, by use, they are rendered tolerant of the poisonous
matters they inhale. In the further process of finishing the snuff,
after it has been ground and dried, there is a practice of what is
called sifting, preparatory to adding “ liquor ”—namely, salt and
water—to make weight, and scents to give perfume. The sifting
charges the air with dust, which is as injurious as the smoke, and
which produces the same symptoms in the young—namely, retching,
faintness, and great irritation of the bronchial passages. The rooms
in which these works are carried on are too often close and unventi
lated, and thereby the irritation of the throat, the cough, and the
nausea are much increased. Sifting the “ shorts ” is more hurtful
than rolling the cigar. The consolation of the workman is that he
gets accustomed to the poison, if he only keeps to the work, and at last
gets over the symptoms. In so far as the acuteness of the symptoms
is concerned, he is generally correct in this respect, but it is not to be
presumed that the mischief stops at this point. The system of the
workman becomes tolerant in some measure, but the tolerance is par
tial only. Chronic maladies are induced by continued application,
which are of serious and even fatal import. Those workmen who are
disposed to pulmonary consumption suffer readily from that disease,
and in others of better constitution, less serious, but still serious de
rangements are manifested, the most common of which are a per
sistent dyspepsia and that pale and bloodless condition to which the
technical term anaemia is applied by the physician. Another com
mon symptom is a rapid and irregular action of the heart. Palpita
tion of the heart and intermittent action, in which the organ hesitates
in its beat, are marked phenomena. I think I may indeed say that in
these workmen the action of the heart is never at its full power,
a Third Annual Report of the Board of Health of the City of New York, 1873,
pp. 309, 310.

574

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

never perfectly regular so long as they are following their employ
ment. In cases where the chronic effects are most intense, the muscles
of the body share in the feebleness ajad disturbance. The hands be
come tremulous, the lower limbs unsteady. In two examples, I have
seen the breathing muscles influenced, and a peculiar spasm of an
extremely painful kind produced through the chest, followed by a
faintness, as if the sufferer were about to die. Lastly, the organs of
the senses become impaired from these occupations, and there is
deafness and imperfect vision, so that light becomes extremely pain
ful to the eye. I t is unfortunate that this occupation leads often to
abuse in the habits of smoking and chewing tobacco. When this
occurs, the evil consequences are greatly increased. I believe few
workmen escape altogether the dangers I have named. Not many are
able to carry on their business beyond the fortieth year. (a)
The views of other authorities on the diseases of trades concur more
or less in the foregoing opinions, summarized in the statement that
the very considerable amount of dust produced in snuff manufacture
is unquestionably detrimental to health, at least in the case of those
who continue the employment for a long period of time. No statis
tical data are available to sustain these conclusions, but the large
amount of available information regarding workers in tobacco gen
erally would seem to support the point of view that the manufacture
of snuff is detrimental to health and a more or less predisposing
factor to consumption by the constant irritation of the respiratory
passages, followed by a decrease in the vital resistance generally.
LEATHER WORKERS.

The manufacture of leather in all its branches gives employment
to over a quarter of a million wage-earners, estimated by the census
of 1900 as 251,920, of which 52,109 were engaged in leather tanning,
currying, and finishing. The tendency of the industry is toward
consolidation, as is made evident by the fact that the census of 1880
returned 5,426 establishments, the census of 1890 returned 1,749,
and the census of 1900 returned 1,306. Tlie amount of capital in
vested, the cost of materials used, and the value of the products have
considerably increased during the intervening period. The changes
which have occurred and which have an immediate bearing upon
the health conditions in the various trades involved, are briefly
referred to in the census reports, it being stated that—
I t is a curious feature of the business that, while in nearly every
other industry advantage has been taken of labor-saving devices as
they have been perfected, leather manufacturers were inclined, until
about 1880, to discourage any attempt to supersede manual labor
with machinery. They preferred, also, to adhere to the formulas
0 Scientific American Supplement, March 4, 1876, p. 154.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

575

and tanning processes which had been handed down for genera
tions from father to son, rather than to take advantage of the
scientific knowledge which the chemists had to offer them in the way
of improved and more economical methods. As a result of these
prejudices, the evolution of the business, until recently, was very
slow. During the past twenty years, however, the most radical
changes have taken place, so that this industry has been completely
revolutionized, and the up-to-date leather manufactory is now
equipped with numerous appliances for manipulating the hide dur
ing the various stages through which it passes from the lime vat
to the leather stretching and measuring machines. Many patented
processes and compounds for tanning and tawing, as well as for
depilating hides and skins, are also in use, so that it may be said
with truth that the present-day leather manufacturer is no less enter
prising in the use of what modern invention has to offer him than the
leaders in any other line of productive industry. («)
The tanner has now at his command mechanical appliances for
carrying the work through the various stages from the beam house
to the final measuring of the material, as in the case of upper leather,
preparatory to its shipment to the customer. The bark mill, that
most important adjunct to the tanner using oak, hemlock, or union
tannages, has undergone much improvement of late years. The
present saw grinders or cutters overcome defects which were common
to bark mills of a few days ago, while the resultant material is so
leached that the utmost of its tannin is extracted, which was not for
merly the case. In the handling of the hides, the reel, the rocker
handler, the skeleton drum, and other labor-saving devices have done
their part toward simplifying the work and reducing the cost. The
processes subsequent to the removal of the leather from the bath have
also been rendered less laborious and less costly by the introduction
of mechanical scrubbers, power rollers, scouring and stuffing wheels,
stretchers, etc.^)
Under modern conditions the processes of tanning, currying, and
leather finishing are less injurious to health and life than they must
have been under former conditions when the methods of manufac
ture were more arduous as well as more offensive. Ramazzini, in his
Treatise of the Diseases of Tradesmen, observed that in consequence
of exposure to odors and foul exhalations the complexion of tanners
was deathlike, their bodies were puffed up, and their breathing was
difficult. Thackrah, writing in 1832, remarks that—
They [tanners] work in an atmosphere largely impregnated with
the vapor of putrifying skins, and this combined with the smell of
lime in one place, and or tan in another. They are exposed constantly
to wet and cold. Their feet are scarcely ever dry. Yet they are
remarkably robust; the countenance florid; and disease almost una Report on Manufactures, Part III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, p. 704.
feIdem, p. 713.

576

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

known. Tanners are said to be exempt from consumption. We have
carefully inquired at several tan-yards, and could not hear of a single
example of this formidable disease. We do not find old men ac
tually in the employ; and the reason assigned is, not the decline of
health, but the inferiority of men past middle age, in undergoing the
labor of the process. Persons, however, in advanced life, yet healthy,
are found in other occupations, who have before been for many years
in the tan-yards, and have not apparently suffered from the longcontinued exposure to their offensive odor. Hence we may infer that
this employ, while it invigorates the constitution in youth and middle
age, does not sensibly shorten life; does not, in other words, give tem
porary health at the expense of premature decline. (a)
This favorable statement regarding the occupation is not sustained
by the facts of actual experience, although Thackrah quotes Doctor
Dods, who, in the Medical Gazette, had stated that he had 44not been
able to discover one unequivocable instance of death to have taken
place in an operative tanner from phthisis, in its tubercular form, in
any part of this Kingdom,” and who attributed this alleged exemp
tion of tanners from consumption to the peculiar aroma of volatile
matter constantly arising from the tan pits, as the result of which
tanners, in his opinion, were exempted from consumption.
Doctor H alf ort, a German authority on the diseases of trades, writ
ing in 1845, included curriers and similar occupations among the
exceptionally healthful trades, stating in particular that phthisis
was practically unknown among them, but apparently basing his con
clusions entirely on Thackrah’s observations.^)
The same opinion was held by Wynter, who, writing in 1860,
observed that 44tanners are rarely, we believe, attacked with
phthisis.” (c)
Arlidge, writing in 1892, observes, with respect to curriers, that—
The business of the currier is one of simple mechanical work, and
is for the most part pursued in conjunction with that of tanning and
leather-dressing. The operation consists almost entirely of strong
rubbing of the leather on a table with a wooden tool, whereby the
44g rain ” is raised; at the same time a grease is rubbed in until it
penetrates the substance at all points. When a black color is required,
lamp-black mixed with oil and size is employed. Other colors are
got by various chemical compounds, some of which probably are not
quite innocent. Nevertheless, the work of the currier may be pro
nounced free from any distinct injury to health. I t entails active
movement of the arms, and a constant bending forward of the trunk
in the act of rubbing. (d)
a Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by C.
Turner Thaekrah, 1832, p. 61.
6 Diseases of Artisans, by A. C. L. Halfort, M. D., 1845, p. 283.
c Curiosities of Civilization, p. 514.
d Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p. 219.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

577

The same writer, however, observes that in the business of leather
dressing and coloring where the red color is required there is danger
of arsenical poisoning; and again in the varnish or enamel for dress
shoes lead is a constituent, and consequently a possible source of
plumbism to those who apply it on the leather, as well as to those who
prepare it. In none of these occupations does there appear to be a
decided exposure to health-injurious dust.
Leather making in its various branches was later considered by
Parry, who describes the various operations, but the dangers which
may arise in the course of manufacture are held to be limited to (1)
anthrax, (2) lead poisoning, (3) arsenical poisoning, and (4) poison
ing by various gases. Apparently there is no particular exposure to
health-injurious dust.
A very important report upon the effect of occupation on the health
and duration of trade life of men employed in the leather industry
was published by the New Jersey bureau of labor statistics, in 1894,
including observations upon 1,124 wage-earners, subdivided into
japanners (258), leather makers (198), curriers (125), beamsmen
(111), tanners (194), splitters (76), grainers (38), tackers (33),
buffers (14), shavers (6 ),softeners (22), and finishers (49). In com
menting upon the statistical results of the investigation, it is pointed
out that tanning is mostly hand labor and very laborious. While in
some departments the workmen are subject to dampness, they are
rugged and seem to be no more liable to colds than workmen in any
ordinary occupations. The odor arising from the material used is
disagreeable to those not accustomed to it, but there are no substances
used that are deleterious to health. On the contrary, the lime, oil,
and bark used are considered beneficial to health; and finally, that
“ there is little or no dust in any of the processes.”
In 1907 the Massachusetts state board of health published a report
on the sanitary conditions of factories, etc., and included the manu
facture of leather, of which the various processes are described at
some length, it being pointed out that the leather industry is one
that calls for strength and endurance, and that all of the processes
demand the services of men of good physical strength. The report
concludes with the statement that—
In the various processes of drying, stretching, stuffing, hand
whitening, blacking, and polishing there are no features which are
intrinsically dangerous to health in any way; but the process of
buffing on wheels or revolving drums covered with sandpaper gives
rise to considerable dust, which, even when exhaust fans are installed
for its removal, escapes in most instances to a greater or lesser extent
into the air of the room. In one of the establishments visited, for
example, where every part was found to be kept scrupulously clean
and neat, and where the beam house, ordinarily a most offensive

♦

578

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

place, was conspicuously clean and free from objectionable odors,
the air of the buffing room was filled with fine dust. (a)
This reference to dust exposure in the particular process of buffing,
which is characteristic of the manufacture of chrome-tanned leather,
is the first in the literature of occupation diseases. I t is stated in
the report that “ 8 tanning establishments, employing from 28 men
in one instance to 1,100 in another, and about 2,300 in all, showed
conditions which in the least pretentious were at least fairly com
mendable, and in the most approved were as praiseworthy as those
met with in cleaner occupations. The business is one in which over
crowding is hardly possible and free ventilation most desirable; and,
as is to be expected in a nondusty trade requiring strength and. en
durance, the employees are healthy appearing and well nourished.
The only objectionable conditions noted were the dusty atmosphere
incident to buffing, and exposure to fumes of naphtha, amyl acetate,
and wood alcohol.” ^ )
That the exposure to dust in the buffing process is a very serious
one is made evident by the consideration which has been given to the
subject by fire insurance companies, who have instituted special in
vestigations to ascertain, if possible, the fire hazard attaching to the
buffing dust of chrome-tanned leather, several fires having occurred
which apparently had their origin in the dust generated in connec
tion with this process of manufacture.
A brief reference may be made to the danger from anthrax, which
is a more serious one than generally assumed. The risk is referred to
by most of the authorities on occupation diseases, and at some length
by D’Arcy Power, in Oliver’s Dangerous Trades, and by W. H.
Hamer, in an article contributed to the same work.(c) In a paper
read in 1898 before the American Public Health Association in Phila
delphia, by Dr. M. P. Kavenel, it is stated that in 1897 “ from reports
which I have not been able to entirely verify, it is likely that so many
as 12 men and 60 head of cattle died of anthrax near tanneries in this
State [Pennsylvania] during the year.” (<*) According to statements
made by state medical inspectors of Pennsylvania there were four
deaths from anthrax among the employees of the Falls Creek tan
nery, at Falls Creek, near Clearfield, Ra., attributed to the handling
of hides imported from China, and similar cases were reported from
Proctor, Lycoming County, Pa., and other localities. (e) Since one
* Report of the Massachusetts State Board of Health upon the Sanitary Con
dition of Factories, Workshops, etc., 1907, p. 116.
6 Idem, p. 117.
c Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, pp. 244, 621-633.
d “Anthrax.—The influence of tanneries in spreading the disease,” by M. P.
Ravenel, Philadelphia Medical Journal, April 22, 1899, p. 897.
e Reports of the State Board of Health of Pennsylvania for 1897 (pp. 90, 104,
589) and for 1898 (p. 158).

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

579

of the characteristics of anthrax infection, as disclosed by post
mortem examination, is the enlargement of the spleen, it is quite prob
able—from the reference which Ramazzini in 1670 made to the fact,
as observed by him at that time, that most of the tanners were “ splenetick ”—that anthrax, under the earlier and much less sanitary con
ditions, was very much more common among tanners than it is at
the present time. While the mortality from this disease among tan
ners is small, it is nevertheless an occupation risk of very material
importance.
The census mortality statistics for 1900 return 206 deaths of
leather makers. In the mortality from all causes the death rate was
comparatively low at all ages, as shown in detail in the following
table:
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG L E A T H E R M A K E R S , COMPARED W ITH
THAT OF TH E MANUFACTURING AND MECHANICAL CLASS AND THE MER
CANTILE AND TRADING CLASS, IN THE REGISTRATION STATES, 1900, BY
AGE GROUPS.
[From report on Vital Statistics, Tw elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Death rate per 1,000 among—
Age at death.

15 to 24 years.............................................................................
25 to 44 years.............................................................................
45 to 64 years............................................................................
65 years and over.......................................................................

Leather
makers.

3.5
7.8
19.7
94.2

The manu The mercan
facturing
tile and
trading
and mechan
ical class.
class.
4.4
8.4
20.2
105.4

2.6
6.7
19.9
93.8

From the above table it is shown that at ages 15 to 24 the general
death rate of leather makers was 3.5 per 1,000, compared with 4.4
for the manufacturing and mechanical class and 2.6 for the mercan
tile and trading class. At the other ages also the comparison is
favorable to leather makers.
The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of leather
workers include 641 deaths from all causes, of which 206, or 32.1
per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of leather work
ers from respiratory diseases other than consumption, 62 were from
pneumonia,'11 from bronchitis, 6 from asthma, and 10 from less
frequent respiratory diseases. I f the deaths from consumption and
from respiratory diseases other than consumption are combined, it is
found that 46.0 per cent of the mortality of leather workers was from
diseases of the lungs and air passages. While, therefore, the general
death rate among leather workers is shown to compare favorably
with other manufacturing industries, the mortality from consump
tion and from other respiratory diseases among leather workers is
shown to be somewhat excessive, due probably, in part at least, to
2313—No. 82—09---- 8

580

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

the inhalation of animal dust. The following tabular analysis of
the industrial insurance mortality statistics -shows in detail the pro
portionate mortality from consumption among leather workers by
divisional periods of life. While the proportionate mortality from
consumption was excessive among leather workers at all ages under
65, the excess was most pronounced at ages 25 to 84, when out of
every 100 deaths from all causes 50 were due to consumption, against
an expected normal proportion of 81.8 per cent. The analysis of
the consumption mortality of leather workers is set forth in detail
in the following table:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG L E A T H E R
W O R K E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN THE
REGISTRATION AREA OF T H E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for leather workers from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures
for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United States
census.]
Deaths of leather
workers, 1897 to 1906,
due to—

Per cent of deaths
due to consumption
among—

All causes. Consump
tion.

Leather
workers.

Age at death.

Males in
registra
tion area,
1900 to 1906.

15 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
85 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 64 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over............................................................

92
154
155
99
79
62

35
77
55
29
9
1

38.0
50.0
35.5
29.3
11.4
1.6

27.8
3L3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

641

206

32.1

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data are more or less
inconclusive except the insurance mortality experience, which clearly
indicates a decided excess in the mortality from consumption among
leather workers at all ages under 65. In the absence of a thoroughly
qualified and extensive investigation, it is impossible to state how far
the higher death rate is the direct result of dust exposure, but there
can be no doubt that the dust problem in some branches of the indus
try is a serious one from a sanitary point of view. I t is necessary,
however, to keep in mind that intemperate habits prevail to a consid
erable extent among leather workers, and in particular among tan
ners, but this evil, in itself, does not account for the higher mortality
brought out by the recorded insurance experience data.
TANNERS, CURRIERS, A N D BEAMERS.

The statistics thus far given relate to leather workers in general.
There is statistical information, however, for certain leather trades,
including tannery employees and harness and saddle makers. In the
first class are included tanners, curriers, beamers, etc. In Rhode

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

581

Island, during the period 1852 to 1906 there were 66 deaths recorded
of tanners and curriers, and of this number only 6, or 9.1 per cent,
died from consumption, and 5, or 7.6 per cent, from respiratory dis
eases other than consumption. These statistics, therefore, indicate a
favorable mortality experience in Ehode Island for tanners and
curriers.
Eegarding tanners, the report of the registrar-general on the occu
pation mortality of England and Wales for 1900 to 1902 contains the
following:
At the earlier and later ages the mortality of tanners differs little
from the standard for all occupied and retired males, but between the
ages 20 and 45 it falls considerably below the average. In the
main working period of life the comparative mortality figure is 774,
or 28 per cent below the standard. The mortality of tanners from
Bright’s disease and from suicide appears to be slightly above the
average, but under every other heading the mortality is low.(«)
The most recent English mortality statistics for tanners indicate
that this branch of the leather industry is quite satisfactory as regards
the mortality from all causes. The general death rate compares
favorably with that for all occupied males, as is indicated in the fol
lowing table:
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG T A N N ER S, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF
ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for tanners.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over...........................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

Greater (+ ) Ratio to
less (—)
Rate per or
than rate rate for all
1,000.
for all occu occupied
pied males. males.
2.51
3.27
3.83
5.77
15.07
30.87
89.45

+0.07
—1.14
-2.18
-4.45
-2.66
- .14
+1.06

103
74
64
56
85
100
101

The preceding table is self-explanatory and requires no further
comment. A more extended comparison, however, is made in the
next table, in which the mortality of tanners from consumption
and other respiratory diseases is compared with the normal mor
tality of occupied males from these diseases by divisional periods of
life. The comparison shows that the mortality from consumption
among tanners is somewhat excessive at ages 15 to 19 and 45 to 64;
a Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the RegistrarGeneral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, p. Ixv. Lon
don, 1908.

582

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

at ages 20 to 44 the mortality from consumption is somewhat less
than for all occupied males. The differences are comparatively slight
at all ages, and the same is true of the mortality from respiratory
diseases other than consumption.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF TH E RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG T A N N E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCU
PIE D MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in E ngland and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years__
20 to 24 y e a rs....
25 to 34 years__
35 to 44 years__
45 to 54 years. . . .
55 to 64 years__
65 years and oyer

Death rate for tanners.
Death rate for tanners.
Death
Death
rate per
per
Greater (+ ) Ratio rate
Greater(+) Ratio
1,000
1,000
or less (—) to rate
or le s s (-) to rate
for all
for
all
Rate
than rate
Rate
than rate
occupied per
for
all
occupied
for all
1,000.
for
all
per
1,000.
for all
males.
males.
occupied occupied
occupied occupied
males.
males.
males.
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

1.12
1.26
1.13
.90
4.17
2.34

+0.58
- .29
- .90
-1.84
+1.13
+ .18

207
81
56
33
137
108

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.56
1.51
.43
1.62
2.55
8.60
16.03

+0.32
+1.03
- .34
- .04
- .77
+2.06
-1.74

233
315
56
98
77
131
90

Curriers are considered separately from tanners in the English mor
tality statistics, and the mortality of this group of leather employees
is somewhat higher than for tanners in the English experience.
Considering curriers as a separate occupation, including under this
term leather goods makers generally, the report of the registrargeneral on the occupation mortality of England and Wales for 1900
to 1902 contains the statement that—
Speaking generally, the death rates of curriers do not differ widely
from those of all occupied and retired males, being slightly below the
standard at ages 15 to 20 and 25 to 45, and above the standard at
other ages. At ages under 20 the death rate of curriers is lower, and
at ages 20 to 25 it is higher than that of tanners or furriers, but at
ages above 25 the rates occupy an intermediate position between the
two. In the main working period of life the comparative mortality
figure is 1,015, or within 1 per cent of the standard for occupied and
retired males generally, while it is 31 per cent above the correspond
ing figure for tanners, but 24 per cent below that for furriers. As
with the ages at death, so with the causes of death, the mortality of
curriers differs but little from the standard; they show, however, a
slight excess of mortality from phthisis, Bright’s disease, and suicide,
but a low mortality from accident. (a)
In the table which follows, the mortality from all causes among
men in this group is compared with that of occupied males generally,
a P a rt II, Supplement to th e Sixty-fifth A nnual R eport of the RegistrarGeneral of B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales, p. lxvi.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

583

and it is shown that at the higher ages, 45 and over, the death rate
of curriers is higher than for occupied males generally, but at ages
under 45, except 20 to 24, the general death rate is somewhat lower
for curriers than for occupied males generally.
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG C U R R IE R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT
OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Deatllrate for cmcriers.
Death rate
per 1,000
Greater (+) Ratio to
for all occu Rate per or less (—) rate
for all
pied males.
than rate
1,000.
for all occu occupied
males.
pied males.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years...................................................................
20 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and o v e r...........................................................

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.36
5.24
5.71
9.32
18.23
34.95
97.99

-0.08
+ .83
- .30
- .90
+ .50
+3.94
+9.60

97
119
95
91
103
113

A more extended analysis is made in the next table, in which the
mortality of curriers from consumption and from other respiratory
diseases is compared with the normal mortality of occupied males
from these diseases by divisional periods of life. The comparison
shows that the mortality from consumption is somewhat excessive at
all ages except 25 to 34, and that the excess is most marked at ages 65
and over. As regards the mortality from respiratory diseases other
than consumption, the differences are less marked, but at ages 55 to
64 the excess mortality was 2.04 per 1,000.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF TH E RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG C U R R IE R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL
OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years__
20 to 24 years__
25 to 34 years__
35 to 44 years__
45 to 54 years__
55 to 64 years__
66 years and over

Death rate for curriers.
Death rate for curriers.
Death
Death
rate per
rate per
Greater (+) Ratio to 1,000 for
1,000 for
Greater(+) Ratio to
all occu Rate per or less (—) rate for all occu Rate per or less(—) rate for
pied
than rate all occu
than rate all occu
pied
1,000.
1,000.
males.
for all occu pied
for all occu pied
males.
pied males. males.
pied males. males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.92
2.22
1.98
3.53
3.23
2.91
2.19

+0.38
+ .67
- .05
+ .79
+ .19
+ .75
+1.08

170
143
98
129
106
135
197

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.21
.40
.82
1.43
3.75
8.58
16.62

-0.03
- .08
+ .05
- .23
+ .43
+2.04
-1.15

88
83
106
86
113
131
94

584

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of tan
ners, beamers, and curriers include 478 deaths from all causes, of
which 89, or 18.6 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality
of this group from respiratory diseases other than consumption, 65
deaths were from pneumonia, 9 from bronchitis, 5 from asthma, and
12 from less frequent respiratory diseases. I f the deaths from con
sumption and from other respiratory diseases are combined, it is
found that 37.6 per cent of the mortality of tanners, beamers, and
curriers was from diseases of the lungs and air passages. The pro
portionate consumption mortality was excessive at all ages under 55.
The excess in the mortality was most pronounced at ages 15 to 24,
when out of every 100 deaths from all causes, 51.2 were from con
sumption, against a normal expected proportion of 27.8. The analysis
in detail is set forth in the table following:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG T A N N E R S , B E A M
E R S , A N D C U R R IE R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES
IN THE REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for tanners, beamers, and curriers from experience of an industrial insurance
com pany; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of
the United States census.]
Deaths of tanners, Per cent of deaths
beamers, and cur
due to consumption
riers, 1897 to 1906,
among—
due to—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Tanners,
Males in
beamers,
registra
and cur tion area,
riers.
1900 to 1906.

15 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 84 years....................................................................
35 to 44 years....................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and oyer............................................................

41
44
66
81
100
146

21
19
18
16
7
8

51.2
43.2
27.3
19.8
7.0
5.5

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

478

18.6

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data regarding curriers,
and tanners, beamers, and curriers considered as a group, are more
or less conflicting, but the insurance experience data fully confirm the
conclusions regarding persons employed in the leather industry as
a whole, that the mortality from consumption is excessive at all ages
under 55, and that the excess is, in all probability, in part the result
of more or less exposure to organic dust.
SADDLE A N D H A R N ESS MAKERS.

In Hhode Island during the period 1852 to 1906 there were 153
deaths recorded of saddle and harness makers. Of this number 39, or
25.5 per cent, were from consumption, and 20, or 13.1 per cent, were
from respiratory diseases other than consumption.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN . CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

585

Regarding saddlers and harness makers, the report of the registrargeneral on the occupation mortality of England and Wales for 1900
to 1902 contains the following:
At ages 15 to 20 years the death rate of saddlers is below the stand
ard for occupied and retired males, but at all other stages of life the
rates differ little from that standard. Within the main working
period the comparative mortality figure is 945, or 6 per cent below
the standard. The mortality from influenza, cancer, respiratory dis
eases, and accident is considerably below the average, but that from
phthisis and from nervous diseases is slightly above it. (a)
The most recent English mortality statistics for saddle and harness
makers do not indicate that this particular branch of the leather in
dustry is unfavorable to the life and health of the employees. In the
table which follows, the mortality from all causes among men in this
group is compared with that of occupied males generally, and the
result is, on the whole, quite favorable to saddle and harness makers.
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG SA D D L E AND H A R N E S S M A K E R S ,
COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES,
1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-G eneral of
B irths, Deaths, a n d M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for saddle and harness
makers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years...................................................................
20 to 24 years.......... -.......................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................1...............................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over...........................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for all oc
cupied
Rate per
males.
1,000.

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

1.81
4.70
6.08
9.77
16.88
29.33
90.33

Greater
(+ ) or lesa Ratio to
( - ) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.
-0.63
+ .29
+ .07
- .45
- .85
-1.68
+1.94

74
107
101
96
95
95
102

A more extended comparison is made in the next table, in which
the mortality of saddle and harness makers from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases is compared with the normal mor
tality of occupied males from these diseases by divisional periods of
life. The comparison shows that the mortality from consumption
was somewhat excessive at all ages under 65, the excess being most
pronounced at ages 20 to 24. On the other hand, it appears that the
mortality of saddle and harness makers from respiratory diseases
other than consumption was favorable at all ages when compared
with the mortality for all occupied males. I f the mortality from
the two causes combined is taken, the mortality of saddle and harness
a Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report o f the RegistrarGeneral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, p. lx.

586

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

makers from consumption and from other respiratory diseases com
pares quite favorably with the mortality for all occupied males from
the same diseases.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF T H E RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG SA D D L E AND H A R N E SS M A K E R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO
1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the
respiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years....
20 to 24 years....
25 to 34 years....
35 to 44 y ears....
45 to 54 y ears....
55 to 64 years__
65 years and over

Death rate for saddle and
Death rate for saddle and
harness makers.
harness makers.
Death
Death
rate per
rale per
1,000 for
1,000 for
Greater (+) Ratio to all
Greater(+) Ratio hj
occu
all occu
less (—) rate for
less (—) rate for
pied
Rate per or
Rate per or
pied
than
rate
all
occu
than rate all occu
males.
1,000. for
males.
1,000. for all occu pied
all occu pied
pied males. males.
pied males. males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

0.63
2.84
2.58
3.49
3.56
2.24
.60

+0.09
+1.29
+ .55
+ .75
+ .52
+ .08
- .51

117
183
127
127
117
104
54

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.18
.29
.49
1.19
2.01
5.39
14.45

-0.06
- .19
- .28
- .47
-1.31
-1.15
-3.32

75
60
64
72
61
82
81

For the purpose of making this statistical statement as complete
as possible, the following table for Switzerland's added. The table
shows the mortality from consumption among saddlers, compared
with that for all occupied males in Switzerland. This table indicates
that the mortality from consumption among saddlers in Switzerland
was in excess of that for all occupied males at all ages except 40 to 49,
the excess being greatest at ages 60 to 69, when it equaled 6.76 per
1,000. This unfavorable experience may be due to the different
methods of manufacture in Switzerland as compared with England
and the United States.
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG SA D D L E R S , COMPARED W ITH ALL
OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital S tatistics of Switzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for saddlers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 29 years...................................................................
30 to 39 years....................................................................
40 to 49 years...................................................................
50 to 59 years...................................................................
60 to 69 years...................................................................
70 years and o yer...........................................................

Death rate
per 1,000
for all
occupied
males.

Rate per
3,000.

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

2.10
4.24
6.77
3.61
6.83
10.01
4.33

Greater
(+ ) or less Ratio to
(—) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.
+0.80
+1.20
+3.11
- .04
+3.31
+6.76
+2.49

162
139
185
99
194
308
235

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

587

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics include 510
deaths of harness makers and saddlers from all causes, of which
89, or 17.5 per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of
harness makers and saddlers from respiratory diseases other than
consumption, 41 deaths were from pneumonia, 9 from bronchitis, 4
from asthma, and 7 from less frequent respiratory diseases. If the
deaths from consumption and from other respiratory diseases are
combined it is found that 29.4 per cent of the mortality of harness
makers and saddlers was from diseases of the lungs and air passages.
The excess in the consumption mortality is brought out clearly in the
tabular presentation of the proportionate mortality from this disease
by divisional periods of life. The proportionate consumption mor
tality was excessive at all ages under 65, but the excess was most
pronounced at ages 25 to 34, when out of every 100 deaths from all
causes 47.7 were from consumption, against a normal proportion
ate mortality of 31.3. The analysis of the consumption mortality
of harness makers and saddlers is set forth in detail in the table
following:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG H A R N E SS M A K E R S
AND SA D D L E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT FOR ALL MALES IN
TH E REGISTRATION AREA OF T H E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures for harness makers and saddlers from experience of an in dustrial insurance comp a n y ; figures for males in registration area computed from m o rtality sta tistics of the
United States census.]
D e a th s of harness Percent of deaths due
m a k e r s and sad
to c o n s u m p t i o n
dlers, 1897 to 1906,
among—
due to—
Age at death.
Harness
makers and
All causes. Consump
tion.
saddlers.

Males in
registra
tion area,
1900 to 1906.

15 to 24 years......................................... .........................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 64 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and over...........................................................

34
44
60
86
131
155

15
21
20
20
11
2

44.1
47.7
33.3
23.3
8.4
1.8

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

510

17.5

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data indicate that in
certain branches of the leather industry the inhalation of dust un
doubtedly tends to shorten the lives of the employees and to cause a
somewhat excessive mortality from consumption and from other res
piratory diseases. These unfavorable conditions, however, appear to
be more frequently met with in the working of finished leather than in
the tanning processes. Taking the leather industry as a whole, the
unfavorable effects of dust inhalation are less pronounced than in
most other dusty trades.

588

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.
GLOVE MAKING.

The glove industry in 1900 gave employment to 14.436 wageearners, of which 9,754 were women. During the preceding decade
the number of wage-earners increased 76.3 per cent, but the number
of women wage-earners considered separately increased 91.6 per cent.
These are the census returns for 1900, which, however, are limited
to gloves and mittens made of leather, but the number employed in
the manufacture of gloves and mittens of other materials is not
accurately known. The process of manufacture has been described
in the census report on manufactures in part as follows:
As soon as the skin is received by the glove maker it is immediately
staked by the hand stake, which consists of two upright and two
horizontal bars, one of the latter being movable to admit the skin,
which is held in position by a wedge inserted at the end of the bar.
The stretching is then done by pressing over the skin so placed a
blunt iron, like a spade, having round corners and a handle which
fits under the arm. The oil-dressed skins are then split even in a
belt-splitting machine, and the kid skins are shaved either by “ moon
ing ” or by placing them on a marble slab with the flesh side up, and
shaving the surface with a broad chisel or so-called “ dowling ” knife.
By this process the skin is reduced to the desired thinness, and the
inequalities of the flesh side are removed. “ Mooning ” is done with
a round steel shaped like a plate and having the center cut out and
a handle placed across the opening; the skin is then hung on an
elastic pole and the moon-shaped knife is drawn over the flesh until
the desired result is secured. The skin is then ready to go to the
cutters, of which there are two classes, the block and the table cutter,
each class, as a rule, having separate rooms. The block cutters, most
of whom are of American parentage, are engaged in cutting the
cheaper and coarser grade of gloves.
The skin is placed on a block made of hard-wood planks placed on
end and bolted together, and the die of the required shape and style
is placed carefully on the skin and given a blow with the maul. In
the table-cutter’s room tables instead of blocks are used. The skin
is dampened, then stretched over the end of the table until it will
stretch no more, and then cut off the length of the glove; next
stretched to width and cut off, after which the fingers and opening
are put in with the die and press.
From the cutters’ room the leather, which has assumed the shape
of the glove, is sent to the “ silkers,” who embroider the back, and
then to the u makers.” Some make the gloves—that is, they sew the
fingers and put the thumbs in ; others, called “ welters,” are engaged
in welting or hemming the glove around the edge at the wrist; still
others, called “ pointers,” work the ornamental lines on the back.
After the glove has reached this stage of completion, the fourchettes and the thumb are put in place; the back is then embroidered
and the end of the silk is pulled out and tied, and the glove closed
by beginning either at the upper end of the long seam and sewing

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

589

toward the little finger, or at the end of the index finger and finishing
with the long seam. The glove is now ready to be bound, hempried,
or banded, the buttonhole made, or the lacings or fastener adjusted.
After the gloves are made they are drawn over metal hands heated
by steam, a “ laying-off ” process, as it is termed, and by means
or which the glove is shaped and given its finished appearance. The
gloves are now ready for inspection, and are assorted according to
grades and sizes, and finally forwarded to the stock room, ready for
shipment. (a)
The foregoing descriptive account of the usual method of manu
facture does not indicate any particularly unfavorable conditions
detrimental to health. As far back, however, as 1860, the sanitary
aspects of the employment attracted attention, and in the Third
Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, published in 1861,
extended consideration was given to the manufacture of gloves in
the registration district of Yeovil, England, where at that time
nearly one-third of the women were engaged in glove manufacture,
then regarded as the staple business of the district. The manufacture
of gloves was at that time almost entirely a domestic industry,
although there were some factories where the materials were cut out
and partly made up. Approximately 50,000 persons were employed
in this branch of domestic manufacture, and the industry attracted
the attention of the sanitary authorities on account of the high
general death rate from pulmonary diseases. While the women were
chiefly employed at home, the men engaged in the glove trade were
for the most part at work in the factories, where a few children and
young women were employed at the time. Boys were employed as
early as 7 years of age; and the hours were from 6 a. m. to 8 p. m.,
with a reasonable time for meals. The workrooms in some of the
factories were low and the ventilation was very imperfect. In com
menting upon the health of the working people the report states
that—
Except from working in ill-ventilated rooms for so many hours a
day, there is no ostensible reason why persons employed in the glove
factories should suffer in an unusual degree from pulmonary diseases.
Drinking is said to be a common vice among the men, many of whom
pass the first two days of the week in dissipation, and work very hard
during the remainder, to recover lost time. On this account men
sometimes work as long as seventeen or eighteen hours out of the
twenty-four toward the end of the week. It was asserted that, though
still dissipated and improvident, the character of the men has much
improved during the last twenty years. (h)*
6
a Report on Manufactures, Part III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, p. 797.
6 Third Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, 1861, pp. 189, 190.

590

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

After an extended account of the decidedly unfavorable conditions
of work affecting women and children employed in the industry, the
report concludes with the statement that—
As far as could be ascertained, the great prevalence of pulmonary
diseases among the population of Yeovil, as shown by the excess of
mortality above the normal rate, is caused mainly by the sedentary
habits ox the people; by the small, imperfectly ventilated, and often
overcrowded cottages in which they dwell; and, in the case of the men,
and of a small proportion of females and children, by the close illventilated factory rooms in which they work.(a)
In a subsequent report of the medical officer of the Privy Council
for the year 1863, published in 1864, the sanitary aspects of the glove
industry were again considered at some length, chiefly, however, with
reference to the employment of kid-glove stitchers. I t is pointed out
in the report that in this employment “ The position of the body is
that of sitting and leaning forward; and as close attention is required,
and much work has to be performed by a most inefficient artificial
light, the stitcher stoops, and places her eyes very near to her work.
Hence contraction of the chest, displacement of the lungs backward,
deficient respiration, and impaired eyesight commonly follow.” To
these evils are added those of long hours, low wages, and the employ
ment of children between the ages of 9 and 14 years. “ The general
state of health was not good, the women and children were commonly
pale, and had thin, sensitive skins, and when they were not emaciated
they were weak.” The inquiry into the employment included a care
ful consideration of the food, and the final conclusions were summed
up in the statement th a t: (1) The occupation was an unrequited and
unhealthful one, certain to produce unfavorable results upon the body,
mind, and morals of female children and upon the women generally;
(2) that the working people were ill fed and unhealthy; and (3) that
the money expended upon food did not obtain the amount of nourish
ment which it might obtain. (1&)
In the same report there is an account of the sanitary aspects of
stocking and glove weavers, which, however, for practical purposes,
may be considered as a branch of the knitting and hosiery industry.
The conclusions of the inquiry with respect to this class of labor
were somewhat more favorable, but they also appear to warrant the
opinion that the state of health was below the normal, chiefly, how
ever, because of low wages and poor housing accommodations.
Glove making is considered at some length by Arlidge, who ob
serves that the industry has no serious incidental health factors, and
that it is not, in so far as the majority of male workers are concerned,
a Third Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, 1861, pp. 189,190.
1 Sixth Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, 1864, pp. 225-227.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

591

in a strict sense a sedentary occupation, for several kinds of work
call for active movements of both the arms and trunk and a stand
ing position; but in the case of women, he remarks, and chiefly in
the finishing branches, the sitting posture is the rule. He remarks
further that—
The skins used by glovers are received from the skin-dressers in a
dry parchment-like condition, and besprinkled with a fair amount
of dust. In sorting the skins before delivery to the glove makers,
considerable dust, of an irritating character, is thrown off. By a
succeeding operation, called “ frizzing,” effected by drawing and
stretching the skin over a steel edge, the stiffness is removed.* This
done, the next process is to reduce the thickness by a kind of shaving
process, and to trim its rough and irregular edges. To reduce thick
ness the skin is stretched on a marble or metal slab, and being dusted
with flour, is shaved on its under or flesh side by a broad chisel-like
implement. While thus engaged, the. workman frequently blows
away the soft fibrous trimmings with his mouth, and from time to
time resprinkles the surface with flour. Large coarser skins are
stretched on a sort of wooden shield, “ the beam,” and worked with
a two-handled tool, which the workman draws toward him. This
proceeding creates a risk of severe wounds above the knee, should the
leather tear. The operation is called “ doling,” and is admitted by
the men engaged in it to be unhealthy; causing tightness and weight
at the sternum, and after some years’ employment, chronic bronchitis
and asthma. (a)
The most recent authority on the sanitary aspects of the industry is
a small treatise in German entitled Health Book of Glove Manufac
ture, by Dr. Alfred Mode, published in 1899. The hygienic aspects
of glove manufacture and resulting diseases are considered in detail,
but confirming more or less the observations and conclusions of earlier
authorities. Doctor Mode calls attention to the comparatively high
degree of consumption frequency in the industry, but he in part
attributes this to the fact that the labor being light persons predis
posed to the disease are attracted to the employment. He remarks
that dust is generated in quite large quantities in some of the proc
esses, but not in all, and that there is unquestionably a direct relation
between dust and disease in the glove-making industry. But con
ceding this to be the case, he concludes that it is very difficult indeed
to state with accuracy how far each of the various factors detrimental
to health is chiefly responsible for the disease, for aside from dust it
is necessary to consider the unfavorable bodily position assumed in
some of the occupations, the effect of polluted atmosphere, high tem
perature in some of the rooms, and a generally irrational mode of life.
Tuberculosis, he states, is met with in all its various forms among
glove makers, chiefly, of course, as consumption of the lungs. Bron
chitis, pneumonia, and influenza are also stated to be of more than
a Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p. 211.

592

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

normal frequency, but how far the occurrence of these diseases is
favored by insanitary habits on the one hand and alcoholism on the
other it is difficult to say. Among the women employed anaemia
and chlorosis, as well as consumption, are exceedingly common.
Doctor Mode quotes the statistics of the Communal Insurance Insti
tution for Glove Makers, including SOO members, among whom there
occurred 127 cases of sickness, of which about 25 per cent were dis
eases of the lungs and air passages. While the statistical material
considered is too limited for definite conclusions, it confirms the opin
ion based upon general considerations that the dust factor in glove
making accounts in part at least for a comparatively high mortality
from consumption in this employment.
BOOT A N D SHOE MAKERS.

The number of persons in the United States employed in boot
and shoe making, including repairing, as shown by the report of
the census of 1900 on occupations, was 209,047, including 39,510
;women. Of the total, 106,819 were boot and shoe factory operatives,
101,643 were shoemakers not in factories, while 585 were apprentices.
Of the factory operatives 37,478, or 35.1 per cent, were women. (a)
The tendency in the industry is steadily toward the elimination of the
handmade product, and the shoemakers who are not factory opera
tives are practically all engaged in repair work. The modern methods
of boot and shoe manufacture are extremely intricate industrial
processes and practically every operation is more or less mechanical.
Most of the processes of manufacture as such have, apparently, no
immediate relation to the health of the operative, and a descriptive
account of the industry is therefore unnecessary. The newer shoe
factories are large establishments, well ventilated, and properly
provided with light and sanitary accommodations. On account of
the far-reaching changes in the industry from hand work to ma
chinery, the earlier observations upon the health and mortality of
boot and shoe makers apply only in part to the trade at the present
time and almost exclusively to the men engaged in repair work.
Thackrah observes that shoemakers, on account of their employment,
are required to assume a very unfavorable position, as the result of
which the abdominal viscera, and especially the stomach and liver,
are compressed. He holds further that “ digestion and circulation
are so much impaired, that the countenance would mark a shoemaker
almost as well as a tailor.” The same writer had ascertained that the
capacity of the lungs in the case of shoemakers is found to average
182 cubic inches, and the circumference of the chest 35 inches. In
the case of the few shoemakers observed who lived to old age, it was
« Report on Occupations, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, p. 8.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

593

found that there was often “ a remarkable hollow at the base of the
breastbone, occasioned by the pressure of the last.” While the posi
tion and other conditions of the employment of the shoemaker were,
no doubt, injurious to health, bad habits, in the opinion of Thackrah,
were much more responsible for the high mortality observed at the
time.(°)
Writers on industrial diseases subsequent to Thackrah comment
upon the favorable influence of the introduction of machinery into
the trade, not only removing certain health-injurious consequences of
shoemaking by hand, but also resulting in the building of larger
and better lighted and ventilated workshops. Doctor Arlidge was
one of the first of English authorities on occupation diseases to give
extended consideration to the hygiene of the employment under more
modern conditions. From this writer is quoted the following state
ment :
In the circumstances prevailing less than half a century ago, there
was much to write about respecting the business of boot and shoe
makers in its relation to health. The greater portion of the work
was then done by the solitary shoemaker, or by a few collected in a
small shop; and the whole operation was a simple handicraft. At the
present time the old-fashioned craftsman is rapidly disappearing
under the influence of factories, often of large dimensions, fitted with
machinery which requires little else than the guiding hand, and turns
out boots and shoes in as few minutes as the best workmen in olden
time took hours to accomplish.
In the olden time the shoemaker sat with his last held firmly be
tween his thighs and knees, and to a close ” used a simple instrument,
the clamp, to keep approximated the edges to be sewed together. He
sat on a low stool, with the trunk bent forward considerably, the
last pressing against his breast-bone and stomach. W ith his awl he
drilled holes to pass his waxed thread through, using his arms forci
bly to fasten each stitch. To fix the sole on the uppers the drilling
and stitching demanded vigorous pulling by an outward movement
of the arms from the chest, not unfavorable to chest expansion. But
the advantages of this expansive movement were negatived by the
pressure of the last against the chest, which, when practiced from
early years, caused a marked depression of the breast-bone and car
tilaginous ends of the ribs, in outline like the hollow of a spoon. This
pressure was, at the same time, detrimental to the stomach, and a
cause of dyspepsia. The long sitting had as its sequel obstinate con
stipation, doubtless aggravated by neglect of the workmen.
In the modern style of bootmaking the uppers are riveted to the
soles, instead of being stitched. Where “ making ” is done at home
by hand, the chest suffers from pressure against it of the heel of the
boot, fixed on an iron last, in the operation of burnishing and filing
off the rough ends. Those who cut out and shape the leather to be
a Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by C. Tur
ner Thackrah, 1832, p. 30.

594

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

made up are called “ clickers; ” and these pursue their work standing
in a stooping attitude, and to some extent press the stomach against
the workbench. For the finishing operation upright lasts have been
introduced, at which the men can stand; but many prefer, as of old,
sitting, with more or less pressure of the last against the thorax. (a)
Referring to the earlier observations by Thackrah, Doctor Arlidge
remarks that the health-injurious circumstances of the employment,
as then observed, were probably more the result of insanitary shops,
dirt, and irregular living than because of any peculiarities of trade
processes. Nevertheless, he remarks, however, “ even at the present
period, the bulk of shoemakers have a meager, unhealthy look
(though working in capacious factories and rescued by machinery
from what were unhealthy mechanical operations), due, principally,
to the fact that many of them still pursue the evil example of their
forefathers, in addiction to strong drinks, besides many irregularities
damaging to health.”
With special reference to phthisis, Arlidge refers to the recorded
mortality of shoemakers in Copenhagen, where, according to Han
nover, it had been calculated that one-third who followed the trade
died from this disease. Referring to Doctor Ogle’s more recent
English data, it appeared that out of 1,635 deaths of shoemakers from
all causes 451, or 27.6 per cent, were from phthisis, certainly, in the
opinion of Arlidge, “ an excessively high ratio.” The remarks by
Arlidge conclude with the following statement:
The vital statistics of shoemakers, as above quoted, apply, to a
great extent, to past years, when the old trade operations were in
vogue. I t will be interesting to learn what changes for the better
the adoption of machines and the extension of the factory system to
the trade have wrought in the health history of shoemakers. The new
system has evidently numerous advantages, but these may, in some
degree perhaps, be lessened by the circumstances of associated labor,
and of heated and overlighted workrooms, particularly where hot
pipes exist, and a superabundant supply of gas is consumed. (6)
Among the more recent authorities on the health-injurious cir
cumstances of boot and shoe making reference may be made to
Doctor Oliver’s article in his treatise on Dangerous Trades, in which
there is included an illustration of one of Doctor Oliver’s own
patients in the Newcastle Infirmary, exhibiting a case of shoemaker’s
chest, showing the great recession of the lower part of the chest, due
to the pressure of the last. In describing the conditions which led
to this deformity, which has an important bearing upon the degree of
consumption frequency among men in this trade, Oliver, after exa Diseases of Occupations, by J, T. Arlidge, pp. 215, 216.
®Idem, p. 217.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

595

pressing the opinion that in course of time this affliction would prob
ably cease to exist, remarks that—
At his work the old type of shoemaker would sit on a low bench,
with his thighs and knees tightly drawn towards each other, clasping
the last with the boot upon it. His trunk would be bent down over
his work, so that during the act of stitching and drawing the waxen
threads through the holes made by his awl in the leather, his arms
would be forcibly separated from his sides in order to tighten each
stitch, while any beneficial expansion of the chest that this movement
created was unfavorably counterbalanced by the increased pressure
of the last upon his chest bone. As a consequence of this repeated
pressure applied to the front of the chest, especially on younger men,
the chest bone and ribs were driven in so as to form a deep hollow. (a)
The same authority on occupation diseases observes, with respect
to present-day conditions affecting health and life in the boot and
shoe industry, that—
Shoemakers formerly suffered from bronchitis and pulmonary
phthisis in fairly large numbers, but much of this was due to the
sedentary character of their occupation, their want of exercise in the
open air, and their intemperate habits. The introduction of ma
chinery, and the bringing of shoemaking under the factory acts,
may to some extent effect an improvement in the health of shoe
makers, but in many of the factories which I have visited, and where
large numbers of persons are employed, the overheated rooms in
which the work is carried on and the vitiated atmosphere rather pre
dispose the workpeople to pulmonary catarrh, and tend to make the
women anaemic. In addition, mercurial poisoning has been known
to occur in the men employed in shoemaking factories, whose duty
it is to mind the American or Blake machines. The mercury is
placed in a well in the machine, to act as a lubricant, and as the
metal is extremely volatile, poisoning may readily arise. (a)
The liability of boot and shoe makers to industrial phthisis was
inquired into by the British departmental committee on compensation
for industrial diseases. Dr. J. Beatty, medical officer of health of
Northampton gave evidence to the effect that the mortality from
phthisis among boot and shoe makers was excessive, but he was not of
the opinion that the form of the disease was of the fibroid type, but,
to the contrary, held that the disease, as generally met with among
men in this employment, was tubercular phthisis in its usual form.
He said that the death rate of shoemakers, undoubtedly, was above the
average and that it was higher among male operatives than among
female operatives. According to his calculations, the phthisis death
rate for boot and shoe makers was 2.59 per 1,000, against a normal
average of 2.08 for the whole population. Referring to the finishing
process as an exceptionally dusty one, and one in which the cona Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, p. 824.
2313—No. 82—09---- 9

596

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOB.

ditions predisposing to consumption were, apparently, most in
evidence, he stated that—
In the finishing process they put the sole of the boot over an emery
or glasspaper wheel, and rub off a great deal of dust from it, with, of
course, a certain amount of brass filings from the rivets. In that case,
of course, there is a good deal of dust produced, which is taken away
by fans; but nevertheless a certain amount gets into the throats of
the workmen. I f I found that in a factory concerned the dust was
not properly taken off and the men developed phthisis, and I could
not find any other cause for it, I should be disposed to say that in
that case probably the disease had originated from the man’s employ
ment, or that his lungs had been so weakened that he was rendered
liable to it.(a)
Aside from exceptional circumstances in the case of particular
branches of the industry, on the whole the conclusions of Doctor
Beatty conform to the opinion of Doctor Tatham, based upon the
observed mortality of shoemakers generally, and expressed in the
statement that—
Although the contrary is generally held to be the fact, shoemakers
are shown, by the figures now at our disposal, to enjoy a degree of
health which is at least equal to that of the average workingman. (®)
What in England is called “ clicking,” that is, the cutting of the
leather to a pattern, is generally considered to be more unhealthy
than most of the other branches in the boot and shoe industry. Doc
tor Beatty, in his evidence as to why men in this employment were
exceptionally liable to lung diseases, said that clickers in their work
had to stoop a great deal, which, of course, would tend to act on the
chest and diminish its capacity, but clicking was also supposed to
attract the physically weak, who were unfit for branches of the trade
requiring a healthier and more robust type.
Much additional evidence was submitted to the committee on com
pensation for industrial diseases, but no conclusive evidence was pro
duced to prove either an excessive death rate or particularly unhealthy
conditions predisposing to a high mortality from consumption. More
definite and conclusive are the results of an investigation made by the
Massachusetts state board of health, published in 1905 and in 1907.
In the first report, which was published in the Thirty-sixth Annual
Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts, it is stated
that some thirty different boot and shoe making establishments had
been investigated and that nearly all of them had been found to be
provided, to some extent, with blower or exhaust fans, for mechanical
ventilation, but that in many instances the apparatus was inadequate
for the needs of the establishment. In certain processes connected with
the manufacture of shoes, it was found that considerable dust was
° R eport of the D epartm ental Committee on Compensation for In d u strial
Diseases, M inutes of Evidence, p. 277. London, 1907.

MOBTALITY FBOM CONSUMPTION IN CEBTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

597

produced, and as a result, it was held, the industry should be classed
among the dusty trades. Reference is made to the mortality returns
of Lynn and Brockton, which are the two most important centers of
the boot and shoe industry in Massachusetts. In the city of Brock
ton out of 167 deaths occurring among shoemakers, 42, or 25.1 per
cent of the whole, were found to be due to pulmonary consumption,
and of this number the proportion of those dying below the age of
30 was 36 per cent. The number of deaths from all lung diseases,
including consumption, was 61, or 36.5 per cent of the mortality from
all causes. In Lynn during a period of three years there occurred
297 deaths among shoemakers, 65, or 21.9 per cent, of which were
due to consumption. Including deaths from other respiratory dis
eases, the total mortality from diseases of the lungs and air passages
was 95, or 32.0 per cent of the mortality from all causes. More than
one-half, or 55.4 per cent, of those who died from consumption had
not yet attained their thirtieth year. The report concludes with
the statement that—
There was one condition which was very noticeable in a large pro
portion of the shoe factories visited, but by no means peculiar to this
line of industry, and that was the habit of indiscriminate spitting. In
some instances spittoons were provided, and these appeared to dimin
ish the habit of spitting carelessly upon the floors; in some, spitting
is forbidden; in others, it is not forbidden and spittoons are not sup
plied. In some of the larger establishments everything that can be
provided for the health, comfort, and happiness of the employees
may be found; but in others there is room for very marked improve
ment. (°)
The report published in 1907 considers the industry at greater
length, including an examination of the conditions observed by per
sonal inspection in 373 establishments. Of these 62 were found to be
with good conditions regarding the health and welfare of the working
people, 91 with unsatisfactory conditions, 72 with poor conditions, 19
with distinctly bad conditions, and 129 were unclassified. The report
points out that four conditions had been observed to prevail, all of
which were subject to ventilation changes, being, first, poor ventila
tion; second, inadequate removal of dust from machines; third, the
condition of toilet rooms; and fourth, spitting upon the floors. In
the majority of the factories visited the ventilation was found to be
poor, and in many of them distinctly bad. In the rooms in which
large amounts of dust were evolved, the number of machines with
means for efficient, or fairly efficient, removal of dust, was found to be
1,630, while the number either inefficiently equipped, or void of equip
ment, was 2,769. Of 84 of the many dusty rooms reported, 40 were
a Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts,
for the year ending September 30, 1904, pp. xxvi, xxvii.

598

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OE LABOR.

also overcrowded, 35 were dark, 21 were overheated, and 18 were over
crowded, dark, and overheated. In the opinion of the inspectors of
the state board of health, the health of the employees in the industry
in the larger number of establishments appeared to be from fair to
good, but in 85 factories, or 23 per cent of those visited, a considerable
proportion of the employees were noticeably pale and unhealthy.
W ith respect to ventilation it is stated that—
In the majority of the factories visited the ventilation was found to
be poor, or distinctly bad; and in most cases where these conditions
obtained, there was excessive heat. Where the ventilation is poor,
the air becomes much worse toward night; and in some cases it is so
bad that the employees assert that they are sometimes nauseated on
entering the workrooms in the morning. These are usually long and
narrow; and if, in cold weather, the windows are opened, cross-drafts
are established. Some foremen say that, while they would be blamed
were employees to complain that they had taken cold from open win
dows, they are not blamed by employees for sickness due to vitiated
air and overheating. Crowding of rooms with machinery- and stock
facilitates work by shortening the distances through which the shoes
have to travel in the processes of manufacture; and it is asserted that
more cubic space per capita would involve a considerable addition to
the general expense of maintenance.
In 103 factories strong odors of naphtha were observed. In some
establishments it was said that the odors were so overpowering that
the girls who handle the naphtha cement become nauseated, and suffer
from headache. Some of the naphtha cements cause much more
trouble than others. In 21 factories fumes of wood alcohol were
plainly observable.
In a certain number of rooms strong odors of naphtha were noticed,
in addition to wood alcohol fumes. In 71 of the many unventilated
rooms, some of which were overcrowded and overheated, the em
ployees were exposed to strong fumes of naphtha or of wood alcohol,
or of both. As stated elsewhere in this report, wood alcohol fumes
are a real danger to health, and especially to sight, not infrequently
causing total blindness; but no instances of trouble arising therefrom
were reported in the investigation of this industry. (a)
Regarding the removal of dust, the report states, in part, as
follows:
The rooms in which large amounts of dust are evolved are those
in which the operations ox heel trimming, edge trimming, buffing,
naumkeaging, heel scouring, breast scouring, polishing and upper
cleaning are conducted. For effective removal of this dust, exhaust
flues attached to the machinery are necessary. Of the 373 factories
visited, 126 are partially, and a fair proportion of these are wholly,
equipped with this means of protection to the workmen; in 88 of
these 126 one or more machines are not so equipped; and in 49 of
the 88 there are rooms in which the air, apart from the escaping dust,
0 R eport of the M assachusetts State Board of H ealth upon th e S anitary Con
dition of Factories, W orkshops, etc., 1907, p. 58.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

599

is noticeably bad. The number of machines with means for efficient
or fairly efficient removal of dust was found to be 1,630; the number
either inefficiently equipped or devoid of equipment was reported
as 2,769.
The reasons for inefficiency include improper adjustment of hoods,
clogging of pipes, leaking pipes, bad connections, poor draft, small
openings, small pipes, improper position of machines with reference
to light, necessitating the raising of hoods in order to see well. I t
appears, however, that a machine may be fairly effective in dust
removal with one kind of work, and faulty with another; and that,
while with some kinds of material a well-equipped machine may
give off some dust, with other material a machine without exhaust
drafts may create little, if any. Again, in edge trimming much less
dust is produced when light and thin-soled shoes are made; and,
further, it not infrequently happens that, owing to changes in styles
of shoes, it becomes necessary to introduce machines into places where
such were not originally intended to go, or processes are modified
so that machines which worked unobjectionably before give off
much dust when employed on a different kind of material. Thus
it happens that in certain factories, in which there is an evident
intention to have all conditions perfect^ a set of machines may be
found whose running is attended by objectionable conditions. I t is
only fair to state that in one city (Marlborough) nearly all of the
factories have unusually good dust-removing machinery, and that
the results are generally most commendable. Of 84 of the many
unventilated and dusty rooms reported in the course of this investi
gation, 40 were overcrowded, 35 were dark, 21 were overheated; and
18 were overcrowded, dark and overheated. (a)
The report includes extracts from the reports upon individual
establishments, from which, for purposes of illustration, the follow
ing quotations are made:
About one-tenth of the employees seem to be in poor health.
Several weak-looking boys exposed to strong odors of wood alcohol.
Room with 60 occupants, crowded with stock, air bad, and strong
odor of naphtha in various parts. Room with 75 occupants, over
crowded, overheated, unventilated. Room with 50 occupants,
crowded with stock and machinery, air foul and dusty.
Room with 50 occupants, several under 18 years of age, very hot and
air very foul. Much spitting on the floor. Some of the machines
give off 'a great deal of fine dust. More than half of the cubic space
in this room is taken up by stock and machinery.
Room with 120 occupants, exposed to much fine dust; 20 men ex
posed to strong fumes of naphtha and wood alcohol. Some of them
are noticeably pale, but all of them have become accustomed to the
smell. Another room, with 120 occupants, overheated and not venti
lated. Much spitting on the floor. Some of the women and about
one-half of the minors of both sexes look pale and poorly nourished.
Rooms occupied by from 40 to 160 persons, are overcrowded and
not ventilated. In some the odor of naphtha is strong; in some the
° Report of th e M assachusetts S tate B oard of H ealth upon the S anitary
Condition of Factories, Workshops, etc., 1907, p. 59.

600

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

dust is excessive. In one, with 40 occupants, a cloud of fine dust flies
from 11 scouring machines and settles upon the walls and wherever
it can reach, and men complain of great discomfort therefrom. Half
of the men look unhealthy. From 9 rotary brushes a great deal
of fine black dust and lint is thrown, and it settles everywhere, in
cluding the faces and especially about the nostrils of the workmen.
All of the men in this room, and 3 boys aged about 16, appear to be in
especially poor health. (a)
The census mortality statistics of boot and shoe makers by divisional
periods of life are compared in the following table with the similar
data for the manufacturing and mechanical and the mercantile and
trading classes.
MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG BOOT AND SH O E M A K E R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF TH E MANUFACTURING AND MECHANICAL CLASS AND THE
MERCANTILE AND TRADING CLASS, IN TH E REGISTRATION STATES, 1900,
BY AGE GROUPS.
[From report on V ital Statistics, Tw elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Death rate per 1,000 among—
Age at death.

15 to 24 years.............................................................................
25 to 44 y ears..............- .............................................................
45 to 64 y e ars.............................................................................
65 years and over.......................................................................

The manu
The mer
Boot and
facturing
cantile and
shoe makers. and mechan trading
ical class.
class.
2.74
8.39
11.18
77.87

4.43
8.35
20.16
105.43

2.60
6.72
19.91
93.79

According to this table the general death rate of boot and shoe
makers compares favorably with the other classes at all of the speci
fied ages.
Opposed to this favorable general death rate there is other sta
tistical evidence that boot and shoe makers are subject to a compara
tively high mortality from consumption. In Ehode Island, during
the period 1852 to 1906, there were 716 deaths reported of shoemakers,
138, or 19.3 per cent, of which were from consumption, and 64, or
8.9 per cent, from other respiratory diseases.
Regarding shoemakers, the report of the registrar-general on the
occupation mortality of England and Wales for 1900 to 1902 contains
the following decidedly suggestive observations based upon the ob
served mortality of 197,555 shoemakers above the age of 15 years:
I t appears that up to the age of 35 years, and again at ages above
65 the mortality of shoemakers slightly exceeds the standard for all
occupied and retired males, while at other ages it is slightly below
that standard. Within the main working period of life the compara
a Report of the M assachusetts State B oard of H ealth upon the S anitary Con
dition of Factories, Workshops, etc., 1907, pp. 61-63.

MORTALITY PROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

601

tive mortality figure is 984, or within 2 per cent of the average; the
mortality from phthisis, however, is in excess by 45 per cent, but that
from influenza and respiratory diseases, as well as from alcoholism
and liver disease, and Bright’s disease, is considerably below the
standard, and the mortality from accident is little more than onethird of the average. (a)
The most recent English mortality statistics are also suggestive of
health-injurious conditions in this trade. In the table which follows
the mortality from all causes among men in this employment is com
pared with that of occupied males generally. The general death rate
is somewhat excessive at ages under 35, but is favorable at ages 35 and
over.
MORTALITY PROM ALL CAUSES AMONG BOOT AND SHOES M A K E R S , COMPARED
W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902,
BY AGE GROUPS.
I From P a rt II, Supplement to th e Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-G eneral of
Berths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate for boot and shoe makers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years................................................................ .
20 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and o v er...........................................................

Death rate
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
per 1,000
for all occu Rate per or less(—) rate
for all
pied males.
than rate
1,000.
for all occu occupied
males.
pied males.
2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.65
5.14
6.33
9.82
17.37
29.14
83.13

+0.21
+ .73
+ .32
- .40
- .36
-1.87
-5.26

109
117
105
96
98
94
94

A more extended comparison is made in the next table in which the
mortality of boot and shoe makers from consumption and other
respiratory diseases is compared with the normal mortality of occu
pied males from these diseases, by divisional periods of life. The
comparison shows that at all ages the mortality of boot and shoe
makers from consumption is excessive by from 0.41 to 1.50 per 1,000.
The excess was most marked at ages 35 to 44, but it was considerable
at ages 20 to 54. The corresponding mortality from other respiratory
diseases among boot and shoe makers was slightly favorable at all
ages by from 0.02 to 1.00 per 1,000. The slightly favorable mortality
from other respiratory diseases does not, however, balance the excess
mortality from consumption.
a Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the RegistrarGeneral of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, p. lxiii.

602

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND FROM OTHER DISEASES OF THE RE
SPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG S H O E M A K E R S , COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL
OCCUPIED MALES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Mortality from other diseases of the re
spiratory system.

Mortality from consumption.

Age at death.

15 to 19 years__
20 to 24 years__
25 to 34 years---35 to 44 years---45 to 54 years—
55 to 64 years---65 years and over

Death rate for shoemakers.
Death rate for shoemakers.
Death
Death
per
rate per
Greater (+ ) Ratio to rate
Greater (+ ) Ratio to
for
1,000 for
less (—) rate for 1,000
or less (—) rate for
all
oc
all oc Rate per or
Rate
per
than
rate
than rate all oc
all oc cupied
cupied
1,000.
for all oc cupied
1,000
for all oc cupied
males.'
males.
cupied
cupied
males.
males.
males.
males.
0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

1.01
2.90
3.18
4.24
4.18
2.57
1.59

+0.47
+1.35
+1.15
+1.50
+1.14
+ .41
+ .48

187
187
157
155
138
119
143

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.14
.46
.56
1.30
2.80
5.54
17.34

-0.10
- .02
- .21
- .36
- .52
-1.00
- .43

58
96
73
78
84
85
98

In the Switzerland statistics the consumption death rates of shoe
makers were excessive at all ages, thus confirming in a convincing
way the English data. The following table gives the data for Swit
zerland in detail by divisional periods of life:
MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG S H O E M A K E R S , COMPARED W ITH
THAT OF ALL OCCUPIED MALES IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[Figures from V ital S tatistics of Switzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate for shoemakers.
Age at death.

15 to 19 years....................................................................
20 to 29 years..................................................................
30 to 39 years....................................................................
40 to 49 years....................................................................
50 to 59 years....................................................................
60 to 69 years....................................................................
70 years and o v er...........................................................

Death rate
per 1,000 for
all occu
per
pied males. Rate
1,000.

1.30
3.04
3.66
3.65
3.52
3.25
1.84

1.41
3.52
3.95
4.10
5.35
5.19
4.22

Greater
(+ ) or less Ratio to
(—) than rate for all
rate for all occupied
occupied
males.
males.
+0.11
+ .48
+ .29
+ .45
+1.83
+1.94
+2.38

108
116
108
112
152
160
229

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics of boot and
shoe makers include 1,930 deaths from all causes, of which 371, or 19.2
per cent, were from consumption. Of the mortality of boot and shoe
makers from other respiratory diseases 173 were from pneumonia, 41
from bronchitis, 30 from asthma, and 34 from other less frequent
respiratory diseases. Combining the deaths from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases, it is found that 33.6 per cent of the
total mortality of boot and shoe makers was from diseases of the lungs

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

603

and air passages. While the consumption mortality of boot and shoe
makers was excessive at all ages, the excess was most pronounced at
25 to 34, when out of every 100 deaths from all causes 50.3 were from
consumption, against a normal expected proportion of 31.3. The
analysis of the consumption mortality of boot and shoe makers is set
forth in detail in the following table:
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG BOOT A N D SHOE
M A K E R S , 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN THE REG
ISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for boot and shoe makers from experience of an industrial insurance company;
figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United
States census.]
Deaths of boot and
shoe makers, 1897 to
1906, due to—
Age at death.

Per cent of deaths
due to consumption
among—

in
and Males
- Boot
registra
shoe
All causes. Consumption.
tion
area,
makers. 1900 to 1906.

15 to 24 years........................................... ......................
25 to 34 years...................................................................
35 to 44 years................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years............... *................... ..............................
65 years and over...........................................................

189
185
179
252
467
708

58
93
69
61
54
36

41.7
50.3
38.5
24.2
11.6
5.1

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total..................................................... ...............

1,930

371

19.2

14.8

The preceding observations and statistical data, derived from both
American and foreign sources, clearly indicate that boot and shoe
makers are subject to an excessive mortality from consumption and
from other respiratory diseases. The excess in the mortality from
consumption is, without doubt, in part at least, the result of continu
ous and considerable exposure to organic dust.
CORK CUTTING A N D GRINDING. («)

The cork industry in the United States is of very limited extent,
employing in 1900 only 2,340 wage-earners in 62 establishments. Of
the total number employed 1,013 were adult males, 1,144 adult fe
males, and 183 children under 16 years of age. There has been some
progress in the industry since 1890, when the number of wageearners was returned by the census as 2,019, but from a commercial
point of view the growth of the industry has been much more rapid,
as indicated by the increase in the value of the manufactured product
from $2,840,359 to $4,392,364 during the decade ending with 1900.
a For an interesting account of the manufacture of cork, with special refer
ence to the use of machinery, reference may be had to an illustrated article on
the subject in Popular Science Monthly for September, 1887.

604

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The industry is concentrated in a few States, chiefly New York with
24 establishments, Pennsylvania with 10, and New Jersey with 8.
The cork industry has undergone material modification within
recent years, chiefly resulting from the introduction of cork cutting
and sorting machinery, but the use of machinery is limited on ac
count of the variable character of the material. As brought out in
the report of the Commissioner of Labor on hand and machine labor,
published in 1899, the work under modern methods is being done in
from one-third to one-half the time required under the more primi
tive methods. The industry has never attained to very considerable
proportions in this country, being chiefly centered in Spain, Portugal,
and Germany. Cork cutting was introduced into northern Germany
near the close of the eighteenth century, and it has continued to re
main one of the leading industrial pursuits in the flat lands at Hasbergen and Delmenhorst in the vicinity of Bremen. In a descriptive
account published in Die Gartenlaube for 1888 (No. 89) it is stated
that the two main divisions of labor are cutting and sorting, both of
which, according to the description, are evidently accompanied by the
production of considerable quantities of dust. Cork cutting by hand
is a comparatively simple process, which is even more simplified when
machines are used either for cutting or boring purposes. In northern
Germany, where the cutting of cork is still to a considerable extent
a domestic industry, the eork bark being delivered in quantities to the
homes of the workmen and the finished product being returned to the
factory for sorting and other purposes, the conditions are quite differ
ent from those common in the United States. In this country most
of the cork is cut as well as sorted and otherwise manipulated in the
factory, which, at least, differs in one essential from cork cutting as a
domestic industry, and that is that the employment of small children
is practically eliminated. In northern Germany practically the entire
family helps more or less to increase the product and the scant earn
ings of the family, with the exposure on the part of even the very
young to the not inconsiderable quantities of dust resulting from the
handling of the material. During the cutting process proper it is
not so much the dust of the cork itself as of the dirt, sand, etc., adher
ing to the cork bark. The amount of waste in cork cutting, however,
is enormous, and it is only within very recent years that this waste
has been turned to economic uses, chiefly in connection with the manu
facture of linoleum. For the last-named purpose the cork waste is
ground and subsequently mixed with linseed oil and other substances.
Powdered cork is also used for filling in horse collars, for making
mats, and for a number of other industrial purposes.
The sanitary aspects of cork cutting, sorting, and grinding have
not attracted much attention, which might be accepted as evidence

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

605

that the consequences of this employment are not decidedly injurious
to health and a predisposing factor to consumption. But in view of
the fact that the number of persons employed in this industry is not
very large it is more probable that on account of its limited extent
the employment has not attracted the attention of those who have
made inquiry into the mortality of different trades.
In 1889 a report was made to the Department of State by United
States Consul Monaghan on labor conditions in Mannheim, where
the cork industry is of considerable extent. The consul states in his
report that persons employed in the various cork factories “ are, as a
rule, rugged, healthy, and strong,” and that “ the factories are well
ventilated and subjected to careful and rigorous inspection.”
Thackrah very briefly refers to the employment, stating only that
“ cork cutters have little other inconvenience than the generally
sedentary character of the employ. The dust which attends the burn
ing of the cork produces a sense of suffocation, but this process is
only occasional.”
The process of cork grinding preliminary to linoleum manufacture
has been described as follows:
The crude material for the production of ground and powdered
cork consists almost exclusively of the waste of cork industry, and
is used extensively in the manufacture of linoleum. This waste con
sists of pieces of cork up to a cubic inch in size. The comminution,
accompanied by a great generation of dust, is carried on by degrees.
As a preliminary step machines divide the material into small pieces.
The second step is grinding them in mills into a fine powder or flour.
This work is not without danger, because the cork dust is easily in
flammable and, if lighted, explodes with great force. The scraps of
iron which frequently are among the particles of cork often cause
explosion by producing sparks in passing through the mills. The
parts of the machines which cut the cork into little particles are
rapidly revolving adjustable rollers or plates studded with cutting
teeth.
The pulverization of the particles of cork thus obtained is accom
plished by two methods. According to the older method with rasps
consisting of large, rapidly revolving drums studded with sawteeth,
against which the material is pressed by two slowly revolving feeder
rollers. In the newer method flat-stone mills are used, whose whole
construction is very similar to the ordinary flour-grinding mills.
The cork flour is passed through the mills several times until all the
particles possess the required fineness. During these several passages
the ground material is separated into various classes by means of
drum sieves containing about 1,000 meshes to every square inch.
As a result of this process, in which not even exhausters are effi
cient, it can easily be seen that the workman and the neighborhood
are exposed to great annoyances because of the very fine consistency
and exceeding small specific weight of the ground cork. This finely
ground cork dust is carried away by the slightest disturbances of the

606

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

air and transported for long distances. I t is very injurious to the
respiratory organs. (a)
The preceding conclusions are confirmed by the opinions of other
authorities on occupation diseases, although the industry, as pre
viously stated, has not as yet attracted very much attention. Parry
states that “ explosions may arise during the powdering of the cork,
or during the mixing of the cork and cement ” in the process of li
noleum manufacture,^) while Inspector Crampton, for the south
London district, makes the following statement: “ An industry which
I have noticed as productive of much dust is the making of ordinary
corks for bottles, and I have requested the introduction of fans to
remove the dust at the point of origin.” (c)
While the foregoing observations are not entirely conclusive and
statistical data of sickness or mortality are not available, it is evident
that the employment may properly be included in a classification of
dusty trades, in which the exposure to dust inhalation is a contribu
tory factor in the mortality from consumption. As indicated in the
quotation from the Report of the Chief Factory Inspector of Eng
land, it is possible to materially improve the conditions of work by
the introduction of effective ventilating apparatus. Further inquiry
into the hygiene of this employment would be both interesting and
valuable.
M ANUFACTURE OF PEA R L A N D BONE BUTTONS.

The hygiene of button manufacture requires careful discrimination
as to the method used in button making, which may broadly be
divided into metallic and nonmetallic to distinguish precisely the
specific character of the dust exposure of the employments. For
the present purpose only the manufacture of nonmetallic buttons can
be considered as falling strictly within the classification of occupa
tions with exposure to organic dust.
Of the total button product of the United States in 1905, according
to the census of manufactures, about half the product, as measured
by quantity, consists of pearl buttons made from fresh-water or ocean
shells, vegetable ivory, bone, composition, and buttons made of other
materials of organic origin. The number of wage-earners employed
in the button industry as a whole was returned in 1905 as 10,567,
against 8,685 in 1900 and 3,831 in 1890. Of the 10,567 wage-earners
a “ Factory sanitation and labor protection,” by Dr. C. F. W. Doehring, Bul
letin No. 44, Department of Labor, January, 1903, pp. 71, 72.
&The Risks and Dangers of Various Occupations, by L# A. Parry, M. D.,
p. 156.
^Annual R eport of the Chief Inspector of F actories and W orkshops for th e
y ear 1906, p. 13.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

607

employed in button manufacture in 1905, 5,085 are specifically re
turned as having been employed in the manufacture of fresh-water
pearl buttons, while 1,001 wage-earners were employed in the manu
facture of vegetable-ivory buttons. The number employed in other
branches of the industry is not specifically returned.
The manufacture of fresh-water pearl button blanks is centered in
Iowa and Illinois, the manufacture of fresh-water pearl buttons in
New York, Iowa, and Pennsylvania, the manufacture of bone buttons
in Pennsylvania, of composition buttons in Pennsylvania and New
York, of horn buttons in Connecticut, of ocean-pearl buttons in New
York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, while vegetable-ivory buttons
are made chiefly in New York, Massachusetts, and New Jersey.
On account of the wide dispersion of the industry the labor condi
tions naturally vary to a considerable extent, but the most important
differences in the conditions affecting health are those arising out of
the materials used in button manufacture.
In connection with the census of 1900 is given a brief outline of
the industrial processes in the different branches of the industry,
from which the following brief extracts are made:
Eegarding the manufacture of horn buttons, it is stated that—
The raw material of the horn button is generally the hoofs of cattle.
The hoofs are boiled in large kettles, which process softens them;
then they are cut by machines into pieces, which other machines form
into buttons. These go under a hydraulic press, which stamps the
desired patterns upon them. Still different machines are used for
boring holes and for polishing. (a)
The process of making vegetable-ivory buttons, first introduced
into the United States in 1859, is described as follows:
The raw material is the seed of the fruit of Phytelephas Macrocarpa, a low-growing palm of South America; the principal shipping
point for which is Colon, Colombia. The seed is commonly known
as the ivory nut, and is about the size of a hen’s egg. The albumen
is close grained and very hard, resembling the finest ivory in texture
and color. These nuts are either cut in halves, from which the buttons
are sawed out, or sawed in small blocks, from which the larger but
tons are formed. The vegetable ivory is especially adapted to the
application of colors. The methods of manufacture of the vegetableivory buttons have changed very little since the time of its introduc
tion here, but great progress has been made in the dyeing of the
buttons in various colors and patterns, and also in the finish, and
to-day the products of the home factories rival the European product.
This branch of the industry ranks third. (a)
Closely resembling buttons made from vegetable ivory are buttons
made from composition material, according to a process first intro
a Report on M anufactures, P a r t III , Tw elfth Census of th e U nited States,
1900, p. 322.

608

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEATJ OF LABOB.

duced into the United States in 1875. I t is stated these buttons
closely resemble those manufactured from vegetable ivory and that
they—
are made of plastic material, i. e., a mass which softens under the
influence of heat and becomes hard when cold. The ingredients used
are certain fossil and vegetable gums, combined with finely com
minuted carbonate of lime, feldspar, mica, or kindred minerals.
These ingredients are thoroughly mixed in steam-heated grinders.
When the minerals are properly amalgamated with the gums, the
mass is run off in sheets and allowed to cool. Later these sheets are
placed on hot platens, contact with which softens them, and facili
tates cutting into strips of convenient form for placing in the dies.(a)
Buttons are also made in large quantities from celluloid, potatoes,
casein, blood, and other organic materials, a descriptive account of
which is not available to sufficiently emphasize the possibly healthinjurious processes arising in connection with their manufacture.
The most important branches of the button industry of to-day in
the United States is the manufacture of pearl buttons, including
fresh-water pearls from the Mississippi. In 1900 the production of
these varieties of buttons formed 48.4 per cent of the total product
reported for the entire button industry of the United States. This
process was first introduced in 1855, having since grown to very con
siderable proportions. The mechanical processes of pearl-button
manufacture as carried on in the United States at the present time
are described in the following statement:
After the mussels have been cooked and the meat removed, the
shells are taken to the factories and stored in sheds. They are then
sorted into three different sizes and soaked in barrels of water from
three to six days to render them less brittle. They must be used while
wet, otherwise they crumble under the saw. The next step is the
cutting or sawing of the rough blanks. The shells are usually held
with pliers while being cut, but some sawers hold them in their hands.
The saws are hollow, cylindrical pieces of steel, 2 inches wide, and
with a diameter corresponding to the size of the button. A t one end
these cylinders are provided with fine teeth; they are adjusted to
lathes in which they revolve. As the sawer holds the shell against
the saw, the blanks are cut out and passed back into the saw and saw
holder and drop into a receiver. The next step is the dressing or
grinding of the back of the blank to remove the skin and make an
even surface. To accomplish this, each blank has to be held with the
finger against a revolving emery wheel. Then comes the turning, by
which the front of the button is given its form, including the central
depression. When the holes are drilled the button is complete, with
the exception of the polishing process, which brings out the natural
luster which was lost in the grinding. It is this luster which gives
the buttons their chief value. The polishing is effected by placing the
buttons in bulk in large wooden tumblers or kegs, in which they are
a R eport on M anufactures, P a r t III , T w elfth Census of th e U nited States,
1900, p. 322.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

609

subjected to the action of a chemical fluid as the tumblers revolve.
By mutual contact, combined with the effect of the fluid, the buttons
become highly lustrous. Then they are washed, dried, and sorted into
sizes and grades of quality. After being sewed on cards and packed
in pasteboard boxes, the buttons are ready for the market. (a)
I t is evident from the foregoing description that the sanitary con
ditions of this industry are more or less prejudicial to health, chiefly,
of course, on account of the exposure to considerable and continuous
inhalation of very fine organic dust. The subject has attracted the
attention of most of the authorities on occupation diseases, and as
early as 1832 Thackrah observed that—
The makers of bone buttons are subjected to some dust, but this is not
sufficient to produce sensible disorder. The makers of pearl buttons
appear to suffer more. The pearl dust produces often bronchial
irritation, and this excites pulmonary consumption in individuals
predisposed to the disease. Both classes of button makers are, in
Birmingham at least, generally intemperate, devoting two days a
week to the impairment of their health. (**6)
Halfort, writing in 1845, relies almost entirely upon Thackrah,
confirming his conclusions that exposure to the dust of horn and
mother-of-pearl is a predisposing cause in bronchial catarrh and in
consumption of the lungs.
The first extended inquiry into the hygiene of the employment was
made in France during the early fifties, reference to which is made
in the report by Dr. Waller Lewis, published as a parliamentary
report in 1855. The report calls attention to the generation of large
quantities of dust, not only of the material itself but also of the grind
stones used in grinding and polishing processes. Of the dust pro
duced in the manufacture of mother-of-pearl, it is stated that—
This dust, of a yellowish white color, is exceedingly abundant; it is
very light, and composed of small grains, excessively thin, which give
to the touch a rough and sandy sensation. As soon as one enters a
workshop where five or six cutters are working, you are suffocated
by this dust, and feel a slight smell of animal matter. This odor is
due to the composition of the shells, which inclose an organic animal
matter, more or less abundant, according to the age of the mollusk,
etc. The fibrous and nacreous structure is that part which generally
contains most animal matter, and consequently gives off most of the
dust. This explains how it is that the water in which the grindstone
bathes becomes so quickly putrid, and renders the work of the mill
still more insalubrious. (c)
a Report on Manufactures, Part III, Twelfth Census of the United States,
1900, p. 323.
6 Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions on Health and Longevity, by C.
Turner Thackrah, 1832, p. 55.
c Parliamentary Report, The Laws and Ordonnances in Force in France for
the Regulation of Noxious Trades and Occupations, by Dr. Waller Lewis, p. 59.

610

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The resulting consequences of continuous and considerable expo
sure to the inhalation of dust of mother-of-pearl are stated to be
chronic bronchitis, hemoptysis, ophthalmia, and other afflictions, for
the author of the report observes that—
The thin and abundant dust which escapes from the shell when
being sawn, and while being worked on the mill or stone, evidently
causes these affections of the organs of respiration and sight. Com
pletely inert, this dust enters into the ramifications of the bronchi,
but seldom into the smallest of them, and produces in them an irri
tation which augments the mucous secretion; the mucous membranes
thicken, and cause, especially in the morning, and sometimes during
work, a very exhausting cough, followed by considerable expectora
tion. Chronic bronchitis, frequently complicated with hemoptysis,
and still more frequently with pulmonary emphysema, quickly
ensues.
The women who are mostly employed in * * * placing the
buttons on cards, suffer much from chlorosis and similar anaemic com
plaints, but this depends much upon their bad sanitary state, and on
the sedentary nature of their employment. The workmen do not
appear to be more subject to phthisis than others, but they are very
liable to chronic troublesome asthma, (a) which does not leave them
even after their change of employment.^)
In 1861 the medical officer of the Privy Council published a report
on the hygiene of button making in the Birmingham district, chiefly
with reference to the manufacture of buttons made of mother-ofpearl. I t is stated in the report that—
Button making is one of the staple manufactures of Birmingham,
and affords employment to a large number of persons of both sexes
and of all ages from 6 or 7 years upwards. I t is almost exclusively
the pearl-button makers, of whom there are a great number in Bir
mingham, who suffer from inhaling dust. Bone and vegetable ivory
button makers are much less exposed to breathe a dusty atmosphere,
and no conclusive evidence of their suffering from irritative disease
of the lungs was obtained. Pearl buttons are cut out of shell, and
both in the process of cutting out the disks, and also in those of form
ing and polishing the buttons on the lathe, much dust is evolved. The
danger to health from inhaling dust was aggravated in several of
the button factories, visited during the inquiry, by the overcrowded,
ill-ventilated state of the workshops * * *.(c)
After pointing out that many females were employed in this manu
facture, and that many of the laborers work for long hours, often
until far into the night, the report continues that—
There was much discrepancy in the evidence regarding the influ
ence of the occupation on health, collected in different shops used for*&
a This form of asthma was, in all probability, fibroid phthisis, not clearly
differentiated from general tuberculosis.
&Parliamentary Report, The Laws and Ordonnances in Force in France for
the Regulation of Noxious Trades and Occupations, by Dr. Waller Lewis, p. 59.
c Fourth Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, 1861, pp. 143, 144.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

611

the manufacture of pearl buttons. In some instances the operatives
declared their occupation to be entirely harmless; whilst in others
abundant evidence was obtained, from both masters and men, that
the work people employed in this branch of manufacture suffer much
from irritation of the lungs in consequence of inhaling air charged
with dust. Further inquiry, and especially a careful examination
of the processes of manufacture, showed that this contrariety of evi
dence arose from a corresponding difference in the kind of article
manufactured; much less dust being created in making small buttons,
such as are suitable for shirt fronts and similar purposes, than in
making those of a larger size. (a)
The foregoing extract emphasizes the extreme care necessary in
discriminating between the different employments of button manu
facture. The report states further that—
The injurious influence of the pearl-button manufacture on health
was further confirmed by evidence afforded by Doctor Bussell, physi
cian to the general hospital, * * * and by Doctor Johnstone,
another of the physicians to the same institution. One manufacturer
represented himself as suffering from the ill effects of the occupa
tion, and said that many of his work people were affected in a like
manner, few escaping the injurious effects of their employment on
reaching the middle period of life. The superintendent of another
factory reported himself to have long suffered from cough and ex
pectoration produced by inhaling the mother-of-pearl dust, adding
that this result of the occupation is now so well known that many of
the benefit societies of Birmingham will no longer admit pearl-button
makers into membership. As might be expected, the disease from
which the pearl-button makers suffer in consequence of their trade
is chronic bronchitis. This disease runs a very slow course, often
lasting many years before finally disabling its subject. Hemoptysis
appears to be a not infrequent attendant on the complaint when fully
established. (°)
The inhalation of mother-of-pearl dust is, however, not only in
jurious to the lungs and air passages, but, as pointed out by Dr. B. W.
Kichardson in 1876, the dust is also a causative factor in producing a
serious disease of the bones, to which the name of “ osteitis ” has been
given to clearly differentiate it from other and perhaps similar afflic
tions. According to Doctor Bichardson, in his lecture on “ Un
healthy trades,” delivered before the Society of Arts in 1876—
This disease, first described by Englisch, as attacking mother-ofpearl turners, has since been studied by Gussenbauer, Klauser, H irt,
and Merkel. Gussenbauer and Klauser have made an analysis of
the three different layers of which the pearl shell is composed. The
most internal layer is the one used by mother-of-pearl turners. I t
contains of organic matter insoluble in water 5.57, of organic matter
soluble in water 0.11, of water 0.47, of carbonate of lime 98.555, and
of alkaline salts 0.295 per cent. The disease of the bones that has
a F ou rth Report of the Medical Officer of th e P rivy Council, 1861, p. 144.

2313—No. 82—09----- 10

612

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

been observed as incidental to the turning of this substance attacks
only youths, before the skeleton is fully developed. It is character
ized by a sudden pain, which is neither increased by pressure nor
motion. A swelling, first from the periosteum, or covering of the
bone, and afterwards from the bone itself, shows itself at the ends of
the bones at what are called the “ epiphyses.” The soft elastic swell
ing is sometimes fluctuating. Its development is accompanied by
fever; it enlarges in the direction of the length of the bone; in time
it becomes harder, and it rarely suppurates. As a rule, the tumor
resolves. I t often attacks several points of the skeleton at the same
time, and it has a tendency to return. The bones that have been
observed as affected in seven cases under the observation of Gussenbauer, in youths of from 14 to 16 years, are the radius of the arm, the
ulna, the lower jawbone, and the thigh bone. In one instance sev
eral bones were attacked successively in the same subject—namely, the
left metatarsal and cubit bones, the left shoulder blade, the left arm
bone, the humerus, the cuboids, and the right astragulus or heel bone.
Gussenbauer, to whom I am indebted for these descriptions—the
disease not yet having been described in our country—is of opinion
that the malady is produced in the following manner: The dust
enters the lungs, penetrates the cellular structure of those organs,
enters the lymphatic vessels and glands, and is decomposed. Under
the influence of the carbonic acid of the venous blood, the calcareous
carbonates are dissolved, the insoluble organic matter remains, and is
the substance called “ conchyoline,” discovered by M. Fremy. This
penetrates the vessels, and is carried by the current of the arterial
blood into the minute vessels. In the reduced vessels of the bone at
the epiphyses, it finds resistance and deposits there, causing the
swelling and the other symptoms which have been described above,
and which continue until the foreign body is resolved and removed.
Such is the ingenious theory of the origin of the bone disease of the
pearl turner. We need not discuss the theory, it is sufficient to have
before us the facts at this moment. (a)
The hygiene of pearl-button manufacture was also considered by
Arlidge, who, in his w'ork on diseases of occupations, sums up his
conclusions in the statement that—
The cutting, turning, drilling, and polishing of mother-of-pearl
are attended by a large amount of heavy dust, which, from its com
position, operates on the respiratory organs in the same fashion and
degree as mineral dust. What are the lesions produced by its in
halation we have the great advantage of learning from Dr. Headlam
Greenhow, who described them in the Transactions of the London
Pathological Society (Vol. X X I, p. 66). This excellent pathologist
stated that he had satisfied himself of the identity of the lung affec
tions of these workmen with those “ of miners, potters, flax dressers,
and other operatives exposed to inhale air charged with dust.” The
symptomatology, moreover, is alike between them, and especially the
long existence of shortness of breath before cough and other indica
tions of broken-down health and lung lesion evidence themselves. (5)
®Lecture on “ U nhealthy trades,” by Dr. B. W. Richardson, Scientific Amer
ican Supplement, F ebruary 26, 1876, p, 138.
®Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, pp. 323, 324.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

613

Arlidge refers also to an account of the diseases of pearl-button
makers by Layet, who, in his opinion, rightly insists that men in this
employment suffer increased injury—
by leaning forward in working the lathe, and thereby bringing the
nose and mouth into proximity with the shell and the dust arising
from it. He also remarks on the sickening odor of the dust, dependent
on the remnants of decomposing animal matter existing in it. Besides
the respiratory troubles—obstinate cough, asthma, and free expectora
tion or mucopus, and occasionally of blood in small quantity, he
notes the occurrence of blepharitis and conjunctivitis, and the forma
tion of fissures in the skin of the hands. A concluding observation
is, that although they suffer so seriously with lung affections, their
mortality from tubercular phthisis does not exceed the ratio found
among other artisans. (°)
Finally,' according to Arlidge—
The ill consequences of mother-of-pearl work are aggravated by
the accidental circumstance, that it is an occupation open to any
mechanic of ordinary skill without the expenditure of capital upon
plant. Few tools are required, and it can be carried on by females
and children in their cottage homes, where sanitary arrangements to
lessen its evils are unknown or unused, and the hours of labor ex
tended at pleasure. Another reason for a high mortality is to be
found in prevailing intemperance and dissipation, coupled with a low
rate of earnings, and indifferent, if not decidedly bad food and
lodging. (b)
While the various authorities on the diseases of workers in motherof-pearl are not entirely agreed as to the health-injurious conse
quences of the employment, it is evident that the dust generated dur
ing the various processes is seriously detrimental to health even
though not necessarily a decidedly predisposing cause of consumption.
Every descriptive account of the industry, including a special report
of the Iowa bureau of labor statistics (1898) and several illustrated
accounts in the Scientific American, emphasizes the serious risk of
dust exposure in the different employments and the necessity of ade
quate and effective ventilating apparatus. While the conditions are
possibly more serious in the manufacture of pearl buttons than in the
manufacture of buttons of other material of organic origin, the con
clusions which apply to the former also apply more or less to the
latter.
Oliver, in his article on “ Dust as a cause of occupation disease,”
illustrated by micro-photographs, includes an illustration of motherof-pearl dust, observing that H irt regarded this trade as extremely
dangerous and found that from 15 to 16 per cent of the men engaged
therein died from phthisis. After referring to the conclusions of
Gussenbauer, that turners of mother-of-pearl suffered from a pe*•

a Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p, 324.
b Idem, p. 326.

614

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

culiar affection of the bones, also referred to by Doctor Kichardson,
Oliver states that he had visited mother-of-pearl grinding shops
in Sheffield and had questioned the workmen employed, but had been
unable to find any evidence to support the contention of Gussenbauer
as to the occurrence of osteomyelitis resulting from the absorption of
carbonate of lime from particles of shell inhaled during the mechan
ical processes of the industry. He concludes, however, with the state
ment that the grinding of mother-of-pearl in Sheffield is done by the
wet process, which may account for the material difference in the
results and conditions observed. (®)
The industry is very briefly referred to in the report of the state
board of health of Massachusetts on factory conditions for 1907.
I t is stated that much dust arises in the several processes of drilling,
turning, and polishing, but that the dust is very light, and in wellequipped factories is effectively carried away by exhaust blowers.
Polishing by the wet process is unattended by dust. Two pearl-button
factories were inspected but no objectionable conditions whatever
were found to exist. The light, ventilation, and general health of
the employees were reported as good.
I t is evident from the foregoing summary of observations by the
leading authorities on the hygiene of pearl and other button manu
facture of organic origin that the conditions affecting health vary
widely and probably in exact proportion as effective methods of
ventilation and dust removal are employed.
While the available evidence regarding the hygiene of button
manufacture, chiefly with reference to the making of buttons of
mother-of-pearl, is amply sufficient to warrant the conclusion that
the employment requires to be classed among the dusty trades, with
a decided liability to respiratory diseases, and in particular chronic
bronchitis, which, according to circumstances, may assume the form
of either fibroid phthisis or general tuberculosis, it is evident from
the various accounts which have been rendered that in many of the
establishments the conditions affecting health and life are very far
from what they should be, and that the employment is one which
requires strict sanitary supervision through both the board of health
and the factory-inspection authorities.
The vital statistics of button makers are limited to the recorded
industrial mortality statistics. These include 127 deaths from all
causes, 48, or 37.8 per cent, of which were from consumption. Of
the mortality of button makers from respiratory diseases other than
consumption 11 were from pneumonia, 1 from asthma, and 2 from
less frequent respiratory diseases. Consumption and other respira
tory diseases together caused 48.8 per cent of all the deaths of button
a Dangerous Trades, by Thomas Oliver, p. 276.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

615

makers. The following detailed tabular presentation of the propor
tionate consumption mortality by divisional periods of life shows an
excessive mortality from consumption among button makers at all
ages. The excess is most pronounced at ages 15 to 24, when out of
every 100 deaths from all causes 50.0 were caused by consumption
against a normal expected proportion of 27.8.
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION AMONG BUTTON M A K E R S ,
1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN TH E REGISTRATION
AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for button makers from experience of an industrial insurance com pany; figures
for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of the United States
census.]
Deaths of button mak Per cent of deaths
ers, 1897 to 1906, due
due to consumption
to—
among—
Age at death.
All causes. Consump
tion.

Button
makers.

Males in
registra
tion area,
1900 to 1906.

15 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years......................; ...........................................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years...................................................................
55 to 64 years...................................................................
65 years and o ver...........................................................

24
31
32
24
6
10

12
16
12
6
1
1

50.0
51.6
37.5
25.0
16.7
10.0

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

127

37.8

14.8

The mortality statistics of industrial insurance experience fully
confirm the preceding observations and quite conclusively prove
that button makers as a class are exposed to conditions more or less
injurious to health and life. The industry is one of sufficient impor
tance to warrant a more thorough and qualified investigation than has
thus far been made.
COMB M ANUFACTURE.

The general hygiene and labor conditions of comb manufacture
are much the same as in the manufacture of buttons of similar mate
rial. Combs, including hairpins and ornamental articles for personal
use, are made of a large variety of substances, chiefly horn, bone,
ivory, tortoise shell, composition material, celluloid, and the various
metals. It is not possible to differentiate clearly the various branches
of comb manufacture according to the kinds of materials used, but for
the present purpose only those branches are considered in which the
material used is of organic origin.
The census report on manufactures for 1905 returned 42 estab
lishments engaged in the manufacture of combs, employing 1,806
wage-earners, including 322 women and children. Most of the estab
lishments are of small size, but in 8 out of the 42 more than 100
persons were employed. Including the making of hairpins and

616

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

similar articles for ornamental use, the industry is of larger extent
than indicated by the census report. The industry has increased rap
idly within recent years—from 742 wage-earners in 1890 to 1,399 in
1900 and to 1,806 in 1905.
The hygiene of comb manufacture has not attracted much atten
tion, but as early as 1832 Thackrah observed regarding comb makers
that they were exposed to a disagreeable odor from the bullocks5
hoofs, but that they were healthy and long-lived.
Halfort, writing in 1845, did not consider the occupation except in
so far that he observed with reference to the manufacture of horn
buttons that considerable dust was generated during the processes of
turning, grinding, and polishing, in consequence of which serious
lung diseases were frequently met with among the workmen.
The first extended consideration given to the industry was by Hirt,
who, writing in 1871, included horn and bone dusts as practically
identical in their effects upon the human organism. He called atten
tion to the large quantities of dust produced during the processes
of horn and bone sawing, boring, filing, and turning, resembling in
its exterior effects the exposure to flour dust in flour mills. Micro
scopically examined, the dust was of infinite variety in its mechanical
properties, the amount of dust produced being largest, as a matter
of course, in bone-grinding establishments. The first effect of bone
dust, according to Hirt, was but very slight, and even continuous
exposure on the part of the workmen did not apparently lead to
serious injuries, so that no complaint on this account was made to
H irt by the workmen personally interrogated. Individual cases were
brought to his attention in which after fifteen years of work no injury
to the lungs could be traced to the continuous and considerable ex
posure to bone dust. In contrast, however, he discovered that a pre
disposition to chronic pneumonia and similar lung affections was
common, and that these diseases formed a large proportion of those
occurring among the workmen. It was ascertained by H irt that
about 20 per cent of the morbidity was from phthisis, and that
chronic catarrh of the respiratory organs was extremely common,
without, however, assuming the most serious type of chronic asthma.
In a general way, however, the health of the workmen was very good
and the average age at death was between 57 and 60 years. These
statements relate almost entirely to men exposed to bone dust; and,
in fact, H irt refers particularly to bone turners, stating that accord
ing to observed experience they were liable to a relatively high general
morbidity, exceeded only by a few other occupations, among which
he mentions rope makers and bakers. Among bone turners, according
to H irt, phthisis caused 16.2 per cent of the morbidity, asthma 1.8 per
cent, chronic bronchial catarrh 9.3 per cent, and pneumonia 5.6 per
cent, a total of chest and throat affections of 32.9 per cent, which,

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

617

however, compared or contrasted with the morbidity in certain other
employments with continuous and considerable dust exposure, was
not considered excessive by Hirt, who wrote, of course, with special
reference to observed conditions of labor and life in Germany. The
favorable conclusions of Hirt, however, were apparently confirmed by
those of Lombard, who ascertained an average age at death in the
case of bone turners of 57.4 years, arrived at, however, upon the basis
of only a very small number of observed cases.
W ith special reference to horn dust, H irt states that on account
of the limited extent of the industry no very conclusive observations
had been made a matter of record, and the employment was com
plicated by the fact that horn dust was often mixed with bone dust,
making it difficult, if not impossible, to differentiate between the
exact effects upon the human organism of either of these two varieties
of dust. In the manipulation of horn for grinding, polishing, turn
ing, and boring purposes, according to H irt, the quantity of dust
generated was, however, much less than in the case of bone manufac
ture, as by its mechanical properties the dust particles of horn were
heavier and not so easily mixed with the general atmosphere. Micro
scopically examined, however, it was ascertained that there were
more sharp and pointed particles of dust produced in horn manu
facture, explaining the more immediately injurious or irritating
effects of horn than of bone dust exposure. While, according to Hirt,
there were few workmen exposed to horn dust who were entirely free
from catarrh, phthisis was not excessively common. He states that
the proportion of cases of phthisis in the general morbidity was only
15 per cent, or less than among bone turners, as previously explained.
The small number of men employed exclusively in the manufacture
of articles of horn precluded entirely safe conclusions.
The hygiene of comb making is considered by Arlidge in his
treatise on the Diseases of Occupations. After pointing out that
the industry is of very limited character, and that at the time he
wrote (1892) it was carried on in England in small factories, which
had superseded domestic workshops, and, further, that the material
used is chiefly of animal origin in the shape of horn, bone, tortoise
shell, or ivory, he observes that—
The operations concerned in making these several articles are sim
ple, and require no elaborate machinery. Those suggestive of ill
results to health are chiefly sawing and turning. The maceration of
horns in water to open them out, and their subsequent flattening by
superimposed pressure, are operations devoid of injury to health;
but the next proceeding, that of cutting them into laminae by means
of circular saws, is productive of a large quantity of dust. Polishing
is free from this evil, as it is done by heat and pressure. Tortoise
shell is dealt with in a similar fashion, but requires, as a preliminary

618

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

process, boiling for some time in water to which salt is added. Both
horn and tortoise shell can be cast in molds by the aid of heat, after
first being reduced to powder. (®)
I t is evident from the foregoing account, based no doubt on per
sonal observation, that a considerable quantity of dust is generated
in the process of comb manufacture, but according to Arlidge the
dust, although visible in the form of a cloud, is apparently almost
harmless. This he explains is probably the result of its animal
origin, which prevents its being as much of an irritant to the pul
monary tissue as dusts of mineral and metallic origin. Arlidge, how
ever, agrees with Hirt, that it is entirely conceivable that the dust
may be the cause of bronchitis. He continues his remarks in part as
follows:
According to Hirt, dusts of animal origin are more prejudicial to
health than those derived from the vegetable world; and that where
the latter produce 11 to 13 per cent, of the mortality of sick people,
the former cause 20 per cent. We have no means of testing the ac
curacy of these comparative figures, but must feel some scepticism
regarding them. As to the dust of mother-of-pearl, and, in a lesser
degree, that of fossil ivory, we are quite ready to admit their posi
tion among the more destructive varieties of dust. But with regard
to bone, tortoise shell, and horn, there is no evidence that the dust
generated by their employment is of like serious moment to health.
In fact, looking to what experience teaches regarding horn, we are
justified in the belief that substances of a gelatinous nature are but
slightly obnoxious to the lungs. (*6)
With special reference to persons employed in the manufacture of
combs and other small articles made from such substances, Arlidge
observes that they are admittedly very free from ill consequences,
and apparently look well nourished. The latter he attributes in part
to the gelatinous dust in which they work, but without going so far
as to admit a nutritious value to the material, he is of the opinion
“ that the finely powdered horn tissue may undergo dissolution in the
warm secretion of the mucous membrane and undergo absorption,
just as happens with catgut ligatures left within a cavity of the
body.”
The evidence available to Arlidge and others was, however, appar
ently very contradictory, for he concedes that the makers of bone and
of ivory buttons and of other articles of the same material are known
to suffer cough and shortness of breath after following the trade for a
number of years. He refers to the factory report for Sheffield, for
1887, where it is stated that men employed in the occupations re
ferred to set free such clouds of dust that in a short time it is im
a Diseases of Occupations, by J. T. Arlidge, p. 219.
6 Idem, p. 421.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

619

possible to see across the workshop, and that this bone dust is
admitted to be very injurious.
The pathology of horn-dust inhalation was briefly considered by
the departmental committee on compensation for industrial diseases
in 1906. Dr. Arthur Hall, of Sheffield, before this committee, made
the following statement:
I have no positive evidence that horn by itself is an irritating dust.
But these men work in various dusts, and one is unable to say always
from the lung or from the symptoms exactly which dust is the more
important as an irritant, and one has to, more or less, class them all
together, because sometimes they are working in one kind and some
times in another. (a)
This favorable view of the comparative harmlessness of horn dust
inhalation was not, however, supported by any positive evidence or
exact statistics of mortality and morbidity of men employed for any
considerable period of time in the manufacture of horn combs and
other ornamental articles of the same material.
With special reference to American conditions, the hygiene of the
industry is discussed in the special report of an investigation of con
ditions affecting the health or safety of employees in factories and
other establishments by the Massachusetts state board of health,
which refers to the town of Leominster, where there are no fewer
than 29 establishments, which give employment to nearly 1,900 per
sons in the manufacture of combs and hairpins of horn and celluloid.
There are 3 other establishments of the industry in Massachusetts,
2 in Newburyport and 1 in Northborough, which give employment to
about 300 persons.
The process of hairpin manufacture from horn and similar material
is explained as follows: ‘
The pressed horn is first soaked in hot water for two or three days,
after which it is shaved and split. The next process is known as
“ polking,” which includes 66blanking ” and “ centering.” Briefly
stated, a flat piece of horn, little larger than is necessary for the pro
duction of two pins, is placed under the polking machine, which cuts
out the pins and leaves the blank and center pieces. Such a machine
is known as a double cutter; a single cutter cuts out but one pin. As
the stock is held by the employee while the machine knife comes down
and cuts it, there is some danger of losing a portion of the finger tips
through inattention or lack of care.(*6)
Subsequent to this process the pins are taken to the rounding or
edging machine, which rounds the edges, and in so doing gives rise
to considerable horn dust, most of which, however, in some factories
at least, is removed by blowers.
a Report of the Departmental Committee on Compensation for Industrial D is
eases, Minutes of Evidence, p. 49. London, 1907.
6 Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts,
p. 505.

620

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The next process is pointing with a so-called pointing machine, and
according to the report referred to—
The dust from this machine flies about the operator’s face more
freely than that from the rounding machine; but the best, and indeed
most, of the factories connect these machines with exhaust blowers.
From the pointing machines the pins are conveyed to the “ tumblers,”
which are square boxes, lined with spruce, and containing fine pumice
stone and water. In these they are revolved for a while, and then
they are removed, rubbed, and colored with a mixture which contains
usually anilin dyes, red lead, lime, and bicarbonate of sodium (saleratus). Finally, the pins are polished, bent and packed. (a)
The processes followed in the manufacture of combs conform in a
general way to the preceding descriptive account of the manufacture
of hairpins.
Since an increasing proportion of articles of this kind are now
made of celluloid the following extracts from the report previously
referred to are included, the material used in the manufacture consist
ing of sheets of celluloid which are cut into small pieces by means of
a long-bladed knife similar to that used in cutting paper, and this
process is technically known as “ slashing.” The subsequent processes
are described in part as follows:
The small pieces are taken to the cutting machines, which cut out
the teeth of the comb. The next process is “ polking,” in which por
tions of what is to be the back of the comb are removed. For plain
work, dies or cutters are used; and a curved cutting-edge die is
stamped through the material, removing the blank or waste pieces,
and leaving the comb of the desired shape and design (p. 505).
The comb is next taken to a machine which bevels the edges. The
beveler consists of a flat steel plate, through the center of which is an
opening for a small “ wing burr,” which is placed up through the
opening to the height desired. The steel burr, or beveler, makes many
revolutions per minute, and on coming in contact with the celluloid
gives rise to considerable dust. The dust is, however, coarse and
heavy, and most of it flies away from the operator’s face. When the
burr is put through the opening in such a way as to be mainly on the
upper part of the steel plate, and is revolving rapidly, there is a
chance of injury to the operator’s fingers while holding the comb.
For protection against this accident, an ingenious brass collar or
“ sleeve ” has been devised, and is used by some of the workmen.
Circular saws then shape the bottom of the teeth to conform with
the bottom of the back of the comb, the teeth having been cut straight
in the first process of cutting. The saws are called “ bottoming saws,”
and are generally guarded. A glass front, through which the em
ployee watches his work, protects his face, and especially his eyes,
against the chips of celluloid, which are thrown off with considerable
force. The dust is coarse, and most of it is removed by efficient
blowers.
a T hirty-eighth A nnual Report of the S tate B oard of H ealth of M assachusetts,
p. 505.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

621

The next operation is “ pointing ” the teeth by sand wheels or
steel burrs, and the latter go around so swiftly that a very strong
exhaust draft does not take away all of the dust. Workmen state
that the dust which flies toward the face occasionally strikes the eyes,
acting like cinders in this respect; but that it is not inhaled, since
the particles are heavy. The sand wheel makes, perhaps, a finer dust;
but this is moist and more or less matted together, and interferes
little, if any, with the comfort of the workman. Good blower sys
tems are required by insurance companies wherever blowers may be
used to advantage. Dust and shavings are not allowed to accumulate
on the floor and elsewhere, on account of danger of fire, celluloid
being extremely inflammable.
The backs of the combs are next engraved or carved by hand or
machine. The teeth are then “ graded ” by a machine which rounds
the edges of the teeth. The sides or ends of the combs are then
smoothed on “ ending ” machines or by hand.(a)
I t is explained that all the processes thus far mentioned and de
scribed in sufficient detail to emphasize the hygienic and more or less
health-injurious circumstances of the trade are technically known as
bench work and that the employees are mostly men, but including
a few boys. After the preceding processes the combs are brought to
the so-called rubbing room, where the workman stands facing his
stall, with his back toward a window and fronting a trough which
contains a mixture of sifted coal ashes and water, over which is a
rapidly revolving cloth, or cloth and brush, ball. I t is stated that—
He holds a comb against the revolving wheel, for the purpose of
“ rubbing down ” the surface so that the comb may better take the
finishing processes. With the ball making from 1,200 to 1,400 revo
lutions a minute, the workman becomes covered with a very fine
spray of wet ash dust, and the picture of 15 or 20 men in one of these
rooms is far from inviting. The room itself is plastered with ash
mud, the window panes are daubed with it, and the employees are
sprinkled with it from head to foot.(6)
In connection with this process a strong odor of camphor is per
ceptible, which is a component of celluloid, and brought out by the
friction of the rubbing. Whether this is injurious to health is not
known. The rooms in which the work is carried on are commonly
in more or less damp basements, which themselves are undesirable,
according to the report, from a sanitary view, as workrooms. Re
gardless of this fact, however, and of other conditions more or less
injurious to health, the employees are satisfied with their work, and
many have been from five to twenty years at the trade without any
visible effects of the employment. In fact, in the rubbing process
some of the men have been employed from five to thirty years. Some*
0 Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts,
p. 506.
* Idem, p. 507.

622

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

of the rubbing balls, so called, are made entirely of carpeting, while
others have layers of Tampico grass between the carpeting. To keep
the balls in proper condition a process of trimming is necessary,
which is described as being very dusty work and which is done in
some shops in the rubbing room, while in others a small dust room is
especially constructed for the purpose. In this process some men
use respirators or sponges while doing the work, but most of them
do not.
The polishing process is also performed on rapidly revolving balls
made of new cotton cloth, with the use of rotten stone and lard oil.
This process, it is stated, gives rise to more or less lint and mineral
dust; but circular pieces of pasteboard or wooden disks are placed
over the wheels to keep the dust from the operatives, and none
appears to fly directly into their faces.
The subsequent process of the “ bending ” of the combs is chiefly
the work of women and girls, and is apparently not accompanied
by the production of any considerable quantity of dust. Steam
tables, or so-called “ heaters,” are provided for the work, and these
are covered with asbestos, on which the employees put blocks or
“ forms ” of the kind desired, containing the combs, which are bent
and caused to retain the shape which the particular blocks or
“ molds ” give them. This bench work, it is stated in the report,
is carried on in rooms heated to a considerable temperature, and the
air in winter weather toward night becomes especially dry and foul.
. The final processes of polishing with revolving chamois balls are
also largely the work of women and girls, but whether accompanied
by much dust is not stated.
I t is evident from the foregoing descriptive accounts that consid
erable dust is generated in the different processes of the manufacture
of combs and similar ornamental articles made of horn, bone, cellu
loid, etc., but that the conditions naturally vary widely or according
to the processes made use of, or the particular material employed.
The investigation by the Massachusetts state board of health is in part
summed up in the statement that—
In the horn and celluloid industry the tendency is to have the work
of soaking stock and rubbing or polishing with ashes—work which
involves moisture and dust in the atmosphere of the room—done in
the basement; whereas these processes should be carried on above
ground, in light, large, airy rooms, preferably, perhaps, in the second
story.
The “ tumbling ” room, where pumice stone and water are used to
smooth the pins, is usually in the basement. I f the basement is light
and well planned, it is a good place for this work; but usually the
room is dark, and far from being pleasant to work in. I t is true
that employees do not stay long at a time in these rooms; but a needed
improvement is to have them in a well-lighted place, properly venti

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

623

lated, with cement floor and a catch-basin connected with the sewer,
to provide for thorough cleaning of the room.
A large number, if not most, of the “ rubbing rooms,” in which
revolving carpet buff balls and sifted coal ashes are used, are in base
ments, which, if not damp, are unpleasant to work in, or in quarters
which are open to severe criticism from a hygienic point of view. An
improvement to be strongly recommended is to require, so far as is
reasonably practicable, as efficient protection to the health and com
fort of the operatives as is provided in the best establishments.^)
I t is made evident by the foregoing descriptive account of the
various branches of the industry that the dust nuisance can be mate
rially reduced by effective ventilating apparatus. Eeference is made
in the report to one model establishment, where blowers are provided
for the pointing machines but not for the rounding machines, since
it is considered unnecessary, as the horn dust is moist and flies about
but little. Whether this theory is in exact conformity to the facts is
somewhat doubtful.
SUM M ARY OF CONCLUSIONS REGARDING- OCCUPATIONS W IT H
EXPOSURE TO ORGANIC DUST.

In the preceding observations and statistical data 15 specific occu
pations with exposure to organic dust have been considered in more
or less detail. The data for some of the occupations are too meager
to warrant final conclusions, but the information presented is quite
decidedly suggestive of health-injurious conditions in certain of the
occupations. The United States census returns of 1900 give the
age distribution of millers, bakers, confectioners, tobacco and cigar
factory operatives, leather curriers and tanners, harness and saddle
makers, glove makers, and boot and shoe makers, the aggregate
number of the males of known ages 15 years of age and over being
472,160. Of this number 25,336, or 5.4 per cent, had attained to
the age of 65 years and over, against a normal expected proportion
of 4.7. In some of the occupations, however, notably tobacco and
cigar factory operatives (1.8 per cent), glove makers (2.3 per cent),
bakers (2.4 per cent), leather curriers and tanners (2.9 per cent), and
confectioners (3.1 per cent), the proportion of employees attaining
to age 65 and over was considerably less than the average normal
expected (4.7 per cent) on the basis of all occupied males in conti
nental United States. In fact, in only three occupations did the pro
portion of employees attaining to age 65 and over exceed the normal
expected proportion of 4.7 per cent, namely, millers (7.6 per cent),
harness and saddle makers (7.2 per cent), and boot and shoe makers
(8.5 per cent). The number of persons employed, however, in these
a Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts,
pp. 508, 509.

624

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

three occupations is sufficiently large to raise the general average of
the aggregate employees in the occupations considered to 5.4 per
cent. The details of the age distribution are given in the following
table by divisional periods of life, together with the corresponding
percentage distribution of all occupied males, the data for both groups
being derived from the United States census of 1900:
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF MALES IN EACH AGE GROUP IN OCCUPATIONS
E X P O S E D TO ORGANIC D U ST, COMPARED W ITH NUMBER AND PER CENT IN
ALL OCCUPATIONS, 1900.
[From report on Occupations, Tw elfth Census of th e U nited States, 1900.]

Age.

Malesin occupations
exposed to or
All occupied males.
ganic dust.
Number. Percent.

1R tft *24 years .......................................................................
25 to 34 years..........................................................................
35 to 44 years..........................................................................
45 to 54 y«fl.rs........... ........_................. .................... ............
55 to 64 years...................... .........................
65 years and o v er.................................................................

113,687
123,834
101,206
67,056
41,041
25,336

Total.............................................................................

472,160

24.1
26.2
21.4
14.2
8.7
5.4

Number. Per cent.
5,933,720
5,993,847
4,704,682
3,250,259
1,856,181
1,063,856

26.0
26.3
20.6
14.3
8.1
4.7

100.0 22,802,545

100.0

This analysis as here given in the aggregate for all occupations
considered would not by itself indicate that the conditions of employ
ment in the various occupations considered predispose to any con
siderable degree to an excessive mortality as the result of exposure
to health-injurious dust. A more detailed analysis, however, of the
age distribution of employees in the separate industries considered,
as given in Table I I of the appendix, is much more indicative of
serious health-injurious conditions in certain of the occupations, and
particularly tobacco and cigar factory operatives, glove makers,
bakers, leather curriers and tanners, and confectioners.
I t is possible to present a combined summary of the United States
census vital statistics of persons employed as millers, bakers and con
fectioners, cigar makers, tobacco workers, leather makers, leather
workers, and boot and shoe makers. A comparison of the general
death rates in these combined occupations with the corresponding
death rates of occupied males generally shows a favorable general
mortality experience at all ages in the combined occupations of this
group. The death rate from consumption was also slightly below
the normal expected, and the death rate from other respiratory dis
eases was 1.71 per 1,000 for the combined occupations of this group
as against 1.97 for all occupied males. The details are presented in
the table following.

625

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPATIONS E X P O S E D TO ORGANIC
DUST IN T H E REGISTRATION STATES, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL OCCU
P IE D MALES IN THOSE STATES, 1900, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From report on V ital S tatistics, Tw elfth Census of the U nited States, 1900.]
Occupations with exposure to
organic dust.
Age.

All occupied males.

Number Rate per
Number Rate per
Number of deaths 1,000
Number of deaths 1,000
employed. from all from all employed. from all from all
causes. causes.
causes. causes.

15 to 24 years.......................................
25 to 44 years........................................
45 to 64 years........................................
65 years and over...............................

44,244
96,484
44,308
9,392

161
651
779
861

3.64
6.75
17.58
91.68

Total...........................................

194,428

2,452

012.61

1,259,471*
2,680,241
1,282,259
283,310

6,486
23,541
25,532
27,888

5.15
8.78
19.91
98.44

5,505,281

83,447

b 15.16

a From consumption there were 443 deaths, or a ra te of 2.28. From other diseases of
the respiratory system there were 333 deaths, or a ra te of 1.71.
0 The ra te of m ortality from consumption was 2.37; from other diseases of th e respira
tory system, 1.97.

The occupation mortality statistics of Bhode Island for 1897 to
1906 are available for seven specific occupations of this group, and
when combined return 391 deaths from all causes, of which 54 were
from consumption and 43 from respiratory diseases other than con
sumption. The corresponding percentages were 13.8 of deaths from
consumption of persons employed in occupations with exposure to
general organic dust against 17.8 for occupied males generally in the
State of Bhode Island. The percentage of deaths from respiratory
diseases other than consumption was 11.0 for the occupations in this
group against 12.5 expected.
The English vital statistics for this group of occupations are
available for millers, bakers and confectioners, tobacco workers,
tanners, curriers, saddle and harness makers, and shoemakers. When
the returns for these occupations are combined, they exhibit a some
what excessive death rate from all causes at ages 20 to 24, but the
general death rates for these occupations are slightly favorable at the
other ages. The mortality from consumption, however, was excessive
at all ages, the excess being greatest at ages 20 to 24, when the con
sumption mortality rate per 1,000 of persons employed in occupations
with exposure to general organic dust was 2.29 against 1.55 for all
occupied males. The mortality from respiratory diseases other than
consumption was slightly favorable at all ages except 45 to 54.

626

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

MORTALITY FROM ALL CAUSES, FROM CONSUMPTION, AND FROM OTHER DIS
EASES OF TH E RESPIRATORY SYSTEM, IN OCCUPATIONS E X P O S E D TO
ORGANIC D U ST, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL MALES IN ENGLAND AND
WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in E ngland and Wales.]
rate per 1,000
Death rate per 1,000 Death rate per 1,000 Death
due to other diseases
due to all causes
due to consumption
of
the
respiratory
among—
among—
system among—
Age at death.

Occupa
with All occu
All occu tions
exposure
pied males. to organic pied males.
dust.

15 to 19 years...........................
20 to 24 years..........................
25 to 34 years..........................
35 to 44 years..........................
45 to 54 years..........................
55 to 64 years...........................
65 years and o y er..................

2.44
4.41
6.01
10.22
17.73
31.01
88.39

2.39
4.59
5.80
9.32
17.03
30.05
83.50

0.54
1.55
2.03
2.74
3.04
2.16
1.11

Occupa
Occupa
tions with All occu tions with
exposure pied males. exposure
to organic
to organic
dust.
dust.
0.72
2.29
2.53
3.44
3.60
2.38
1.45

0.24
.48
.77
1.66
3.32
6.54
17.77

0.21
.44
.59
1.46
3.61
6.11
17.62

The recorded industrial insurance mortality statistics are available
for thirteen specific occupations, included in this group, returning in
the aggregate 7,523 deaths from all causes. Of this number 1,732,
or 23.0 per cent, were from consumption. The deaths from re
spiratory diseases other than consumption numbered 1,050, or 14.0
per cent. The expected consumption mortality, on the basis of the
mortality among males in the registration area of the United States
for the seven-year period 1900 to 1906, was 14.8 per cent, and from re
spiratory diseases other than consumption 11.7 per cent. When the
mortality from consumption and from other respiratory diseases is
combined, the proportionate number of deaths among males in occu
pations with exposure to general organic dust is shown to be 37.0 per
cent against 26.5 per cent expected.
PROPORTIONATE MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN OCCUPATIONS E X
P O S E D TO ORGANIC DU ST, 1897 TO 1906, COMPARED W ITH THAT OF ALL
MALES IN TH E REGISTRATION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906,
BY AGE GROUPS.
[Figures for occupations exposed to organic dust from experience of an industrial insurance
com pany; figures for males in registration area computed from m ortality sta tistics of
the United States census.]
Deaths in occupations
exposed to organic
dust, 1897 to 1906,
due to—

Per cent of d e a t h s
due to consumption
among—

All causes. Consump
tion.

Occupa
in
tions ex Males
registra
posed to tion
area,
organic 1900 to 1906.
dust.

Age at death.

15 to 24 years...................................................................
25 to 34 years.................................... ..............................
35 to 44 years...................................................................
45 to 54 years....................................................................
55 to 64 years....................................................................
65 years and over...........................................................

680
1,060
1,191
1,257
1,502
1,833

273
519
421
271
165
83

40.1
49.0
35.3
21.6
11.0
4.5

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

Total.......................................................................

7,523

ol,732

23.0

614.8

®There were also 1,050 deaths from other diseases of the respiratory system, or 14.0 per
cent of the deaths from all causes.
b The per cent of deaths from other diseases of the respiratory system in the registration
area w as 11.7.

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

62T

I t is evident from the foregoing observations and statistical data
relating to a representative number of employments with exposure to
general organic dust that the health-injurious effects of such exposure
are revealed in a general death rate, which, if not higher, is at least
not decidedly lower than the general death rate for all occupied males,,
and also in a high proportionate mortality from consumption and
other respiratory diseases, particularly at the more advanced periods
of life. The statistics also indicate that general organic dust is less
serious in its fatal effects than mineral or metallic dust, and as a
result, the proportionate mortality from consumption and other re
spiratory diseases in this group of occupations is more favorable than
in the group of occupations with exposure to mineral and metallic
dusts.
The tabular analysis of the mortality of persons employed in occu
pations with exposure to organic dust indicates that the effects of
such dust exposure are less serious than the corresponding effects of
exposure to metallic and mineral dusts, but the consequences to health
and life are sufficiently serious to demand most careful attention to
the whole problem of dust prevention and removal at the point of
origin, in conformity to modern methods of factory sanitation. Al
though the statistical evidence is more or less conflicting, and this is
to be expected on account of the variations in the conditions of life
and industrial methods in the different countries for which the data
are available, on the whole the American mortality statistics, includ
ing industrial insurance experience, are confirmed by the official vital
statistics of England and Wales and of Switzerland. All the employ
ments included in this inquiry are occupations indispensable to

human welfare and daily needs, and the ample protection of health
and life in these industries is, therefore, a matter of humanitarian
obligation on the part of the employer, as well as a question of selfinterest on the part of the employee.
2313—No. 82—09---- 11

628

BULLETIN' OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

APPENDIX.
T a b l e I . —NUMBER

OF MALES EMPLOYED IN VARIOUS OCCUPATIONS IN THE
UNITED STATES, 1900, BY AGE GROUPS.

[Computed from report on Occupations, Tw elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Number of male employees in each age group.
Occupation.

15 years
and over.

15 to 24
years.

25 to 34
years.

35 to 44
years.

45 to 54
years.

Draymen, hackmen, and
teamsters............................

532,637

141,671

164,052

117,865

67,923

30,349

10,777

Total—Occ u p a t i o n s
with exposure to
municipal dust.........

532,637

55 to 64 65 years
years. and over.

141,671

164,052

117,865

67,923

30,349

10,777

M illers...................................
B ak ers............... ..................
Confectioners.......................
Tobacco and cigar factory
operatives...........................
Leather curriers and tanners
Harness and saddle m akers.
Glove m akers.......................
Boot and shoe makers..........

40,182
74,263
21,745

4,996
19,567
5,946

9,721
23,446
6,338

9,886
16,876
4,634

7,671
8,424
2,750

4,858
4,137
1,410

3,050
1,813
667

84,821
40,402
39,316
4,416
167,015

27,032
9,966
6,813
1,571
37,796

24,078
11,668
9,651
1,169
37,763

18,152
9,528
8,564
789
32,777

9,840
5,540
6,824
503
25,504

4,160
2,520
4,644
284
19,028

1,559
1,180
2,820
100
14,147

Total—Occu p a t i o n s
with exposure to or
ganic dust.................

472,160

113,687

123,834

101,206

67,056

41,041

25,336

All occupied males—Conti
nental United States........ 22,802,545 5,933,720 5,993,847 4,704,682 3,250,259 1,856,181 1,063,856
T abl e I I .— PER CENT OF MALES EMPLOYED IN EACH AGE GROUP IN VARIOUS

OCCUPATIONS IN TH E UNITED STATES, 1900.
[Computed from report on Occupations, Tw elfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Per cent of male employees in each age group.
Occupation.
15 years 15 to 24
and over. years.
Draymen, h a c k m e n , a n d
teamsters...............................

100.0

Total—O c c u p a t i o n s
with exposure to mu
nicipal d u s t.................

100.0

25 to 34
years.

35 to 44
years.

45 to 54
years.

26.6

30.8

22.1

12.8

55 to 64 65 years
years. ana over.

5.7

2.0

26.6

30.8

22.1

12.8

5.7

2.0

M illers......................................
B a k ers......................................
Confectioners...........................
Tobacco and cigar factory
operatives..............................
Leather curriers and tanners..
Harness and saddle m akers...
Glove makers............................
Boot and shoe makers.............

100.0
100.0
100.0

12.4
26.4
27.3

24.2
31.6
29.2

24.6
22.7
21.3

19.1
11.3
12.6

12.1
5.6
6.5

7.6
2.4
3.1

100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0

31.9
24.7
17.3
35.6
22.6

28.4
28.9
24.5
26.5
22.6

21.4
23.6
21.8
17.9
19.6

11.6
13.7
17.4
11.4
15.3

4.9
6.2
11.8
6.4
11.4

1.8
2.9
7.2
2.2
8.5

Total — O c c u p a t i o n s
with exposure to or
ganic d u st....................

100.0

24.1

26.2

21.4

14.2

8.7

5.4

All occupied males—Conti
nental United States............

100.0

26.0

26.3

20.6

14.3

8.1

4.7

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

629

T able I I I .—NUMBER OF DEATHS IN VARIOUS OCCUPATIONS IN TH E REGIS

TRATION STATES OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From report on V ital Statistics, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Number of deaths due to—
All causes in each age group.

Occupation.

Con: Other re
sumption spiratory
at ages diseases
a t ages
45 to 64 65 years 15 years 15
years. and over. and over. andyears
over.

15 to 24
years.

25 to 44
years.

Draymen, hackm en,and teamsters.........

217

1,005

548

269

485

316

Total—Occupations with expo
sure to municipal dust.................

217

1,005

548

269

485

316

95
105
79
54
81
447

12
98
122
52
28
131

25
61
80
31
20
116

861

443

333

Millers........................................................
Bakers and confectioners.........................
Cigar makers and tobacco workers........
Leather makers.........................................
Leather workers........................................
Boot and shoe m akers..............................

a
41
S4
13
8
62

20
170
193
67
39
153

34
166
172
72
88
247

Total—Occupations with expo
sure to organic dust......................

161

651

779

T able IV .— DEATH RATE PER 1,000 IN VARIOUS OCCUPATIONS IN THE REGIS

TRATION STATES OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From report on V ital Statistics, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900.]
Death rate per 1,000 due to—
All causes in each age group.

Occupation.

Con- Other re
sumption spiratory
at ages diseases
ages 15
45 to 64 65 years 15 years at
and
years. an<lover. and over. years
over.

15 to 24
years.

25 to 44
years.
9.9

16.7

...

4.7

Total — Occupations with expo
sure to municipal dust.. . . . . . . . . .

4.7

9.9

Millers.................................... ..................
Bakers and confectioners.........................
Cigar makers and tobacco w orkers........
Leather makers............................... .
Leather workers........................................
Boot and shoe m akers............................

5.8
4.5
5.9
3.5
3.4
2.7

10.5
7.9
14.6
7.8
7.5
3.4

Total—Occupations with expo
sure to organic dust......................

3.6

6.7

17.6

91.7

2.3

1.7

All occupied males, registration states ..

5.1

8.8

19.9

98.4

2.4

2.0

Draymen, hackmen, and teamsters

75.3

2.6

1.7

16.7

75.3

2.6

1.7

15.6
23.4
31.0
19.7
23.7
11.2

164.9.
105.8
120.6
94.2
94.6
77.9

2.0
2.5
4.8
3.1
2.3
1.4

4.1
1.6
3.2
1.9
1.6
1.2

630

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

T able V .— NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES, FROM CONSUMPTION, AND

FROM OTHER RESPIRATORY DISEASES AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN RHODE
ISLAND, COMPARED, 1897 TO 1906.
[From reports of the Rhode Island state board of health.]
Number of deaths due to—
Occupation.

Per cent of deaths due to—

Consump
ana
Other re
Consump Other re- tion
All
other re Consump
spiratory
tion.
tion.
causes.
cfiseasesf spiratory
diseases.
diseases.

Consump
tion and
other re
spiratory
diseases.

Drivers and teamsters.......

531

131

208

Total—Occupati on s
with exposure to
municipal dust__

531

131

208

24.7

14.5

39.2

M illers................................
Bakers.................................
Confectioners....................
Cigar makers......................
Tanners and curriers........
Harness andsaddle makers
Shoemakers.......................

14
86
24
25
23
42
177

2
15
4
5
2
6
20

2
10
6
1
1
5
18

4
25
10
6
3
11
38

14.3
17.4
16.7
20.0
8.7
14.3
11.3

14.3
11.6
25.0
4.0
4.3
11.9
10.2

28.6
29.0
41.7
24.0
13.0
26.2
21.5

Total—Occupati o n s
with exposure to
organic dust..........

391

13.8

11.0

24.8

All occupied males—State
of Rhode Island..............

19,314

3,429

2,420

5,849

17.8

12.5

30.3

24.7

14.5

39.2

T able V I.— NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES, FROM CONSUMPTION, AND

FROM OTHER RESPIRATORY DISEASES AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN RHODE
ISLAND, COMPARED, 1852 TO 1906.
[From reports of the Rhode Island state board of health.]
Number of deaths due to—

Occupation.

All
causes.

Con
sump
tion.

Per cent of deaths due to—

Con
Other sumption
respira
and
tory dis other re
eases. spiratory
diseases.

Con
sump
tion.

Con
Other sumption
respira
and
tory dis other re
eases. spiratory
diseases.

Teamsters.................................

972

230

112

342

23.7

11.5

Total—Occupations with
exposure to municipal
d u st..............................

972

230

112

342

23.7

11.5

35.2

M illers......................................
B akers......................................
Confectioners...........................
Cigar makers............................
Tanners and curriers...............
Harness and saddle m akers.. Shoemakers..............................

54
221
62
115
66
153
716

10
44
15
46
6
39
138

7
19
10
10
5
20
64

17
63
25
56
11
59
202

18.5
19.9
24.2
40.0
9.1
25.5
19.3

13.0
8.6
16.1
8.7
7.6
13.1
8.9

31.5
28.5
40.3
48.7
16.7
38.6
28.2

Total—Occupations with
exposure to organic
d u s t..............................

1,387

298

135

433

21.5

9.7

31.2

All occupied males in Rhode
Island ....................................

55,834

11,645

6,904

18,549

20.8

12.4

33.2

35.2

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

631

T able V I I .— YEARS OF L IFE LIVED BY OCCUPIED MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPA

TIONS IN ENGLAND AND WALES DURING TH E YEARS 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.

[From Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales.]
Years of life lived by males in each age group during 1900 to 1902. («)
Occupation.

15 to 19
yearn.

20 to 24
years.

25 to 34
years.

35 to 44
years.

45 to 54
years.

117,135

142,287

232,860

152,604

92,523

43,335

14,253

74,754

'92,688

177,330

137,301

88,551

43,599

15,297

Total-Occupations with
exposure to municipal
d u s t..............................

191,889

234,975

410,190

289,905

181,074

86,934

29,550

M illers......................................
Bakers, confectioners..............
Tobacco workers......................
Tanners....................................
Curriers....................................
Saddlers, harness makers.........
Shoemakers..............................

7,083
51,735
6,885
3,582
9,744
11,025
77,043

8,496
49.218
6,798
3,975
9,930
10.218
76,101

16,347
78,903
13,008
7,050
18,198
18,252
136,935

14,553
54,450
10,776
5,550
13,302
14,331
103,839

10,665
33,645
7,614
4,314
9,597
10,962
77,217

6,825
19,653
4,431
2,559
6,180
7,602
61,776

3,675
8,844
2,064
1,185
2,286
3,321
40,899

Total—Occupations with
exposure to organic
dust...............................

167,097

164,736

288,693

216,801

154,014

109,026

62,274

Carmen, carriers......................
Coachmen, cabmen, and om
nibus service.........................

55 to 64 65 years
years. and over.

° The years of life as used in th is table means three times the number of occupied males
enum erated a t the census of 1901.
T able V I I I .— MORTALITY DUE TO ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN

CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-G eneral of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Deaths due to all causes in each age group.
Occupation.

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Carmen, carriers..............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service...

328
141

611
325

1,562
1,130

1,998
1,717

1,889
1,838

1,580
1,519

1,637
1,470

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal d u st...................................

469

936

2,692

3,715

3,727

3,099

3,007

M illers.............................................................
Bakers, confectioners....................................
Tobacco w orkers............................................
T anners...........................................................
C urriers..........................................................
Saddlers, harness makers...............................
Shoemakers.....................................................

8
117
19
9
23
20
204

25
187
40
13
52
48
391

59
417
88
27
104
111
867

131
473
100
32
124
140
1,020

184
542
131
65
175
185
1,341

220
610
128
79
216
223
1,800

361
669
140
106
224
300
3,400

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust........................................

400

756

1,673

2,020

2,623

3,276

5,200

632

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

T able IX.— MORTALITY DUE TO CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN

CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.

[From Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales.]
Deaths due to consumption in each age group.
Occupation.

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Carmen, carriers.............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service ..

57
35

149
113

416
393

444
492

275
350

84
120

21
15

Total-Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

262

809

936

625

204

M iller...............................................................
Bakers, confectioners....................................
Tobacco workers.............................................
T anners...........................................................
Curriers...........................................................
8addlers, harness makers................................
Shoemakers.....................................................

1
18
3
4
9
7
78

7
73
21
5
22
29
221

14
144
46
8
36
47
435

35
131
37
5
47
50
440

23
93
28
18
31
39
323

14
37
9
6
18
17
159

8
9
1
5
2
65

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust.......................................

120

378

730

745

555

260

T able X.— MORTALITY DUE TO OTHER DISEASES OF THE RESPIRATORY SYSTEM

AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN ENGLAND AND
WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General of
B irths, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Deaths due to other diseases of the respiratory system
in each age group.
Occupation.

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Carmen, carriers............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service ..

30
13

81
34

267
146

411
271

411
331

409
330

364
336

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

115

413

682

742

739

700

30
82
24
9
19
17
135

44
100
27
11
36
22
216

59
126
23
22
53
41
342

109
138
36
19
38
48
709

316

456

666

1,097

M illers.............................................................
Bakers, confectioners....................................
Tobacco w orkers.............................................
T anners...........................................................
C urriers............................................................
Saddlers, harness makers...............................
Shoemakers.....................................................

1
15
2
2
2
2
11

4
18
4
6
4
3
35

12
44
9
3
15
9
77

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust........................................

169

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

633

XI.—DEATH RATE PER 1,000 DUE TO ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPIED
MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902,
BY AGE GROUPS.

T able

[From Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales.]
Death rate per 1,000 from all causes in each age group.
Occupation.

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Carmen, c arriers............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service ..

2.80
1.89

4.29
3.51

6.71
' 6.37

13.09
12.51

20.42
20.76

36.46
34.84

107.84
96.10

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

2.44

3.98

6.56

12.81

M illers.............................................................
Bakers, confectioners....................................
Tobacco workers............................................
T anners...........................................................
Curriers ..........................................................
Saddlers,harness makers...............................
Shoemakers.....................................................

1.13
2.26
2.76
2.51
2.36
1.81
2.65

2.94
3.80
5.88
3.27
5.24
4.70
5.14

3.61
5.28
6.76
3.83
5.71
6.08
6.33

9.00
8.69
9.28
5.77
9.32
9.77
9.82

20.58

35.65

101.76

17.25
16.11
17.21
15.07
18.23
16.88
17.37

32.23
31.04
28.89
30.87
34.95
29.33
29.14

98.23
75.64
67.83
89.45
97.99
90.33
83.13

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust.......................................

2.39

4.59

5.80

9.32

17.03

30.05

83.50

All occupied males—England and Wales ...

2.44

4.41

6.01

10.22

17.73

31.01

88.39

T able X I I . — DEATH RATE PER 1,000 DUE TO CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED

MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY
AGE GROUPS.
[From P a rt II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and M arriages in England and Wales.]
Death xate per 1,000 due to consumption in each age
group.
Occupation.

Carmen, carriers............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service ..
Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust..................................

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.
0.49
.47

1.05
1.22

1.79
2.22

2.91
3.58

.48

1.12

1.97

3.23

.82
1.48
3.09
1.26
2.22
2.84
2.90

.86
1.83
3.54
1.13
1.98
2.58
3.18

2.41
2.41
3.43
.90
3.53
3.49
4.24

2.97
3.95

1.94
2.75

1.47
.98

3.45

2.35

1,22

2.16
2.76
3.68
4.17
3.23
3.56
4.18

2.05
1.88
2.03
2.34
2.91
2.24
2.57

2.18
1.02
.48

M illers.............................................................
Bakers, confectioners................................. .
Tobacco workers............................................
Tanners......................................................
Curriers .........................................................
Saddlers, harness makers...............................
Shoemakers.....................................................

.35
.44
1.12
.92
.63
1.01

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust.......................................

.72

2.29

2.53

3.44

3.60

2.38

1.45

All occupied males—England and W ales...

.54

1.55

2.03

2.74

3.04

2.16

1.11

2.19
.60
1.59

634

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

XIII.—DEATH RATE PER 1,000 DUE TO OTHER DISEASES OF THE RESPIR
ATORY SYSTEM AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN
ENGLAND AND WALES, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From Part II, Supplement to the Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales.]

T able

Death rate per 1,000 due to other diseases of the respira
tory system in each age group.
Occupation.

Carmen, carriers.............................................
Coachmen, cabmen, and omnibus service..

years
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65and
years. years. years. years. years. years. over.
0.26
.17

0.57
.37

1.15
.82

2.69
1.97

4.44
3.74

9.44
7.57

25.54
21.97

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

.22

.49

1.01

2.35

4.10

8.50

23.69

M illers.............................................................
Bakers, confectioners....................................
Tobacco workers............-...............................
T anners...........................................................
Curriers...........................................................
Saddlers, harness m akers..............................
Shoemakers.....................................................

.14
.29
.29
.56
.21
.18
.14

.47
.37
.59
1.51
.40
.29
.46

.73
.56
.69
.43
.82
.49
.56

2.06
1.51
2.23
1.62
1.43
1.19
1.30

4.13
2.97
3.55
2.55
3.75
2.01
2.80

8.64
6.41
5.19
8.60
8.58
5.39
5.54

29.66
15.60
17.44
16.03
16.62
14.45
17.34

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust........................................

.21

.45

.59

1.46

2.96

6.11

17.62

All occupied males—England and Wales__

.24

.48

.77

1.66

3.32

6.54

17.77

T able X IV .— YEARS OF L IFE LIVED BY OCCUPIED MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPA

TIONS IN SCOTLAND DURING TH E YEARS 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From Supplement to the Forty-eighth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of B irths,
Deaths, and M arriages in Scotland.]
Years of life lived by males in each
age group during 1900 to 1902 . (a)
Occupation.

15 to 24
years.

25 to 44
years.

45 to 64 65 years
years. and over.

Carters, carriers, van m en.........................................................

35,235

55,743

21,111

2,559

Total—Occupations with exposure to municipal d u st..

35,235

55,743

21,111

2,559

Millers...........................................................................................
Bakers, confectioners................................. ................................
Skinners, tanners, curriers..........................................................
Saddlers, harness makers...........................................................
Boot and shoe m akers....................................................................

1,722
22,509
2,547
2,214
9,966

3,816
26,895
4,698
2,604
20,364

2,646
10,866
2,688
1,464
16,557

702
1,452
417
273
4,668

Total—Occupations with exposure to organic dust.......

38,958

58,377

34,221

7,512

• The years of life used in th is table means three tim es the num ber of occupied males
enum erated a t the census of 1901.
T able XV.— MORTALITY DUE TO ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN CER

TAIN OCCUPATIONS IN SCOTLAND, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From Supplement to the Forty-eighth Annual R eport of the Registrar-G eneral of B irths,
Deaths, and M arriages in Scotland.]
Deaths due to all causes in each age
group.
Occupation.

15 to 24
years.

25 to 44
years.

Carters, carriers, van m en..........................................................

188

496

631

449

Total—Occupations with exposure to municipal dust..

188

496

631

449

Millers...........................................................................................
Bakers, confectioners..................................................................
Skinners, tanners, curriers........................................................
Saddlers, harness m ak e rs..........................................................
Boot and shoe m a k e rs...................................... .......................

6
81
8
11
66

22
215
34
21
218

80
349
67
40
540

110
241
67
38
681

Total—Occupations with exposure to organic dust.......

172

510

1,076

1,137

45 to 64 65 years
years. and over.

MORTALITY PROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

635

T able X V I.— DEATH RATE PER 1,000 DUE TO ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPIED

MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN SCOTLAND, 1900 TO 1902, BY AGE
GROUPS.
[From Supplement to the Forty-eighth Annual R eport of the Registrar-General of B irths,
Deaths, and M arriages in Scotland.]
Death rate per 1,000 due to all causes
in each age group.
Occupation.
15 to 24
years.

25 to 44
years.

45 to 64 65 years
years. and over.

Carters, carriers, van m en .............................................................

5.34

8.90

29.89

Total—Occupations with exposure to municipal d u st ..

5.34

8.90

29.89

175.46

Millers.............................................. ...................... ......... .............

Bakers, confectioners..................................................................
Skinners, tanners, curriers.........................................................
Saddlers, harness m akers..........................................................
Boot ana shoe m akers....................................................................

3.48
3.60
3.14
4.97
6.62

5.77
7.99
7.24
8.06
10.71

30.23
32.12
24.93
27.32
32.61

156.70
165.98
160.67
139.19
145.89

Total—Occupations with exposure to organic dust.......

4.42

8.74

31.44

151.36

9.32

26.82

•

All occupied males—Scotland ................................. .................

175.46

T able X V II.— NUMBER AND PER CENT OF DEATHS DUE TO CONSUMPTION AND

TO OTHER DISEASES OF TH E RESPIRATORY SYSTEM IN CERTAIN OCCUPA
TIONS IN SCOTLAND, 1900 TO 1902, AGES 25 TO 64 YEARS.
[From Supplement to the Forty-eighth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of B irths,
Deaths, and M arriages in Scotland.]
Deaths due to consumption and to other diseases of the respiratory system.
Number due to—
Occupation.

Per cent of deaths due to—

Con
Con
Other sump
Other sump
tion
respira
respira
tion
Con
Bron Pneu tory and re sump Bron Pneu tory and
re
sump chitis.
monia. dis spirato tion. chitis. monia. dis spirato
tion.
eases. ry dis
eases. ry dis
eases.
eases.
Con

Carters, carriers,
van m e n .............

158

159

414

Total—Occu
p a tio n s
w ith e x
posure t o
m unicipal
dust............

158

159

414

104

Millers....................
Bakers, confection
ers .......................
Skinners, tanners,
curriers...............
Saddlers, harness
m a k e rs...............
Boot a n d shoe
makers.................
Total—Occu
p a tio n s
w ith ex
posure t 0
o rg a n ic
dust............

7.3

14.1

1.3

36.7

14.0

7.3

10.8

12.7

14.1

1.3

36.7

8.8

2.0

219

18.4

34.3

8.0

11.0

1.4

88.8

22.8

9.9

1.0

43.6

14.0

16.4

1.6

8.2

1.6

27.9

146

283

19.3

7.9

9.9

37.3

294

129

161

598

18.5

8.1

10.2

37.7

636

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

DEATH RATE PER 1,000 DUE TO CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED
MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN SWITZERLAND, 1879 TO 1890, BY AGE
GROUPS.

T able X V I I I .—

[From V ital S tatistics of Switzerland, 1871 to 1890, P a rt III.]
Death rate per 1,000 due to consumption in each age group,
Occupation.

15 to 19 20 to 29 30 to 39 40 to 49 50 to 59 60 to 69 70 years
years. years. years. years. years. years. andover.

Street, waterworks, and sewer employees.

1.10

1.99

2.78

3.39

2.88

2.92

1.60

M illers..........................................................

Confectioners................................................
Tobacco workers and cigar makers............
Saddlers........................................................
Shoemakers..................................................

1.23
1.30
2.34
.83
2.10
1.41

1.42
2.75
6.19
2.00
4.24
3.52

3.02
4.72
6.36
3.35
6.77
3.95

5.18
3.96
3.58
4.22
3.61
4.10

6.49
4.75
6.00
4.01
6.83
5.35

5.47
5.92
9.38
3.55
10.01
5.19

7.11
7.61
13.51

All occupied males—Switzerland...............

1.30

3.04

3.66

3.65

3.52

3.25

1.84

■Rn.kp.ra________________________ . . . . . . . .

4.33
4.22

T able X IX .— DEATHS DUE TO ALL CAUSES AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN CER

TAIN OCCUPATIONS IN TH E UNITED STATES, 1897 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From experience of an industrial insurance company.]
Deaths due to all causes in each age group.
Occupation.

Street cleaners................................................

15 years 15 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65 years
and
and
over. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Drivers, truckm en.........................................

Cabmen, coachmen, and h ack m en ..............

180
651
3,850

39
386

18
136
1,024

37
154
974

47
149
660

45
105
468

33
68
338

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust.................................

4,681

425

1,178

1,165

856

618

439

Grain handlers and elevator m en.................
M illers.............................................................
B akers.............................................................
Confectioners.................................................
Cigar makers and packers............................
Tobacco workers.............................................
Tobacco and cigar dealers............................
Tanners, beamers, and curriers....................
Harness makers and saddlers.......................
Leather workers..............................................
Glove cutters and makers..............................
Boot and shoe makers....................................
Button m akers................................................

24
256
1,357
306
1,530
141
196
478
510
641
27
1,930
127

1
7
112
51
131
28
14
41
34
92
6
139
24

7
8
201
52
267
31
34
44
44
154
2
185
31

5
27
259
62
281
26
35
66
60
155
4
179
32

7
39
248
39
325
21
29
81
86
99
7
252
24

2
64
250
56
284
21
40
100
131
79
2
467
6

2
111
287
46
242
14
44
146
155
62
6
708
10

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust......................................

7,523

680

1,060

1,191

1,257

1,502

1,833

MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS.

637

T able XX.— DEATHS DUE TO CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED MALES IN CER

TAIN OCCUPATIONS IN T H E UNITED STATES, 1897 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From experience of an industrial insurance company.]
Deaths due to consumption in each age group.
Occupation.

15 years 15 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65 years
and
and
over. years. years. years. years. years. over.

Street cleaners...............................................
Cabmen, coachmen, and hackmen...............
Drivers, tru ck m en ....................... .................

83
163
999

19
126

8
58
400

13
52
313

7
22
113

3
11
35

2
1
12

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

1,195

145

466

378

142

Grain handlers and elevator m e n .............
M illers.............................................................
B ak ers.............................................................
Confectioners..................................................
Cigar makers and packers............................
Tobacco workers.............................................
Tobacco and cigar d ealers............................
Tanners, beamers, and curriers....................
Harness makers and saddlers.......................
Leather workers..............................................
Glove cutters and makers............................
Boot and shoe makers....................................
Button makers................................................

5
40
277
6$
442
49
43
89
89
206
5
371
48

2
43
13
57
10
5
21
15
35
2
58
12

1
7
86
22
147
15
15
19
21
77

1
11
43
5
67
8
4
16
20
29

93
16

2
8
75
19
119
11
12
18
20
55
1
69
12

6i
6

9
23
6
36
4
4
7
11
9
1
54
1

1
3
7
3
16
1
3
8
2
1
1
36
1

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust........................................

1,732

273

519

421

271

165

T able X X I.—PE R CENT OF DEATHS DUE TO CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED

MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1897 TO 1906, BY
AGE GROUPS.
[From experience of an industrial insurance company.]
Per cent of deaths due to consumption in each age group.
Occupation.

Street cleaners............... ...............................
Cabmen, coachmen, and hackmen...............
Drivers, truckm en.........................................

15 years 15 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 54 55 to 64 65 years
and
and
over. years. years. years. years. years. over.
18.3
25.0
25.9

48.7
32.6

44.4
42.6
39.1

35.1
33.8
32.1

14.9
14.8
17.1

6.7
10.5
7.5

Total—Occupations with exposure to
municipal dust...................................

25.5

34.1

39.6

32.4

16.6

7.9

3.4

Grain handlers and elevator m en.................
M illers.............................................................
B akers.............................................................
Confectioners..................................................
Cigar makers and packers..............................
Tobacco workers.............................................
Tobacco and cigar d ealers............................
Tanners, beamers, and curriers......................
Harness makers and saddlers.......................
Leather workers..............................................
Glove cutters and m akers..............................
Boot and shoe makers....................................
Button m akers................................................

20.8
15.6
20.4
22.2
28.9
34.8
21.9
18.6
17.5
32.1
18.5
19.2
37.8

28.6
38.4
25.5
43.5
35.7
35.7
51.2
44.1
38.0
33.3
41.7
50.0

14.3
87.5
42.8
42.3
55.1
48.4
44.1
43.2
47.7
50.0

14.3
28.2
17.3
12.8
20.6
38.1
13.8
19.8
23.3
29.3

50.3
51.6

40.0
29.6
29.0
30.6
42.3
42.3
34.3
27.3
33.3
85.5
25.0
38.5
37.5

24.2
25.0

14.1
9.2
10.7
12.7
19.0
10.0
7.0
8.4
11.4
50.0
11.6
16.7

50.0
2.7
2.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
6.8
5.5
1.3
1.6
16.7
5.1
10.0

Total—Occupations with exposure to
organic dust........................................

23.0

40.1

49.0

35.3

21.6

11.0

4.5

6.1
1.5
3.6

638

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR,

T able X X I I .— NUMBER AND PER CENT OF DEATHS DUE TO DISEASES OF TH E

RESPIRATORY SYSTEM OTHER THAN CONSUMPTION AMONG OCCUPIED
MALES IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS IN TH E UNITED STATES, 1897 TO 1906.
[From experience of an industrial insurance company.]
Deaths due to respiratory diseases other than consumption.
Number due to—

Per cent of deaths due to—

All re
spira
tory
Other
dis
eases Asth Bron Pneu respira
ma. chitis. monia. tory
other
dis
than
eases.
con
sump
tion.

Occupation.

All re
spira
tory
dis
eases Asth
other
ma.
than
con
sump
tion.

Other
Bron Pneu respira
chitis. monia. tory
dis
eases.

Street cleaners__
Coachmen, c a b men, and hackmen......................
Drivers, truckm en.

18.3

1.6

2.8

12.8

1.1

122
632

6
27

10
56

94
483

12
66

18.6
16.4

.9
.7

1.5
1.5

14.4
12.5

1.8
1.7

Total—Occu
p a tio n s
with expo
sure to municipaldust.

787

600

16.8

1.5

12.8

1.7

1
41
185
54

7
17
3

4
23
4

1
29
124
40

1
21
7

4.2
16.0
13.6
17.7

2.7
1.3
1.0

1.6
1.7
1.3

4.2
11.3
9.1
13.1

.4
1.5
2.3

180
14

16
3

22
3

118
7

24
1

11.6
9.9

1.0

2.1

1.4
2.1

7.7
5.0

1.5
.7

Grain h a n d l e r s
and elevator m en.
Millers....................
Bakers....................
Confectioners.........
Cigarmakers a n d
packers...............
Tobacco workers...
Tobacco and cigar
dealers.................
Tanners, beamers,

and curriers.......
H arnessm akers
and saddlers.......
Leather workers...
Glove cutters and
m ak e rs...............
Boot a n d sh o e
m ak e rs...............
Buttonm akers.......
Total—Occu
p a tio n s
with expo
sure to or
ganic dust..

18.9

3.1

3.6

11.7

19.0

1.0

1.9

13.6

2.5

61
89

4
6

9
11

41
62

7
10

11.9
13.9

.7
.9

1.8
1.7

8.0
9.7

1.4
1.6

7.4

11.1

278
14

30
1

173
11

34
2

14.4
11.0

1.6
.8

2.1

9.0
8.6

1.8
1.6

1,050

135

697

120

14.0

1.3

1.8

9.3

3.6

18.5

T able X X I I I .— DEATHS DUE TO ALL CAUSES, TO CONSUMPTION, AND TO OTHER

DISEASES OF TH E RESPIRATORY SYSTEM AMONG MALES IN THE REGISTRA
TION AREA OF TH E UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1906, BY AGE GROUPS.
[From reports on m ortality, Bureau of the Census.]
Deaths due to con
sumption.
Age at death.

Deaths due
to all
causes.

Deaths due to other
diseases of the re
spiratory system.

Per cent of
Per cent of
deaths
deaths Number. from
Number. from
other
con
respiratory
sumption.
diseases.

15 to 24 years.....................................................
25 to 34 years.....................................................
35 to 44 years.....................................................
45 to 54 years.....................................................
55 to 64 years.....................................................
65 years and over..............................................

134,700
186,530
205,930
205,497
218,151
435,228

37,495
58,424
48,500
30,781
17,707
11,949

27.8
31.3
23.6
15.0
8.1
2.7

13,010
20,298
25,655
25,869
26,575
50,603

9.7
10.9
12.5
12.6
12.2
11.6

T otal........................................................

1,386,036

204,856

14.8

162,010

11.7

RECENT REPORTS OP STATE BUREAUS OP LABOR STATISTICS.

MAINE.
T w e n ty -s e c o n d A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e B u r e a u o f I n d u s t? ia l a n d L a b o r
S ta tis tic s f o r th e S ta te o f M a in e , 19 0 8 . Thomas J . Lyons, Commis

sioner. xiv, 459 pp.
The following subjects are presented in this report: Women and
children in the textile industry, 83 pages; rural conditions in Maine,
215 pages; employers’ liability, 40 pages; shorter workday for
women and children, 16 pages; directory of labor organizations, 25
pages; farm crops in Maine, 13 pages; constitutional amendment, 5
pages; factories, mills, and shops built during 1908, 4 pages; strikes
and labor difficulties, 33 pages; report of the inspector of factories,
workshops, mines, and quarries, 11 pages.
W omen and C hildren in the T extile I ndustry.—Under this
title are given the results of an investigation into the conditions sur
rounding the employment of women and children in the mills of
Lewiston, Auburn, Biddeford, and Saco. The work of the women
and children is described in detail, and mention is made of the various
agencies existing for the improvement of conditions.
E mployers’ L iability .—In this section is given a history of the
legislation enacted in this and other countries upon the subject of the
liability of employers for injuries occurring to their employees and
the text of legislation proposed for enactment in the State of Maine.
S horter W orkday for W omen and C hildren .—Reasons are given
under this head for the restriction of the hours of women and chil-,
dren. Reference is made to earlier legislation, and the decisions of
the courts are given in regard to its constitutionality.
F actories, M ills , and S hops B uilt .—Returns show that in 1908,
in 86 towns, 95 buildings were erected or enlarged, remodeled, etc.,
at a total cost of $1,448,500. These improvements provided for 3,518
additional employees. A summary of improvements of this charac
ter is presented for each of the ten years, 1899 to 1908.

639

640

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

NUMBER AND AGGREGATE COST OF FACTORIES, MILLS, AND SHOPS BUILT OR
ENLARGED, ETC., AND ADDITIONAL EMPLOYEES, BY YEARS, 1899 TO 1908.
Number Number
build
of towns. ofings.

Year.

1899.........................................................................................
1900.........................................................................................
1901.........................................................................................
1902.........................................................................................
1903.........................................................................................
1904.........................................................................................
1905.........................................................................................
1906.........................................................................................
1907.........................................................................................
1908........................................................................................

103
114
94
91
96
91
93
104
95
86

138
167
121
129
124
113
114
131
133
95

Aggregate
cost.
36,800,700
2,174,825
5,638,200
2,776,930
1,436,900
1.175.500
2,303,410
2.637.500
4,140,960
1.448.500

New em
ployees.
4,990
5,539
6,337
5,017
3,343
3,276
3,329
3,674
3,566
3,518

S trikes and L abor D ifficulties .—Under this head are given ac
counts, arranged by towns, of the minor labor difficulties occurring
during the year 1908. Separate accounts are given of the more seri
ous strikes in the paper and wood pulp industry.
C hild L abor.—In the report on factory inspection a table is pre
sented, in which it is shown that the number of children working
under certificates in certain manufacturing establishments of the
State was 1,111 in 1907 and 1,857 in 1908.

MARYLAND.
S e v e n te e n th A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e B u r e a u o f S ta t i s t i c s a n d I n f o r m a
tio n o f M a r y la n d , 1 9 0 8 . Charles J. Fox, Chief. 532 pp.

The following are the subjects presented in this report: The State
of Maryland, its industries and resources, 178 pages; child labor, 52
pages; factory inspection, 88 pages; free employment agency, 8 pages;
prices of grain, 2 pages; cost of living, 8 pages; strikes and lockouts,
8 pages; in labor circles, 12 pages; special investigation, 4 pages;
new incorporations, 23 pages; immigration, 7 pages; proceedings of
the twenty-fourth annual convention of officials of bureaus of labor
statistics, 9 pages; financial statement, 1 page; gazetteer, 109 pages.
C hild L abor.— In this chapter is given the results of the enforce
ment of the child-labor law during the year 1908. To children be
tween 12 and 16 years of age 5,913 labor permits were issued—3,426
to boys and 2,487 to girls. Of this total, 142 labor permits were
issued to colored boys and 43 to colored girls. In Baltimore city the
labor permits issued numbered 5,177—2,977 to boys and 2,200 to girls,
of which 127 were to colored boys and 38 to colored girls. Applica
tions for permits to the number of 704 were refused. The arrests
made during 1908 for the violation of the law numbered 9.
A summary of the work of the various district inspectors shows
that there were employed in the manufacturing establishments and
factories of various kinds inspected in Baltimore city 2,030 males and

REPORTS OP STATE BUREAUS OP LABOR— MARYLAND.

641

1,895 females under 16 years of age. In wholesale and retail stores
and in offices there were employed 1,848 males and 526 females under
16 years of age. The average wages for the whole city for children
engaged in the manufacturing industries was $3.64 per week, and
for children employed in stores, offices, etc., $3.11 per week.
F ree E mployment A gency.—During 1908, the year covered by
this report, there were 425 applications for positions, 378 by males
and 47 by females. Of the applicants, 77 were laborers, 46 were
clerks, 34 were farm hands, and the remainder were distributed
among 73 other occupations. Applications for help numbered 64, of
which 33 were for male help and 31 for female help. There were 29
positions filled, 24 by males and 5 by females. As to character of
positions filled, 21 were farm hands and 4 were cooks.
C ost of L iving .—Under this title is given a table showing the
average monthly retail prices of the principal articles of food and
fuel in 1908, compiled from prices quoted in the daily papers of
Baltimore. In conjunction with this there are presented for 536
persons engaged in 22 different occupations, in 1908, hours worked
and earnings per day, days worked during the year, and average
yearly earnings. For persons engaged in a part of the occupations
the average yearly earnings for 1908 are placed in comparison with
those for 1907, 1906, and 1905.
S trikes and L ockouts.—There are given for the year 1908 statis
tics of 16 strikes, which threw out of employment 2,521 persons
(2,024 males and 497 females), with an estimated wage loss of
$41,424. Of the 16 strikes 4 were ordered by organizations and 12
were not; 5 were for increase of wages, 5 were for change in system
of work, 2 were against reduction of wages, and 4 were for other
causes; 8 strikes were successful, 2 were partly successful, and 6 were
unsuccessful. So far as could be ascertained, the sum of $1,420 was
expended in assisting those on strike. No lockouts were reported for
the year.
I n L abor C ircles.—Under this caption is presented the returns for
1908 from 50 labor organizations, having a reported membership of
7,271. A list of the unions reporting is given, with name of each
organization, name and address of secretary, membership, hours of
labor per day, and minimum rate of wages. The lowest reported
union wage was $1.17 per day for bindery women, while the highest
was $5 per day for bricklayers. Of the total unions, 25 reported the
hours of labor as 8 per day, 2 as 8J per day, 12 as 9 per day, 4 as 10
per day, 3 reported hours from 10 to 13 per day, and 4 made no
report.
U nemployment .—As a result of a special investigation, it was found
that in the month of September, 1908, but 36,824 persons were em
ployed in 261 mills and factories in the State. When working full

642

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOR.

time the same mills employed a total of 56,061 persons. I t was thus
shown that 34 per cent of the usual force was out of employment at
that time. The rate of wages paid and the cost of living were found
to be practically the same as in the previous year.
I mmigration .—For the year ending December 31, 1908, 8,472
aliens, exclusive of transits, were admitted at the port of Baltimore.
Of this number only 1,330 were destined to Maryland.
MICHIGAN.
T w e n ty - s ix th A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e B u r e a u o f L a b o r a n d I n d u s tr ia l
S ta t i s t i c s , in c lu d in g th e S ix te e n th A n n u a l R e p o r t o f S ta t e I n s p e c
tio n o f F a c to r ie s , 1 9 0 9 . Richard H. Fletcher, Commiss'oner.

415 pp.
This report consists of two sections, the second section (318 pages)
being devoted to inspection of factories, stores, hotels, tenement shops,
etc. In the first section, which relates to labor and industrial sta
tistics, the following subjects are presented: Labor laws, 31 pages;
description of a trip through the copper and iron district of Michi
gan, 6 pages; manufacture of paper, 3 pages; free employment
bureaus, 42 pages; manufacture of beet sugar, 4 pages.
P aper M anufacture.—In the year ending June 30, 1908, there
were manufactured in the State 243,951 tons of paper of various
grades, valued at $12,972,357. This was the output of 36 plants, rep
resenting an invested capital of $9,550,500. The sum of $2,375,658
was paid out in wages to 4,507 employees, of whom 3,766 were males
receiving an average of $1.81 per day, and 741 were females receiv
ing an average of $1.09 per day.
F ree E mployment B ureaus.—Under this title is presented a de
tailed report of the work done in the five free employment bureaus
of the State. The bureau at Jackson was opened during 1908.
The following table summarizes the work done at the Detroit,
Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo, and Saginaw bureaus for the year end
ing November 30, 1908, and at the Jackson bureau for the period
August 1 to November 30, 1908:
OPERATIONS OF FREE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT OFFICES, YEAR ENDING NOVEM
BER 30, 1908.
Situations wanted.

Help wanted.

Positions secured.

City.
Males.

Females. Males.

Females.

Detroit........................................................
Grand Rapids.............................................
Jackson.......................................................
Kalam azoo................................................
Saginaw .....................................................

5,408
2,844
«521
4,300
2,992

1,887
2,231
o353
1,412
632

5,361
1,511
ol98
1,617
1,709

2,275
1,550
o258
973
777

4,951
1,453
ol60
1,339
1,430

1,773
1,490
o205
666
526

Total..................................................

16,065

6,515

10,396

5,833

9,333

4,660

"August 1 to November 30, 1908.

643

REPORTS OE STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR----MICHIGAN.

B eet -S ugar M anufacture.— In the beet-sugar industry 16 fac
tories were in operation during the year 1908, the same number as
in 1907. These 16 factories represent an aggregate investment o f
$10,440,000. There were employed in the plants 4,205 persons, at
an average daily wage of $2.11. The number of tons of beets grown
in 1908 was approximately 612,000.
T he C oal I ndustry.—In this industry there were 33 mines in
operation during the year 1908, as compared with 34 mines during
the year 1907. A condensed summary of the operations of the mines
for the two years is presented in the following table:
COAL MINE STATISTICS, 1907 AND 1908.
Year.
Pern.
1907.
Mines in operation.................................................................................................
Average number of employees.............................................................................
Average hours worked per day........................................................... .................
Average days worked per month..........................................................................
Average daily w ages.............................................................................................
Tons of coal m ined................................................................................................
Average cost of T^n^niT^g^ per t o n ...........................................................................

34
2,881
8
20.4
$3.24
1,898,426
$1.64*

1908.
3a
3,087
7.8
20.2
$3.02
1,839,927
$1.67

In 30 mines 101 accidents were reported—6 fatal, 13 serious, 35
severe, 46 slight, and 1 not reported as to extent of injury.
NEW JEKSEY.
T h ir ty - f ir s t A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e B u r e a u o f S ta tis tic s o f L a b o r a n d

Industries of Netv Jersey for the year ending October SI 1908..

Winton C. Garrison, Chief, xiv, 390 pp.
This report consists of 3 parts, in which the following subjects are
presented: Statistics of manufactures, 124 pages; the industrial de
pression of 1907-8, 72 pages; steam railroads, 12 pages; cost of
living, 10 pages; fruit and vegetable canning, 10 pages; industrial
chronology, 162 pages.
S tatistics of M anufactures.—This presentation of the statisticsof manufactures is based on returns for the year 1907 from 2,152:
establishments, 2,070 representing 88 specified industries and 82
grouped as unclassified. None of the establishments considered em
ployed fewer than 10 persons or had invested capital of less than
$5,000. The facts are set out in ten tables, which show by industries,,
character of establishment, management (whether corporate or pri
vate), amount of capital and various forms in which it is invested,,
value of stock or materials used and of goods produced, number of
wage-earners (men, women, and children under 16 years of age) and
2313—No. 82—09----12

644

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

wages and earnings, days in operation during the year and hours
worked per day and per week, percentage of business done of total
productive capacity, and character and measure of power used.
The returns show that of the 2,152 establishments reporting, 1,384
(in 1,381 of which were 75,452 stockholders) were under the corporate
form of ownership and management, and 768 (with 1,339 partners
and proprietors) were owned and managed by partnerships and
private individuals. Capital invested (by 2,149 establishments)
showred aji aggregate of $629,549,849, value of materials or stock used
(by 2,145 establishments) an aggregate of $462,854,716, and value
of products or goods made (by 2,142 establishments) an aggregate
of $773,186,299. The total paid out in wages amounted to $144,740,069. During the year there was an average of 280,280 wage-earners
employed, 209,859 males 16 years of age and over, 64,613 females 16
years of age and over, and 5,808 children under 16 years of age.
Under normal conditions the average number of hours worked per day
in the 2,152 establishments was 9.60, and the average number of hours
worked per week 55.83. The average number of days in operation
during the year was 285.92, and the average proportion of business
done of total productive capacity was 77.96 per cent.
The table following presents the number and per cent of males and
females 16 years of age and over and of children under 16 years of
age employed in 1907 in all industries (2,152 establishments) at each
specified weekly rate of wages:
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF MALES AND FEMALES 16 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER
AND OF CHILDREN UNDER 16 YEARS OF AGE IN ALL INDUSTRIES (2,152 ESTAB
LISH M EN TS), RECEIVING EACH CLASSIFIED WEEKLY RATE OF WAGES, 1907*
Number.
Classified weekly
wages.

Males Females Children
16 years 16 years under
of age
of age 16 years
and over. and over. of age.

Per cent.

Total.

Males Females Children
16 years 16 years under
of age
of age 16 years
and over. and over. of age.

Total.

Under $3..................
$3 and under $4.......
84 And under $5.......
$5 and under 36.......
$6 and under 37.......
37 and under 38.......
38 and under 39.......
39 and under 310__
310 and under 312...
312 and under 315...
315 and under 320...
320 and under 325...
325 and o v e r__ . . . .

1,148
2,681
5,499
6,995
8,911
11,447
15,899
33,351
36,505
39,440
42,321
13,368
7,265

1,430
4,143
9,312
12,720
12,315
9,648
6,623
4,704
4,345
2,739
785
82
8

845
2,744
1,878
796
254
55
33

3,423
9,568
16,689
20,511
21,480
21,150
22,555
38,055
40,850
42,179
43,106
13,450
7,273

0.5
1.2
2.5
3.1
4.0
5.1
7.1
14.8
16.2
17.5
18.8
6.0
3.2

2.1
6.0
13.5
18.5
17.9
14.0
9.6
6.8
6.3
4.0
1.2
.1

12.8
41.5
28.4
12.1
3.9
.8
.5

1.1
3.2
5.6
6.8
7.2
7.0
7.5
12.7
13.6
14.0
14.4
4.5
2.4

Total...............

224,830

68,854

6,605

300,289

100.0

REPORTS OF STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR— NEW JERSEY.

645

The following comparative table shows for selected industries, for
the years 1906 and 1907, the average number of persons employed
per industry and the average yearly earnings per employee:
AVERAGE NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES PER INDUSTRY AND AVERAGE YEARLY
EARNINGS PER EMPLOYEE, 1906 AND 1907, BY INDUSTRIES.
Average employees
per industry.
Industry.

Ayerage yearly
earnings per
employee.

1906.

1907.

1906.

1907.

P aper............................................................................................
P o ttery ........................................................................................
Rubber products, hard and so ft................................................
Shipbuilding................................................................................
Silk goods, broad and ribbon.....................................................
Steel and iron, structural...........................................................
Steel and iron, forging..............................................................
Woolen and worsted goods........................................................

2,445
1,996
2,065
7,419
6,839
8,376
1,867
6,739
1,915
6,190
5,832
3,482
5,722
2,317
24,393
6,751
3,753
2,419
4,833
6,280
3,822
21,543
3,429
2,882
8,965

2,516
1,875
2,063
6,759
7,196
9,061
8,116
6,353
1,902
6,624
5,416
3,435
5,381
3,281
24,959
7,076
4,074
2,860
4,947
6,448
4,927
20,055
3,292
3,242
9,989

$585.24
629.14
898.31
469.02
513.49
294.78
596.21
519.52
686.32
569.60
581.53
682.31
617.59
433.75
631.37
450.45
644.10
502.27
629.95
489.76
677.56
434.72
627.34
649.35
385.30

$590.55
609.64
924.93
462.26
529.91
319.22
532.01
558.57
721.08
587.98
647.31
654.23
563.75
429.96
636.70
459.27
684.39
519.08
619.27
503.16
696.84
473.89
631.17
631.13
393.19

Twenty-five industries......................................................
Other industries..........................................................................

152,274
107,798

161,847
118,433

534.42
465.76

546.23
477.47

All industries.....................................................................

260,072

280,280

505.96

517.24

Artisan s’ tool a ............................................................................
Boilers, ste am .............................................................................
Brewery prod nets........................................................................
Brick and terra c o tta .................................................................
Chemical products............... ............................................... .....
Cigars and tobacco.....................................................................
Drawn wire and wire cloth.......................................................
Electrical appliances..................................................................
Furnaces, ranges, and heaters...................................................
Glass, window and b o ttle ..........................................................
Rats, men’s..................................................................................
Jew elry.......................................................... .................. .
Leather, tanning and finishing................................................
Lamps, electric and o th e r................................. .......................
Machinery....................................................................................
Metal goods........................................................................ .........

I ndustrial D epression.—Returns from 1,114 establishments dis
tributed through 59 industries indicate that owing to the industrial
depression late in 1907, 8,630 contracts, involving $8,504,424, were
canceled, necessitating the discharge of 40,181 wage-earners, or 23.7
per cent of the usual force.
S team R ailroads.— For the year ending June 30, 1908, the 7 rail
roads in the State employed 42,514 persons for an average of two
hundred and ninety-six days per person, each working an average
of 10.4 hours per day. The total paid in wages amounted to $27,940,975, the average wages per day being $2.22 and the average
yearly earnings per employee $657.22. Six of the companies reported
the number of employees injured during the year as 1,827, the inju
ries of 116 resulting in death.
Cost of L iving .—This is a continuation of the presentation of pre
vious years, and shows the retail prices of 50 items of food and 2
other commodities (common soap and kerosene oil) in the principal
markets in all counties of the State, in the month of June, 1908.

646

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

Comparisons with retail prices in 1907 and in 1898 (the year the
investigation was begun) are also given.
Taking the list of commodities together, the prices in 1908, as com
pared with the prices in 1907, show a decrease of but 2.99 per cent,
while taken in comparison with the prices in 1898 they show an
increase of 24.08 per cent.
F ruit and V egetable C anning .—In 1907 there were 42 canneries
from which returns were received. Invested capital to the amount
of $775,996 and wages paid to the amount of $429,442 were reported
by the canneries. The 42 canneries gave employment to 4,901 wageearners—2,078 males and 2,823 females. The selling value of the
product amounted to $2,263,361.
I ndustrial C hronology.—This record is for the year ending Sep
tember 30, 1908. During the period there were 50 new buildings
erected and equipped for manufacturing purposes and 27 old plants
more or less enlarged; 9 manufacturing plants were permanently
closed and 53 closed for a period ranging from one to ten months;
86 establishments suffered from fire, the losses amounting to
$1,383,889, all but a small part of which was covered by insurance;
there were 9 instances in which employees received an increase in
wages, and 24 firms reduced the hours of weekly labor; 1,075 wageearners (279 being railroad employees) were injured while at work,
of which number 234 (95 being railroad employees) died from the
injuries received; 57 strikes of greater or less duration occurred, 11
being against reduction of wages, 9 for increase of wages, 9 against
employment of nonunion men, and the remainder for various other
causes. There were 5 new labor unions organized during the chrono
logical period covered.
NORTH DAKOTA.
T e n th B ie n n ia l R e p o r t o f th e C o m m issio n e r o f A g r ic u ltu r e a n d L a b o r
f o r th e te r m e n d in g J u n e SO, 1908. W. C. Gilbreath, Commis

sioner. 101 pp.
This report, which was compiled from the records of the assessors
and other county officers, presents statistics on the following subjects:
Statistics of agriculture, 40 pages; valuation of property, 16 pages;
dairy industry, 4 pages; live stock, 4 pages; orchards and fruit, 2
pages; coal mines, 6 pages; vital statistics, 2 pages; farm labor, 2
pages.
F arm L abor.—Tables show for each county the number of male
and female employees reported in 1906 and 1907, their average
monthly wages, and the total amount paid in wages. The lowest
average monthly wages reported in any county in 1907 was $13.18

REPORTS OE STATE BUREAUS OF LABOR----NORTH DAKOTA.

647

for males and $3 for females; the highest average was $40 for males
and $22.67 for females.
Coal M in es .—Returns are given from the coal mines of the State
for each year of the period covered. In 1907, 46 mines reported the
employment of 310 persons and the production of 303,025 tons of
coal.
OREGON.
T h ir d B ie n n ia l R e p o r t o f th e B u r e a u o f L a b o r S ta tis tic s a n d I n
s p e c to r o f F a c to r ie s a n d W o r k s h o p s o f th e S ta t e o f O r e g o n , 1 9 0 7 -8 .

O. P. Hoff, Commissioner. 200 pp.
This report presents a variety of subjects pertaining directly and
indirectly to labor and industrial conditions.
L abor O rganizations.—Reports were received from 108 unions,
having a total membership of 11,581, giving date of organization,
membership of each union, membership fees, monthly dues, strike,
sick, and funeral benefits, wages and hours of labor, regulations gov
erning apprenticeship, number of members idle, etc.
S trikes and L ockouts.—Brief accounts are given of 9 strikes and
2 lockouts which occurred in the State during the two years ending
September 30, 1908.
I ndustries.— Reports from manufacturing, agricultural, trans
portation, and other industries of the State, present capital and out
put, wages and hours of labor, number of employees, and miscel
laneous data.
A ccidents.—In the sawmills and factories of the State during the
two years ending September 30, 1908, 109 persons were accidentally
injured, the injuries of 12 resulting in death.
RHODE ISLAND.
T w e n ty - f ir s t A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e C o m m issio n e r o f I n d u s tr ia l S t a
tis tic s , m a d e to th e G e n e ra l A s s e m b ly a t i t s J a n u a r y se ssio n , 1908.

George H. Webb, Commissioner, iv, 1,168 pp.
This report is made up of two parts. In the first, consisting of
1,084 pages, is contained the results of the census of 1905, presenting
tables relating to the foreign-born population, church statistics, size
of families, ownership of homes, age grouping, political condition,
conjugal condition, maternity, color and race, and nativity of par
ents. In the second part, which covers 84 pages, is presented an
account of the strikes and lockouts which occurred during 1907, a
directory of labor organizations, and statistics of manufactures for
the year 1906.

648

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

S t r i k e s a n d L o c k o u t s .— This presentation consists of a chrono
logical arrangement of the strikes which occurred in the State during
the year ending December 31, 1907, compiled from records kept by
the state labor bureau, from the columns of the public press and from
other sources.
M a n u f a c t u r e s .—In this section comparative statistics for the
years 1905 and 1906 are given for the textile, rubber, and fine metal
manufacturing industries, showing number of establishments and
character of organization; highest, lowest, and average number of
employees; wages; number of employees 16 years of age and over,
by sex, and children under 16 years of age; cost of materials used and
value of goods made and work done; number and character of
machines in operation, etc. The fine metal work embraces jewelry,
jewelers’ findings, silversmithing and silverware, refining, electro
plating, enameling, engraving, diesinking, and lapidary work.
Comparative summary statistics for the years 1905 and 1906 are
presented for 9 industries in the table following:
COMPARATIVE STATISTICS FOR 9 SELECTED MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES,
1905 AND 1906.

Year.

Industry.

Cotton goods................................. |
Dyeing and finishing textiles _j
Hosiery and knit goods.......... j
Silk goods.................................... |
Woolen and worsted goods ......j
Rubber and elastic goods............j
Jew elry ............................j
Silversmithing and silverware.,
Jewelers’ findings ...............

j
j

1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906
1905
1906

Average
Estab number
lish
of
ments. employ
ees.
50
50
19
19
10
10
4
4
50
50
4
4
50
50
6
6
10
10

Total

SET

20,371 $7,255,114
20,245 7,854,742
6,950 2,943,233
7,578 3,212,576
513,948
1,486
601,973
1,518
292,851
811
339,164
795
20,882 9,106,823
9,643,867
21,002
584,380
1,468
645,031
1,593
4,341 2,331,784
4,755 2,763,998
1,998 1,514,531
2,156 1,601,240
465
268,858
312,969
509

Cost of
materials
used.
$15,724,947
16,550,421
3,339,502
4,799,696
2,217,345
2,621,273
1,007,468
1,578,131
41,073,816
41,907,860
2,498,767
2,564,640
4,527,514
6,103,320
2,617,030
2,856,157
1,980,903
2,765,510

Value of
products,
including
work done.
$26,083,185
27,112,941
9,594,704
11,446,834
3,158,317
3,467,230
1,531,916
2,478,618
57,360,560
58,543,508
3,882,809
4,022,994
9,948,319
12,063,011
6,142,905
6,433,609
2,632,897
3,530,550

A comparison of the data for the two years shows that the total
establishments (133) in the 5 textile industries employed 51,138
employees in 1906 and 50,500 in 1905, paid in wages a total of $21,652,322 in 1906 and $20,111,969 in 1905, used materials to the amount
of $67,357,381 in 1906 and $63,363,078 in 1905, and manufactured
products to the value of $103,049,131 in 1906 and $97,728,682 in 1905.

RECENT FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS.

CANADA.
,TFage-earners, by occupations. Bulletin I, Census and Statistics
Office, 1907. xxviii, 105, xxx pp.
This volume presents data for wage-earners as shown by the census
of 1901, here presented by occupations for the Dominion. Records
of wages were made for each person employed in any industrial or
other occupation who was paid wages or other money allowance,
whether employed at home or elsewhere.
The schedule called for the occupation, the months employed at
trade in factory, months employed at trade at home, months em
ployed in any other occupation, earnings from regular employment,
and extra earnings from any other than the chief occupation or trade.
Nine principal classes of occupations were made, and the following
table shows the number of occupations found to exist in each class
for the Dominion of Canada:
NUMBER OF OCCUPATIONS OF WAGE-EARNERS, BY CLASSES.
At regular employment.
Classes of occupations.

At extra employment.

Occupa Total Occupa Occupa
Total Occupa
tions
tions kinds of tions
tions
kinds of employ
employ
employ
occupa
occupa employ
ing
ing
ing
ing
tions.
tions.
males. females.
males. females.

Forestry and lum bering.......................
M anufacturing.........................................
Mining................................................. .
Miscellaneous...........................................
Professional................................................
Trade and transportation.................. .

23
42
4
19
1,256
43
21
61
152

22
39
4
19
1,135
43
21
60
151

377

Total..................................................

1,621

1,494

A gricultural ..................................... .
Domestic and personal...............................
"Fisheries and fishing................... ...............

5
21

12
24
s
12
261
22
8
35
107

25
59

12
28
s
12
277
22
8
36
108

487 |

506

484

10
13

As will be seen, the total number of occupations enumerated is
1,621 for those classed as regular employments, besides 506 given
under the heading of extra employments. Of occupations in the first
group, 487 employ females, and in the second 79 employ females. The
greatest variety of employments is to be found in the manufacturing
class and the least in that of fisheries and fishing. In four of the
nine principal classes no females are employed. The competition of
female labor is not so keenly felt in Canada as in many other coun
tries. I t varies considerably also in the different Provinces of the
Dominion. For Canada, as a whole it is found that females are
employed in 30 per cent of the occupations and males in 92 per cent.

649

650

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

The table below shows the percentage of occupations giving employ
ment to each sex in the Provinces of the Dominion:
PERCENTAGE OF OCCUPATIONS EMPLOYING EACH SEX, IN TH E VARIOUS
PROVINCES.
Per cent of occupa
tions employing—
Provinces.
Males.
British Columbia...........................................................................................................
M anitoba........................................................................................................................
New B runsw ick.............................................................................................................
Nova Scotia.....................................................................................................................
O ntario...........................................................................................................................
Prince Edward Island...................................................................................................
Quebec ...........................................................................................................................
The T erritories..............................................................................................................

95.00
96.00
94.64
95.20
93.10
87.72
93.74
88.00

Females.
12.70
21.00
23.00
19.21
30.15
19.29
33.14
16.30

As to actual numbers of wage-earners in Canada, the census dis
closed a total of 922,591 persons, of whom 736,549 were males and 186,042 were females. Full records were not available for all of these, so
that the totals of the tables are for 661,485 males and 153,445 females.
In proportion to the total population, about 40 per cent of the males
and 10 per cent of the females are represented in the tables. The
ratio of female to male wage-earners is least in the far western
Province of British Columbia, where it is as 1 to 16.61, and is greatest
in Quebec, where it is as 1 to 3.77. In Manitoba it is as 1 to 4.30,
in New Brunswick as 1 to 4.85, in Nova Scotia as 1 to 6, in Ontario
as 1 to 3.84, in Prince Edward Island as 1 to 3.90, in the Territories
as 1 to 7.10, and for the Dominion the ratio is as 1 to 4.30.
Making the comparison by classes, the ratio of female to male wageearners is as 1 to 790 in agriculture, 1 to 2.08 in domestic and personal •
service, 1 to 4.55 in manufacturing, 1 to 1.34 in the professional class,
and 1 to 10.41 in trade and transportation.
The number of persons employed at their regular occupations,
together with their total and average earnings, is shown by classes
and sexes in the following table:
NUMBER AND EARNINGS OF EMPLOYEES AT REGULAR WORK, BY CLASSES OF
OCCUPATIONS AND SEX.
Employees.

earnings
Total earnings of— Averageof—

Classes of occupations.
Males.

Females.

Males.

Females.

Males.

Females.

92 $15,088,523 $13,453
67,752 38,411,472 9,285,169
1,513,931
5,014,821
49,662 91,110,433 9,597,784
12,278,110
202,745
22,110 20,018,090 6,731,011
13,829 72,466,667 3,296,776

$207.55
272.46
205.36
305.07
403.14
513.77
387.65
676.88
503.22

$146.23
137.05

Professional...........................................
Trade and transportation......................

72,696
140,978
7,372
16,438
226,001
23,898
523
29,574
144,005

Total..............................................

661,485

153,445 256,104,792 27,924,198

387.16

181.98

Agricultural...........................................
Domestic and personal.........................

Fisheries....................................................
Forestry and lum bering.........................

M anufacturing......................................
M ining...................................................

M iscellaneous..........................................

193.26
259.20
238.39

FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS----CANADA.

651

From this table it appears that the largest number of males is
employed in the manufacturing, trade and transportation, and do
mestic and personal classes; while females are found in greatest
numbers in the domestic and personal, manufacturing, and profes
sional classes. The average per capita earnings of males are largest
in the professional class, followed by mining, trade and transporta
tion, and manufacturing, in the order named, while for females the
largest earnings are found in the professional class, trade and trans
portation coming next. In the professional class are included
government and municipal employees, school-teachers, and stenogra
phers and typewriters.
In discussing the subject of extra earnings it is stated that the
whole number of persons who procured work at employment outside
of their usual occupations was 20,351, of whom 19,399 were males and
952 were females. Not only is the number of females securing extra
work quite small, but it is also restricted to four classes of occupa
tions. The total amount earned by extra work by females was but
$63,472, or an average of $66.67. For males the total earnings were
$2,442,323, or an average of $125.90. The following table shows the
total and average amount of extra earnings by classes of occupations
for each sex:
NUMBER AND EARNINGS OF EMPLOYEES AT EXTRA WORK, BY CLASSES OF
OCCUPATIONS AND SEX.
Employees at extra
work.

Earnings at extra
work of—

Average earnings
of—

Males.

Classes of occupations.
Males. ^Females.
A gricultural...........................................
Domestic and personal.........................
Fisheries.................................................
Forestry and lumbering.......................
M anufacturing......................................
M ining.................................................
Miscellaneous............................ ..........
Professional............................................
Trade and transportation......................

1,766
2,387
1,003
547
7,606
311
40
1,757
3,982

288
65

$144,471
224,122
101,706
57,804
876,273
68,108
5,216
355,124
609,499

Total..............................................

19,399

952

2,442,323

310
289

Females.

21,614
6,770

$81.81
93.89
101.40
105.67
115.20
219.00
130.40
202.12
153.06

75.05
104.15

63,472

125.90

66.67

$17,230
17,858

$55.58
61.79

ITALY.
Inchiesta sul lavoro nottumo dei fornai.

Ministero di Agricoltura,
Industria e Commercio. Ufficio del Lavoro. 1906. viii, 106 pp.

This volume, published by the Italian bureau of labor as a study'
of night work in Italian bakeries, is divided into two parts, desig
nated as general and special. The first reviews the present condition
of the bakery industry, including the conditions of labor, hygienic

652

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

and social conditions, and the results of agreements between em
ployers and employees and of legislation applicable to employees in
bakeries. In this section free use is made of studies and official
reports presenting conditions in various foreign countries as well as
in Italy. The unprogressive nature of the industry, compared with
most others in modern times, is first noted, and the tendency to local
monopoly arising from the nature of the product. Prolonged hours
of labor and broken periods of repose were found to characterize the
employment, conditions which were aggravated by poorly lighted
and ventilated workrooms and the practice of the workmen seeking
to obtain needed rest by lying on tables, bags, benches, and even on
the floor of the workrooms. The last chapter of this section presents
data as to trade diseases, copied from various sources.
The second section presents the results of the actual investigation
conducted by the bureau itself, the four chapters taking up, respec
tively, the history of the movement for daytime employment in
Italian bakeries; the schedule of inquiry and the results obtained in
the matter of hours of labor, time of beginning and ending the day’s
work, the employment of shifts, power used, sanitation, equipment,
etc.; the schedule of inquiry and the answers as to the possibility of
reducing the amount of night work, and the schedule and replies on
the results obtained by substituting day for night work.
From the account given of the movement to secure the reduction
of night work, or the substitution, as far as possible, of day work,
it appears that the subject was first brought prominently to notice
at the general meeting of bakery employees in 1883, though little
was done until after the meeting of the next year, when a vigorous
campaign accompanied by strikes was begun. These efforts were
unsuccessful, and other matters pressed to the front, so that this
subject was dropped for some years. I t was again taken up in 1901,
though a few unsuccessful experiments were tried in various localities
during the intervening years.
Day labor was found to be employed in a number of localities, in
part by reason of agreements between employers and employees, and
in part as the result of municipal regulations. These gains were
encouraging, but failed of reaching the end aimed at by the fed
eration of bakery employees, and in 1904 a petition was submitted
to the bureau of labor asking that a study of the question be made
with a view to the entire abolition of night work in the manufacture
of bakery products, and it is as a result of this united effort that
the present investigation was undertaken.
The first schedule of inquiry sought to disclose the general con
ditions prevalent in the bakeries, and was sent to each of the 62
leagues or unions of bakery employees then in existence in the coun

653

FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS----ITALY.

try. Repeated efforts secured replies from but 42 unions, covering
555 establishments with 2,247 employees. As the census of 1901
reported 45,093 employees in bakeries and similar employment, the
returns are clearly far short of complete, and are in some instances
incorrect. However, the report is thought to be fairly representative
of the conditions existing throughout the Kingdom.
Of the 555 establishments for which data were obtained, 72, with
405 employees, made use of machinery for the kneading of the dough,
the number of employees in each ranging from 2 to 50, the average
being 5.63 per establishment, as compared with an average of 4.05
in all establishments reported.
The following table shows the hour of beginning work in the
bakeries reported on in this respect, and the number of employees
affected:
NUMBER OF BAKERIES BEGINNING WORK AT SPEC IFIED HOURS AND NUMBER
OF EMPLOYEES AFFECTED.

Hour of beginning work.

6 p. m ......................................
5.30 p. m...................................
6 p. m ......................................
6.30 p. m ...................................
7 p. m ......................................
7.30 p. m ...................................
8 p. m ......................................
8.30 p. m ...................................
9 p , m ......................................
10 p. m ....................................
10.30 p. m .................................
11 p. m ....................................
11.30 p. m .................................
12 m idnight............................
1 a. m ........................................
1.30 a. m ...................................
2 a. m ......................................

Number Number
of
of em
establish ployees.
ments.
18
5
26
4
50
7
52
6
67
62
4
40
1
43
7
2
18

88
20
128,
27
187
21
210
16
188
194
12
138
3
138
22
5
42

Hour of beginning work.

' 3 a. m ......................................
4 a. m ......................................
4.30 a. m .................................
5 a. m ......................................
6 a. m ......................................
6.30 a. m .................................
7 a. m ......................................
7.30 a. m .................................
8 a. m ......................................
11 a. m ....................................
12 n oon...................................
1 p m ......................................
2p. m ......................................
3 p. m ......................................
4 p . m ......................................
4.30 p. m .................................

Number Number
of
of em
establish ployees.
ments.
3
3
1
9
23
1
1
3
2
3
1
19
8
10
10
2

11
11
4
50
91
8
4
13
7
13
3
53
36
37
44
9

An examination of the above table shows that night work is the
rule and employment by day the exception, since, of the 511 establish
ments reported, 415, having 79 per cent of the employees, begin work
from 5 p. m. to 3 a. m., inclusive, while the number beginning work
so as to exclude night work mainly or entirely, i. e., from 5 a. m. to
12 m., is but 43, with but 189 employees, or 10 per cent of the total
number under consideration.
To discover the length of the working day, three forms of inquiry
were adopted—one as to the hours of beginning and ending work,
one as to the daily period of rest, and the third as to the hours of
effective labor. In the great majority of cases the answers to the
second and third inquiries were not satisfactorily given. From the
answers to the first, the following table is obtained:

654

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

NUMBER OF BAKERIES REQUIRING SPEC IFIED HOURS OF WORK, AND NUMBER
OF EMPLOYEES AFFECTED.

Hours of work.

5................................................
6................................................
7................................................
8................................................
8 |..............................................
9................................................
9!..............................................
10..............................................
10|.............................................
11..............................................
11!............................................
12..............................................
12!.............................................
13..............................................
13!.............................................

Number Number
of
of em
establish ployees.
ments.
1
3
9
17
1
37
3
63
2
61
7
131
9
51
5

2
4
22
56
1
83
7
199
6
213
23
480
33
154
16

Hours of work.

14.............................................
14!...........................................
15.............................................
15!............... *..........................
16.............................................
16!...........................................
17.............................................
17!...........................................
18.............................................
19.............................................
19!...........................................
20.............................................
21.............................................
22.............................................

Number Number
of
of em
establish ployees.
ments.
68
3
26
2
26
5
12
2
8
16
1
3
17
1

275
15
96
8
118
22
53
13
32
32
4
9
48
4

Employment in bakeries is pointed out as differing from other
employments, which generally have a definite time for beginning
work, continuing without interruption to a definite quitting time, with
established intervals of rest. Bakery employees have frequent short
intervals of rest between the various operations, but not generally of
any important length or of fixed recurrence; and even in those rare
instances where periods of two or three hours of rest are allowed,
the workman must remain subject to call, and would much prefer
continuous employment and a complete release thereafter. In many
shops the practice was observed of locking the employees in during
the entire period of the working day. The figures given above,
therefore, while they somewhat exceed the actual hours of effective
employment, show the period during which the employee is subject
to orders. No explanation is given of the fact that the total number
of establishments shown is 590, or 35 in excess of the number stated
to have been reported on in the first schedule.
Seventy-one establishments observe a shorter day than ten hours;
426 work from ten to fifteen hours, inclusive, and 93 work in excess
of fifteen hours. Fifty-five per cent of the number of employees
shown in the above table work from ten to thirteen hours; 16.5
per cent are detained for sixteen hours or more, while but 8.6 per cent
work less than ten hours. The evil effects of the long hours of em
ployment and of confinement within the work places were found
to be aggravated by the hygienic conditions, of which it was said
that they could not possibly be worse.
The inquiry as to the practicability of substituting day for night
work elicited radically different replies. Of the 288 employers or
managers expressing an opinion, 110 were unconditionally favorable,
28 were partially favorable, 72 were classed as partially opposed, and
78 as absolutely opposed. Of the establishments from which these

FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS— ITALY.

655

expressions were obtained, 258 were under the ordinary proprietary
form, 26 were cooperative, and 4 were managed by the municipality.
Of the first class, 91 were favorable to day labor and 78 opposed, the
remaining 89 being classed as of qualified or intermediate opinion.
Of the cooperative class, 17 were favorable, none opposed, and 9 gave
qualified opinions; while of the last group, 2 were favorable, none
opposed, and 2 of a qualified opinion.
The objections offered began with the legal one that a law regulat
ing hours of labor would interfere with the freedom of contract and
the liberty of individuals; to which the employees replied that the
court of cassation had upheld the constitutionality of such a regu
lative law, and that it was not a question of the acts of the employer
as an individual, but of his conduct toward others. Other objections
were based on the public needs, the organization of the industry, and
the expense attendant on producing the necessary output in the re
stricted period proposed. The replies were that the question was one
merely of custom, and data were offered to show the incorrectness of
the statement as to the necessity of increasing the number of plants
and of employees.
The third schedule sought to disclose the results of the change made
in a number of establishments where day work was already in use at
the time of the investigation. There were 106 of these from which
reports were secured, 4 being classed as large, 21 as medium, and 81
as small establishments; 98 were under ordinary proprietorship, 7
were cooperative, and 1 was a communal plant. The replies were en
tirely favorable in 84 instances, 2 being from large establishments,
3 from those of medium size, and 29 from small plants; 24 partially
favorable replies were made, 1 by a large establishment, 4 from those
of medium size, and 19 from small ones; while unfavorable reports
were made by 44 establishments, of which 1 was large, 14 medium,
and 29 small. As to proprietorship, of those reporting favorably 28
were under the usual form, 5 were cooperative, and 1 communal;
while of those partially favorable 22 were ordinary and 2 coopera
tive. All the 44 unfavorable replies were from bakeries under the
ordinary forms of proprietorship.
Effects involving loss or inconvenience were reported by 102 estab
lishments, 8 stating that they were required to make changes in their
ovens, increase the number, etc.; 5 had to alter and enlarge their work
rooms ; 10 required more workmen; 1 introduced a kneading machine;
5 lost part of their trade; 3 reduced production; 1 lost retailers; 1
ceased to send bread to the homes of its customers; and 2 lost inci
dental work, as of cooking for patrons, etc.
The public made considerable complaint when the changes were
introduced, but much of this ceased when experience and adjustment
had operated to remove some of the grounds for objection. I t can

656

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

not be said as yet, however, that the change is one that is generally
approved by the consumer, but the most serious objections have been
met, and fresh bread of the accustomed quality is found to be as easily
obtainable as under the old regime, and in only one instance was an
increase in cost reported.
The industrial condition of the employees is felt to be generally im
proved, the hours of labor being reduced by the elimination of periods
of inactivity that were found to be incident to night work, and be
cause they are excused from the work of distribution. Their moral and
social condition also is said to have improved by reason of the change.
No changes in earnings are reported. The master bakers were for
the most part dissatisfied with the change, but none is reported to
have given up his business, and they, like the consuming public, have
found that many of the difficulties first met with are capable of being
overcome; and at a meeting in 1906 of proprietors of bakeries repre
senting the whole of Italy, a majority were found to be in favor of
an inquiry into the whole subject of the change of working time, on
the grounds of the humanitarian objects to be gained thereby.
A b o liz io n e d e l la v o r o n o ttu r n o n eW in d u s tr ia d e lla p a n ifie a zio n e .
L e g g e 2 2 M a r z o , 1 908, n . 1 0 5 , e r e la z io n i p a r la m e n ta r i a l d ise g n o d i
le g g e p r e s e n ta to d a l M in is tr o d i A g r ie o ltu r a , I n d u s tr ia e C o m m e r e io . Supplemento al Bolletino dell’ Ufficio del Lavoro. 1908.

86 pp.
This pamphlet, issued by the ministry of agriculture, industry, and
commerce, presents the law of March 22, 1908, passed by the Italian
Parliament for the abolition of night work in bakeries and pastry
shops.
As a result of the agitation described in the inquiry into the sub
ject of night work in bakeries as presented in a foregoing digest
( I n c h ie s ta s u l la v o r o n o ttu r n o d e l f o m a i ), the law was drafted by
the ministry and was adopted practically in the form in which it was
presented to the Parliament. The body of the present report is
made up of hearings held by Parliament through its permanent com
mittee on labor for the purpose of ascertaining more fully the atti
tude of those interested, and their reasons for and against the pro
posed law. Not only the subject of hours of daily labor, but also
those of holidays and hygienic conditions were discussed at these
hearings.
The law itself restricts labor in the production of bread and pastry
to the hours between 4 a. m. and 9 p. m., except that on Saturday
labor may be protracted to 11 p. m. This limitation applies to all
operations of the preparation of leaven, the heating of the ovens,
kneading, and the making and baking of bread and pastry. Under

FOKEIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS----ITALY.

657

exceptional conditions of the industry and locality and in the manu
facture of particular qualities of bread a communal council may
grant modifications as to the time for beginning work not in excess
of two hours during the months of June, July, August, and Septem
ber. Appeals may be taken from the decision of the communal coun
cil to the minister of agriculture, industry, and commerce, pending
which any order of the council shall be suspended.
Transitory conditions of labor or the occurrence of festivals may
be considered by the communal council as reasons for brief suspen
sions of the operation of the law for a period not exceeding one week.
Enforcement of the law is committed to the inspectors of industry
and labor and to the communal oflicers of hygiene, with the coopera
tion of the local police.
NEW SOUTH WALES.
F i r s t A n n u a l R e p o r t o f th e D ir e c to r o f L a b o r , S ta t e L a b o r B u r e a u
o f N e w S o u th W a le s , f o r th e y e a r e n d in g J u n e 3 0 , 1 9 0 6 . State

Labor Bureau, 1906, 61 pp.
This report is the first annual report of the director of labor for
New South Wales, the office having been created to succeed that of
labor commissioner. The work of the labor bureau was practically
that of undertaking to meet the needs of the unemployed classes of
New South Wales. The report, therefore, is made up principally
of an account of the various means used by the government through
this agency for the administration of relief and the furnishing of em
ployment. The various lines of activity included a free registry
office at the capital, with 43 branch offices at principal points through
out the country. These registers were open to men wanting work,
whatever their capacities, and to employers who would indicate in
their registration the class of labor they desired. No fees were
charged either party. The bureau issued railway and steamer fares
on credit, repayments to be made by the person benefited after a
lapse of a month or more, according to circumstances. These pay
ments were usually guaranteed by the employer or some other re
sponsible person, though this was not a uniform requirement. Mem
bers of the family, furniture, farm animals, etc., were also some
times forwarded by means of advances made by the bureau.
The catching of rabbits, both for their skins and for their meat,
is an important industry of New South Wales, and considerable num
bers of men find employment in this way, and the bureau has found
it a profitable line of assistance to furnish traps, tents, blankets, and
other necessary equipment for men going out as wrabbiters.” In past
years miners’ equipments had been furnished as a means of assist
ance, though this has been less common of late.

658

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

Various farms, located at different points, have been maintained
for the employment of destitute men, where they could hire out as
laborers for a moderate return, and where anyone may receive at
least food and lodging in return for a limited amount of service.
These farms are also found useful in giving a measure of practical
training to men, who are thereby qualified to take places as farm
laborers. This latter feature is made a special part of the work at
one of the farms, where boys are trained for some weeks, after which
they are sent to a more general place of employment and further
trained until ready to go on farms as general laborers. The demand
for boys so trained is in excess of the supply. The bureau is also an
information office concerning labor conditions in all centers of popu
lation in the State.
One of the results which the bureau claims to have attained by its
activities is the practical elimination of the occupation of “ leaders
of the unemployed,” since unemployment is, in effect, rendered un
necessary by the variety of opportunities offered through the various
activities of the bureau. This result was favored by an improve
ment in the industrial condition of the country, which is mainly
agricultural, though the year covered by the report was a profitable
one for mining as well. The report of the general register of appli
cants for work shows 1,241 new registrations during the year, with
361 remaining over from the previous year. Of these, 814 were single
men or widowers without dependents, while 788 were married men
or widowers with dependent children. A special trades-union regis
ter was maintained at one point, but was very little used, only 16
registrations having been made. Registration has been maintained
by the government under practically the present system since 1900,
and the following table shows the number of reregistrations, new
registrations, and total for the year, for a period of six years.
REGISTRATION OF APPLICANTS FOR EMPLOYMENT AT TH E STATE LABOR
BUREAU, NEW SOUTH WALES, 1900 TO 1906.

Year.

Net
New
Reregis
registra
trations. registra
tions
for
tions. the year.

1900-1901.........................................................................................................
1901-2..............................................................................................................
1902-3..............................................................................................................
1903-4..............................................................................................................
1904-5..............................................................................................................
1905-6..............................................................................................................

6,343
1,391
740
2,513
885
361

3,099
2,243
2,114
1,482
998
1,257

9,442
3,634
2,854
3,995
1,883
1,618

T o ta l....................................................................................................

12,233

11,193

23,426

An examination of this table shows that there has been in general
a decrease in the number of men who designated themselves as unem
ployed and called on the government to find them work. A report of

FOREIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS----NEW SOUTH WALES.

659

the classes of work to which men were sent during the year for which
this report was made shows that 494 went to government work, 1,228
to private work, 1,870 to labor depots, and 877 to the casual labor
farm, or a total of 3,969 persons sent to work.
Men desirous of being kept on the register as eligibles for work
are required to report themselves once each month. It is found that
large numbers of men register a single time and are never seen or
heard of again; thus in 1902-3 of 16,000 men on the books nearly
three-fourths of the whole number had dropped out of sight for a
term of more than twelve months, so that the registration figures are
not reliable as showing the number of persons actually desiring em
ployment. A reregistration was attempted to secure the elimination
of useless names, more than 7,000 persons coming in under this new
registration. It is estimated that probably two-thirds of these were
not really to be fairly considered as “ live ” registrations. A fairer
test of the number of persons desiring employment at any given time
is the number actually enrolling during the month; thus on the 31st
of July, 1905, 929 persons were believed to be actually eligible for
work. This number fell to 257 registering during November, while
the winter months increased the enrollment, which was for December
771, for January 735, and for February 719, after which the enroll
ment fell off to the end of the fiscal year.
The report is taken up in considerable measure with the discussion
of the details of the methods used by the bureau itself and the expe
rience of investigators and of the official agencies of various countries.
Detailed reports are furnished by each of the local agents as to tho
opportunities in their various localities, including rates of wages and
the classes of employment which are available. There are also pre
sented in appendixes details as to the locations and kinds of work to
which men were sent and the trades and occupations represented by
those registered for employment.
ROUMANIA.
Progresele Economice ale Romaniei indeplinite sub Domnia M. S+
Regelui Carol /, 1866-1906. Tablouri Figurative si Notite expli

cative de Dr. L. Colescu. Seful Serviciului Statisticei Generate.
1907. 109 pp.
The object of this publication by the chief of the general statistical
office of Roumania is to present a review of the moral, intellectual,
and material development of the Kingdom during the reign o f
Charles I. Text, statistical tables, and graphic representations are
used to show the economic and other changes that occurred during
the four decades of the period covered, the principal subjects pre2313—No. 82—09-----13

660

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

sented being agriculture, manufactures, fisheries, commerce, and the
production of petroleum. Banking, the postal service (including
telegraphs and telephones), and the national finances are also
discussed.
With an area of 130,177 square kilometers (50,261 square miles)
the population at the census of 1899 was 5,956,690, and was estimated
at 6,600,000 in 1906, a growth of approximately 60 per cent since
1866.
The country enjoys a vigorous birth rate, sometimes exceeding 40
per 1,000, the average for the five years preceding the publication of
the report being 39.4 per 1,000. The death rate is also high, ranging
from 24 to 27 per 1,000, the average for five years being 25.4. The
urban population is given at 19 per cent of the total, leaving 81 per
cent to be classed as rural. The population of the largest city,
Bucharest, is approximately 300,000, the next in size being about onefourth as large. The country’s growth is favored by a fact in respect
of which it differs from most of its neighbors in that its immigra
tion exceeds its emigration, though no accurate statistics on the sub
ject have been collected.
The country is preeminently agricultural, this interest, as well as
commerce, having largely increased during the period under con
sideration.
An investigation conducted in 1901-2 disclosed the existence of
62,188 industrial establishments, of which 625 were classed as belong
ing to the large industries, 54,405 to the average and small industries,
and 6,923 to special small industries, besides 235 establishments repre
senting the so-called extractive industries. The number of employees
was given as 170,000, of whom 40,000 were engaged in the large
industries.
The largest single group of establishments ( 30 per cent of the total)
was engaged in the manufacture, etc., of clothing; woodworking,
furniture, the metal-working industries, and the preparation of food
products followed in the order named. Of the large establishments,
the largest group is that of mills for the grinding of grain. Of the
247.000. 000 francs ($47,671,000) of capital invested in the large indus
tries, 111,000,000 francs ($21,423,000) were invested in factories for
the preparation of food products (including breweries and distil
leries) , 31,000,000 francs ($5,983,000) in the chemical industries, and
29.000. 000 francs ($5,597,000) in the metal-working industries. In
502 important establishments 961 motors were in use, developing
45,211 horsepower.
The value of raw material required in the large industries averages
121.000. 000 francs ($23,353,000) per annum, and the average annual
production amounts to 231,000,000 francs ($44,583,000). Of this last

POEEIGN STATISTICAL PUBLICATIONS— BOUMANIA.

661

amount, 131,000,000 francs ($25,283,000), or 5G per cent, belongs to the
class, food products; 23,000,000 francs ($1,439,000), or 9 per cent, to
the chemical industries and 17,000,000 francs ($3,281,000), or 7 per
cent, to the metal-working industries.
The 19,000 establishments engaged in the manufacture of clothing
employ in excess of 40,000 persons; 12,000 small woodworking shops
have 15,000 employees, and 10,000 in which metal working is carried
on employ approximately the same number.
An important industry is that of the production of petroleum.
This has made a rapid growth of late years, the ratio of progress
for each decade, starting from 100 as a basis in 1866, being 255
in 1876, 396 in 1886, 1,278 in 1896, and 8,400 in 1905. The actual
production in 1866 is given as 5,370 metric tons of 2,204 pounds,
and in 1905-6 as 682,000 metric tons. Twenty-two large refineries
are reported, representing an invested capital of 24,500,000 francs
($4,728,500) and employing 1,045 workmen.

DECISIONS OF COTTETS AFFECTING LABOE.
[Except in cases of special interest, the decisions here presented are restricted
tc those rendered by the federal courts and the higher courts of the States
and Territories. Only material portions of such decisions are reproduced,
introductory and explanatory matter being given in the words of the editor.]

DECISIONS UNDER STATUTE LAW.
E mployers’ L iability —E mployment of C hildren —V iolation of
S tatute—Contributory N egligence—C ourse of E mployment—
Smith-s Adm inistrator v. National Goal and Iron Company, Court
of Appeals of Kentucky, 117 Southwestern Reporter, page 280.—

This case was before the court of appeals of Kentucky on an appeal
from the circuit court of Bell County. The plaintiff sued as admin
istrator of a boy, Bentley Smith, who lost his life while in the
employment of the company above named. The boy being under 14
years of age, his employment was in violation of the state law pro
hibiting the employment of any child less than 14 years of age in
any workshop, factory, or mine in the State. A short time before
his death the boy went with his father, who was a miner in the
regular employment of the company, for the purpose of working in
the mine. The foreman asked the boy’s age, and on being told that
he was not 14, refused to permit the boy to work in the mine. The
father was injured soon afterwards so that he was unable to work,
whereupon the boy proposed that he should take his father’s place,
which the father forbade; but the boy went and was put to work
by the foreman, who showed him how to shovel and told him how
to run under the coal. The boy went to work and was credited with
his earnings, which were applied to the rent of the house which his
father occupied. After less than three weeks of his employment
young Bentley was leaving the mine at noon, riding, as was the
usual custom, on the loaded cars of coal. While attempting to pass
from one car to another he fell between the two and was run over and
killed.
The court below instructed the jury to find for the defendant
company, apparently on the idea that the death of the child was
due to his own act in walking over the cars. It was further insisted
that this was a proper instruction on the ground that he was not
then engaged in work for his employer and that his injury was due
to his own want of care.
662

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.
I

663

The decision of the court below was reversed on grounds which
appear in the opinion of the court of appeals, as delivered by Judge
Hobson, which is, in part, as follows :
The boy was serving the master in the mine. He had been getting
out coal all the morning. It was necessary that he should leave the
mine at noon when the shots were fired. In leaving the mine he
was in the regular course of his duty, and it was customary for all
the miners to ride out on the cars or to ride in on them. The statute
which forbids the employment of children in mines is for their pro
tection. It was a violation of the statute for the child to be employed
in the mine. The evidence was plainly sufficient to show that he
was employed; and, as he was injured in the mine while going from
his place of work to the shaft, it can not be said that he was not
injured in the course of his employment in the mine. The statute
made it unlawful for him to be employed in the mine, and whether
he was injured while at his work in the mine, or in going to his work
or coming from his work, is immaterial. I t has been held by this
court in several cases that, where a statute prohibits a thing for the
benefit of a person, he may maintain an action to recover damages
sustained by reason of the violation of the statute. [Cases cited.]
We see no reason why this principle should not be applied to
infants who are injured when employed in violation of the statute,
for manifestly the purpose of the statute is to protect infants from
the dangers attending the forbidden employments, which by reason
of their youth they would not fully appreciate. While there is some
conflict in the authorities, the weight of authority seems in favor of
the rule that the breach of the statute is actionable negligence when
ever it is shown that the injuries were sustained in consequence of
the employment. (Queen v. Dayton Coal Co., 95 Tenn. 458, 32 S. W.
460; Rolin v. Reynolds Tobacco Co., 141 N. C. 300, 53 S. E. 891;
American Car Co. v. Armentraut, 214 111. 509, 73 N. E. 766, [etc.].)
This is an action to recover for the death of the intestate. No
cause of action existed at common law to recover for death, and an
action to recover for the death of a person can only be maintained
in this State by virtue of section 6, Ky. St., enacted pursuant to sec
tion 241 of the constitution. It is well settled that contributory negli
gence may be pleaded as a defense to an action brought under this
section. (Passamaneck v. Louisville, etc., R. R. Co., 98 Ky. 195, 32
S. W. 620; Clark v. L. & N. R. R. Co., 101 Ky. 34, 39 S. W. 840.)
As the action can only be maintained under the statute referred to,
and as contributory negligence may be pleaded as a defense to an
action under the statute, it necessarily follows that contributory
negligence may be relied on by the defendant in bar of the plaintiff’s
action. A child under 14 years of age is only required to exercise
such care as may be reasonably expected of a child of his age under
like circumstances. The law takes into consideration that children
lack the discretion of grown persons, and that a child under 14 years
of age may reasonably be expected to do things which an older person
would not do. Whether the intestate used ordinary care in passing
over the cars as he did is a question for the jury. (Ornamental Iron,
etc., Co. v. Green, 108 Tenn. 161, 65 S. W. 39.) Of course, as we
have not the proof of the defendant before us, we now only pass

664

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

upon the case as presented by the proof for the plaintiff. On the
proof for the plaintiff the court should have refused to give a per
emptory instruction to the jury to find for the defendant.
Judgment reversed, and cause remanded for a new trial, and fur
ther proceedings consistent herewith.

E mployers’ L iability —“ R ailroad H azards”—C onstruction of
S tatutes—American Gar and Foundry Co. v. Inzer, Supreme Court
of Indiana , 87 Northeastern Reporter, page 722.—Mary

Inzer had re
covered damages for the death of John A. Inzer, caused, as was al
leged, by the negligence of the above-named company, in whose
employment he was. The company builds cars, and Inzer was a
tinner employed in roofing a car when the car on which he was work
ing was moved by a locomotive of the railway passing through the
company’s plant, by which movement Inzer was killed. The circuit
court of Clark County awarded damages to the plaintiff on the
ground that the employment was connected with the hazardous busi
ness of railroading, which view was affirmed by the appellate court,
86 N. E. 444. (See Bulletin 81, p. 415.) The case was appealed to
the supreme court of the State, which reversed the decision of the
court below, on the ground that the section of the law relied on
(Burns’ Ann. Stat. 1901, sec. 7083, ed. of 1908, sec. 8017) does not
cover employment of this nature.
The opinion of the supreme court was delivered by Judge Monks,
and is, in part, as follows:
I t appears from each paragraph of the amended complaint that
appellant was a corporation engaged in the manufacture of cars at
its plant in Clark County, and then and there maintained a build
ing, where cars were constructed, and “ that in said building there
was a railroad track which was laid lengthwise in said building, and
which extended through the same and outside and through the yard
of said defendant upon which said plant was then and there located
and connected with the track of the Baltimore & Southwestern Rail
road Company.” Said Inzer was in the employ of appellant as a
tinner, and by his contract required to work on the root of the cars
being constructed by appellant.
In Bedford Quarries Co. v. Bough, 168 Ind. 671, 80 N. E. 529, this
court on March 1,1907, held the employers’ liability act of 1893, being
sections 8017-8020, Burns’ Ann. St. 1908 (sections 7083-7087, Burns’
Ann. St. 1901), while constitutional as to railroads, was unconstitu
tional as to private corporations. This was upon the ground that the
act imposed burdens upon private corporations not placed upon indi
viduals or partnerships engaged in a similar business under like cir
cumstances and conditions; that said classification had no reasonable
basis, because made to depend upon the character of the employer, and
not upon the character of the employment. In Pittsburgh, etc., R. Co.
v. Lightheiser, 168 Ind. 438, 78 N. E. 1033, this court, following the

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOB.

665

cases therein cited, held that said act put railroads in a class by them
selves, that said classification was proper on account of the dangerous
and hazardous character of the business of operating railroads, that
such classification was not based upon the difference in employers,
but upon the difference in the nature of the employment, and that the
same was constitutional as to railroads. It was also held in said case,
which was decided October 31, 1906, that said act regulates the lia
bility of railroads regardless of whether they are operated by persons,
companies, or corporations; in other words, it includes any person,
company, or corporation engaged in operating a railroad in this
State. (See, also, Indianapolis, etc., Co. v. Kinney, 85 N. E. 954, and
cases cited.)
There are no facts alleged in either paragraph of the amended
complaint showing that appellant was engaged in the operation of a
railroad at the time the deceased received the injuries which caused
his death. The fact that there were tracks in appellant’s yard and
buildings on which the cars were constructed and moved by a loco
motive engine from place to place thereon for convenience or other
purpose in the construction and storage of said cars, and that the same
connected with the tracks of a railroad company, did not make the
same a railroad or railway; nor was such use thereof by appellant
the operation of a railroad within the meaning of said liability act.
In the cases cited by appellee to sustain her contention as to the suf
ficiency of the amended complaint, the defendants were engaged in
the operating of railroads for the transportation of freight in the
conduct of their private business. Whether such cases are applicable
to the law in controversy here we need not decide, for the reason that
no such state of facts is shown by the amended complaint. It is
proper to say that this case was tried and final judgment rendered by
the court below before Bedford Quarries Co. v. Bough, supra, and
Pittsburg, etc., R. Co. v. Lightheiser, supra, were decided by this
court.
Judgment reversed, with instructions to sustain the demurrer to the
amended complaint.

E xamination and L icensing of B abbers—C onstitutionality of
S tatute—D elegation of P owers—E qual P rotection of L aws—
State v. Armeno, Supreme Court o f Rhode Island , 72 A tlan tic Re
porter, page 216.—This case involved the constitutionality of chapter

1100 of the Public Laws of 1903, which requires a practicing barber
to secure a certificate of registration, and also authorizes any member
of the board of examiners to enter any barber shop of the State for
purposes of inspection. Grievances may be appealed to the supreme
court, but no provision is made for trial by jury. The law declares
insanitary barber shops to be nuisances, and provides also for a
fine of not more than $20. The law applies, as enacted, to cities,
but contains a provision that the town council of any town may adopt
the provisions of the act and make it applicable to the barber shops
of such towns. The defendant, Armeno, raised the question of the

666

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOB.

constitutionality of this law, and five points were submitted to the
supreme court for its determination.
First. Whether or not a search authorized by the law was in viola
tion of the state constitution, which declares the people of the State
to be secure in their persons, papers, and possessions against unrea
sonable searches and seizures.
Secondly. Whether or not the omission of any provision for a trial
by jury was constitutional.
Third. Whether or not the two forms of punishment suggested
are a violation of the fifth amendment of the Constitution of the
United States, which declares that no one shall be twice put in.
jeopardy for the same offense.
The fourth and fifth inquiries relate to the question of the appli
cation of the law, since it is applicable to towns only after adoption
by the town council.
The opinion of the court was delivered by Judge Blodgett and sus
tained the constitutionality of the law on each of these points, on
grounds that appear in the following extracts from said opinion:
Article 1, sec. 6, of the constitution of Rhode Island provides:
“ Sec. 6. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, papers
and possessions, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall
not be violated; and no warrant shall issue, but on complaint in
writing, upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and
describing as nearly as may be, the place to be searched, and the per
son or things to be seized.”
1.
The portion of section 4, c. 1100, p. 28, of the Public Laws, which
is claimed to be in contravention of this constitutional provision, is
as follows: “Any member of said board shall have power to enter
and make reasonable examination of any barber shop in any city in
this State during business hours, for the purpose of ascertaining the
sanitary condition thereof.” As is well stated in the brief for the
State, this section of the act in question does not authorize either a
search or a seizure. It merely authorizes an examination, which is
essentially different from a search. Nothing is authorized to be
seized. No authority is given to break open doors, drawers, desks,
chests, or anything else. The purpose is merely to empower the
board to survey premises at reasonable times so as to know the sani
tary conditions of tools, appliances, and furnishings, and to enable
it to determine whether or not the law is being properly regarded.
Although the conditions upon such an examination should be found
to be most unclean and unsanitary, yet the examiner is not authorized
to take any summary action, such as seizure of the objectionable tools,
appliances, or furnishings, as the case may be; but the examination is
made only “ for the purpose of ascertaining the sanitary condition
thereof ” and to enable the board to judge whether or not the law
is being obeyed, with the ultimate purpose of revoking the offender’s
certificate of registration after notice m writing and an opportunity
to be heard with appeal to the supreme court, as provided in section
13 of the act as amended by section 1215, Court & Practice Act, 1905.
We therefore answer the first question in the negative.

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

667

2. The appeal to the supreme court provided for in section 13 is
amended by section 1215, Court & Practice Act 1905, does not deprive
the defendant of any constitutional right to a jury trial. The portion
of section 13 in question is as follows: “Any person aggrieved by
any decision or ruling of said board may, within thirty days, exclu
sive of Sundays and legal holidays, after receiving notice of said de
cision, take an appeal therefrom to the supreme court, and said
court shall, as soon as may be, hear and determine said appeal.” The
material part of article 1, sec. 10, of the constitution of Ehode Island,
is as follows: “ In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy
the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury.” Article
1, sec. 15, of the constitution of Ehode Island, is as follows: “ The
right of trial by jury shall remain inviolate.” Section 10, art. 1, of
the constitution, has no application because such a decision or ruling
of the board is not a criminal prosecution, but is simply a method
provided for revoking certificates of registration when the holder
thereof has shown himself unfitted to practice the occupation of
barber, or has disqualified himself by his failure to post his certificate
in a conspicuous place or to renew his certificate and pay the fee
required by law. There is no penalty or punishment provided except
the forfeiture of his license. A judicial trial, however, is secured
to the defendant under this provision, and section 15, art. 1, of the
constitution, does not apply to cases of this kind. (See State v. Eoy,
22 E. I. 538, 48 Atl. 802.)
3. It is a sufficient answer to the third question submitted to say
that article 5 of amendments to the Constitution of the United States
does not apply to state governments, but only to the Federal Govern
ment.
As to the fourth and fifth questions, the court said:
The precise question raised seems to be: Is this law, from the fact
that its prohibitions extend only to barbers in cities, a local and special
law, and therefore unconstitutional? In Missouri v . Lewis, 101
U. S. 22, 25 L. Ed. 989, it was said by Mr. Justice Bradley (page 30
of 101 U. S. [25 L. Ed. 989]): “ Each State has the right to make
political subdivisions of its territory for municipal purposes, and to
regulate their local government. As respects the administration of
justice, it may establish one system of courts for cities and another
for rural districts, one system for one portion of its territory and
another system for another portion. Convenience, if not necessity,
often requires this to be done, and it wTould seriously interfere with
the power of a State to regulate its internal affairs to deny to it this
right. * * * We might go still further, and say, with undoubted
truth, that there is nothing m the Constitution to prevent any State
from adopting any system of laws or judicature it sees fit for all or
any part of its territory. * * * I r every person residing or be
ing in either portion of the State should be accorded the equal pro
tection of the laws prevailing there, he could not justly complain of
a violation of the clause referred to, for, as before said, it has respect
to persons and classes of persons. I t means that no person or class
of persons shall be denied the same protection of the laws which is
enjoyed by other persons or other classes in the same place and under
like circumstances.”

668

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

Nor is it a valid objection that it is a delegation of legislative power
to provide that the law shall apply to a given town only upon a
vote of its town council, or that the application of the law in a town
shall be left to a vote of the town council and not to the vote of the
electors. Thus, in State v. Pond, 93 Mo. 606, 6 S. W. 469, in discuss
ing a provision of the local option liquor law of that State which
became effective in all incorporated cities or towns having a popu
lation of 2,500 or more inhabitants when adopted by a majority vote
of the legal voters, the court said (page 622 of 93 Mo., page 472, of
6 S. W.) : “ While this local option act provides that any county,
town, or city of the class named, may, by a majority vote, put such
county, town, or city under the operation of the law, it does not refer
to them the question of passing a law. That the legislature had
already done, and only called upon them to decide by a vote whether
they would accept the provisions of a law regularly enacted by both
houses of the general assembly and approved by the governor. By
its provisions the law, and not the vote, extended its influence over
the locality voting against the sale of intoxicants. I t was the law
that authorized the vote to be taken, and when taken the law, and
note the vote, declared the result that should follow the vote. The*
vote was the means provided to ascertain the will of the people, not
as to the passage of the law, but whether intoxicating liquors should
be sold in their midst. I f the majority voted against the sale, the
law, and not the vote, declared it should not be sold. The vote sprang
from the law, and not the law from the vote. By their vote the
electors declared no consequences, prescribed no penalties, and exer
cised no legislative function. The law declared the consequences,
and, whatever they may be, they are exclusively the result of the
legislative will.” (Cooley, Const. Lim. (7th Ed.) 173, 174, and cases
cited.) Nor need the question be submitted to the electors. I t is
competent for the legislature to leave the matter to be otherwise
determined.
Thus in Commonwealth v. Bennett, 108 Mass. 29, the court says:
“ It is equally within the power of the legislature to authorize a town
by vote of the inhabitants, or a city by vote of the city council, to de
termine whether the sale of particular kinds of liquors within its
limits shall be permitted or prohibited.”
And it needs no argument to show that the legislature may con
stitutionally provide for the exercise of the police power in respect
to the subject now under consideration in the same manner in which
that same police power may lawfully be exercised in respect of the
traffic in intoxicating liquors.
We therefore answer the fourth and fifth questions in the negative.

E xamination and L icensing of B arbers—C onstitutionality of
S tatute—M echanical P ursuits— Jackson v. State, Court o f C rim i
nal Appeals of Texas, 117 Southwestern Reporter, page 818.—In

this
case, W. A. Jackson was convicted of pursuing his trade as a barber
without having procured the license required by chapter 141 of the
Acts of 1907. Jackson appealed from the decision of the Dallas

DECISIONS OF COTJKTS AFFECTING LABOK.

669

County court, and secured a reversal of its judgment, the point in
controversy being the constitutionality of the law under which he was
convicted. Judge Davidson, who delivered the opinion of the court,
took up the two points as to the status of the employment of a barber
and the validity of a law of unequal application to different persons
in the same employment, in the order named, speaking in part as
follows:
The authorities are somewhat divided as to whether or not the
profession or trade of a barber is a mechanical pursuit. In Texas
it has been held in Fore et al v. Cooper (Tex. Civ. App.) 34 S. W.
341, that the tools, implements, and appurtenances of a barber shop
are exempt from execution. This ruling seems to have been followed
in Tennessee in the case of Terry v. McDaniel, 103 Tenn. 415, 53 S.
W. 732, 46 L. E. A. 559. (For some of the decisions of the different
courts of the Union, see Terry v. McDaniel, supra.) In Louisiana
the supreme court held, in State v. Hirn, 46 La. Ann. 1443, 16 South.
403, that the pursuit was mechanical, and that the barber was not
subject to pay an occupation tax.
I f we are right in the contention that appellant’s business was a
mechanical pursuit, the legislature was powerless to levy a tax upon
it, although they might call it a license fee. This license fee does
not apply to all barbers alike, even in the same classification, if clas
sification is authorized.
The second proposition relied upon by appellant is that the act is
unconstitutional, in that it is discriminating, and not equal and
uniform, in that said law exempts from said license fee (1) students
of the State University, and other schools of the State, who are or
may be making their way through school by serving as barbers; (2)
it exempts those who may be serving as barbers in any of the elee
mosynary institutions of the State; and (3) it exempts persons fol
lowing the occupation of barber in towns of 1,000 inhabitants or less;
and it is further claimed, in this connection, that the law is void be
cause in the particulars above mentioned it violates section 3 of the
Bill of Eights of Texas, in that it grants special privileges to certain
individuals and denies such privileges to this defendant; all of whom
follow the same occupation. We believe these propositions are well
taken, and have been so recently discussed by this court in the cases
of Ex parte Woods, 108 S. W. 1171, and Owens v. State, 112 S. W.
1075, decided at the Dallas term, 1908, we deem it unnecessary to go
into an elucidation of them.
The intention of this act, it would seem, from its caption, is to
regulate the practice of bartering, registering and licensing persons
to carry on such practice, and to insure better education of the prac
tice, and to insure better sanitary conditions in barber shops, and to
prevent the spread of disease in the State of Texas, and declaring an
emergency. I f the constitution, requiring all taxes to be equal and
uniform, provided such a tax or license fee may be levied as provided
by this bill, and it would make no difference whether it is a license
fee or a tax, so far as these provisions are concerned, then barbers at
the University and other schools, in eleemosynary institutions, and
in towns of 1,000 inhabitants or less, are not brought within its pro

670

BULLETIN OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOE.

visions, and are not subjected to the same penalties, regulations, or
control as are those who come within its provisions. But, whatever
may have been the thought in the legislative mind as to why these
classes or persons should be exempted, in violation of the provisions
of the constitution, we are of opinion that such intent can not operate,
and we are of opinion that the favored and exempted classes men
tioned, especially with reference to the barbers in schools and elee
mosynary institutions, can not be exempt, and this law remain con
stitutional. Sanitary regulations should operate upon all alike, when
subject to same conditions.
The law, therefore, is held unconstitutional; and the judgment is
reversed, and the prosecution is ordered dismissed.

R ailroads—S afety A ppliance A cts—S u fficient C ompliance—
V iolations— United States v. Boston and Maine Railroad Company,
United States D istrict Court, D istrict of Massachusetts, 168 Federal
Reporter, page 14-8 .—The railroad company named was charged with

violating the federal safety appliance act, the provisions and appli
cation of which with reference to certain details were discussed in
the charge of Judge Dodge to the jury in the trial of the case. The
following syllabus, prepared by the court, presents the rules of law
governing the operation of railroads in the respects indicated:
1. Section 4 of the safety appliance act (Act March 2, 1893, c. 196,
27 Stat. 531 [U. S. Comp. St. 1901, p. 3174]) requires secure grabirons or handholds at those points in the end of each car where they
are reasonably necessary in order to afford to men coupling or un
coupling cars greater security than would be afforded them in the
absence of any grabiron or handhold at that point or of any appli
ance affording equal security with a grabiron or handhold.
2. I f at any place in the end of a car there is not a grabiron or
handhold, properly speaking, but some other appliance, such as a
ladder or brake lever, which afforded equal security with a grabiron
or a handhold at that point, the federal safety appliance law (Act
March 1893, c. 196, 27 Stat. 531 [U. S. Comp. St. 1901, p. 3174]), so
far as grabiron or handhold at that point is concerned, has not been
violated. Having something there which performs all the functions
of a grabiron or handhold is just the same thing as having what is
properly called a grabiron or handhold at that point.
3. Unless the government satisfies a jury by a preponderance of
the evidence that there was no grabiron or handhold on the car where
there should have been one, the jury should find for the railroad
company.
4. A man in connecting or disconnecting the air hose between the
cars is engaged in coupling or uncoupling cars within the meaning of
the safety appliance act (Act March 2, 1893 c. 196, 27 Stat. 531
[U. S. Comp. St. 1901, p. 3174]), if it is necessary for him to connect
or disconnect that hose in order to connect or disconnect the cars.
5. Where a car is not properly provided with grabirons on a given
day, and the train stops for a certain time and then goes on again,

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

671

there are not two violations of the law, but only one, because the car
is all the time being moved in the same train. It makes no difference
that it is being so moved on two different days.
6.
A “ train, within the safety appliance act,” is one aggregation
of cars drawn by the same engine, but if the engine is changed then
there is a different train.
DECISIONS UNDER COMMON LAW.
E mployers’ L iability —D angerous I nstrumentalities—D egree
Care—E xtraordinary O ccurrences—“ A ct of G od ”—N egli
gence—P resumptions as to C ontributory N egligence—A ssump
tion of R isk .—Brown v. West Riverside Coal Company, Supreme
of

Court of Iowa , 120 Northwestern Reporter, page 732.—This case was
an action to recover damages for the death of one Brown, an em
ployee of the coal mining company, due, as was alleged, to its negli
gence. Judgment was recovered for the plaintiff in the district court
of Polk County, from which judgment the mining company appealed.
The appeal resulted in the affirmation of the judgment of the court
below. The mining company was engaged in the sinking of a shaft
for mining purposes and Brown was employed to operate the engine
used in hoisting the excavated material. Three shifts of men were
used at the work, Brown being on the night shift. The engine that
Brown operated was under a mere shed, and did not afford protection
against storms, though at a distance of about sixty feet was a small
frame building in which was a telephone connected with a city system,
and which was used as a place where the workmen left their coats and
tools. They also sometimes ate lunch there and found shelter during
storms. The company used the building as a place of storage for
dynamite and powder and dynamite caps, used in blasting. Brown
had some knowledge of these facts, as he at times had attended to
telephone calls and had carried powder and dynamite from the build
ing to the mining shaft. Near the close of the night shift on July 19,
1905, a violent rainstorm occurred, accompanied by thunder and
lightning, during which the dynamite and powder in the shanty
exploded and Brown and his four fellow-workmen, constituting the
entire shift, were found to have been killed. No immediate witnesses
were available. A woman at a distance of a mile and a half had
noticed the lightning stream down in the direction of the shanty and
saw the explosion follow almost instantaneously. The nearest neigh
bor and first arrival at the scene found the broken strands of tele
phone wire dragging on the ground and noticed that they occasion
ally emitted sparks. To him the sound of explosion and the noise of
thunder following the lightning stroke seemed to unite in a single
crash. A visitor at the shanty earlier in the evening noticed the
unused powder, dynamite, and caps, and said that some of the caps

672

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

were directly under the telephone instrument. These caps are de
scribed as being very sensitive and easily exploded. Brown’s body
was found at a distance of thirty feet from his engine and forty feet
from the location of the shanty. There were no powder marks on his
face. His legs were torn off, but the remainder of his body was not
badly mutilated. The bodies of the other workmen were for the
most part torn in fragments. The mining company asked for a ver
dict in its favor at the first trial, on the ground that the evidence
failed to show negligence on its part; or, if there was negligence, that
it was the proximate cause of Brown’s death. They further con
tended that the plaintiff had failed to show that Brown himself was
clear of contributory negligence, and it was practically on the re
fusal of the court to give the instructions desired that the appeal
was based.
The opinion of the court was delivered by Judge Weaver, and is,
in its main points, as follows:
The first assignment of error argued by counsel is grounded upon
the refusal of the trial court to hold as a matter of law that plaintiff
had failed to establish any negligence on the part of the defendant
with respect to the matters alleged in the petition. Argument would
hardly seem necessary to show the unsoundness of this proposition.
There is, of course, no negligence in the mere fact that defendant
employed explosives in sinking the shaft of its mine, for such is the
usual and approved, if not a necessary, method by which work of this
kind is accomplished; but the fact that such dangerous instrumentali
ties may be properly used without exposing the employer to a charge
of negligence does not by any means imply that he is discharged
from the ordinary obligation to use reasonable care to protect his
servants against injury therefrom. Indeed reasonable care demands
increased watchfulness and greater caution in proportion to the dan
gerous nature of the instrumentality employed; that is, 44due care ”
means care which is reasonably commensurate with a known danger
and the seriousness of the consequences which are liable to follow its
omission. Nor is negligence negatived by the fact that the explosion
was an unusual or extraordinary occurrence—if there was negligence
in creating the conditions. (Dulligan v. Barber (Mass.) 87 N. E. 567.)*
I t is also argued that, even if the defendant was negligent in keep
ing the explosives in the shanty, we are wholly without evidence
from which to find that this failure of duty was the proximate cause
of the disaster. 44Who can tell,” counsel ask, 44what was the cause
of the explosion—whether lightning, or some reckless or thoughtless
act of the workmen ? I f it was lightning, who can tell whether the
stroke was not itself fatal to the men there assembled independent of
the resulting explosion? I f the death of the party resulted by the
explosion of the powder and dynamite, and they were discharged by
a bolt of electricity, is not this an independent intervening agency
which breaks the line of causation between the defendant’s negligence
and the death of the plaintiff’s intestate? ” The argument is a
plausible one, but we think it can not prevail. I t is very true that
it is not within human power to discover and make known with

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

673

certainty all of the immediate circumstances attendant upon this
tragedy, but such exact and detailed proof is not required. Courts
ana juries are not infrequently confronted by cases in which the
ultimate facts of cause and effect are to be found, not so much from
direct proof of the circumstances as they exist at the instant of the
injury complained of, as from proof of conditions existing before and
after its occurrence. The plaintiff is not required to make his case
beyond a reasonable doubt. It is sufficient if the circumstances be
such as to justify a reasonable inference of the truth of the matters
charged. (2 Encyc. Evidence, p. 956.)
In most cases the relation between cause and effect is a matter of
inference only, but the conclusion is none the less satisfactory to the
reasonable mind. A finding that the life of the deceased in this case
was destroyed by the explosion of the powder and dynamite, and
not by the lightning stroke, has ample support in the record. The
place where the body was found and the manner in which it was dis
membered point unmistakably to the explosion as an all-sufficient
explanation of the cause of his death, while there is not the slightest
circumstance to support the theory that he was killed by lightning.
In Brownfield v. Railroad Co., 107 Iowa 258, 77 N. W. 1038, we
stated the rule to be that: “ When a cause is shown which might pro
duce an accident in a* certain way, and an accident happens in that
manner, it is a warrantable presumption, in the absence of showing
of other cause, that the one known was the operative agency in bring
ing about the result.” This feature of the case presents a question upon
which there is much confusion in the authorities, and decisions may
readily be found that, where some uncontrollable manifestation of na
ture unites with human negligence in causing injury to persons or
property, the negligence of the human agent is treated as a condition,
and not a cause of the injury, and relieves him from legal liability.
The origin of this rule is hinted at in the ancient formula by which
every destructive exhibition of the laws of nature was denominated
“ an act of God,” from which idea it was easy to reach the pious con
clusion that an injury which had been caused or contributed to by the
hand of God ought not to be made the basis for the recovery of dam
ages before human tribunals; but this theory has been discarded by
many courts, and among them is our own. The subject was treated
with great thoroughness by Mr. Justice McClain in Shoe Co. v. Rail
road Co., 130 Iowa 123,106 N. W. 498, 5 L. R. A. (N. S.) 882, and by
Mr. Justice Deemer in Vyse v. Railroad Co., 126 Iowa 90, 101 N. W.
736. The rule is there laid down that, when negligence of a respon
sible person concurs with a flood or storm or other so-called “ act of
God ” in producing an injury, the party guilty of such negligence will
be held liable for the injurious consequences, if the injury would not
have happened but for his failure to exercise care. That a person
whose negligence is the primary cause is not excused because a stroke
of lightning intervenes to precipitate an injury, see Jackson v. Tele
phone Co., 88 Wis. 243, 60 N. W. 430.
It is to be observed, in this connection, that plaintiff charges the
defendant not only with negligence in keeping the explosives in the
shanty, but also alleges that ^negligently increased the hazard thus
created by establishing a telephone in the same room with connecting
wire or wires, upon which in case of storms an overcharge of electric
ity was liable to be conducted causing the ignition o f the powder,

674

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

dynamite, or caps. The fact of installing and connecting the telephone
as alleged is not denied, but it is said there is no evidence that this
condition had anything to do with the accident. No witness testifies—
none can testify—that lightning did strike the building, or that elec
tricity in dangerous force did enter it over the wire; but proof of a
condition which rendered such results possible was a material cir
cumstance with reference to the safety of the place. (See Jackson v.
Telephone Co., supra.) The liability of telephone wires to be sur
charged with electricity during violent storms is well known to all
persons familiar with their use. I t is shown by plaintiff’s witnesses
that the broken end of this particular wire continued to emit sparks
for some time after the explosion, indicating that by reason of the
condition of the atmosphere, or because of contact with other con
ductors carrying heavy currents, electricity in quantities capable of
doing the alleged mischief was being brought into the immediate
vicinity where the explosives had been stored; but we think it is not
incumbent upon the plaintiff to point out or demonstrate the manner
in which the explosives were ignited. Indeed it would not necessarily
be a defense to the action, even if the record should demonstrate be
yond all doubt that the immediate cause of the explosion was not
chargeable to the negligence of any person. If the defendant was
negligent in depositing the powder and dynamite in a place where their
accidental ignition would necessarily endanger the lives of its serv
ants, such negligence would be the proximate cause of the resulting
injury, notwithstanding the source of the spark which explodes them
be purely accidental or wholly unknown. (Tissue v. Railroad Co.,
312 Pa. 91, 3 Atl. 667, 56 Am. Rep. 310.)^ That blasting powder and
other high-power explosives of modern invention are liable to acci
dental ignition, with destructive consequences, even where apparently
reasonable care is exercised to prevent such occurrence, has been too
frequently proven by recurring disasters to call for argument, and,
if there be lack of reasonable care in storing them too near the serv
ant’s place of work, such negligence is not purged by the exercise of
care in other respects.
As in all personal injury cases, there must be testimony from which
the jury can properly find freedom from contributory negligence on
the part of the deceased in order to sustain a recovery of damages.
In this respect it is contended that the plaintiff has failed. I t must
be remembered, however, that in the utter absence of living witnesses
there is a presumption that the deceased, actuated by the natural
instincts of self-preservation, was in the exercise of reasonable care
for his own safety. [Cases cited.] True this presumption is not con
clusive and may be rebutted by proof of circumstances tending to the
opposite conclusion, but such proof can rarely, if ever, be made so
clear and unmistakable as to enable the court to dispose of the issue
thus presented as a matter of law. Even if it should be said that
reasonable care on the part of the deceased would have forbidden his
entrance to the shanty under the circumstances then surrounding
him, it is a sufficient answer that it is by no means certain that he did
enter or was in the building when the explosion occurred. The ques
tion of contributory negligence was properly left to the jury.
The conclusions already announced dispose of the principal issues
presented in this case, except the defense of assumption of risk pleaded
by the defendant. I t is a familiar doctrine that the servant assumes

DECISIONS OP COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

675

all risks which inhere in or are incident to the nature and kind of
service which he undertakes to perform, and, if such service involves
the use of explosives or other dangerous instrumentalities, he takes
upon himself the chances of all injury to which he may be exposed
by their reasonable and proper use; but, as we have often had occasion
to say, the servant does not assume any risk created by the negligence
of his master unless he knows and appreciates, or as a reasonably
prudent person ought to know and appreciate, the peril arising from
the master’s negligence, and chooses to remain in the service, in which
latter event he is barred from the recovery of damage if injured.
Assumption of risk on account of the master’s negligence is an
affirmative defense. It has been properly pleaded in the case before
us and presents the most seriously debatable question argued, by
counsel. A careful consideration of the record inclines us to the view
that in this, as in other respects mentioned, there was no error in
submitting the issue to the jury. I t must not be overlooked that, as
already stated, this defense is affirmative in character, and that the
issue thus presented is one of fact on which the parties are entitled
to have a verdict unless the opposing view is one upon which reason
able minds are not likely to differ. The testimony tends to show that,
until coming into the service of the defendant, Brown had no experi
ence in mining or in sinking mine shafts. I t does not appear that he
had any prior experience in works of excavation or in the care or use
of explosives. While it is shown that at times, though not repeat
edly, he carried dynamite from the shanty to the shaft, and doubtless
knew in a general way that it was a powerful explosive, it is at least
doubtful whether he was aware of its sensitive character or under
stood the gravity of the peril to which those working in the vicinity
were thereby exposed. The seeming indifference or confidence mani
fested by the defendant’s managers in depositing and keeping these
materials in the same shelter provided for the use and convenience of
the workmen would naturally quiet the fears of an inexperienced
employee. So far as shown, he was given no instructions or warning
concerning the danger to be apprehended from this source. There is
no charge of negligence in failing to warn or instruct the deceased
with respect to this danger, but, in considering his conduct with
reference to the question of assumption of risk, the fact whether he
did have such notice or warning is relevant and material, because the
rule as to assumption of risk has its basis in the servant’s actual or
constructive knowledge of the peril to which he is exposed. In view
therefore of all the circumstances disclosed by the record and the law
which places the burden of establishing this defense upon the master,
we can not say there was any error in submitting it to the finding of
the jury.
E mployers’ L iability —I njuries Caused by T hird P ersons—L ia
B etween T hemselves of J oint W rongdoers—K elease by
P arents for I njuries to M inor— Galveston, Harrisburg, and San
bility

Antonio Railw ay Company v. Pigott, Court of C iv il Appeals of
Texas, 116 Southwestern Reporter, page 81+1.—This is a case in which

Michael Pigott and his wife, Mary, sued the above-named company
2313—No. 82—09----14

676

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

to recover damages for the death of their son, Thomas, caused, as
alleged, by the negligence of the company in whose employ he was
at the time of his death. Thomas Pigott met his death while work
ing underneath a metallic tank, where he received an electric shock by
reason of the negligent charging of the tank by electricity from the
wire used in lighting the interior of the tank. The electricity was
supplied by the San Antonio Gas and Electric Company, which was
made a party defendant in the case at the first hearing. The case was
dismissed as against the lighting company, however, and judgment
was rendered for $10,000 against the railway company in the district
court of Bexar County. From this judgment the railway company
appealed, claiming that as between itself and the lighting company,
the latter was responsible for the defective conditions which caused
the death of Pigott.
The company also assigned as error the ruling of the lower court
on the question of the validity of a contract entered into by the
parents of Thomas Pigott at the time of his entering into the em
ployment of the railway company. Young Pigott was a minor and
his parents agreed not to hold the company responsible for any injury
which might befall him during the course of his employment, and the
ruling of the district court that this contract was void was made the
subject of an objection.
The finding of the lower court that the lighting company was not
responsible for the injury was reversed, and its finding as to the
invalidity of the contract of release was affirmed. The judgment,
therefore, was that, as to the plaintiffs in the original trial, they
should recover the damages awarded on condition of a remittance of
$2,500 of the $10,000 damages allowed, and as between the railway
company and the lighting company a new trial should be had.
The opinion of the court was delivered by Judge Neill and is
reproduced in part below.
The first question taken up was that of the comparative liability of
the two companies, the court considering the two probable grounds upon
which the lighting company was held not to be liable, and disposing
of them as indicated in the quotation from this part of his opinion.
(1) That article 3017, Rev. St. 1895, giving actions resulting in
death, has no application to parties other than the proprietor, owner,
charterer, or hirer of a railroad, steamboat, stagecoach, or other
vehicles for the conveyance of goods or passengers, and that, as the
allegations in the answer negative the idea that the electric company
is any such person or corporation, it can in no way be held liable in
damages for injuries resulting in death; or (2) that there can be no
contribution between joint tortfeasors, or recovery over by one against
the other of damages for which either is liable. Is either of these a
sufficient ground for sustaining the electric company’s general excep
tion to the part of the railroad’s answer, which seeks to recover over

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

677

against this appellee in the event of a recovery over against the appel
lant? I f not, then we can perceive no reason why the exception to
that part of defendant’s answer should be sustained.
We believe there is nothing in the first objection suggested to that
part of the answer to which the exception was sustained. The
grounds for this belief are fully exposed in the opinion of this court
m the case of San Antonio Gas & Electric Co. v. Badders, 103 S. W.
(Tex. Civ. App.) 229, which closes the question and renders further
discussion of it unnecessary. The second ground suggested as one
upon which the court might have sustained the exception to the
answer is not so easily disposed of. The general rule that there can
be no contribution or indemnity as between wrongdoers is founded
on the maxim that no one can make his own misconduct the ground
for an action in his own favor. I f he suffers because of his own
wrongdoing, the law will not relieve him, for it can not recognize a
right as springing from a wrong in favor of one concerned in its
commission. But there is an exception to this rule, under which,
although the law holds all the parties liable as wrongdoers to the
injured party, if, as between themselves, one of them is blameless,
equity requires the one guilty of the wrong to indemnify the one who
is guiltless for all damages that may be recovered against him by
reason of his (wrongdoer’s) wrongful acts. This exception is as well
established as the rule itself.
Upon carefully considering the answer in the light of the principles
stated, we conclude that, if the allegations are true, it states a case
against the electric company that falls within the exception stated,
showing that such company was the party whose active negligence
was primarily the proximate cause of Thomas Pigott’s death, and
that, if the appellant was guilty of any negligence, it was only pas
sive and secondary. In such event, it is entitled to recover over
against the electric company as the active wrongdoer, whose wrongs
alone rendered the appellant liable on account of the relation of
master and servant ana its correlative duties, which existed between
it and the deceased at the time he was killed.
Judge Neill then took up the question of contract of waiver and
said:
The third and fourth assignments of error, which relate to the
judgment in favor of plaintiffs against appellant, complain that
the court erred in sustaining the exceptions to that part of appel
lant’s answer which pleads, in avoidance of plaintiffs’ action, the
contract of employment of deceased, during his minority, that they
made with defendant, in which they expressly waived any and all
claims they might have against the company for damages in the
event their son should be killed or injured while in its employment.
The exceptions were: (1) That the part of the contract waiving
any claim for damages that might accrue is void, in that it is against
public policy and seeks to exempt the company from its liability for
injuries resulting in death caused by its own negligence; and (2)
that it is without consideration, either good or valid in law. As it
is conclusively shown that plaintiffs’ son was killed during his mi
nority, and while the contract of employment referred to in the
assignments was in force, and deceased was in discharge of his duties
under the contract, if the stipulation therein by plaintiffs, waiving

678

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

any claim they might have against the company for damages in
event Thomas was killed or injured while in the employment, is
valid, it logically follows that the court was in error in sustaining
the exceptions. The question is: Is such stipulation valid?
“ It is generally held,” says Page on Contracts (section 367), “ that
an employer can not release himself for liability for injury to his
employee caused by his own negligence. * * * Invalid contracts
of this class are most commonly entered into between railroads and
their employees”—citing Roesner v. Hermann (C. C.) 8 Fed. 782,
10 Biss. 486; Chicago, etc. Coal Co. v. Peterson, 39 111. App. 114;
Blanton v. Dold, 109 Mo. 64, 18 S. W., 1149, [etc.].
Continuing, the same author says: “ So a contract whereby the
next of kin of an employee of a railroad releases the railroad from
all liability to himself for an injury to such employee was held
void ”—citing Tarvell v . Railroad, 73 Yt. 347, 51 Atl. 6, 56 L. R. A.
656, 87 Am. St. Rep. 734. “ Even where power is given to a railroad
to ‘ farm out ’ its right of transportation, it can not insert a valid
>rovision in a lease exonerating itself from liability to lessee’s negigence ”—citing, Harden v. Railroad, 129 N. C. 354, 40 S. E. 184,
55 L. R. A. 784, 85 Am. St. Rep. 747. Cooley on Torts ([3d Ed.]
p. 1485), after mentioning carriers and telegraph companies as
among those who can not relieve themselves from liability from their
own negligence, says: “ The cases of carriers and telegraph compa
nies have been specifically mentioned because it is chiefly in these
cases that such contracts are met with but, although the reasons
which forbid such contracts have special force in the business of
carrying persons and goods, and of sending messages, they apply
universally, and should be held to defeat all contracts by which a
party undertakes to put another at the mercy of his own faulty con
duct.” The author, then, in a marginal note, says: “A contract ex
empting the master from liability to his servant for negligence is
void.” I t is stated, however, in Shearman & Redf. on Neg. Sec.
241d, that in some American courts it is held that a servant can by ex
press contract release his master from all liability for the ordinary
negligence of the master. This holding is also noticed in the section
of Page on Contracts, above quoted from, and, among the cases hold
ing it, is cited I. & G. N. Ry. v. Hinzie, 82 Tex. 623, 18 S. W . 681,
relied upon by appellant to sustain the assignments under considera
tion. That case, though not referred to in the opinion, seems to have
been overruled by the court of civil appeals of the second district in
T. & P. Ry. Co. v. Putnam, 94 Tex. 523, 62 S. W. 910, which holds,
in accordance with the weight of authority, as stated in this opinion,
and, as the supreme court approved the opinion in the Putnam Case
by denying a writ of error, we think we are safe in saying that the
Hinzie Case is no longer authority on the question under consideration.
I t would seem an enormity to sanction a contract which exempts one
from liability for the death of a human being which he has brought
about by his one [own] negligence. “ Negligent homicide ” is an
offense under the law of this State, and it is universally held that it is
contrary to public policy to uphold a contract which exempts the
wrongdoer from liability for the consequence of an act done in viola
tion of a criminal statute. Besides, in jurisdictions where such con
tracts are recognized as valid, it is held that there must be a good con
sideration for such a contract, and if made while the servant is in his

{

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

679

employment, without a new consideration, it is void. As seen, one
of the exceptions urged to the plea setting up the contract as a de
fense was that it was without consideration to support it. We believe
this objection good. Under the contract the consideration recited is
no consideration at all. The parents waived everything—their right
to recover their son’s wages, as well as their right to recover damages,
vouchsafed them by the law, in the event he was killed or injured
while in the employment of the company—and got nothing in the
world except the piece of paper upon which the alleged contract was
written. Their damages caused by the death of their son, caused by
defendant’s unlawful act, was, if the verdict be correct, $10,000, and
yet if the contract, under which they received nothing, is sustained,
they have waived their right to these damages and can not receive $1
of the amount. Is this reasonable? No. Yet it is not only essential
to the validity of a contract of this nature, even in jurisdiction where
they are recognized, that there be a consideration, but that it must be
reasonable, i. e., there must be a just proportion between the considera
tion for the waiver of the damages and the amount of damages
actually sustained. We overrule the assignments.
I nterference w ith E mployment —T rade C ompetition —U n ju s
A cts—M otive—Tuttle v. Buck , Supreme Court of M inne

tifiable

sota^ 119 Northwestern Reporter 946.—This

was an appeal from the
district court of Rice County, in which Edward C. Tuttle had secured
a judgment against Cassius M. Buck, for interference with the
former’s business.
Tuttle was a barber by trade, and had been so employed for a num
ber of years in the village of Howard Lake, Minn., as his sole means
of livelihood. Buck was a banker, and, for some reason not explained,
was alleged to have set up a barber shop and attempted to introduce
a rival barber for the sole and only purpose of injuring the trade of
the plaintiff and of ruining his business and driving him out of the
village. It was further alleged that Buck was not able to induce any
barber to occupy the shop on his own account, though offered at a
nominal rental, and that he had at different times hired barbers at a
salary to occupy the shop and attend to such customers as Buck might
persuade or induce to leave the plaintiff. It is further alleged that
all these things were done by the defendant with the sole purpose of
destroying plaintiff’s business, and not for the purpose of any legiti
mate interest of his own; and that by reason of the wealth and promi
nence of the defendant, and of his personal and financial influence, he
had been able to materially reduce the business of the plaintiff, Tuttle,
for which damages were sought.
On appeal the judgment of the court below was affirmed on the
grounds set forth in the following extracts from the opinion of the
court, which was delivered by Judge Elliott:
I t has been said that the law deals only with externals, and that
a lawful act can not be made the foundation of an action because

680

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

it was done with an evil motive. In Allen v. Flood, (1898) A. C.
151, Lord Watson said that, except with regard to crimes, the law
does not take into account motives as constituting an element of civil
wrong. In Mayor v. Pickles, (1895) A. C. 587, Lord Halsbury
stated that if the act was lawful, “ however ill the motive might be,
he had a right to do it.” In Raycroft v. Tayntor, 68 Vt. 219, 85 Atl.
53, the court said that, “ where one exercises a legal right only, the
motive which actuates him is immaterial.” In Jenkens v. Fowler,
24 Pa. 318, Mr. Justice Black said that “ mischievous motives make
a bad case worse, but they can not make that wrong which in its own
essence is lawful.” This language was quoted in Bohn Mfg. Co. v .
Hollis, 54 Minn. 233, 55 N. W. 1119, and in substance in Ertz v.
Produce Exchange, 79 Minn. 143, 81 N. W. 737. (See, also, Cooley,
Torts (3d Ed.) p. 1505; Auburn & Co. v. Douglass, 9 N. Y. 444.)
Such generalizations are of little value in determining concrete cases.
They may state the truth, but not the whole truth. Each word and
phrase used therein may require definition and limitation. Thus,
before we can apply Judge Black’s language to a particular case, we
must determine what act is “ in its own essence lawful.” What did
Lord Halsbury mean by the words “ lawful act? ” What is meant
by “ exercising a legal right ? ” I t is not at all correct to say that
the motive with which an act is done is always immaterial, providing
the act itself is not unlawful. Numerous illustrations of the contrary
will be found in the civil as well as the criminal law.
We do not intend to enter upon an elaborate discussion of the sub
ject, or become entangled in the subtleties connected with the words
“ malice ” and “ malicious.” We are not able to accept without limi
tations the doctrine above referred to, but at this time content our
selves with a brief reference to some general principles.
For generations there has been a practical agreement upon the
proposition that competition in trade and business is desirable, and
this idea has found expression in the decisions of the courts as well as
in statutes. But it has led to grievous and manifold wrongs to indi
viduals, and many courts have manifested an earnest desire to protect
the individuals from the evils which result from unrestrained business
competition. The problem has been to so adjust matters as to pre
serve the principle of competition and yet guard against its abuse
to the unnecessary injury to the individual. So the principle that
a man may use his own property according to his own needs and
desires, while true in the abstract, is subject to many limitations in
the concrete. Men can not always, in civilized society, be allowed
to use their own property as their interests or desires may dictate
without reference to the fact that they have neighbors whose rights
are as sacred as their own. The existence and well-being of society
requires that each and every person shall conduct himself consistently
with the fact that he is a social and reasonable person. The purose for which a man is using his own property may thus sometimes #
etermine his rights, and applications of this idea are found in*
Stillwater Water Co. v. Farmer, 89 Minn. 58, 93 N. W. 907, Id., 92
Minn. 230, 99 N. W. 882, and Barclay v. Abraham, 121 Iowa, 619,
96 N. W. 1080.
Many of the restrictions which should be recognized and enforced
result from a tacit recognition of principles which are not often
stated in the decisions in express terms. Sir Frederick Pollock notes

DECISIONS OF COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

681

that not many years ago it was difficult to find any definite authority
for stating as a general proposition of English law that it is wrong
to do a willful wrong to one’s neighbor without lawful justification or
excuse. But neither is there any express authority for the general
proposition that men must perform their contracts. Both principles,
in this generality of form and conception, are modern and there was
a time when neither was true. After developing the idea that law
begins, not with authentic general principles, but with the enumera
tion ox particular remedies, the learned writer continues: 44I f there
exists, then, a positive duty to avoid harm, much more, then, exists
the negative duty of not doing willful harm, subject, as all general
duties must be subject, to the necessary exceptions. The three main
heads of duty with which the law of torts is concerned, namely, to
abstain from willful injury, to respect the property of others, and to
use due diligence to avoid causing harm to others, are all alike of a
comprehensive nature.” (Pollock, Torts, (8th Ed.) p. 21.) He then
quotes with approval the statement of Lord Bowen th a t44at common
law there was a cause of action whenever one person did damage to
another, willfully and intentionally, without just cause and excuse.”
In Plant v. Woods, 176 Mass. 492, 57 N. E. 1011, Mr. Justice Ham
mond said: 44It is said, also, that, where one has the lawful right
to do a thing, the motive by which he is actuated is immaterial. One
form of this statement appears in the first headnote in Allen v.
Flood, as reported in (1898) A. C. 1, as follows: 4An act lawful in
itself is not converted by a malicious or bad motive into an unlawful
act, so as to make the doer of the act liable to a civil action.’ I f the
meaning of this and similar expressions is that, where a person has
the lawful right to do a thing irrespective of his motive, his motive
is immaterial, the proposition is a mere truism. If, however, the
meaning is that where a person, if actuated by one kind of a motive,
has a lawful right to do a thing, the act is lawful when done under
any conceivable motive, or that an act lawful under one set of cir
cumstances is therefore lawful under every conceivable set of circum
stances, the proposition does not commend itself to us as either
logically or legally accurate.” Similar language was used by Mr.
Justice Wells in Walker v. Cronin, 107 Mass. 555; by Lord Cole
ridge in Mogul Steamship Co. v. McGregor, 21 Q. B. D. 544-558; by
Lord Justice Bowen in the same case, 23 Q. B. D. 593; by Mr. Justice
Holmes in Aikens v . Wisconsin, 195 U. S. 194, 204, 25 Sup. Ct. 3; by
Chief Justice McSherry in Klingel’s Pharmacy v. Sharp, 104, Md.
233, 64 Atl. 1029; and by Judge Sanborn in his dissenting opinion in
Passaic Print Works v. Ely & Walker Dry Goods Co., 105 Fed. 163,
44 C. C. A. 426. Numerous cases will be found referred to in the
note to this case in 62 L. R. A. 673, and in an article in 18 Harvard
Law Review, 411.
I t is freely conceded that there are many decisions contrary to this
view; but, when carried to the extent contended for by the appellant,
we think they are unsafe, unsound, and illy adapted to modern con
ditions. To divert to one’s self the customers of a business rival by
the offer of goods at lower prices is in general a legitimate mode of
serving one’s own interest, and justifiable as fair competition. But
when a man starts an opposition place of business, not for the sake
of profit to himself, but regardless of loss to himself, and for the sole
purpose of driving his competitor out of business, and with the in

682

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

tention of himself retiring upon the accomplishment of his malevolent
purpose, he is guilty of a wanton wrong and an actionable tort. In
such a case he would not be exercising his legal right, or doing an
act which can be judged separately from the motive which actuated
him. To call such conduct competition is a perversion of terms. It
is simply the application of force without legal justification, which in
its moral quality may be no better than highway robbery.
Nevertheless, in the opinion of the writer this complaint is in
sufficient. It is not claimed that it states a cause of action for
slander. No question of conspiracy or combination is involved.
Stripped of the adjectives and the statement that what was done was
for the sole purpose of injuring the plaintiff, and not for the purpose
of serving a legitimate purpose of the defendant, the complaint states
facts which in themselves amount only to an ordinary everyday
business transaction. There is no allegation that the defendant was
intentionally running the business at a financial loss to himself, or
that after driving the plaintiff out of business the defendant closed
up or intended to close up his shop. From all that appears from the
complaint he may have opened the barber shop, energetically sought
business from his acquaintances and the customers of the plaintiff,
and as a result of his enterprise and command of capital obtained it,
with the result that the plaintiff, from want of capital, acquaintance,
or enterprise, was unable to stand the competition and was thus
driven out of business. The facts thus alleged do not, in my opinion,
in themselves, without reference to the way in which they are char
acterized by the pleader, tend to show a malicious and wanton wrong
to the plaintiff.
A majority of the justices, however, are of the opinion that, on
the principle declared in the foregoing opinion, the complaint states
a cause of action, and the order is therefore affirmed.
L abor O rganizations—S uspension • of M embers—I nterference
w ith E mployment —Conspiracy—D amages— Campbell et al. v.
Johnson, United States C ircuit Court of Appeals , 167 Federal Re
porter, page 102.—The defendant, Johnson, had been suspended from

the Seattle Typographical Union, No. 202, as he claimed, by a wrong
ful and harmful conspiracy of other members, and had recovered a
judgment for damages in the amount of $500 on account of such
harmful exposure. From this judgment of the circuit court an
appeal was taken to the circuit court of appeals, which resulted in
the judgment of the lower court being affirmed. I t appears that
Johnson was night foreman on the Seattle Daily Times, and that
there was a complaint that matters occurring at meetings of the
union which were supposed to be private were in some manner being
exposed at the Times office, and a committee of the union was ap
pointed to investigate. All members of the union who were employed
in the office of the Times were questioned and answered the questions
with the exception of Johnson. A t the next regular meeting of the
union the matter of his refusal to answer the questions put to him

DECISIONS OP COURTS AFFECTING LABOR.

683

came up* and by a vote of 100 to 3 he was declared to be in contempt
of the committee of investigation and was suspended for thirty days.
Two days thereafter Johnson was informed of the action of the union,
as were also the managing officers of the Daily Times. He was
thereupon suspended from his position as night foreman and notified
by his employers that he must prosecute his appeal to the president
of the International Typographical Union within two weeks or he
would be discharged. Johnson made his appeal and was sustained,
but in the meantime had been discharged by his employers and was
prevented from obtaining any other position. To Johnson’s com
plaint setting up these facts, the union, through its agents and rep
resentatives, interposed a demurrer that the complaint failed to state
facts sufficient to constitute a cause of action. Other points were also
raised which involved matters of practice and procedure, which
need not be noticed here.
The rules of the union authorized it to fine, reprimand, or suspend
from membership any member who had been declared guilty of con
tempt, and it provided, further, for a series of appeals by anyone
aggrieved by such action. The union further held that if any in
justice had been done by suspension he had full and adequate redress
by such appeals as had been provided for by the union. To this
defense Johnson demurred, claiming that the facts were not suffi
cient to constitute a defense, which demurrer was sustained. Judge
Gilbert, who gave the opinion of the court, after stating the facts
as set forth above, spoke in part as follows:
Error is assigned to the ruling of the court in sustaining the de
murrer to the affirmative defense alleged in the answer. The sub
stance of that defense was that the rules of Union 202 provided for
the suspension of a member who has been declared guilty of contempt
by a two-thirds vote of the union, and for an appeal from such de
cision; that, in fact, the defendant in error was so suspended for a
eriod of 30 days by the vote of the union; and that, if injustice was
one him thereby, he had a remedy by appeal. But the gist of the
cause of action alleged in the complaint is that the plaintiffs in error
wrongfully and unlawfully entered into a conspiracy to suspend un
lawfully the defendant in error from the union, and to prevent him
from following his usual occupation, and that the conspiracy was
carried out. I t majr be assumed that in all associations of a similar
character provision is made for the suspension or dismissal of mem
bers. The fact that the members had that power, and that provision
was made for appeal, does not affect the question of their liability
in case of a conspiracy such as was alleged in the complaint. In
charging the jury the court expressed the opinion that the motion
for a nonsuit would have been granted if the evidence had been clear
that the position of the defendant in error would have been retained
for him after the period of suspension, but decided to submit to the
jury on the evidence the question whether the suspension necessarily
deprived him of his position by bringing about a permanent discharge.
The members of the union undoubtedly had the right to suspend the

684

BULLETIN OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR.

defendant in error, but that is not to say that they had the right to
conspire together to suspend him unlawfully.
It is earnestly contended that the trial court erred in denying the
motion of the plaintiffs in error at the close of the evidence tor a di
rected verdict in their favor on the ground that the evidence was not
sufficient to show a cause of action against them. We are unable to
sustain this contention. There was evidence of strong personal feeling
against the defendant in error on the part of many members of the
union. He had twice before been fined by the union on account of
alleged breaches of its rules, and on each occasion he had appealed
to the International Typographical Union, and his appeal had been
sustained. At one of the meetings one of the plaintiffs in error had
stated that he was after the defendant in error’s scalp, and he was
roundly applauded. Other members had said: “ We will get him
yet,” “ We will have his card,” and made other expressions of their
ill will toward him. There was evidence that his refusal to testify
before the committee, for which he was charged with contempt, was
not contempt, and that, according to the rules of the union, he could
not be required to testify against himself. I t is not denied that he
was furnished no copy of the charges on which he was finally sus
pended, and that he had no notice to appear and was not present at
the meeting at which he was suspended. There was evidence that the
officers of the union refused to allow him an appeal, and refused to
show him the record on which he had been suspended, and that he
was compelled to take this appeal by telegraphing his own affidavit
to the president of the International Typographical Union. I t suf
ficiently appears, also, that he was discharged from his position on
account of his troubles with the union and his suspension therefrom,
and the hostile attitude of the members of the union.
There are numerous assignments of error to the rulings of the court in
admitting and excluding evidence. We find no error in any of them.
I t is contended that the court erred in charging the jury as follows:
“ It is not required for the plaintiff to prove in this case a criminal
conspiracy. The only kind of conspiracy that has to be proved is that
there was a common purpose and a concert of action with the plain
intent in the minds o f the different persons to cause the suspension of
the plaintiff from membership in the union. I f that purpose existed
and was successful in causing his suspension, and the members who
were participants in that knew that the necessary consequence of the
suspension would be the loss of his position, then the jury have a right to
find from these conditions that their purpose was to injure him,” etc.
It is urged against this instruction that the court thereby took away
from the jury the consideration of all question of malice or ill will on
the part of the plaintiffs in error. But elsewhere the court gave the
jury an instruction which is to be read in connection with the instruc
tion above quoted. The court said:
“And the decision of the case turns upon the question of whether
the defendants did anything from malice and ill will, and by a con
cert of action, with a common purpose to do an injury, or whether
they, as members of an association, acting in good faith and without
malice and without ill will, acted in accordance with their best judg
ment to promote the interests of the association.”
We find no error for which the judgment should be reversed. I t
is accordingly affirmed.

LAWS OF VARIOUS STATES RELATING TO LABOR ENACTED SINCE
JANUARY 1, 1908.

The Twenty-second Annual Report of this Bureau contains all
laws of the various States and Territories and of the United States
felating to labor, in force January 1, 1908. It is the purpose of the
Bureau to discontinue the publication of the session laws in bimonthly
installments, as has been done heretofore, and to publish such laws
in a single bulletin as soon as the enactments of the year become
available, thus presenting in one issue of the Bulletin all amend
ments and new legislation supplementary to the volume of labor laws
named above.

685

CUMULATIVE IN D E X OF LABOB LAWS AND DECISIONS RELATING
THERETO.
[This index includes labor laws enacted since January 1, 1908, and published In Bulletin No. 80, the
issue of January, 1909, and Bulletin No. 81, the issue of March, 1909, since which date the bimonthly publi
cation of laws nas been discontinued. (See note, p. 685.) Laws enacted previously appear in the
Twenty-second Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The decisions indexed under the various
headings relate to the laws on the same subjects without regard to their date of enactment and are indi
cated by the letter “ D ” in parenthesis following the name of the State. ]
Bulletin—

B ulletinNo.
Accidents in factories, etc.:
Louisiana........................
Antitrust act:
United States (D)..........
Arbitration of labor disputes:
New Jersey......................
Assignment of wages:
Massachusetts (D)..........
Massachusetts.................
Blacklisting:
Bribery of employees:
New Jersey..............................
Bureau of labor:
Louisiana................................
Massachusetts.........................
Children and women, employ
ment of:
Louisiana................................
Children and women, hours of
labor of:
Louisiana................................
Massachusetts.........................
Children employed, certificates,
registers, etc., of:
Kentucky...............................
Louisiana................................
Mississippi..............................
Children, employment of, age
limit for:
Kentucky................................
Kentucky (D).........................
Louisiana................................

Page.

460,461

124-138

468

81
81

405,406
466

466,467

81
81
81

450,451
463

457-461

81
81

458
466

80
81
81

190-192
457-459
467

80
82
81
81
New York (D)........................ 80
Pennsylvania.......................... 80
Children, employment of, general
provisions for:
District of Columbia (D)....... 81
Kentucky............................... 80
Louisiana................................ 81
Mississippi.............................. 81
New Jersey.............................. 81
Children, employment of, in bar
rooms:
Louisiana................................ 81
Children, employment of, in cer
tain occupations forbidden:
Kentucky............................... 80
Children, employment of, to clean
moving machinery:
Louisiana................................ 81
Pennsylvania (D)................... 80
Children, hours of labor of:
Kentucky............................... 80
Louisiana................................ 81
Massachusetts......................... 81
Mississippi.............................. 81

190-193
662-664
457-459
467
143,144
142,143

416,417
190-193
457-461
467,468
469
457
192
460
142,143
191
458
466
467,468

No.
Children, illiterate, employment
of:
Kentucky...............................
Children, night work by:
Kentucky.............................. .
Louisiana................................
Mississippi..............................
Citizens, employment of, on pub
lic works:
Louisiana................................
Civil service:
New Jersey............................ .
Company stores:
Louisiana................................
Compensation for injuries to emMassachusetts.........................
Contracts of employment, regula
tion, etc., of:
Arkansas (D)..........................
Deposits of employees, employers
to pay interest on:
Louisiana................................
Eight-hour day:
Maryland................................
New York (D )........................
Electricians, examination, etc.,
of. (See Examination, etc.)
Employees, examination, etc., of.
(See Examination, etc.)
Employers' liability. (See Lia
bility of employers.)
Employment of children. (See
Children, employment of.)
Employment of labor, deception,
etc., in:
Massachusetts.........................
Employment offices, free public:
Massachusetts.........................
Examination, etc., of barbers:
Rhode Island (D)...................
Texas (D)...............................
Examination, etc., of electricians:
Louisiana................................
Examination, etc., of miners, mine
foremen, etc.:
Kentucky................................
Examination, etc., of railroad em
ployees:
Georgia....................................
Experienced men to be employed.
(See Examination, etc.)
Factories and workrooms, venti
lation, sanitation, etc., of:
Louisiana................................
Factory regulations. (See In
spection of factories):
Georgia, 1908...........................

Page.

190,191

80
81
81

191
458
467.468

456

468.469

454

465

418

450

80
80

150-155

461

104

81 461,463,464
82
82

665-668
668-670

451-454

188,189
187

460

187

687

688

CUMULATIVE INDEX OF LABOR LAWS,
B ulletinNo.

Page.

B ulletinNo.

Guards for dangerous machinery:
Protection of employees as mem
Kentucky............................... 80
192
bers of labor organizations:
Mississippi...............................
Hours of labor of employees in
penal institutions:
Protection o f employees on build
465
ings:
Massachusetts......................... 81
Louisiana................................
Hours of labor of employees on
Public printing to be done within
railroads:
Missouri (D )...........................
144-146
the State:
Wisconsin (D )........................
Louisiana................................
146-150
Hours of labor on public works:
Public works, hours of labor on.
194
(See Hours of labor, etc.)
Maryland................................
150-155 Public works, preference of resi
New York (D)........................
dent laborers on:
Injuries, special inspections in ac
Louisiana................................
tions for:
462 Railroad cars to be repaired with
Massachusetts......................... 81
in the State:
Inspection of factories and work
Louisiana................................
shops:
192,193 Railroad employees, qualifications
Kentucky...............................
of. (See Examination, etc.)
Louisiana................................
450,457-461
461,462 Railroad trains, sufficient crews
Massachusetts.........................
required on:
Inspectors, factory:
451,461
Maryland................................
Louisiana................................
462,464,465 Railroads, competent men to be
Massachusetts.........................
employed on. (See Examina
New Jersey.............................
tion, etc.)
Inspectors, mine:
Kentucky...............................
187,188 Railroads, hours of labor of em
ployees on. (See Hours of labor,
Intimidation of employees:
etc.)
Missouri (D)...........................
155-161
Kentucky, 1908.............................
187-193 Railroads, running locomotives
on, at night:
Labor organizations, protection
Mississippi...............................
of members of. (See Protec
Railroads, safety appliances on:
tion, etc.)
Georgia....................................
Liability of employers for injuries
United States (D )...................
to employees:
410-415 Safety appliances. (See Guards
District of Columbia (D)
81
415
on dangerous machinery; In
Indiana (D ).............................jjg
664,665
spection of factories; Railroads,
463,465
safety appliances on.)
Massachusetts
468 Seats for employees:
Mississippi.............................
Kentucky................................
Louisiana, 1908.............................
450-461
193,194
Louisiana................................
Maryland, 1908.............................
461-466 Sunday labor:
Massachusetts, 1908.....................
Mine gases, etc., investigation of:
Massachusetts......................... 81
190 Toilet rooms, etc., for employees:
Kentucky................................ 80
Kentucky................................
Mine inspectors. (See Inspectors,i
mine.)
i
Louisiana................................ 81
Ventilation. (See Factories and
Mine regulations:
,
workrooms, etc.; Mine regula
Arkansas (D)................................ j81
419-424
418,419
tions.)
Kansas (D )............................. 81
187-190 Wages, assignment of. (See As
Kentucky................................ 80
signment of wages.)
Miners, etc.,examination of. (See
Wages, payment of. (See Pay
Examination, etc.)
ment of wages.)
466-468
Mississippi, 1908...........................
468,469 Water for humidifying:
New Jersey, 1908..........................
Massachusetts......................... 81
Payment of wages, modes and
Women and children. (See Chil
times of:
dren and women.)
419-424
Arkansas (D )........................
454
Louisiana...............................

Page.

466,467
454-456
454

456
457

193,194

467
187
670,671

192,193
459
461,462
192
460

461,462

IN D E X TO V O LU M E 18,
A.
Page.
Accidents, industrial, i n 97
Canada, 1906...................................................................................................................................
102
Great Britain, 1907.........................................................................................................................
647
Oregon, 1907 and 1908.....................................................................................................................
396
Pennsylvania, 1907.........................................................................................................................
111
Arbitration and conciliation act in New Zealand, report on.............................................................
96
Arbitration and conciliation In Canada, 1906-7...................................................................................
402
Asbestos and indiarrubber industries in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907........
Australia and New Zealand, Wages Boards and Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Acts of,
report on........................................................................................................................................... 110,111
B.

Bakeries, Italian, night work in—
Law of March 22,1908, for abolition of, discussion of.................................................................... 656,657
Beporton....................................................................................................................................... 651-656
Bakers and confectioners, mortality of, from consumption................................................... 518-537,628-638
Bavaria, cooperative societies in, report of Bavarian Statistical Bureau on, 1902,1903, and 1905— 98-100
Beet-sugar manufacture in Michigan, 1908..........................................................................................
643
Belgium:
Ceramic industries, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907...................................................
401
Glass, monograph of Belgian labor office on manufacture of, 1907................................................ 401,402
India-rubber and asbestos industries, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907......................
402
Machinery and electrical apparatus, monograph of Belgian labor office on the construction
of, 1908.........................................................................................................................................
402
Boot and shoe makers, mortality of, from consumption....................................................... 592-603,628-638
Button makers, mortality of, from consumption................................................................... 606-615,636-638
C.
Canada:
Conciliation and arbitration, 1906-7.............................................................................................
96
Fair wages schedules, 1906-7.....................................................................................t ................... 96,97
Industrial accidents, 1906...............................................................................................................
97
Labor disputes, 1906.......................................................................................................................
97
Labor unions, 1904 to 1906.............................................................................................................
96
Wage-earners, by occupations, 1901............................................................................................... 649-651
Canning, fruit and vegetable, in New Jersey, 1907.............................................................................
646
Carmen and carriers, mortality of, from consumption........................................................... 486,487,631-634
401
Ceramic industries in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907......................................
Child and woman wage-earners in Great Britain. (See Woman and child wage-earners in Great
Britain.)
Child labor i n Maine, 1908......................................................................................................................................
640
Maryland, 1907 and 1908............................................................................................................ 89,640,641
Children and women, employment of, in Great Britain, social and economic effect of legislation
regulating...........................................................................................................................................
47
Children and women, wages of, in Great Britain, influence of factory acts upon............................ 53-65
Children, employment of, outside of factories and workshops, in Great Britain.............................. 23-27
Children, street trading by, in Great Britain...................................................................................... 27-36
Children, women, and men, distribution of employment among, in Great Britain, influence of
factory acts upon............................................................................................................................... 65-71
Cigar makers and packers, mortality of, from consumption...............................................................
571
Cigar makers and tobacco workers, mortality of, from consumption....................... 566-571,628-634,636-638
Clothing and other manufactures, inspection of, in Maryland, 1907................................................... 89,90
Coachmen, cabmen, and men employed in omnibus service, mortality of, from consumption__ 488-490
631-634,636-638
Coal mines, statistics of, i n Michigan, 1908................................................................................................................................
643
North Dakota, 1905 and 1907......................................................................................................... 396,647
Pennsylvania, 1907.........................................................................................................................
399
Comb makers, mortality of, from consumption.................................................................................. 615-623
Compensation for industrial diseases in Great Britain...................................................................... 103,104
Conciliation, and arbitration act in New Zealand, report on..............................................................
Ill
Conciliation and arbitration in Canada, 1906-7....................................................................................
96
Confectioners and bakers, mortality of, from consumption................................................... 518-537,628-638
Consumption, mortality from, in occupations exposing to municipal and general organic dust__ 471-638
Bakers and confectioners.................................................................................................... 518-^537,628-638
Boot and shoe makers....................................................................................................... 592-603,628-638
Buttons, pearl and bone, manufacture of........................................................................ 606-615,636-638
Carmen and carriers.......................................................................................................... 486,487,631-634
Carters, carriers, and van men....................................................................................................... 634,635
Cigars and cigarettes, manufacture of............................................................................................ 545-571
Cigar makers and packers..............................................................................................................
571
Cigar makers and tobacco workers...................................................................... 566-571,628-634,636-638

689

690

INDEX TO VOLUME 18.

Consumption, mortality from, etc—Concluded.
Page.
Coachmen, cabmen, and men employed in omnibus service.............................. 488-490,631-634,636-638
Comb manufacture...........................................................................................................................615-623
Cork cutting and grinding............................................................................................................. 603-606
Drivers and teamsters.......................................................................................... 481-487,628-630,636-638
Flour millers...................................................................................................................... 503i518,628-638
Glove makers.............................................................................................................. 588-592,628,636-638
Grain handling and storage.............................................................................................. 498-503,636-638
Leather workers.......................................................................................................... 574-580,629,636-638
Saddle and harness makers........................................................................................ 584-587,628,630-638
Snuff, manufacture of.................................................................................................................... 571-574
Starch manufacture........................................................................................................................ 537-541
Street cleaning and refuse disposal................................................................................... 475-481,636-638
Subway employees......................................................................................................................... 490-495
Tanners, curriers, and beamers.................................................................................. 580-584,628,630-638
Tobacco and cigar dealers........................................................................................................ 570,637,638
Tobacco and cigar factory operatives............................................................................................
628
Tobacco industry, the.................................................................................................................... 541-545
Tobacco workers and cigar makers..................................................................... 566-571,628-634,636-638
Cooperative societies in Bavaria, report of Bavarian Statistical Bureau on, 1902,1903,1905............. 98-100
Cork cutters and grinders, mortality of, from consumption................................................................ 603-606
Cost of living i n Maryland, 1908...............................................................................................................................
641
New Jersey, 1908............................................................................................................................. 645,646
Cotton, woolen, and knitting mills in North Carolina, statistics of, 1907...........................................
94
D.
Dangerous trades in Great Britain, establishments in, 1907................................................................
103
Decisions of courts affecting labor:
Antitrust law—boycott as restraint of trade................................................................................. 124-138
Assignment of wages—future earnings—constitutionality of statute........................................... 405,406
Combinations to fix prices—restraint of trade—pools and trusts—constructions and application
of statute....................................................................................................................................... 138-142
Conspiracycommon law—effect of statutes—elements of offense—interference with employment—fin
ing employers—extortion—recovery.................................................................................... 406-410
suspension of members of labor organizations—interference with employment—damages.. 682-684
Contract of employment—breach by employee—recovery of wages earned.................................
418
Contracts for exclusive redemption of wage checks—restraint of trade—monopoly—enforcement
of contract................................................................................................................................... 424-427
Employers’ liabilitycourse of employment—eating lunch on premises..................................................................167,168
course of employment—leaving place of work for personal ends........................................... 168,169
course of employment—riding coal car out of mine............................................................... 662-664
dangerous instrumentalities—degree of care—extraordinary occurrences—“ act of God”—
negligence—presumptions as to contributory negligence—assumption of risk.................. 671-675
employment oi children—violation of statute—contributory negligence—course of employ
m ent...................................................................................................................................... 662-664
excessive damages—incompetence of employees.................................................................... 427-429
injuries caused by third persons—liability between themselves of joint wrongdoers—release
Dy parents for mjuries to minor son.................................................................................... 675-679
negligence—presumptions as to contributory negligence—extraordinary occurrences—
assumption of risk—“ act of God” ....................................................................................... 671-675
railroad companies—acceptance of relief benefits—waiver—effect of statute......................... 410-415
railroad companies—negligence—contributory negligence—proximate cause....................... 169-171
railroad hazards—construction of statute........................................................................ 415,664,665
release—reliance on advice of company surgeon—fraud—evidence....................................... 429-432
release by parents for injury to minor son—injuries caused by third persons—reciprocal
liability of joint wrongdoers................................................................................................. 675-679
res ipsa loquitur—application of doctrine...............................................................................171-173
safe place to work—sufficient discharge of employer’s duty—details of work....................... 432-434
Employment of children—
age limit—cleaning moving machinery.....................................................................................142,143
age limit—violation of statute—contributory negligence........................................................ 662-664
certificate of age—violation of statute—persons liable........................................................... 143,144
newspapers as merchandise—constitutionality of statute...................................................... 416,417
Employment of lab o renforcement of contract—restraint of trade—trade secrets..................................................... 163-167
term—evidence—breach by employer—damages............................................................
173-176
Examination, etc., of barbers—
constitutionality of statute—delegation of powers—equal protection of laws....................... 665-668
constitutionality of statute—mechanical pursuits.................................................................. 668-670
Hours of lab o rpublic works—constitutionality of statute............................................................................. 150-155
railroads—state and federal statutes—regulation of commerce—constitutionality of statute. 144-150
Interference with employment—
fining employers—extortion—recovery.................................................................................. 406-410
suspension of members by labor organizations—conspiracy—damages................................. 682-684
trade competition—unjustifiable acts—motive....................................................................... 679-682
Labor organizations—
boycott—injunction—contempt—evidence—violation of antitrust law................................. 124-138
boycott—secondary boycott—conspiracy—injunction—completed acts—interference with
employment.......................................................................................................................... 438-449
boycott—use of mails to defraud.............................................................................................. 161-163
combinations to advance wages—nonapplicability of statute................................................ 138-142
legality—monopolies—boycotts—conspiracy—injunction...................................................... 434-438
membership—employers of labor—boycott—secondary boycott—conspiracy—injunctioncompleted acts—interference with employment................................................................ 438-449
procuring expulsion of members—conspiracy—liability of one party only—damages,........ 176-180

INDEX TO VOLUME 18,

691

Decisions of courts affecting labor—Concluded.
Page.
Labor organizations—Concluded.
rights—interference with employment—procuring discharge—damages—grounds—meas
ure......................................................................................................................................... 165-161
strikes—legality—fines on members—intimidation—employers’ rights—injunction............180-186
suspension of members—interference with employment—conspiracy—damages................. 682-684
Mine regulations—sale of powder—commerce............................................................................... 418,419
Payment of wages—weighing coal before screening—freedom of contract—equal protection of
laws—constitutionality of statute...............................................................................................419-424
Railroads—safety appliance acts—sufficient compliance—violations........................................... 670,671
Trade competition—motive—unjustifiable acts—interference with employment....................... 679-682
Trade secrets—contract to prevent disclosure—enforcement........................................................ 163-167
Digest of recent foreign statistical publications:
Belgium—
Monographies Industrielles (Apergu Economique Technologique et Commercial). Indus
tries c6ramiques, 1907. Fabrication et Travail du Verre, 1907. Industries du Caout
chouc et de P Amiante, 1907. Construction des Machines et Appareils Electriques, 1908. 401-403
Canada—
Report of the Department of Labor of the Dominion of Canada for the fiscal year (9 months)
ended March 31,1907......................♦..................................................................................... 96,97
Wage-earners, by occupations, 1901........................................................................................ 649-651
France—
EnquSte sur le Travail h Domicile dans PIndustrie de la Lingerie....................................... 403,404
Germany—
Die Arbeits- und Lohnverhaltnisse in der stadtischen Betrieben 1906. Mittheilungen des
Statistischen Amts der Stadt Magdeburg.......................................................................... 100,101
Die Eingetragenen Genossenschaften im Konigreiclj, Bayern. Nach dem Stande in den
Jahren 1902 und 1903 und mit einer vorlaufigen Ubersicht fiber den Stand von Ende
1905 ................................................................................................................................... 98-100
Great B ritainAnnual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the year 1907......... 101-103
Compensation for Industrial Diseases, report on................................................................... 103,104
Report from the Select Committee on Home Work, August 8,1907..................................... 104,105
Report from the Select Committee on Home Work, July 22,1908........................................ 105-110
The Wages Boards and Industrial Conciliation ana Arbitration Acts of Australia and New
Zealand................................................................................................................................... 110,111
Italy—
Abolizione del lavoro nottumo nelP industria della panificazione. Legge 22 Marzo, 1908,
n. 105, e relazioni parlamentari al disegno di legge presentato dal Ministro di Agricoltura,
Industria e Commercio......................................................................................................... 656,657
Inchiesta sul lavoro nottumo dei fornai................................................................................. 651-656
La Donna nelP Industria Italiana............................................................................................ 111-114
L’Industria dei Fiammiferi Fosforici in Italia e la Lotta contro il Fosforismo.................... 114-116
New South W alesFirst Annual Report of the Director of Labor, State Labor Bureau of New South Wales,
for the year ending June 30,1906 ......................................................................................... 657-659
Roumania—
Progresele Economice ale Rom&niei indeplinite sub Domnia M. S. Regelui Carol 1, 18661906 ................................................................................................................................... 659-661
Spain—
Preparacion de las Bases para un Proyecto de Ley de Casas para Obreros. Casas baratas. 116-123
Digest of recent reports of state bureaus of labor statistics:
Illinois................................................................................................................................. ‘..........
88
Kansas............................................................................................................................................ 383-386
Maine.............................................................................................................................................. 639,640
Maryland.............................................................................................................................. 89-91,640-642
Massachusetts...................................................................1............................................................ 386-395
Michigan......................................................................................................................................... 642,643
Nebraska........................................................................................................................................
395
New Hampshire............................................................. *.............................................................. 91,92
New Jersey..................................................................................................................................... 643-646
North Carolina............................................................................................................................... 92-95
North Dakota.................................................................................................................... 395,396,646,647
Oregon............................................................................................................................................
647
Pennsylvania.................................................................................................................................. 396-400
Rhode Island.................................................................................................................................. 647,648
Diseases of the respiratory system other than consumption, mortality from, in occupations expos
ing to municipal and general organic dust:
Bakers............................................................................................................ 523,527,528,530,534,630,638
Bakers and confectioners.......................................................... 532,533,535,536,629,630,632,634,635,638
Boot and shoe makers............................................................................. 600,602,629,630,632,634,635,638
Button makers................................................................................................................................. 614,638
Carmen and carriers................................................................................................... 486,487,632,634,635
Cigar makers..................................................................................................................... 566,567,571,630
Coachmen, cabmen, and men in omnibus service..................................................... 488,489,632,634,638
Draymen, hackmen, and teamsters........................................................................... 484,485,496,629,630
Drivers and truckmen...................................................................................................................
638
Flour millers..................................................................................... 507,514-517,629,630,632,634,635,638
Glove cutters and makers..............................................................................................................
638
Grain handlers and elevator men.................................................................................................. 502,638
Leather makers..............................................................................................................................
629
Leather workers....................................................................................................................... 579,629,638
Municipal dust........................................................................................ 496,497,629,630,632,634,635,638
Organic dust............................................................................................ 624,626,629,630,632,634,635,638
Saddle and harness makers........................................................................... 584,587,630,632,634,635,638
Street cleaners................................................................................................................................ 480,638
Tanners and curriers..................................................................................... 581-584,630,632,634,635,638
Tobacco workers............................................................................................................... 568,632,634,638
Tobacco workers and cigar makers.................................................................................. 569,570,629,638

2313—No 82—09----- 15

692

INDEX TO VOLUME 18,
Page.

Disputes, labor, in Canada, 1906..........................................................................................................
97
Drivers and teamsters, mortality of, from consumption........................................... 481-486,628-630,636-638
Dust, municipal and general organic, mortality from consumption in occupations exposing to. (See
Consumption, mortality from, in occupations exposing to municipal and general organic dust.)
E.
Economic progress of Boumania, 1866 to 1906...................................................................................
Employm entConditions of, and wages of employees in Magdeburg, 1906.........................................................
Distribution of, among men, women, and children in Great Britain, influence of factory acts
upon............................................................................................................................................
Of children outside of factories and workshops in Great Britain.................................................
Of women and children in Great Britain, social and economic effect of legislation regulating..
Of women in industry, Italy, 1903 and 1904..................................................................................
Employment bureaus, free, operations of, i n Maryland, 1907 and 1908.................................................................................................................
Massachusetts, 1907........................................................................................................................
Michigan, 1908................................................................................................................................

659-661
100,101
65-71
23-27
47
111-114
90,641
393
642

F.
Factories and workshops in Great Britain, report of chief inspector of, 1907............
Factories in North Carolina, statistics of, 1907:
Furniture....................................................................................................................
Miscellaneous..............................................................................................................
Factories, mills, and shops built in Maine in 1908...........................................................
Factory laws in Great Britain:
Administration of.......................................................................................................
Discussion of provisions relating to women and children.........................................
Effect of provisions of, shortening hours of work......................................................
Influence of, upon distribution of employment among men, women, and children.
Influence of, upon general welfare of workers...........................................................
Influence of, upon industry.......................................................................................
Influence of, upon wages of women and children.....................................................
Proposed amendments to...........................................................................................
Factory workers, women, in Illinois, statistics of, 1906...................................................
Fair wages schedules in Canada, use of, 1906-7................................................................
Farm labor in North Dakota, statistics of, 1905 and 1907................................................
Farmers in North Carolina, condition of, 1907.................................................................
France: Home work in Paris, report of French labor office on.......................................
Fruit and vegetable canning in New Jersey, 1907................................................... ........
Furniture factories in North Carolina, statistics of, 1907.................................................

___

101-103

............ 94,95
............ 93,94
............ 639,640
.............

............
............
............
............
............
............
............

........

8-11

1-7
48-53
65-71
71-81
81-83
53-65

11,12

........... 96,97
395,396,646,647
............ 92,93
............ 403,404

Germany:
Conditions of employment and the wages of employees in Magdeburg, 1906.............................. 100,101
Cooperative societies in Bavaria, report of Bavarian Statistical Bureau on, 1902,1903, and 1905 98-100
Glass, manufacture of, in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907................................ 401,402
Glove makers, mortality of, from consumption............................................................... 588-592,628,636-638
Grain handlers and elevator men, mortality of, from consumption...................................... 498-503,636-638
Great Britain:
Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, report of, for the year 1907................................... 101-103
dangerous trades, establishments in.......................................................................................
103
industrial accidents.................................................................................................................
102
industrial poisoning................................................................................................................. 102,103
Compensation for industrial diseases............................................................................................. 103,104
Factory laws. (See Factory laws in Great Britain.)
Home work, reports of select committees on, in 1907 and 1908.................................................... 104-110
Wages Boards and Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Acts of Australia and New Zealand,
report on, to the Home Department..........................................................................................110,111
Woman and child wage-earners. (See Woman and child wage-earners in Great Britain.)

H.
Half-time system in Great Britain.........................................................................
Harness and saddle makers, mortality of, from consumption...............................
Home work in—
Great Britain, reports of select committees on, in 1907 and 1908....................
Paris, report of French labor office on.............................................................
Hours of labor—
Effect of provisions shortening, in Great Britain............................................
In Italian bakeries............................................................................................
Hours of labor and rates of wages in Massachusetts..............................................
Housing problem in Spain, report of the Spanish Institute of Social Reforms on

.................. 12-23
584-587,628,630-638
.................. 104-110
.................. 403,404
.................. 48-53
.................. 653,654
..................
393
.................. 116-123

I.
Illinois, working women in factories in, statistics of, 1906..........................................................
Immigration to Maryland, 1908.................................................. ..............- - - — • • .......... - *-India-rubber and asbestos industries in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907.
Industrial accidents i n Canada, 1906..........................................................................................................................
Great Britain, 1907................................................................................................................
Oregon, 1907-8......................................................................................................................
Pennsylvania, 1907...............................................................................................................

642
402
97

102

647

INDEX TO VOLUME 18,

693

Page.
Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Acts and Wages Boards of Australia and New Zealand,
report on, to the Home Department of Great Britain.....................................................................110, 111
Industrial diseases, compensation for, in Great Britain..................................................................... 103,104
Industrial opportunities not yet utilized in Massachusetts.................... : ..........................................
389
Industrial poisoning in Great Britain, 1907........................................................................................ 102,103
Industries, leading, in New Hampshire, statistics of, 1907.................................................................
91
Industry, influence of factory acts upon, in Great Britain................................................................. 81-83
Influences affecting prices......................................................................................................................216,217
Inspection of clothing and other manufactures in Maryland, 1907 ..................................................... 89,90
Iron, steel, and tin-plate production in Pennsylvania, statistics of, 1907 .......................................... 397,398
Italy:
Employment of women in industry, 1903 and 1904...................................................................... 111-114
Hours of labor in bakeries............................................................................................................. 651-656
Manufacture of sulphur matches.....................................................................................................114-116
Night work in bakeries, discussion of law of March 22,1908, abolishing..................................... 656,657
Night work in bakeries, report on................................................................................................ 651-656
K.
Kansas, statistics of, 1906,1907, and 1908............................................................................................
Labor organizations.......................................................................................................................
Manufactures.................................................................................................................................
Strikes and labor difficulties.........................................................................................................
Wage-earners.................................................................................................................................

383-386
383-386
384-386
384-386
383-385

L.
Labor disputes in Canada, 1906............................................................... ...........................................
97
Labor unions, statistics of, in—
Canada, 1904 to 1906........................................................................... ...........................................
96
Kansas, 1906,1907, and 1908.............................................................. ........................................... 383-386
Maryland, 1907 and 1908.................................................................... ....................................... 90,91,641
Oregon, 1907 and 1908........................................................................ ...........................................
647
Laws, factory, in Great Britain. (See Factory laws in Great Britain.)
Laws relating to labor. (See Cumulative index of labor laws ana decisions relating thereto,
pp. 687 and 688.)
Leather workers, mortality of, from consumption................................. ....................... 574-580,629,636-638
M.
Machinery and electrical apparatus, construction of, in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor
office on, 1908.....................................................................................................................................
402
Magdeburg, conditions of employment and wages of employees in, 1906.......................................... 100,101
Maine, statistics of, 1908....................................................................................................................... 639,640
Child labor.....................................................................................................................................
640
Factories, mills, and shops built................................................................................................... 639,640
Manufacture of—
Beet-sugar in Michigan in 1908......................................................................................................
643
Paper in Michigan in 1908..............................................................................................................
642
Sulphur matches in Italy................................................................................................................ 114-116
Manufactures, statistics of, in—
Kansas, 1906,1907, and 1908.......................................................................................................... 384-386
Massachusetts, 1905,1906, and 1907................. .•............................................................................ 389-395
New Hampshire, 1907.................................................................................................................... 91,92
New Jersey, 1907............................................................................................................................ 643-645
Pennsylvania, 1907......................................................................................................................... 396,397
Bhode Island.................................................................................................................................
648
Maryland, statistics of................................................................................................................ 89-91,640-642
Child labor and its enforcement, 1907 and 1908........................................................................ 89,640,641
Cost of living, 1908.........................................................................................................................
641
Free employment agency, 1907 and 1908...................................................................................... 90,641
Immigration, 1908..........................................................................................................................
642
Inspection of clothing and other manufactures, 1907................................................................... 89,90
Labor unions, 1907 and 1908....................................................................................................... 90,91,641
Strikes and lockouts, 1907 and 1908............................................................................................... 91,641
Unemployment, 1908..................................................................................................................... 641,642
Massachusetts, statistics of....................................................................................................... *.......... 386-395
Free employment offices, 1907.......................................................................................................
393
Industrial opportunities not yet utilized......................................................................................
389
Manufactures, 1905,1906, and 1907................................................................................................ 389-395
Strikes and lockouts 1906 and 1907............................................................................................... 386-389
Wages, rates of, and hours of labor, 1907.......................................................................................
393
Matches, sulphur, manufacture of, in Italy.......................................................................................... 114-116
Michigan, statistics of, 1908.................................................................................................................. 642,643
Beet-sugar manufacture.................................................................................................................
643
Coal industry.................................................................................................................................
643
Free employment bureaus.............................................................................................................
642
Paper manufacture........................................................................................................................
642
Millers, flour, mortality of, from consumption...................................................................... 503-518,628-638
Mines, coal. (See Coal mines.)
Minimum Wage Act, 1908, New South Wales.................................................................................... 86,87
Minimum wage, outwork and sweating in Great Britain.................................................................. 36-47
Minimum wage. (See also Wages boards.)
Mining and manufactures in Pennsylvania, general statistics of, 1907............................................... 396,397
Mortality from consumption in occupations exposing to municipal and general organic dust. (See
Consumption, mortality from, in occupations exposing to municipal and general organic dust.)

694

INDEX TO VOLUME 18,
Page.

Municipal and general organic dust, mortality from consumption in occupations exposing to. (See
Consumption, mortality from, in occupations exposing to municipal and general organic dust.)
Municipal dust, occupations with exposure to, mortality from consumption in ................. 475-497,628-638
Carmen and carriers................ ; ........................................................................................ 486,487,631-634
Carters, carriers, and van men...................................................................................................... 634,635
Coachmen, cabmen, and men employed in omnibus service............................. 488-490,631-634,636-638
Drivers and teamsters......................................................................................... 481-487,628-630,636-638
Street cleaning and refuse disposal................................................................................... 475-481,636-638
Subway employees................... .*................................................................................................... 490-495
Municipal dust, summary of conclusions regarding occupations with exposure to........................... 495-497
N.

Nebraska, statistics of, 1905 and 1906..
New Hampshire, statistics of, 1907
91.92
91
Leading industries.........................
Statistics of manufactures.............
91.92
643-646
New Jersey, statistics of.....................
645,646
Cost of living, 1908.........................
646
Fruit and vegetable canning, 1907.
646
Industrial chronology, 1908...........
Industrial depression, 1907...........
645
Manufactures, statistics of, 1907...
643-645
Railroads, steam, 1908...................
645
New South Wales:
Minimum Wage Act, 1908.............................................................................................................. 86,87
Registration of work people, report on, 1906.................................................................................. 657-659
New Zealand and Australia, Wages Boards and Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Acts of,
report on............................................................................................................................................. 110,111
Night work in Italian bakeries—
Law of March 22, 1908, abolishing, discussion o f........................................................................ 656,657
Report on......................................................................................................................................... 651-656
North Carolina, statistics of, 1907......................................................................................................... 92-95
Cotton, woolen, and knitting mills...............................................................................................
94
Farmers, condition of.................................................................................................................... 92,93
Furniture factories......................................................................................................................... 94,95
Miscellaneous factories................................................................................................................... 93,94
Railroad employees........................................................................................................................
95
Trades, condition of.......................................................................................................................
93
North Dakota, statistics of, 1905 and 1907............................................................................. 395,396,646,647
Farm labor........................................................................................................................ 395,396,646,647
Coalmines...................................................................................................................................... 396,647
O.

Occupations with exposure to general organic dust. (See Organic dust, general, occupations with
exposure to.)
Occupations with exposure to municipal dust. (See Municipal dust, occupations with exposure
to.)
Oregon, statistics of, 1907 and 1908................................. 1....................................................................
647
Accidents........................................................................................................................................
647
Labor organizations.......................................................................................................... *.......
647
Strikes and lockouts.......................................................................................................................
647
Organic dust, general, occupations with exposure to, mortality from consumption in.................... 498-638
Bakers and confectioners.................................................................................................. 518-537,628-638
Boot and shoe makers....................................................................................................... 592-603,628-638
Buttons, pearl and bone, manufacture of........................................................................ 606-615,636-638
Cigar makers and packers..............................................................................................................
571
Cigar makers and tobacco workers...................................................................... 566-571,628-634,636-638
Cigars and cigarettes, manufacture of............................................................................................ 545-571
Comb manufacture...........................................................................................................................615-623
Cork cutting and grinding............................................................................................................. 603-606
Flour millers...................................................................................................................... 503-518,628-638
Glove makers.............................................................................................................. 588-592,628,636-638
Grain handling and storage.............................................................................................. 498-503,636-638
Leather workers.......................................................................................................... 574-580,629,636-638
Saddle and harness makers........................................................................................ 584-587,628,630-638
Snuff manufacture......................................................................................................................... 571-574
Starch manufacture........................................................................................................................ 537-541
Tanners, curriers, and beamers.................................................................................. 580-584,628,630-638
Tobacco and cigar dealers.................................................................................. .................... 570,637,638
Tobacco industry........................................................................................................................... 541-545
Tobacco workers and cigar makers..................................................................... 566-571,628-634,636-638
Organic dust, summary of conclusions regarding occupations with exposure to................................ 623-627
Outwork, sweating, and the minimum wage in Great Britain.......................................................... 36-47
P.

Paper manufacture in Michigan...........................................................................................................
Paris, home work in, report of French labor office on........................................................................
Pennsylvania, statistics of, 1907...........................................................................................................
Coal mining.....................................................................................................................................
Industrial accidents........................................................................................................................
Iron, steel, and tin-plate production.............................................................................................
Manufactures and mining...............................................................................................................
Textile industries........................................................................................i...................................
Poisoning, industrial, in Great Britain, 1907.......................................................................................
Pottery industries in Belgium, monograph of Belgium labor office on.........*..................................
Prices, wholesale, 1890 to 1908. (See wholesale prices, 1890 to 1908.)

642
403,404
396-400
399
396
397,398
396,397
400
102,103
401

INDEX TO VOLUME 18,

695

Page.

Railroad employees in North Carolina, statistics of, 1907....................................................................
95
Railroads, steam, in New Jersey, statistics of, 1908............................................................................
645
Registration of workpeople in New South Wales, report on, 1906..................................................... 657-659
Rhode Island, statistics of, 1908........................................................................................................... 647,648
Roumania, economic progress of, 1866 to 1906.................................................................................... 659-661
Rubber and asbestos industries in Belgium, monograph of Belgian labor office on, 1907.................
402
Saddle and harness makers, mortality of, from consumption......................................... 584-587,628,630-638
Shoemakers, mortality of, from consumption........................................................................ 592-603,628-638
Snuff makers, mortality of, from consumption................................................................................... 571-574
Spain, housing problem in, report of the Spanish Institute of Social Reform on..............................116-123
Starch makers, mortality of, from consumption................................................................................. 537-541
Steel, iron, and tin-plate production in Pennsylvania, statistics of, 1907........................................... 397,398
Street cleaners, mortality of, from consumption.................................................................... 475-481,636-638
Street trading by children in Great Britain........................................................................................ 27-36
Strikes and lockouts i n Kansas, 1906,1907, and 1908 ........................................................................................................... 384-386
Maryland, 1907 and 1908................................................................................................................. 91,641
Massachusetts, 1906 and 1907......................................................................................................... 386-389
Oregon, 1907 and 1908.....................................................................................................................
647
Subway employees, mortality of, from consumption.......................................................................... 490-495
Sulphur matches, manufacture of, in Italy......................................................................................... 114-116
Sweating, outwork, and the minimum wage in Great Britain........................................................... 36-47
T.
Tanners, curriers, and beamers, mortality of, from consumption................................... 580-584,628,630-638
Textile industries in Philadelphia, statistics of, 1907....................... 1................................................
400
Tin-plate, iron, and steel production in Pennsylvania, statistics of, 1907.......................................... 397,398
Tobacco and cigar dealers, mortality of, from consumption........................................................ 570,637,638
Tobacco growers, mortality of, from consumption.............................................................................. 541-545
Tobacco workers and cigar makers, mortality of, from consumption...................... 566-571,628-634,636-638
Trades, condition of, in North Carolina, 1907......................................................................................
93
W.
Wage Act, Minimum, 1908, New South Wales.................................................................................... 86,87
Wage-earners, statistics of, i n Canada, 1901................................................................................................................................... 649-651
Kansas, 1906,1907, and 1908........................................................................................................... 383-385
Wage-earners, woman and child, in Great Britain. (See Woman and child, in Great Britain.)
Wages Boards and Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Acts of Australia and New Zealand,
report on, to the Home Department of Great Britain..................................................................... 110, 111
Wages of employees and conditions of employment in Magdeburg................................................... 100,101
Wages of women and children in Great Britain, influence of factory acts upon............................... 53-65
Wages, rates of, and hours of labor in Massachusetts, 1907.................................................................
393
Wages, schedules, fair, use of, in Canada. 1906-7 ................................................................................. 96,97
Welfare, general, of workers in Great Britain, influence of factory acts upon................................... 71-81
Wholesale prices, 1890 to 1908............................................................................................................... 195-382
Average yearly actual and relative prices of commodities, 1890 to 1908, and base prices (average
for 1890-1899)......................................................................................................................... 239,338-364
Explanation of tables...................................................................................................................... 217-248
Influences affecting prices................................................................................................................216,217
Monthly actual and relative prices of commodities in 1908 and base prices (average for 18901899)................................................................................................................................ 228-231,306-324
Monthly relative prices of commodities in 1908 ............................................................... 231-239,325-337
Prices of commodities—
by months, January, 1904, to December, 1908........................................................................ 211-216
1908 compared with 1907.......................................................................................................... 196-204
1908 compared with previous years back to 1890.................................................................... 204-210
in 1908...........: ............................................................................................................. 218-228,249-299
relative, of certain groups of related articles, 1908.................................................................. 237,238
relative, of certain groups of related articles, 1890 to 1908...................................................... 245-247
Yearly relative prices of commodities, 1890 to 1908.......................................................... 239-248,365-382
Woman and child wage-earners in Great Britain:
Conclusions regarding conditions of women and children............................................................ 83-85
Employment of children outside of factories and workshops....................................................... 23-27
Factory laws relating to women and children—
administration of.....................................................................................................................
8-11
discussion of provisions of.......................................................................................................
1-7
effect of provisions of, shortening hours of work.................................................................... 48-53
influence of, upon distribution of employment among men, women, and children............ 65-71
influence of, upon general welfare of workers......................................................................... 71-81
influence of, upon industry..................................................................................................... 81-83
influence of, upon wages of women and children................................................................... 53-65
proposed amendments to........................................................................................................
11,12
Half-time system............................................................................................................................ 12-23
Outwork, sweating, and the minimum wage............................................................................... 36-47
Social and economic effect of legislation regulating employment of women and children............
47
Street trading by children............................................................................................................. 27-36
Women in industry, employment of, in Italy, 1903 and 1904............................................................. 111-114
Women working in factories in Illinois, statistics of...........................................................................
88
Woolen, cotton, and knitting mills in North Carolina, statistics of...................................................
94
Workers, general welfare of, m Great Britain, influence of factory acts upon................................... 71-81
Working women in factories in Illinois, statistics of, 1906...............................................................
88
Work people in New South Wales, registration of, report on, 1906.................................................. 657-659

DIRECTORY OF BUREAUS OF LABOR IN THE UNITED STATES
AND IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES.
Name of bureau.

Title of chief officer.

Location of bureau.

United States Bureau of Labor...........
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and
Statistics.
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Statistics..............................
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Labor and Industry............
Department of Agriculture, Labor,
and Statistics.
Bureau of Statistics of Labor...............
Bureau of Industrial and Labor Sta
tistics.
Bureau of Industrial Statistics............
Bureau of Statistics..............................
Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta
tistics.
Bureau of Labor...................................
Bureau of Labor Statistics and In
spection.
Bureau of Agriculture, Labor, and
Industry.
Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta
tistics.
Bureau of Labor...................................
Bureau of Statistics of Labor and In
dustries.
Department of Labor...........................
Bureau of Labor and Printing.............
Department of Agriculture and Labor.
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Department of Labor...........................
Bureau of Labor Statistics and In
spection of Factories and Workshops.
Bureau of Industrial Statistics............
Bureau of Labor...................................
Bureau of Industrial Statistics............
Department of Agriculture, Commerce,
and Industries.
Bureau of Labor Statistics...................
Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta
tistics.
Bureau of Labor...................................
Bureau of Labor...................................
Bureau of Labor and Industrial Sta
tistics.

Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Deputy Commissioner.
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............

Washington, D. C.
San Francisco.
Denver.
Hartford.
Boise.

Secretary.....................
Chief............................
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Commissioner..............

Springfield.
Indianapolis.
Des Moines.
Topeka.
Frankfort.

State.
UNITED STATES.

United States........
California..............
Colorado................
Connecticut...........
Idaho.....................
Illinois...................
Indiana.................
Iowa......................
Kansas..................
Kentucky..............
Louisiana..............
Maine....................
Maryland..............
Massachusetts.......
Michigan...............
Minnesota.............
Missouri.................
Montana................
Nebraska...............
New Hampshire...
New Jersey............
New York.............
North Carolina___
North Dakota.......
Ohio......................
Oklahoma.............
Oregon...................
Pennsylvania........
Philippine Islands.
Rhode Island........
South Carolina___
Texas....................
Virginia.................
Washington..........
West Virginia.......
Wisconsin.............

Commissioner............. Baton Rouge.
Commissioner.............. Augusta.
Chief............................ Baltimore.
Director....................... Boston.
Commissioner............. Lansing.
Commissioner............. St. Paul.
Commissioner............. Jefferson City.
Commissioner.............. Helena.
Deputy Commissioner. Lincoln.
Commissioner............. Concord.
Chief............................ Trenton.
Albany.
Raleigh.
Bismarck.

Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............
Commissioner.............

Columbus.

Chief............................
Director.......................
Commissioner..............
Commissioner..............

Harrisburg.
Manila.
Providence.
Columbia.

Guthrie.
Salem.

Commissioner............. Austin.
Commissioner............. Richmond.
Commissioner............. Olympia.
Commissioner............. Wheeling.
Commissioner............. Madison.

FOREIGN COUN
TRIES.

Argentina.............. Departamento Nacional del Trabajo..
Austria.................. K. K. Arbeitsstatistisches Amt im
Handelsministerium.
Belgium................. Office du Travail (Minist&re de rIn
dustrie et du Travail).
Canada.................. Department of Labor...........................
Canada: Ontario.. Bureau of Labor (Department of
Public Works).
Chile...................... Oficina de Estadfstica del Trabajo___
Finland................. Industristyrelsen (a).............................
France................... Office du Travail (Minist6re du Tra
vail et de la PrGvoyance Sociale).
Germany............... Abteilung fur Arbeiterstatistik, Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt.
Great Britain and Labor Department (Board of Trade)..
Ireland.

Presidente...........
Vorstand.............

Buenos Aires.
Wien.

Directeur General.

Bruxelles.

Minister of Labor.
Secretary.............

Ottawa.
Toronto.

Jefe......................

Santiago.
Helsingfors.
Directeur.................... Paris.
President.................. Berlin.
Commissioner of La London.
bor.

a Issues a bulletin of labor.

697

698

DIRECTORY OF BUREAUS OF LABOR.
State.

Name of bureau.

Title of chief officer.

Location of bureau.

FOREIGN COUN
TRIES—con’d.

Italy...................... Ufficio del Lavoro (Ministero di Agricoltura Industria e Commercio).
Netherlands.......... CeDtraal Bureau voor de Statistiek(a).
New South Wales. State Labor Bureau.............................
New Zealand......... Department of Labor...........................
Spain..................... Institute de Reformas Sociales............
Sweden.................. Afdelning for Arbetsstatistik (Kgl.
Kommerskollegii).
Switzerland........... Secretariat Ouvrier Suisse (semioffi
cial).
Uruguay................ Oficina del Trabajo (Ministero de
Industrias Trabajo e Instruccidn
Pdblica).
International Labor Office...................
International.

Direttore Generate___ Rome.
Directeur.....................
Director of Labor.......
Minister of Labor.......
Secretario General__
Direktor......................

'S-Gravenhage.
Sydney.
Wellington.
Madrid.
Stockholm.

Secretaire.................... Zurich.
Montevideo.
Director....................... Basle, Switzerland.

a Issues a bulletin of labor.

LEADING ARTICLES IN PAST NUMBERS OF THE BULLETIN,
No. 1. Private and public debt in the United States, by George K. Holmes.(a)
Employer and employee under the common law, by Y. H. Olmsted and
S. D. Fessenden.(o)
No. 2. The poor colonies of Holland, by J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.(«)
The industrial revolution in Japan, by William Eleroy Curtis, (a)
Notes concerning the money of the U. S. and other countries, by W. C. Hunt.(«)
The wealth and receipts and expenses of the U. S., by W. M. Steuart.(o)
No. 3. Industrial communities: Coal Mining Co. of Anzin, by W. F. Willoughby.
No. 4. Industrial communities: Coal Mining Co. of Blanzy, by W. F. Willoughby.(a)
The sweating system, by Henry White. (®)
No. 5. Convict labor.
Industrial communities: Krupp Iron and Steel Works, by W. F. Willoughby. No. 6. Industrial communities: Familist&re Society of Guise, by W. F. Willoughby.(«)
Cooperative distribution, by Edward W. Bemis, Ph. D.(«)
No. 7. Industrial communities: Various communities, by W. F. Willoughby.(«)
Rates of wages paid under public and private contract, by Ethelbert S.tewart.(«)
No. 8. Conciliation and arbitration in the boot and shoe industry, by T. A. Carroll.(«)
Railway relief department, by Emory R. Johnson, Ph. D.(«)
No. 9. The padrone system and padrone banks, by John Koren.(«)
The Dutch Society for General Welfare, by* J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.(«)
No. 10. Condition of the Negro in various cities.(a)
Building and loan associations. (<*)
No. 11. Workers at gainful occupations at censuses of 1870, 1880, and 1890, by W. C.
Hunt.
Public baths in Europe, by Edward Mussey Hartwell, Ph. D., M. D.
No. 12. The inspection of factories and workshops in the U. S., by W. F. Wil
loughby. («)
Mutual rights and duties of parents and children, guardianship, etc., under
the law, by F. J. Stimson.(a)
The municipal or cooperative restaurant of Grenoble, France, by C. O.
Ward. («)
No. 13. The anthracite mine laborers, by G. 0 . Virtue, Ph. D.(«)
No. 14. The Negroes of Farmville, Va.: A social study, by W. E. B. Du Bois, Ph. D.(«)
Incomes, wages, and rents in Montreal, by Herbert Brown Ames, B. A.(«)
No. 15. Boarding homes and clubs for working women, by Mary S. Fergusson.(«)
The trade union label, by John Graham Brooks.(«)
No. 16. Alaskan gold fields and opportunities for capital and labor, by S. C. Dunham.
No. 17. Brotherhood relief and insurance of railway employees, by E. R. Johnson.
Ph. D.(<*)
The nations of Antwerp, by J. Howard Gore, Ph. D.(«)
No. 18. Wages in the United States and Europe, 1870 to 1898.(a)
No. 19. Alaskan gold fields and opportunities for capital and labor, by S. C. Dun. ham.(«)
Mutual relief and benefit associations in the printing trade, by W. S.
Waudby.(a)
No. 20. Conditions of railway labor in Europe, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
No. 21. Pawnbroking in Europe and the United States, by W. R. Patterson, Ph. D.
No. 22. Benefit features of American trade unions, by Edward W. Bemis, Ph. D.(«)
The Negro in the black belt: Some social sketches, by W. E. B. Du Bois.
Ph. D.(a)
Wages in Lyon, France, 1870 to 1896. («)
No. 23. Attitude of women’s clubs, etc., toward social economics, by Ellen M. Henrotin.(a)
The production of paper and pulp in the U. S. from January 1 to June 30,

a Bulletin out of print.

699

700

LEADING ARTICLES IN PAST NUMBERS OF THE BULLETIN.

No. 24. Statistics of cities.(«)
No. 25. Foreign labor laws: Great Britain and France, by W. F. Willoughby. (®)
No. 26. Protection of workmen in their employment, by S. D. Fessenden. («)
Foreign labor laws: Belgium and Switzerland, by W. F. Willoughby.(«)
No. 27. Wholesale prices: 1890 to 1899, by Roland P. Falkner, Ph. D.(a)
Foreign labor laws: Germany, by W. F. Willoughby.(«)
No. 28. Voluntary conciliation and arbitration in Great Britain, by J. B. McPher
son. («)
System of adjusting wages, etc., in certain rolling mills, by J. H. Nutt.(<*)
Foreign labor laws: Austria, by W. F. Willoughby.(a)
No. 29. Trusts and industrial combinations, by J. W. Jenks, Ph. D.
The Yukon and Nome gold regions, by S. C. Dunham.
Labor Day, by Miss M. C. de Graffenried.
No. 30. Trend of wages from 1891 to 1900.
Statistics of cities.
Foreign labor laws: Various European countries, by W. F. Willoughby.
No. 31. Betterment of industrial conditions, by V. H. Olmsted.
Present status of employers’ liability in the U. S., by S. D. Fessenden.
Condition of railway labor in Italy, by Dr. Luigi Einaudi.
No. 32. Accidents to labor as regulated by law in the U. S., by W. F. Willoughby.
Prices of commodities and rates of wages in Manila.
The Negroes of Sandy Spring, Md.: A social study, by W. T. Thom, Ph. D.
The British workmen’s compensation act and its operation, by A. M. Low.
No. 33. Foreign labor laws: Australasia and Canada, by W. F. Willoughby.
The British conspiracy and protection of property act and its operation, by
A. M. Low.
No. 34. Labor conditions in Porto Rico, by Azel Ames, M. D.
Social economics at the Paris Exposition, by Prof. N. P. Gilman.
The workmen’s compensation act of Holland.
No. 35. Cooperative communities in the United States, by Rev. Alexander Kent.
The Negro landholder of Georgia, by W. E. B. Du Bois, Ph. D.
No. 36. Statistics of cities.
Statistics of Honolulu, H. I.
No. 37. Railway employees in the United States, by Samuel McCune Lindsay,
Ph. D.(«)
The Negroes of Litwalton, Va.: A social study of the “ Oyster Negro,” by
William Taylor Thom, Ph. D.(«)
No. 38. Labor conditions in Mexico, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
The Negroes of Cinclare Central Factory ana Calumet Plantation, La., by
J. Bradford Laws.
No. 39. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1901.
No. 40. Present condition of the hand-working and domestic industries of Germany,
by Henry J. Harris, Ph. D.
Workmen’s compensation acts of foreign countries, by Adna F. Weber.
No. 41. Labor conditions in Cuba, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
Beef prices, by Fred C. Croxton.
No. 42. Statistics of cities.(«)
Labor conditions of Cuba.(a)
No. 43. Report to the President on anthracite coal strike, by Carroll D. Wright, (a)
No. 44. Factory sanitation and labor protection, by C. F. W. Doehring, Ph. D.
No. 45. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1902.
No. 46. Report of Anthracite Coal Strike Commission.
No. 47. Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii.
No. 48. Farm colonies of the Salvation Army, by Commander Booth Tucker.
The Negroes of Xenia, Ohio, by Richard R. Wright, jr., B. D.
No. 49. Cost of living.
Labor conditions in New Zealand, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
No. 50. Labor unions and British industry, by A. Maurice Low.(a)
Land values and ownership in Philadelphia, by A. F. Davies, (a)
No. 51. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1903.
The union movement among coal-mine workers, by Frank J. Warne, Ph. D.
No. 52. Child labor in the United States, by Hannah R. Sewall, Ph. D.
No. 53. Wages and cost of living.

aBulletin out of print.

LEADING ARTICLES IN PAST NUMBERS OP THE BULLETIN.

701

No. 54. The working of the United States Bureau of Labor, by Carroll D. Wright.
Bureaus of statistics of labor in the United States, by G. W. W. Hanger.
Bureaus of statistics of labor in foreign countries, by G. W. W. Hanger.
The value and influence of labor statistics, by Carroll D. Wright.
Strikes and lockouts in the United States, 1881 to 1900, by G. W. W. Hanger.
Wages in the United States and Europe, 1890 to 1903, by G. W. W. Hanger.
Cost of living and retail prices in the United States, 1890 to 1903, by G. W. W.
Hanger.
Wholesale prices in the United States, 1890 to 1903, by G. W. W. Hanger.
Housing of the working people in the United States by employers, by G. W. W.
Hanger.
Public baths in the United States, by G. W. W. Hanger.
Trade and technical education in the United States.
Hand and machine labor in the United States.
Labor legislation in the United States, by G. A. Weber.
Labor conditions in Hawaii.
No. 55. Building and loan associations in the U. S., by G. W. W. Hanger.(a)
Revival of handicrafts in America, by Max West, Ph. D.(«)
No. 56. Influence of trade unions on immigrants, by Carroll D. Wright.
Labor conditions in Australia, by Victor S. Clark, Ph, D.
No. 57. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1904.
Street railway employment in the United States, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
State cooperative accident insurance fund of Maryland.
No. 58. Labor conditions in the Philippines, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
Labor conditions in Java, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
The new Russian workingmen’s compensation act, by I. M. Rubinow.
No. 59. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1904.
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1904.
Laws relating to child labor in European countries.
No. 60. Government industrial arbitration, by Leonard W. Hatch, A. M.
No. 61. Labor conditions in Porto Rico, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.(a)
Early organizations of printers, by Ethelbert Stewart, (a)
No. 62. Municipal ownership in Great Britain, by Frederic C. Howe, Ph. D.(a)
Conciliation in the stove industry, by John P. Frey and John R. Commons.(a)
Laws relating to the employment or children in the United States.(a)
No. 63. Course of wholesale prices, 1890 to 1905.
No. 64. Conditions of living among the poor, by S. E. Forman.
Benefit features of British trade unions, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.
No. 65. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1905.(a)
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1905.(«)
No. 66. Third report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii.
No. 67. Conditions of entrance to the principal trades, by Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D.,
and A. M. Sakolski, Ph. D.(«)
Cost of industrial insurance in the District of Columbia, by S. E. Forman.(a)
No. 68. Free public employment offices in the United States, by J. E. Conner, Ph. D. (a)
Laws of foreign countries relating to employees on railroads, by Lindley D.
Clark, A. M., LL. M.(<*)
No. 69. Wholesale prices, 1890 to 1906.
No. 70. The Italian on the land: A study in immigration, by Emily Fogg Meade.(°)
A short history of labor legislation in Great Britain, by A. Maurice Low.(a)
The British workmen’s compensation acts, by Launcelot Packer, B. L.(«)
No. 71. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1906.(a)
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1906.(«)
No. 72. Italian, Slavic, and Hungarian unskilled immigrant laborers in the United
States, by Frank J. Sheridan.(«)
Economic condition of the Jews in Russia, by I. M. Rubinow.(a)
No. 73. Laws relating to the employment of women and children.(«)
Laws relating to factory inspection and the health and safety of employees.(a)
No. 74. The legal liability of employers for injuries to their employees in the United
States, by Lindley D. Clark, A. M., LL. M.
Workmen’s compensation acts of foreign countries.
No. 75. Wholesale prices,. 1890 to 1907.
Industrial hygiene, by George M. Kober, M. D.

aBulletin out of print.

702

LEADING ARTICLES IN PAST NUMBERS OF THE BULLETIN.

No. 76. The Canadian Industrial Disputes Investigation Act of 1907, by Victor S.
Clark, Ph. D.
What is done for the unemployed in European countries, by W. D. P. Bliss.
No. 77. Wages and hours of labor in manufacturing industries, 1890 to 1907.
Retail prices of food, 1890 to 1907.
Cost of living of the working classes in the principal industrial towns of Great
Britain.
No. 78. Industrial accidents, by Frederick L. Hoffman.
Mexican labor in the United States, b y Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
Cost of living of the working classes in the principal industrial towns of
Germany.
No. 79. Mortality from consumption in dusty trades, by Frederick L. Hoffman.
Charity relief and wage earnings^ by S. E. Forman.
No. 80. Woman and child wage-earners in Great Britain, by Victor S. Clark, Ph. D.
No. 81. Wholesale prices, 1890 to 1908.

Full text of Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, Nos. 1 - 100 : May 1909 : Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, No. 82, Volume XVIII

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