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Banking and Community

ISSUE 2 2012

I

n view of the

economic downturn
and the enlarged wealth
gap, it is imperative
for policymakers to
examine the pathways
for American families to
build sufficient savings
to mitigate financial
shocks.

Perspectives
F e d e r a l

Rese r v e

B a n k

o f

Pathways to
Financial Advancement

D a l l a s

ISSUE 2 2012

Banking and
Community

Perspectives
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Community Development Office
P.O. Box 655906
Dallas, TX 75265-5906
Alfreda B. Norman
Vice President and
Community Development Officer
alfreda.norman@dal.frb.org
Wenhua Di
Senior Economist
wenhua.di@dal.frb.org
Julie Gunter
Senior Community Development Advisor
julie.gunter@dal.frb.org
Jackie Hoyer
Houston Branch
Senior Community Development Advisor
jackie.hoyer@dal.frb.org
Roy Lopez
Senior Community Development Advisor
roy.lopez@dal.frb.org
Emily Ryder
Community Development Analyst
emily.ryder@dal.frb.org

T

he recent Great Recession has adversely affected the financial situations of millions of American

households and raised awareness of the importance of building assets through savings and long-term relationships with mainstream financial institutions. Lower-cost financial products, savings and asset-building
programs inspired by behavioral insights, and consumer-friendly regulatory changes have been rapidly
developed to help low- and moderate-income families attain their financial objectives.
This issue of Banking and Community Perspectives summarizes some of the findings of a research
project conducted in a South Dallas neighborhood that has lagged behind economically. We empirically test
how gateways—basic transaction products and services and expanded financial knowledge—and stepping
stones—the more-sophisticated financial practices that foster asset building—can put households on a path
to financial security.
The findings suggest that connections exist between these gateways and stepping stones and beneficial
financial outcomes, providing insights for policies that seek to improve access to safe, low-cost financial
products and services and help low-income households build relationships within the financial mainstream.

Elizabeth Sobel Blum
Community Development Research
Associate
elizabeth.sobel-blum@dal.frb.org
Tammy Leonard
Former Scholar in Residence
Research Assistant Professor
University of Texas at Dallas
leonard@utdallas.edu
Editor: Kathy Thacker
Designer: Samantha Coplen
Researchers and Writers: Wenhua Di,
Tammy Leonard and Emily Ryder

Alfreda B. Norman
Vice President and Community Development Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

April 2012
The views expressed are the authors’ and
should not be attributed to the Federal
Reserve Bank of Dallas or the Federal
Reserve System. Articles may be reprinted
if the source is credited and a copy is
provided to the Community Development
Office.

This publication and our webzine,
e-Perspectives, are available on the
Dallas Fed website,
www.dallasfed.org.

2

Banking and Community Perspectives

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

Pathways to Financial Advancement:
A Case Study
By Wenhua Di, Tammy Leonard and Emily Ryder

M

ore than two years have
passed since the end of the Great Recession
in mid-2009. The economy has yet to recover,
with unemployment hovering above 8 percent
at the national level. The housing market is
just starting to gradually improve. Mortgage
underwriting criteria remain stringent, and potential homebuyers have become more cautious
about their investment. Despite some signs of
moderate production and consumption growth,
income has remained largely stagnant.
According to official poverty estimates
by the Census Bureau, the Great Recession
raised the poverty rate of U.S. households to
15.1 percent in 2010 from 12.5 percent in 2007.
Household wealth plummeted as home equity
shrank by more than half from its 2006 level.1
Wealth disparities among households have
persisted. The Pew Research Center recently
examined net worth among race and ethnic
groups with the Survey of Income and Program
Participation, which provides asset information
before and after the recession.2 It found that the
recession eroded all progress made in narrowing the wealth gap between white households
and households of color. In fact, the ratio of
median wealth of white households to that
of Hispanic or black households has reached
nearly 20 to 1. This gap is the largest in 25 years
of data collection.

Financial Opportunities for All
In view of the economic downturn and the
enlarged wealth gap, it is imperative for policymakers to examine the pathways for American
families to build sufficient savings to mitigate
financial shocks. For many who struggle to
make ends meet or are unemployed, it becomes

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

While some studies find that financial
even more critical to preserve limited income
and assets by using safe and affordable financial skills are positively related to financial outcomes, others observe that they have no improducts and services.
pact on knowledge and behavior. Many more
The ability to access transaction accounts
evaluations are compromised by data conat mainstream financial institutions enables
straints and measurement issues. What is clear
low-income households to make payments and
from the literature is that financial knowledge
deposits, cash checks and send remittances for
alone is by no means a panacea for economic
relatively low cost. Transaction-account owners
stagnation and inequality. Only when it is
can use other products and services, includcombined with access, opportunity and policy
ing savings accounts and long-term investment
can it be transformed into financial capability.
products for education and retirement, at the
In other words, financial knowledge can be
same financial institutions. Empirical studies
effective when coupled with opportunities to
find that households with transaction accounts
use such knowledge.
are 43 percent more likely to have positive net
When making financial decisions,
worth than those without, even when control3
households have various objectives and
ling for income and other factors.
Another commonly
considered entryway to
South Dallas Research Area
saving and asset building is through financial
0
2.5
5 Miles
Research area
training and education.
City of Dallas
Counties
Conceptually, increases in
financial comprehension
could lead to adoption of
and success with advanced financial products.
Many financial education
programs—private, public
and nonprofit—have been
Downtown
created and funded to encourage this relationship.
However, evaluations of
these programs are scarce,
and the existing few have
shown limited and often
ambiguous effectiveness
in increasing financial
stability.4
75

I 35

635

30

183

12

30

80

30

408

45

I 35

20

20

Banking and Community Perspectives

3

Lower-income households may be subject
to more financial and behavioral con-

Figure 1

Conceptual Framework for Financial Advancement
Gateways

straints than higher-income households
and have less access to financial tools.

Stepping stones

Financial education:
Knowledge of financial systems
and resources
Understanding of how to
establish plans and set
financial goals

Financial actions:
Own low-cost basic
transaction accounts
Use affordable savings-andloan products

Financial transaction
products and services:

savings horizons and are subject to different constraints. The framework for studying
household decisions has expanded in recent
decades to recognize differences among
households in time and risk preference, trust,
social identity, cognitive ability, etc. Observed
household behavior may deviate from optimal
decisions based on assumptions of rationality.
In particular, lower-income households may
be subject to more financial and behavioral
constraints than higher-income households
and have less access to financial tools; therefore, their decisions may appear suboptimal if
their unique circumstances are not adequately
considered.

South Dallas Residents: A Case Study
In an effort to examine the effectiveness of
potential pathways for lower-income households to escape poverty and build financial
assets, we create a conceptual model depicting
“gateways” and “stepping stones” to better financial outcomes (Figure 1).
Checking accounts and their linked
financial tools (ATMs, debit cards, direct-deposit
access, etc.) can be a first step to basic financial
transactions, saving accounts, mortgages and
other loan products, as well as to the ability
and willingness to seek professional financial
advice. The model suggests these products and
services will in turn enable households to be
more financially sophisticated, make long-term
saving plans and use other investment tools to
reach asset-building goals. Financial knowledge
equips households with money-management
skills and helps them become familiar with
financial products that suit their needs.

4

Outcomes

Seek financial advice from
professional

Improved capacity to build
financial assets:
Savings
Sound credit
Investments

Checking account, debit card,
prepaid card, ATM

Project Overview
As a component of a larger study of the
impact of public investment on the well-being
of residents in a South Dallas neighborhood,
we empirically test how financial outcomes
are related to the gateways and stepping
stones in the conceptual framework.5 The
South Dallas Fair Park neighborhood is two
miles southeast of downtown Dallas and is
home to more than 15,300 residents. It is
one of the poorest areas in Dallas County.
Over the last decade, the Fair Park area has
received public investment from various
sources, including funding for the construction of a new light rail line, a city bond for
development around the rail station, funding
for a Tax Increment Financing District that
provides private investors a mechanism to recover infrastructure investments, and a HOPE
VI award for housing development.6
Participants, preferentially families with
children, were recruited by community-based
field researchers to complete the data collection. The information on financial behavior
and product usage collected provides measures of the three components in our conceptual model. We use participants’ knowledge
of financial systems and whether they own a
checking account to describe gateways. We
use four indicators to determine household
engagement in activities that can be stepping
stones: 1) willingness to seek professional

Banking and Community Perspectives

financial advice, 2) savings account ownership, 3) mortgage possession and 4) paycheck
cashing through direct deposit or at a bank.
The financial outcomes are measured by
whether the families save for emergencies and
whether they report having a consistent savings
plan. In addition, the families were asked if
they would advise a friend who has received
monetary gifts to invest in a financial institution.
The question does not ask about participants’
own choices but assesses the likelihood of a
participant recommending that others invest in
mainstream financial institutions.7 This survey
method seeks to mitigate bias in self-reported
behavior.8 The definitions of the variables used
in the analysis are presented in Table 1.
The “financial knowledge” variable is
based on answers to a five-question test about
financial systems and represents the percentage
of questions answered correctly.9 On average,
participants answered 63 percent of the financial
knowledge questions correctly. Other summary
statistics are as follows: Sixty-nine percent of
participants own a checking account, while 54
percent have a savings account and 55 percent
cash paychecks through direct deposit or at a
bank. About 17 percent seek professional financial advice, and 17 percent have a mortgage.
About 38 percent save for emergencies, and 84
percent would advise a friend who received
a large monetary gift to invest it in a financial
institution. About 76 percent of the households

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

Table 1

Variable Descriptions in the South Dallas Project
Variable

Description

Checking account

Gateways
Participant has a checking account

Financial knowledge

Participant’s score on test of knowledge of financial systems

Professional advice

Stepping stones
Participant seeks the advice of a professional financial adviser or financial counseling organization
when making major financial decisions

Savings account

Participant has a savings account

Mortgage

Participant has a mortgage

Cash paychecks at bank

Participant cashes paycheck through direct deposit or at a bank

Save for emergencies

Outcomes
Participant saves for emergencies

Gender

Measures the rigor of participant’s savings plan: 1=participant does not save; 2=participant saves but
no set plan; 3=participant has consistent savings plan
Participant would advise a friend to invest a monetary gift in a U.S. savings bond, checking account,
savings account or stocks
Sociodemographic characteristics
Participant is male or female

Age

Participant’s age at time of survey

Married

Participant is married or living with a partner

Kids

Participant has one or more household member under 18 years of age

Black

Participant is black

Savings plan
Advise friend to invest in
financial institution

High school dropout

Participant attended some high school, but did not receive a diploma

High school diploma

Participant’s highest educational attainment is a high school diploma or GED

Some college but no degree

Participant attended some college but did not complete a degree

College degree

Participant’s highest educational attainment is a college degree or more

Income categories

Household income is less than $10,000, between $10,000 and $20,000, or $20,000 or more

Unemployed

Participant has been unemployed in the past 12 months

Savings horizon

Behavioral measures
Time period participant considers when making savings decisions, ranging from 1 (next few months)
to 5 (longer than 10 years)
Participant’s trust in banks, ranging from 1 (complete trust) to 4 (no trust)

Trust in banks

Table 2

Characteristics of the South Dallas Sample
All sample

Gateway
No
checking
account

Checking
account

Stepping stone
Savings
account

No savings
account

Outcome
Savings
plan

No savings
plan

Gender (%)
Male

40.8

39.8

43.1

41.2

40.4

39.0

41.4

Female

59.2

60.2

56.9

58.8

59.6

61.0

58.7

Black

93.1

94.1

90.8

95.7

90.1

91.5

93.6

Other

6.9

5.9

9.2

4.3

9.9

8.5

6.4

Yes

48.3

52.7

38.5

51.3

44.7

47.6

48.5

No

51.7

47.3

61.5

48.7

55.3

52.4

51.5

Less than $10,000

50.0

41.8

67.9

35.8

66.5

42.7

52.3

Between $10,000 and $20,000

23.0

25.9

16.5

26.7

18.6

25.6

22.2

$20,000 or more

27.0

32.3

15.6

37.5

14.9

31.7

25.5

Yes

57.5

57.3

57.8

57.2

57.8

36.6

63.9

No

42.5

42.7

42.2

42.8

42.2

63.4

36.1

348

239

109

187

161

82

266

Ethnicity (%)

Children (%)

Income (%)

Unemployed (%)

Observations

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

report that they save, but only 24 percent save
with a set plan.
The demographic characteristics of the
residents include their gender, age, marital status, race, family composition, education, income
and employment status. We use two behavioral
measures: survey participants’ self-reported time
horizon for saving and level of trust in banks.
Specifically, participants were asked to identify
the most important time period for planning
their savings and finances, ranging from “the
next few months” to “more than 10 years.”
They were also asked to rate their level of trust
in banks on a scale from 1 to 4 in which 1 is
completely trusting and 4 is not at all trusting.
While 12 percent of respondents report that
they’re completely trusting of banks, about a
third indicate a relative distrust of banks.
Table 2 shows summary statistics for
one “gateway” measure, one “stepping stone”
measure and one “outcome” measure for South
Dallas residents by several sociodemographic
characteristics. These examples suggest that
bank account ownership does not vary substantially by gender, race and employment status
but is more likely when residents have higher
incomes or children. Further, when residents
are employed or have relatively higher incomes,
they are more likely to have a set savings plan.
Using multivariate regression methods,
we further examine the correlations among all
elements of the conceptual framework while
controlling for the sociodemographic characteristics, time preferences and trust level of the
respondents.10
From Gateways to Stepping Stones
We first estimate the relationship between
the gateway and stepping-stone measures,
controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and behavioral measures of the families.
The preliminary results suggest that owning a
checking account is positively related to owning a savings account, having a mortgage and
cashing paychecks through direct deposit or at
a bank. When other factors are held constant,
individuals with a checking account are 4.6
times as likely to have a savings account and
2.3 times as likely to have a mortgage or cash
their paychecks through direct deposit or at a

Banking and Community Perspectives

5

The preliminary results suggest that
owning a checking account is positively
related to owning a savings account,
having a mortgage and cashing paychecks
through direct deposit or at a bank.

bank. However, knowledge of financial systems
does not have a statistically significant relationship to any of the stepping-stone measures.

more likely to advise a friend to invest in a financial institution and 8.5 percent more likely
to report some savings behavior.

From Stepping Stones to Financial Outcomes
We also examine how the outcome measures are related to stepping-stone measures,
holding other factors constant. We find that
many of the stepping-stone measures are
related to the outcome measures. Individuals
who report that they would seek professional
financial advice are more likely to save with
a plan and also more likely to advise friends
to invest in a financial institution. Participants
with a savings account are more likely to
save. Also, participants who cash their paychecks through direct deposit or at a bank are
more likely to save for emergencies.

Financial Decisions by Demographic
Characteristic
Financial decisions of the South Dallas
residents vary by demographic characteristic. Older individuals are more likely than
younger ones to have a mortgage or cash
their paychecks through direct deposit or at a
bank. Younger respondents are more likely to
save for emergencies but less likely to have a
rigorous savings plan. Black respondents are
less likely than others to seek professional
advice but more likely to have a savings
account. Higher incomes are related to an
increased likelihood of seeking professional
advice or owning a savings account. Respondents living in households with children are
more likely to save for emergencies. Households headed by a married couple or cohabitating partners also tend to save. Having a
college degree is strongly associated with an
increased likelihood of saving for emergencies, while respondents unemployed in the
past year are less likely to have a set savings
plan than those with jobs.

From Gateways to Financial Outcomes
One of our gateway measures in the
South Dallas survey—having a checking account—is not statistically related to any of
the outcome variables, but the other gateway
measure—knowledge of financial systems—is
positively associated with all of the outcome
measures. Participants who got just one
additional question correct in the financial
knowledge assessment were 5 percent more
likely to save for emergencies, 15 percent

Figure 2

Distribution of Savings Behavior Between Samples
Percent reporting savings behavior
100
90

18.6

80

2.6

70

1.5

45.6

50

6.1

1.7

40
30

30.7

Spend regular income, save other income
Save income of one family member; spend the other

32.0

60

Save regularly by putting money aside

Save whatever is left at the end of the month
Don’t save—usually spend about as much as income
Don’t save—usually spend more than income

20.4

20
10
0

13.0

25.0

5.1
Survey of Consumer Finances

South Dallas

SOURCE: Federal Reserve Board 2007 Survey of Consumer Finances; University of Texas at Dallas South Dallas Survey.

6

Banking and Community Perspectives

Behavioral Influences
As expected, individuals who do not
trust banks are less likely than those who do
to seek professional advice. However, the savings horizon is not correlated with any of the
stepping-stone measures when other factors
are controlled for, indicating no discernible
difference in the use of these products or
services for short-term savers versus longterm ones. Neither the trust in banks nor the
savings horizon is significantly correlated with
the outcome measures.
South Dallas Residents and the Rest of the
Population
South Dallas’ Fair Park area significantly
differs from national demographics in various
ways. Nearly half of households in our sample have incomes below $10,000, compared
with 7 percent nationally, census data show.
More than 93 percent of those in our sample

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

ings behaviors for the
2007 SCF and for South
Figure 3
Dallas. The South DalFewer South Dallas Respondents Save with a Plan
las sample shows 2.5
Percent of survey respondents indicating savings practice
times the proportion of
100
Do not save with a plan
respondents who report
90
Save with a plan
having no savings at all.
80
48.7
Only 18.6 percent of
70
76.4
South Dallas respon60
dents save regularly and
50
consistently, compared
40
with nearly half of the
30
53.3
SCF respondents.
20
Over 53 percent
23.6
10
of
respondents
to the
0
Survey of
South Dallas
nationally representative
Consumer Finances
SCF say they have some
SOURCE: Federal Reserve Board 2007 Survey of Consumer Finances; University of Texas at
type of savings plan,
Dallas South Dallas Survey.
while fewer than 24
percent of South Dallas
identify themselves as black. According to
residents report the same (Figure 3).
the Census Bureau’s American Community
As Figure 4 shows, South Dallas resiSurvey, 13.6 percent of the U.S. population is
dents have very different savings horizons
black.
than the SCF respondents. They are much
The South Dallas survey incorporated
more likely to report planning for the next
questions that are identical to the nationally
few months, while more SCF respondents are
representative Federal Reserve Board Survey
saving for a longer term, particularly the next
of Consumer Finances (SCF). This allows
five to 10 years. This discrepancy may indicomparisons of respondent data.
cate a sense of urgency in the South Dallas
Figure 2 shows the distribution of savcommunity for fulfilling immediate needs that

Figure 4

South Dallas Savings Horizon Tends to Be Short
Percent of sample reporting savings behavior
70
60
Survey of Consumer Finances

50

South Dallas
40
30
20
10
0

Next few months

Next year

Next few years

Next 5-10 years

Longer than 10 years

Most important savings horizon
SOURCE: Federal Reserve Board 2007 Survey of Consumer Finances; University of Texas at Dallas South Dallas Survey.

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

overrides long-term financial planning.
The South Dallas neighborhood examined represents a specific demographic profile, as Figures 2 to 4 indicate. Significantly,
it contains a key sociodemographic group
for which asset building and financial-access
policies are particularly relevant—low-income
black households. The study of the financial
behavior of these South Dallas residents can
provide insights for other low-income neighborhoods with similar demographics.

Enhance Lower-Income Households’
Financial Capacity
The study suggests that checking account ownership and financial knowledge—
as well as the use of low-cost transaction
accounts, savings accounts, mortgages and
professional financial advice—are associated
with improved financial decisions. The findings are evidence of the relationship among
the gateways and stepping-stone products
and services depicted in the conceptual
framework.
However, the results are not sufficient
for causal interpretations. Conceivably, greater
access to safe and lower-cost transaction accounts should enable households to establish
relationships with financial institutions and
avoid the exploitation that can occur with
high-cost alternative products and services.
Moreover, greater use of safe and affordable
loan products should help households build
credit, and more exposure to mainstream
products and services should help them become more familiar with the financial system,
learn financial planning and management
skills and access options to obtain higher
returns on assets. Future research is needed
to examine the mechanism behind these correlations.
The South Dallas study is an initial step
toward empirically exploring these links. With
additional evidence-driven programs, practitioners and policymakers have an opportunity to
improve the financial access, knowledge and
capability of many lower-income households
and communities.
(Continued on back page)

Banking and Community Perspectives

7

PRSRT STD
U.S. POSTAGE

Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
P.O. Box 655906
Dallas, TX 75265-5906

PAID

DALLAS, TEXAS
PERMIT NO. 151

(Continued from page 7)

Notes
In aggregate, from the Federal Reserve Board’s Flow of
Funds Accounts. More than $7 trillion in home equity has
been lost since 2006.
2
For more information, see “Twenty-to-One: Wealth Gaps
Rise to Record Highs Between Whites, Blacks and Hispanics,” by Paul Taylor, Rakesh Kochhar, Richard Fry, Gabriel
Velasco and Seth Motel, Pew Research Center, July 2011,
www.pewsocialtrends.org/files/2011/07/SDT-WealthReport_7-26-11_FINAL.pdf.
3
See “Asset Accumulation Among Low-Income Households,”
by Stacie Carney and William G. Gale, The Brookings Institution, November 1999 (revised February 2000).
4
See “Defining and Measuring Financial Literacy,” by Angela
A. Hung, Andrew M. Parker and Joanne K. Yoong, RAND
Working Paper no. WR-708, 2009, www.rand.org/pubs/
working_papers/WR708.html.
5
The larger study is the University of Texas at Dallas’ Fair
Park Neighborhood Study. It seeks to examine how investments in neighborhood structural and physical conditions
affect the well-being of residents, with a focus on children’s
educational outcomes as well as residents’ employment and
health outcomes. For more information, see www.utdallas.
edu/ncri/the-fair-park-neighborhood-study/.
6
This study used the second cross-sectional wave data,
collected between October 2009 and February 2010. For a
detailed description of the study, see the website in note 5.
7
The score is derived from a hypothetical question in which
1

new parents receive money as a baby gift and wish to save it
for the child’s education. The survey prompts the participant
to select an option that best fits what he/she would suggest
the couple do with the money.
This technique is similar to indirect questioning, in which
researchers ask subjects to respond to a question from the
perspective of another person or group. For more information, see “Social Desirability Bias and the Validity of Indirect
Questioning,” by Robert J. Fisher, Journal of Consumer
Research, vol. 20, no. 2, 1993, pp. 303–15.
9
The variable “financial knowledge” is a numerical score
given to each participant based on his/her response to a fivequestion test on financial systems. The variable differs from
other measures of financial literacy because it specifically
captures a respondent’s understanding of the ways in which
mainstream financial institutions function. The questions test
knowledge of: 1) how credit history is shared and considered
in approving or rejecting a loan application, 2) the ability to
access one’s credit record, 3) the services consumer credit
counselors provide, 4) the differences between fixed- and
adjustable-rate mortgages and 5) what happens to a customer’s money when a bank fails.
10
We use a logit model if we want to examine a decision
between two financial choices, such as having or not having
a checking account. We use a multinomial model if the decision involves more than two choices.
8